Disasters David F. Gillespie

Disasters are a form of collective stress posing an unavoidable threat to people around the

world. Disaster losses result from interactions among the natural, social, and built

environments, which are becoming increasingly complex. The risk of disaster and

people's susceptibility to damage or harm from disasters is represented with the concept

of vulnerability. Data from the Indian Ocean tsunami, Hurricane Katrina, and genocide in

Darfur, Sudan, show poor people suffer disproportionately from disasters. Disaster social

work intervenes in the social and built environments to reduce vulnerability and prevent

or reduce long-term social, health, and mental health problems from disasters.

disaster; collective stress; vulnerability; preparedness; mitigation; response; recovery

People have experienced natural disasters, such as floods, hurricanes, and earthquakes,

for as long as can be remembered. Disasters from nuclear power stations, toxic chemicals,

and other potentially dangerous technologies have been added to the calculation of

societal risks since the industrial age. The risk equation has been further complicated in

recent years by the threat of terrorism, for which the variety of agents and targets areas

cannot always be identified before the event. The increasingly interdependent nature of

our world means that localized natural or human-made disasters affect people around the

globe.

The concept of vulnerability offers a useful way to organize knowledge, plan effective

responses, and guide ongoing efforts to reduce the negative consequences of disasters.

Oliver-Smith and Button (2005) define vulnerability as a ratio of risk to susceptibility.

The idea of vulnerability is grounded in distributive justice (Soliman & Rogge, 2002).

The vulnerability concept was first introduced in the 1970s (O'Keefe, Westgate, &

Wisner, 1976) but has recently resurfaced as an encompassing idea that is flexible and

capable of integrating the wide spectrum of issues and challenges involved in reducing

the casualties and damage from disasters (Cutter, 2006; McEntire, 2005; Villagran De

Leon, 2006).

Disaster Definitions, Types, and Effects

There are many definitions of disaster. Frequently cited definitions view disasters as the

prevention of essential functions (Fritz, 1961), the need to respond with exceptional

measures (Carter, 1992), collective stress (Barton, 1969), and crisis situations

(Quarantelli, 1998). According to Britton (1987), disasters differ from emergencies and

accidents in two ways: disasters affect many people at the same time, while the degree of

involvement and disruption is great. Disasters involve significant hardships and losses.

Barton's explanation of disasters as collective stress is the most general, and thus the most

useful, definition for guiding social work theory and practice. Stress theory classifies

consequences according to disaster type, demands on the system and duration (Dodds &

Nuehring, 1996). These properties fit with Barton's (1969) typology of collective stress

situations and subsume all types of disaster, including conflict situations.

Disasters are classified as natural, technological, and synergistic. Natural disasters are

defined by disruptions of physical agents. Examples of natural disaster include

earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and tornados (Wijkman & Timberlake, 1984; Wisner,

Blaikie, Cannon, & Davis, 2003). Technological disasters are defined by harm to people

or damage to property from human-made materials or conditions. Technological disasters

include hazardous material releases, transportation accidents, civil unrest or riots, and war

(Cutter, 1991; Collier & Sambanis, 2003; Peek & Sutton, 2003; Perrow, 1984).

Synergistic disasters are defined as two or more agents that together produce harm or

damage not possible by any one of the agents independently. Synergistic disasters include

drought, desertification, and famine (Middleton & Thomas, 1997; Walker, 2005).

Particular disasters can involve a mix of these types, referred to as “complex disasters,”

which occur most often in developing parts of the world (Aptekar, 1994).

In collaboration with the U.S. Office of Disaster Assistance and the Belgium government,

the World Health Organization's Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters

tracks 15 types of disasters with about 50 subtypes, reporting the time and location of

disasters; number of people killed, injured, and displaced; the estimated cost of damage

and reconstruction; and the amount of aid contributed (http://www.em-dat.net/). Using

the EM-DAT data, Guha-Sapir, Hargitt, and Hoyois (2004) summarize 30 years of the

world's disasters and their consequences.

