AN ANALYSIS ON PATRONAGE POLITICS
IN ITS RELATION ON THE ISSUE OF THE
CAVITE PROVINCIAL CAPITOL’S EMPLOYMENT RATE
FROM THE YEAR 2001 – 2010
An Undergraduate Thesis ProposalPresented to
The Faculty of the Social Sciences DepartmentCollege of Liberal Arts
De La Salle University – Dasmarinas
In Partial Fulfillmentof the Requirements in Political Research
for the Degree Bachelor of Arts in Political Science
Antiojo, Oman Paul G.Salamatin, Rose Khristine D.
September 2010
ABSTRACT
Name of Institution: De La Salle University Dasmarinas
Address: Dasmarinas City, Cavite
Title: An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation on the Issue of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate from the Year 2001 – 2010
Authors: Antiojo, Oman Paul G. and Salamatin, Rose Khristine D.
Funding Source: Parents
Cost: -----
Date started: October 2009
Date completed: September 2010
Statement of the Problem
Generally, this study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its
Relation on the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate
from the Year 2001 - 2010” aims to give justice on whether the issue on the
Cavite Provincial Capitol as the second largest work provider in the province
roots out on the idea of idea patronage politics.
Specifically, aside from a possible broad source of discussion, this
material seeks to answer the following questions:
1. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of
governance in the country?
2. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the
Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the
province?
3. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general perspective
and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?
4. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it
comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?
5. What is the effect of patronage politics on the efficiency of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol as a governmental institution?
Scope and Delimitations
This study would set its limits on the area of the Provincial Government of
Cavite and would not tackle further on the National Government. No other issues
concerning the provincial government shall set into record aside from patronage
politics, civil service qualifications of the employees of the said institution and the
effect of patronage on the performance of the provincial capitol as governmental
institution. On the matter of possible literatures of this study, it ought to consider
both local and foreign ones that are on the same or similar scope of
concentration on the subject matter. Readings available at the school library
would be the best primary resources of this study.
Methodology
This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation on
the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate from the Year
2001 - 2010” would facilitate the descriptive analysis method of study. Such
method of study is employed in areas of concentration which aims to emphasize
the relevance of the available resources to the subject matter of the study. This
would basically apply strict gathering, analysis, interpretation, and syntheses of
justifiable recommendations of readily – available data considering both the
theoretical and relative resources (Campbell, Ballou and Slade, 1990).
Specifically speaking, descriptive analysis of study is to be used in this study
through gathering and analysis of theoretical and relative facts that deals with
patronage politics and the employment rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol from
the year 2001 – 2010.
Major Findings
Based on the data gathered, the following facts are established by the
researchers of this study:
1. In the Philippines, as a whole, patronage politics in relation to local
provincial level of governance would speak of the idea of pakikisama,
compadre, utang na loob and kinship system. Furthermore, in the area
of the Cavite Provincial government, patronage politics is the way by
which the provincial capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had provided
favors and accommodations which are both political in nature into
certain individuals in terms of the offices created which are termed as
“junior offices with its junior officers”. The salary of these offices are
obtained from the funds of the legal offices in the Provincial Capitol
which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best example of a
legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a
credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.
2. Based on the comparison made between the top ten employers in the
province of Cavite in terms of employment size and the Cavite
Provincial Capitol, the latter has a huge amount of employees based
on its average inventory as of March 31, 2010 if it is to be compared
with the other companies in the province of Cavite. With a total of 4,
716 employees, it has far gone the difference against the number one
company in terms of employment size which is the ROHM Electronics
Philippines Incorporated with the average employee size of 2, 969.
This data allows a room for a conclusion that the Cavite Provincial
Capitol has been the largest employer and not the second largest
employer in the province of Cavite.
3. Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource
Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite
Provincial Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but
political accommodation.
4. Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted
that indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call
it exists, they gave a statement that not all recommendations are
accommodated as their office must follow a protocol on hiring
employees and that is, the consideration of the Civil Service Law as
well as their capacity and knowledge on the possible posts to be
granted to them.
5. Based on the interview conducted to different people residing within
Cavite revealed that Cavite Provincial government had been efficient
in some public services; however, it does not satisfy the people for the
last nine (9) years. For the reason of their belief that there were
anomalies and flaws within the Capitol, which hinders the proper
delivery of services.
Conclusions
1. Patronage politics is the common idea of referral system in the
government offices. In Cavite Provincial Capitol, such system has been
the cause of high employment rate from year 2001- 2009.
2. The legal bases on the declaration that the Cavite Provincial
Capitol is the second largest employer are the records of both the
HRMO of Cavite Provincial Capitol and Department of Labor and
Employment Cavite Field Office. (Table 4.1)
3. Patronage politics rampantly exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol
in terms of political accommodations. Wherein they hire employees
through recommendations from the superiors.
4. Though most of the employees are qualified when it comes to their
qualification background on their respective jobs in relation to the
provision of the Civil Service law, there are still employees who are not
qualified for their respective posts do not require civil service
qualifications.
5. In a way, Cavite Provincial Capitol is an efficient governmental
agency in terms of the delivery of services to the people, though there
are criticisms based on the issues and controversies particularly on the
employment standards and project implementation, of the said
institution on the year 2001- 2009.
RecommendationsAfter thorough analysis and synthesis of the data gathered in this study,
the researchers were able to formulate the following recommendations:
Electorate and the People of Cavite. Based on the findings of this study,
the researchers would recommend for the people to be more vigilant on
the issues that deals with the local provincial government unit. An issue
such as those that deals with the efficiency of the delivery of services of
the provincial government is a subject that must be taken seriously. This
study further recommends that these people, as much as possible, refrain
from the incentives brought about by patronage politics as this a detriment
to the democratic idea of Philippine governance.
The Present Provincial Administration. As the Human Resources
Management Office said, the provincial capitol assures that all their
employees are qualified to their posts as per mandated by the laws, the
researchers of this study moves that the present provincial administration
continue observing such practice as this would delimit the idea of
patronage politics in the provincial government. Such practice may also
assure the efficient delivery and performance of services in the provincial
government.
The Civil Service Commission. The proponents of this study
recommends to the Civil Service Commission to counter check on whether
the employees of the provincial capitol are really qualified into their
respective posts as determined by the Civil Service qualifications.
Future Aspiring Proponents. As there may be individuals who might
have the interest to pursue this study or have a similar framework of the
study, the proponents of this study recommends that they set focus on
other possible factors for the high employment rate of the provincial capitol
aside from patronage politics. It is also hereby recommended that
attention be paid of on other possible effect of high employment rate aside
on the matter of efficiency of the delivery of services of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol.
Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. Upon analyzing the data
gathered from this study, the researchers recommend to the academe and
socio – political arms to set similar studies that might have other local
government units aside from the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the subject of
the study. It is also moved that these institutions be more vigilant of the
issues that deals with the aspect of local governance.
Table of Contents
Cover Page………………………………………………………………………………i
Abstract………………………………………………………………..…………………ii
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………xii
List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………..xii
CHAPTER I : THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
Introduction………………………………………………………………….…..1
Statement of the Problem………………………………………………….…..4
Assumptions………………………………………………………………….…5
Conceptual Framework……………………………………………………..….8
Significance of the Study……………………………………………………....9
Scope and Delimitations……………………………………………………...10
Definition of Terms…………………………………………………………….11
CHAPTER II : REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
Local Literature………………………………………………………………...14
Foreign Literature……………………………………………………………...19
Local Studies…………………………………………………………………...24
Foreign Studies………………………………………………………………...26
Relevance of the Study……………………………………………………….33
CHAPTER III : METHODOLOGY
Methods of Research………………………………………………………….35
Respondents of the Study…………………………………………………….35
Research Instruments…………………………………………………………36
CHAPTER IV : PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF
DATA
Question 1………………………………………………………………………37
Question 2………………………………………………………………………39
Question 3………………………………………………………………………54
Question 4………………………………………………………………………55
Question 5………………………………………………………………………56
CHAPTER V : SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
Findings…………………………………………………………………………59
Conclusions…………………………………………………………………….61
Recommendations…………………………………………………………….62
LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1. ………………………………………………………………………………40
Table 4.2………………………………………………………………………………..41
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 4.1………………………………………………………………………………42
Figure 4.2………………………………………………………………………………42
Figure 4.3………………………………………………………………………………43
Figure 4.4………………………………………………………………………………44
Figure 4.5………………………………………………………………………………44
Figure 4.6………………………………………………………………………………45
Figure 4.7………………………………………………………………………………45
Figure 4.8………………………………………………………………………………46
Figure 4.9……………………………………………………………………………….46
Figure 4.10……………………………………………………………………………..47
Figure 4.11……………………………………………………………………………..47
Figure 4.12……………………………………………………………………………..48
Figure 4.13…………………………………………………………………………….48
Figure 4.14…………………………………………………………………………….49
Figure 4.15……………………………………………………………………………49
Figure 4.16……………………………………………………………………………50
Figure 4.17……………………………………………………………………………50
Figure 4.18…………………………………………………………………………….51
Figure 4.19……………………………………………………………………………..51
Figure 4.20……………………………………………………………………………..52
Figure 4.21……………………………………………………………………………..52
Figure 4.22…………………………………………………………………………….53
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM AND ITS BACKGROUND
Introduction
“I don’t know how the people will respond to a call to action and we shouldn’t
care. What they will do is none of our concern. Our role is to fight for the people.
Whether they will show gratitude or not – immediately, later, or never – should
not enter into our calculations. That is our fate; to fight for what is right.”
-Sen. Benigno S. Aquino Jr.
Philippine Politics as viewed and believed by many, is so much
incorporated with so many things aside from the fundamental idea of electing an
individual for a certain post through an election. Such things by which it is
associated includes conflicts on political parties and political views, the electoral
process itself, and even the processes and events before and after the election.
Of all the aforementioned things, the last one could have the long lasting effect
and greatest challenge in governance of the state. The manner by which such
matter exists would be by means of rent seeking or patronage politics.
Theoretically speaking, patronage politics has a lot of definition based on
how it is practiced and observed which may be viewed according to benefits,
establishment of stronger allegiance, assurance of winning an election and out of
“utang na loob” or “padrino” system. Such definitions would focus on collective
patronage, pork – barrel patronage, and traditional patronage (Kopecky, Scherlis,
and Spirova, 2007). In reality, all kinds of patronage politics do exist in the
Philippine Political System though some are not that visible to the members of
the society. They exist in such a way that in reality, it happens but then, is not
visible to the naked eye to many of the people.
Again, looking at theoretical aspects of the subject matter of this study,
patronage politics is a contributor on the detriment of democracy in the country
as this matter could be both seen as a cause and an effect of political dynasty –
a more drastic and destructive thing on democracy. Aside from the fact that
political dynasty might as well delimit the assurance of efficient and trusted
government service or even those of private institutions, it may also result into an
abuse of power not only for those who were appointed out of patronage politics
but also those who appointed them. In government agencies, like for example the
municipal governments, there is, every time there is a change on the
administration of the municipal government, also a change on the set of
employees. The clear reason for this, based on studies made could have been
patronage politics as the winning candidates for municipal posts tries to put into
position their supporters and their relatives so as to grant “utang na loob” , a very
nice cultural idea of the Filipinos yet has been abused and given a bad name a
time goes by.