Disaster losses result from interactions among the physical environment, social and

demographic characteristics, and the buildings, roads, bridges, and other parts of the

constructed environment (Mileti, 1999). These systems and their interactions are

becoming increasingly complex (Gillespie, Robards, & Cho, 2004). Each year, many

people are killed or injured and many others suffer income and property losses. In 2006,

Indonesia had 5,778 persons killed by an earthquake, while a typhoon and landslide

combination in the Philippines caused 2,511 deaths (Centre for Research on the

Epidemiology of Disasters, 2007). The price tag of disasters has climbed to staggering

heights; the worldwide estimated annual cost from all types of disaster has increased

from about 1.1 billion U.S. dollars in 1960 to over 78.4 billion U.S. dollars in 2006.

Case Studies of Three Disasters

Indian Ocean Tsunami (2004)The Indian Ocean tsunami of 26 December 2004 was the

world's largest natural disaster in 40 years, unprecedented in both deaths and damage

(U.S. Agency for International Development, 2005). In response to estimates of 283,000

deaths, 14,000 missing and 1,130,000 displaced across the 14 directly affected countries

(U.S. Geological Survey, 2005), the relief effort included a major international

humanitarian response. While the tsunami's devastation was not discriminatory, certain

groups were more affected than others. Children were particularly endangered because of

the locations of impact and their limited ability to survive in the force of the water

(Birkmann et al., 2006; Cosgrave, 2007). Moreover, Oxfam International (2005) raised

concerns regarding the tsunami's impact on women. In Indonesia, for example, women

have had to assume greater workloads in caring for extended families, and may be

encouraged to marry earlier than in the past because of a post-tsunami gender imbalance.

In India, the loss of assets, homes, and family members have contributed to greater

gender inequality between men and women (Tata Institute of Social Sciences, 2005).

Overall, evaluations have highlighted shortcomings in ensuring participation and

consultation with affected communities, competition between agencies, housing

reconstruction, and exclusion of the most vulnerable sectors of society, including the

aged, women, children, and people with a disability (Tata Institute of Social Sciences,

2005).

Hurricane Katrina (2005)On 29 August 2005, Hurricane Katrina struck the north-

central Gulf Coast of the United States, resulting in the deaths of more than 1,800 people,

the displacement of more than one million and billions of dollars of damage from a

combination of floods and winds. The majority of those who died from the disaster were

elderly (Knabb, Rhome, & Brown, 2005). Katrina affected 90,000 square miles of land,

extending from southern Louisiana to the Alabama–Florida border. The storm surge

destroyed many towns in the southern states of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama, and

the devastating breaching of levees in New Orleans resulted in the flooding of 80% of the

city. It is estimated that the hurricane and the resulting flooding destroyed more than

300,000 single-family homes (U.S. House of Representatives, 2006).

The cost of repairs for the U.S. government from Hurricane Katrina has been estimated as

of July 2006 to be over 107 billion U.S. dollars (Liu, Katz, & Fellowes, 2006). Private

insurance costs are not published. The total economic impact depends on how long the

recovery period persists. Although the economic losses had a relatively small impact on

the U.S. economy as a whole, the hurricane destruction devastated many local economies,

causing the loss of thousands of jobs and disrupted oil refining activities in the Gulf of

Mexico for several months (Knabb et al., 2005). As a result of Hurricane Katrina, the

population of New Orleans was dispersed across the southeast United States and other

parts of the country, and the State of Louisiana experienced a significant population loss

following the hurricane. The disaster response especially from the Federal government

has been sharply criticized for being slow and ineffective. The reasons are many,

including lack of presidential leadership, inadequate prevention and preparation by the

Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), extensive coordination problems

between federal, state, and local response efforts, and an overall lack of capacity of

responders (Basham, 2005). This lack of capacity was made apparent through media

coverage in New Orleans at the Superdome serving as a shelter, where thousands suffered

from lack of water, food, space, and restroom facilities. There have been accusations of

blatant racism in the government's response as well as adamant denials that race played

any role at all. Henkel et al.'s (2006) discussion of institutional discrimination, subtle

biases, and racial mistrust explains why these issues continue to surface and some fear

that it could happen again.