Another proof of existence of patronage politics in the Philippine Political
System to be specific, in the province of Cavite, would have been the debate
which happened sometimes in November 2009 between the aspiring Governors
of the Province of Cavite, former Vice Governor Juan Victor “Johnvic” Remulla
and incumbent Trece Martirez City Mayor Jun Sagun, the former raised the issue
at hand when they wer asked to give their opinion on patronage politics. Remulla,
without any hesitations, made mention of patronage politics as the reason behind
the fact of the Cavite Provincial Government as the second largest work –
provider in the province. As to further clarifications from the administration of
Governor Irineo Maliksi regarding the said issue, there is not yet any given
statement from them. This point raised by Remulla is also the root cause of the
existence of this study.
The Local Government Code of 1991 of the Philippines set forth specific
offices by which a provincial government must operate with. There are at least
thirty three offices mentioned each of which has their respective specialization in
services for the continuous efficiency of the provincial government. Along side
with these offices are the heads of each office and the employees thereof.
Approximately, there are at least three hundred thirty employees including the
respective heads of each department. In the Cavite Provincial Capitol, the most
noticeable factor in the existence of the issue at hand is the dramatic increase of
cooperatives funded for by the provincial government. Therefore, since it is
funded by the provincial government, the employees in these cooperatives are
also considered part of the provincial capitol thus can be accounted for the status
of provincial capitol as the largest employer in the province. Another matter to
consider on the matter of employment in the provincial government is the
existence of specialized departments created for so as to cope up with the
present needs of the whole province not to name those in line with the health,
and economic aspects. The basis of the issue at hand could have been the
comparison of employees in the previous administrations and the present
administration, obviously, there could have been a lot of employees today since
the province’s population and economic status continuously develops and thus
needs to be acted upon with based on its needs. The issue at this point would
have been the validity of the employed personnel in these offices considering
their civil service qualifications as well as their inclination on the nature of work of
these offices.
In 2008, the Provincial Planning and Development Office has indeed,
presented that the Province of Cavite has a favorable employment ambiance as
the province has been a hub to foreign investors due to the certain economic
zones established in the province. In relation to this, there has been
approximately 120, 000 jobs provided for the Cavitenos on the aspect of
production and labor force alone excluding the related posts of professionals.
This fact by which the administration of Governor Maliksi remains silent on
the issue sets this study to aim to clarify the issue raised by Remulla on the issue
of patronage politics. This material would also set grounds for both parties – the
present provincial administration and root of the issue to cite concrete
explanations regarding the matter at hand. This one would also set focus on the
following:
a.) was the issue raised out of politization or out of observable condition in
the said institution?;
b.) if patronage politics really exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol, what
kind is it based on the mentioned types of patronage politics?;
c.) why does patronage politics?; and
d.) the pros and cons of patronage politics in the present political system
based on the idea of democracy.
Statement of the Problem
Generally, this study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its
Relationon the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate”
aims to give justice on whether the issue on the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the
second largest work provider in the province roots out on the idea of idea
patronage politics.
Specifically, aside from a possible broad source of discussion, this
material seeks to answer the following questions:
6. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of
governance in the country?
7. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the
Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the
province?
8. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general perspective
and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?
9. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it
comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?
10.What is the effect of patronage politics on the efficiency of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol as a governmental institution?
Assumptions
The proponents of this study predicts that yes, in as much as the issue on
the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the second largest work provider in the province
is concerned, patronage politics is one, yet not the absolute root cause of the
issue at hand for there are still a lot more of reasons and factors to consider in
taking the said matter we have in focus.
The researcher of this study also assumes that:
1. Patronage Politics is a mere act of doing a favor for a person or group of
people in return of political support over a specific politician;
2. Sudden increase in employment rate in the provincial capitol could have
been the legal bases on the declaration that the Provincial Capitol is the
second largest work provider in the province;
3. Patronage politics in this case of the issue at hand exists by means of
providing certain favors or projects to certain districts of the province in
return of their support for specific politicians and through the act of
providing positions or job titles to certain persons in lieu of their efforts and
contributions of making certain politicians take a seat in the Provincial
Capitol;
4. Most of the employees does not have enough qualification background on
their respective jobs due to the prevalent patronage politics in the said
institution; and
5. The effect of patronage politics would be an insufficient Cavite Provincial
Capitol in terms of governmental services.