Civil Unrest, War, and Genocide in Darfur, Sudan (2003 to Present)Violence in

Darfur, Sudan, has led to a conservative estimate of 200,000 deaths (Hagan & Palloni,

2006) and 2.5 million displacements, including those living in internal refugee camps and

others fleeing to Chad (Guha-Sapir & Degomme, 2006; Vasagar & MacAskill, 2005).

The citizens of Darfur were pawns in the Sudanese political peace process, with the

Junjaweed, a Sudanese military group, beginning a full-scale campaign against them. The

conflict has been presented as a war between the Arab Muslim North and African

Animist and Christian South, but Ylonen (2005) explains how culturally and regionally

political, economic, and social marginalization and its effects lead to the conflict. The

Junjaweed has eradicated whole villages, destroyed wells and fields, and stolen or ruined

anything of value to the people of Darfur. The affected populations are suffering

widespread disease and starvation, and many humanitarian organizations have been

unable to serve the region because of the ongoing violence, ineffective security, and lack

of access, as the Sudanese government continues to restrict international aid efforts. In

addition to the government blocking humanitarian assistance, the Junjaweed have sealed

off displacement camps and refuse to let necessary supplies be delivered. In Khartoum

(the capital of Sudan), aid provisions are not released to agencies. On the few roads that

exist in Darfur, roadblocks and hijackings occur regularly. The Junjaweed, together with

the Sudanese military, have continued to systematically commit acts of mass murder,

rape, torture, and mutilation in Darfur (Cheadle & Prendergast, 2007).

Responses to Disaster

International: Most major disasters are problems of international magnitude. All nations

have hazards, although the range of disasters varies widely in various parts of the world.

The Indian Ocean tsunami directly affected 14 countries and indirectly impacted many

others. The genocide in Darfur is creating severe refugee problems in surrounding

countries. Oliver-Smith (1994) notes that the policies and activities of one nation can

increase risk in other nations. However, some progress is being made by countries

working together to solve mutual concerns and challenges (Slaughter, 2004) and through

dedicated efforts of global institutions such as the United Nations International Decade

for Natural Disaster Reduction, the Yokohama Strategy, International Strategy for

Disaster Reduction, and the Hyogo Declaration (Nates & Moyer, 2005).

U.S. Government: The terrorist attacks on September 11 , 2001, resulted in profound

policy changes in the United States. This led to the creation of a major new agency. The

Homeland Security Act of 2002 and the Homeland Security Presidential Directive Five,

entitled “Management of Domestic Incidents,” issued in 2003, authorized a radical

change in the American government's approach to disasters. This approach is spelled out

in the National Response Plan (NRP), implemented through the National Incident

Management System (NIMS). The NRP specifies that extensive training is necessary for

those operating in the system. The NRP is a complex, formal preparedness, and response

plan intended to provide a comprehensive policy framework for coordinating federal,

state, and local governments, as well as nongovernmental organizations and private

sector resources (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2004). Nongovernmental and

voluntary organizations are directed to collaborate with governmental first responders at

all levels. The American Red Cross and National Voluntary Organizations Active in

Disaster, which includes 39 national voluntary organizations, are mentioned explicitly as

serving the emergency support function of mass care, housing, and human services. The

NRP/NIMS represents a top–down management system, centrally coordinated by the

Department of Homeland Security. Adjustments are being made to the NRP/NIMS as a

result of the many problems surfacing during the government's response to Hurricane

Katrina. Some question the viability of a top-down approach, arguing that the complex

nature of disasters demand a fluid, open, and adaptive organizational system (Pearce,

2003).

Social Work Roles in Disaster: Emergency Relief and Reducing

Vulnerability

The disaster field is organized overall around a cycle of four stages: mitigation,

preparedness, response, and recovery (National Governors' Association, 1979).