Figure 1.1. Flow of the Study.
Gathering of Literatures That Concerns Theoretical View of Patronage Politics and the
Actual Employment Rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol for the
Administration Year 2001 - 2010
Descriptive Analysis of the Gathered Literatures
Figure 1.1. shows the possible effect or relationship that Patronage
Politics has over the current employment rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol.
Conceptual Framework
Figure 1.1 shows the flow of this study – on how it would be conducted
and the possible outcomes in the process. First parts of the process would focus
on gathering possible literatures that would deal with patronage politics (that
would also come from both local and foreign sources) and the employment rate,
standards and status on the Cavite Provincial Capitol. By this, the researchers
would mean not only the present employment but as well as the set trend of
employment, if there is, on a specific period of time.
Synthesis, Analysis and Formulation of Recommendations with Regards to the Effect of Patronage Politics on the Current Employment
Rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol
Gathered data will then be analyzed on the issue of whether or not,
patronage politics really exist on the said institution. In doing so, things to
consider would include the comparative analysis of employment rate for a
specific period of time and its relevance on the issue of compliance with the local
government code. If by chance, analysis leads to a result showing existence of
patronage politics, that’s the time the study would focus on its effect on the
efficiency and performance of the provincial capitol as a governmental institution.
On the other hand, if analyses lead to a fact of non – existence of patronage
politics, focus of the study would lead on identifying the root cause of the issue at
hand. Synthesis, analysis and recommendations regarding the said issue would
be provided for in the long run of this study so as to give possible credible
literatures for studies of same nature or even of similar study in a definite period
of time from the creation this study.
Significance of the Study
This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relationon
the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate” would serve
its importance on the following:
Electorate and People of Cavite. The electorate and people of Cavite
would be benefited in such a way that this study would provide them with
the whereabouts on the happenings inside the Provincial Capitol. It would
also give them some light on the issue at hand rose by former Vice
Governor Remulla and thus, could provide both sides of the issue.
The Present Provincial Administration. As this study aims to determine
on whether patronage politics affects the efficiency of the provincial capitol
as a governmental institution, this would also signify on the side of the
provincial administration, if really, their performance is affected by the
main subject of the study. Thus, upon knowing it, this would possibly lead
them on the prescribed rules of their operation as a governmental
institution.
The Civil Service Commission. In as much as the study is concerned,
one of the things to be considered is the civil service qualifications of the
employees. If by any chance, there would be findings in which there are
employees that are not qualified on the aspect of civil service yet
continues to perform governmental functions, actions may be made by
proper authorities from the commission as this act isa clear violation of
the laws.
Future Aspiring Proponents. This material would also provide possible
resources on the future proponents of the studies that are similar to this
study or even its continuation. This could give them useful literatures that
might help them in exploring their studies that would still depend on thhe
outcome of this study.
Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. As this study would
provide enough knowledge for these institutions and yet could be a clearer
ground for vigilance and awareness and strict monitoring of the provincial
government. This might as well, provide room for the academes to
conduct further studies that would tackle the same or relevant issue.
Scope and Delimitations
This study would set its limits on the area of the Provincial Government of
Cavite and would not tackle further on the National Government. No other issues
concerning the provincial government shall set into record aside from patronage
politics, civil service qualifications of the employees of the said institution and the
effect of patronage on the performance of the provincial capitol as governmental
institution. On the matter of possible literatures of this study, it ought to consider
both local and foreign ones that are on the same or similar scope of
concentration on the subject matter. Readings available at the school library
would be the best primary resources of this study and yet, still, if necessary,
would consider those that are not available in the university library.
Definition of Terms
Several terminologies were used in this study that are most likely technical
in nature and thus are listed below for proper definition based on their usage in
this study:
Academe. Institutions in the society which concerns the further
enhancement of the academic matters of the society either through
traditional education or the contemporary ways of education as it may be
vaguely called.
Authority. An individual or group of individual who has the dominancy
over another individual or group of individual by means of the former’s
power, money or influence.
Bureaucracy. An institution usually in line with governmental functions
and services.
Collective Patronage. Usually observed within political parties wherein
individuals who would campaign for or support a specific political party
would be able to receive favors or even special treatments in case such
political party gains dominancy in an election.
Civil Service Qualifications. Standards set forth by Philippine laws on
government employees before they formally be considered and employed
on any governmental institution.
Civil Service Commission. Constitutional Commission of the Philippines
primarily concerned in assuring civil service qualifications of government
employess.
Compadre. Spanish term for the system of close – tie relationship in the
matter of consideration of giving favor to an individual or groups of
individual.
Cronyism. Refers to partiality in favor of friends or associates.
Employment Rate. Economically speaking, this deals with the trend
number of employed or hired personnel over a considerable period of time
and working conditions.
Favoritism. The way by which special favors are given exclusively to
those who have established a close – tie relationship on authorities.
Influence. The manner by which an authority has the capacity to
manipulate or affect certain decisions of individuals or group of individuals.
Kinship. Deals with the matter of relationship that primarily concerns
affinity or marriage, by blood, and compadre connections.
Local Government Code. Part of Philippine laws which primarily deals
witht the operational and bureaucratic matters of local governments such
as provinces, cities and municipalities.
Nepotism. Specifically deals with the manner by which favors are given
strictly and usually on family members or relatives in government.
Patronage Politics. An idea in the political arena by which a powerful
individual uses his authority, power or even wealth in giving back a favor
that was done by a subordinate.
Pork – Barrel Patronage. A condition in politics in which a politician uses
his pork barrel or Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) to give
favor or please his or her respective electorate to patronize him elections.
Power. The capacity of an individual to modify the conduct of other
individuals in the manner he desires.
Provincial Government. A governmental institution liable of assuring
administrative affairs over provinces and is composed of several provinces
as provided for by the laws.
Reciprocity. An aspect in socialization in which an obligation to repay a
person from whom one has received a favor is done.
Socio - Political Citizen’s Arm. Those societal institutions usually out of
bound of government jurisdictions intended for protecting the general
welfare of the people as to whatever their needs may be.
Traditional Patronage. The said traditional patronage would focus on
giving a position on a governmental or private institution to an individual in
exchange of his support into a specific politician who is in office of the said
governmental or private institution.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
In the previous chapter, the fundamental bases of the idea of this research
study were enumerated together with the relevance on the conduct of the said
study. On this chapter, the study would now focus on different literatures
available that would support the ideologies and principles of the study. Sources
would then focus on both foreign and local readings that had presented
significant or related ideas on the key subject of these studies.
LOCAL LITERATURE
Many authors have said that patronage politics is part of Philippine
political culture. It is manifested during the time of Spanish colonizers, when the
power is only given to the Illustrados or the Principalias. These elite people were
provided the power to monopolize not only economic and material goods but also
opportunities of access to power resources (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). In effect,
elites then were the Padrinos of the commoners, thus, giving incentives to their
allies. Moreover, this political culture had emerged, though sometimes invisible to
the public, through different contributing factors such as follows:
According to Panopio and Rolda (1988), pakikisama is the folk concept of
good human relations and implies giving in or yielding to the wish of the majority
even if it contradicts one’s own ideas. In terms of public behavior, this gives rise
to the institutionalization of the lakad system in many government and private
officers (Jacano, 1966). By which, when one needs for the approval of his
promotion or even to follow up a loan, he approaches someone he knows
influential for the fast and positive results.