Mitigation and preparedness take place before disasters strike, and response and recovery

take place after disasters have happened (Banerjee & Gillespie, 1994). Social workers

have played major roles professionally and as volunteers in disaster work at the micro

and macro levels. Social workers have traditionally been involved during the response

and to some extent the recovery period (Zakour, 2006). Gillespie and Banerjee (1993)

argue that effective response requires expanded involvement of social workers in all four

stages.

Rogge (2003) points out that disaster social work is concerned with intervention in the

social and physical environments of individuals and groups as a means of preventing

serious long-term emotional, spiritual, and mental health problems after a disaster.

Consistent with the complex nature of disaster, social work deals with problems at the

individual, family, group, organization, community, and structural or institutional levels

(Streeter & Murty, 1996). With community connections and knowledge of local values

and norms, social workers can be involved with disaster mitigation, including mobilizing

communities to support land-use planning and management, lobbying for stronger

building codes and standards, expanding the use of disaster insurance, creating improved

disaster warning systems, and working toward safer infrastructure (“lifelines”) to reduce

vulnerability (Mileti, 1999).

Social workers also facilitate access to those in need, linking vulnerable populations to

services and creating connections across service systems to improve distribution of

resources (Gillespie & Murty, 1994). Some of the earliest social work research in the

disaster field is on organizations and interorganizational networks (Gillespie, 1988;

Gillespie, 1990; Gillespie, Colignon, Banerjee, Murty, & Rogge, 1992; Gillespie,

Sherraden, Streeter, & Zakour, 1986). Zakour and Gillespie (1999) point out the

advantages of linking government and nonprofit organizations in disaster preparedness

networks, for example, the integration of government resources with the knowledge of

community needs of local nonprofits.

Social workers are also integral to the disaster preparedness team, as they frequently

provide traumatic stress services. These services include psychological debriefing to help

victims understand typical stress responses, teaching useful coping mechanisms (Miller,

2003), and coordinating community resources (Gillespie, 1991; Gillespie, Colignon,

Banerjee, Murthy, & Rogge, 1993). After the Oklahoma City bombing, Callahan (2000)

found that debriefing by social workers helped police and fire fighters process their losses.

Similarly, in Kosovar refugee camps, Drumm, Pittmann, & Perry (2003) found individual

counseling helped refugees manage stress and emotional problems.

International social work organizations, including The International Federation of Social

Workers and Commonwealth Organisation for Social Work, played a central role in the

wake of the Indian Ocean tsunami. The organization launched the Families and Survivors

of Tsumani Project (FAST, http://www.fastproject.net), which was designed to support

the recovery of children, youth, and families who were impacted by the tsunami. FAST's

goal was to ensure social–emotional support, advocacy, and planning and capacity

building for family and community recovery.

The most important role for social work in disasters is reducing community and

individual levels of vulnerability. Recent work on vulnerability focuses on changing the

system (Cutter, 1996), and is highly consistent with social work values and practice

(Gillespie, 2007; McEntire, 2004). These strategies for changing the system involve (a)

using existing environmental laws to challenge construction and operating permits,

decisions about locating or transporting hazardous materials, discharge permit violations,

and underenforced statutes, (b) writing new legislation focused on environmental justice,

(c) filing toxic torts where people claim injuries to their health or property, and (d)

mobilizing grass roots activism focused on systemwide opposition to racism, poverty,

and injustice. In addition to the relevance of social work, there are good reasons to make

use of the vulnerability perspective. First, there is not much we can do to affect natural

hazards, but we can reduce vulnerabilities. Second, vulnerability relates to every kind of

hazard and disaster. Third, vulnerability takes into account both positive and negative

features (capabilities or liabilities), thus incorporating individual and community

resiliency. Fourth, vulnerability is a function of many variables representing different

disciplines. Fifth, levels of vulnerability are continuously changing and must be

periodically reappraised. Sixth, there are things that can be done during each phase of

disaster to reduce vulnerability. The vulnerability perspective offers social work a way to

build on its roots, contribute significantly to the disaster field, and reduce the human and

material losses from disaster.

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