A kind of reciprocity commonly observed is utang na loob, whereby, it is
an obligation to repay a person from whom one has received a favor (Panopio
and Rolda,1988). Payment could be in form of token gifts or services. However, if
a person is given a guaranteed job by another, that person has utang na loob to
the latter. Speaking with the officials, employees shall give their full support and
loyalty to them.
Furthermore, kinship also plays a role in patronage politics. The basic
element of Filipino social structure is the kinship group. This is a system of social
relations based on blood, marriage or affinal and ritual or kumpadre connection
(Jocano:1966). In observation, all employees of the government, may not all
related by blood, but allies of the administration. This system serves an invisible
string that connects each and everyone in the institution.
Indeed, power and influence are the key point in this patronage politics.
One must be influential in order to manipulate the system. On Renato
Constantino’s The Filipino Politician, he said that Political leadership in the
Philippines has lost its prestige. Many politician are not respected, they are
looked upon merely as good connections. He also stated that the pervasive
influence of politics in all phases of our national life is the result of the power of
government over many sectors. This situation helps the politician because
reliance on mere government opportunities would not be enough to satisfy all his
protégés. Employment of his followers in the different private business becomes
a part of the politician’s job. And some private enterprises are only too willing to
accommodate certain strategically- placed politicians for favors they received or
may anticipate. Thus, through his letters of recommendation, qualifications are
no longer needed, setting aside the standards on hiring government employees,
and hiring unqualified and undeserving people to the public service in the
government. He further explained that, granting of jobs by the officials is to
preserve his position, adding supporters and stabilizing his administration. One of
the concessions and perhaps rewards that voters receive from winning
candidates is the assurance of a job. In the case of campaign managers and
those who have contributed not only financial support but also moral support, a
key position in the government is the reward (Panopio and Rolda, 1988).
In “The Corrupt Society” of Constantino, he considered government as the
biggest employer resulting to another form of corruption. The pressure on
politician to provide jobs for their men is so great that merit and seniority in the
civil service are set aside. These employees, instead of improving their skills in
providing good public service, they just rely on “padrinos”. Thus, the government
provides poor, slow and inadequate public service. He also stated that with the
destruction of the merit system, we develop the worst type of bureaucrat,
interested only in personal advancement, doing the minimum amount of work,
obsequious and servile to his superiors, and eager to use the resources of
government for his private benefit.
On the other hand, Manuel L. Quezon III, on his “Corruption, Bureaucracy
and Philppines 2000”, established his thought about bureaucracy in the country.
“An old expat once grumbled to me (expats do a lot of grumbling) that the problem with the Philippines (expats love listing problems) isn't that our bureaucrats are corrupt; the problem is that there's no method to their corruption. "You see," he griped, "when a foreigner does business in another country, he immediately knows how much to set aside for bribes; everything has a fixed rate. In the Philippines, you never know who -or when- is suddenly going to pop up, demanding grease-money… I have never believed that we -us Filipinos- are more corrupt than our neighbors. They are just as corrupt as we are. They simply have gotten over our strictly small-time, greedily myopic version of corruption; furthermore they
are far more clever than us in justifying -or dissimulating to evade the question of - their corruption… Anyway, let us set aside what Tammany Hall referred to as "honest graft," since our officials may not be particularly noteworthy in the manner by which they enriched themselves (and their friends), corruption-wise; our government does compare unfavorably, with even the most unabashedly crooked of regimes elsewhere, in our slothful civil service. The descent of our civil service into the realm of the incompetent and inefficient is one thing not usually attributed to our colonial masters -particularly the United States.”
In this object, Quezon pointed out the influence of colonizers with what
Philippine bureaucracy turned out. The culture of lakad system and it’s
implication to the flow of government service to public. The prevalent grease-
money for express result of every appointment in the government. He also gave
emphasis to the importance of country’s civil service “...we must make the civil
service the champion and guardian of reform ".
In connection, civil service is a branch of the government service in which
individuals are employed through professional merit as proven by competitive
examination. While according to Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for
Public Official and Employees of the Republic of the Philippines, once a person is
employed in the government, he must practice professionalism, by which, in the
performance of his duties shall give his highest degree of excellence and skill. It
also discourages the wrong perception of their roles as peddlers of undue
patronage. It is connected in the view of impersonalistic relationship in the
government. Acceptance of gifts by the officials and employees, as a return for
their favors done, is prohibited. Hence, what are prohibited is rampantly
exercised in the country.
Meanwhile, in personalism, major importance is attached to the personal
factor which ensures intimacy, warmth and friendship in getting things done.
Kinship and friendship play a crucial role in the reciprocal relationship between
interacting parties (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). Bonifacio(1975;4) points out that
personalism is rooted in our basic and moral commitment to family and kin which
extends to compadres, neighbors and friends. Much of the relationship of the
Filipino is still personalistic, in spite of the gradual rise of impersonalism in the
urban areas. It has affected Philippine politics. The bases of political support and
fellowship are often loyalty to personality and gratitude to friends. Carino
(1979:232) points out that the demand of personalism is incongruent with the
bureaucratic- legal norms. By which the bureaucracy requires universalistic and
collectivity oriented decisions, which are in contrast to the particularistic and self-
orientation demands of personalism. Santos- Cuyugan (1961) gives a general
picture of personalism thus:
The extent of its “infiltration” is evident in the frequent charges of nepotism, favoritism, paternalism. Graft and corruption have been analyzed to be products of kinship reciprocity relations. The secrecy of their occurrence together with the hue and cry attending their discovery show the operation here of a double set of values. The Filipino family is obviously caught in a dilemma between exclusive adherence to “ideal” legalistic norms, and to the equally inescapable, non-legal is permissible. Legal codes are imposed from the outside; the common law of kinship is built into one’s personality, into role in the group or in the society.
FOREIGN LITERATURE
Different writings explain the connection of power, authority and influence
to political patronage. Generally, this political culture is exercised by powerful, in
authority and influential persons to manipulate the system, particularly in the
government.
According to R.H Tawney, he defines power as “the capacity of an
individual, or group of individuals, to modify the conduct of other individuals or
groups in the manner in which he desires”. He also stated that, power in a social
context is not something we can see or touch. But, is a “form of social
relationship between individuals and groups”. While, J. Massie(1964) defines
power as the potential force that others perceive a person to possess that gives
the capacity to influence actions of others. For him, power, then, is a
psychological force that identifies the potential of a person as perceived by
others. Basically, from the definitions, power is a force of a person to influence
others. And power can be acquired from “votes, wealth, prestige and physical
coercion among others”(Hawley and Wirt, 1974). A powerful person therefore is
one who, by virtue of his status, utilizes an institution’s power resources.
Power to be more stable and credible, must be legitimate. Legitimate
power is otherwise known as authority, where the emphasis is on compliance,
because many people believe that obedience is the proper way of behaving. The
most important element of authority is not only recognition but also the
acceptance by others (Panopio and Rolda, 1988). J. Massie (1964) also defined
it as, the right to act as indicated in the organizational hierarchy. From Weber, he
pointed out different types of authority such as, 1.) Charismatic authority, exists
when one’s control of others is based on the individual’s personal characteristics;
2.) Traditional authority- legitimacy of leaders was based on customs; 3.)
Rational- legal authority is considered to be the basis of most of the nation
states. Since this kind of a power is based on the offices they control therefore
specific rules and procedures serve as the basis for determining the rights and
responsibilities of the incumbents. In effect, rational- legal authority is vested on
statuses rather than on individual; thus, power is lost when one loses his status.
Rational- legal authority therefore has set the limit on the power of most
government officials in modern nation- states (Cassirer, 1951). In fact, this kind of
authority also curtails some of the abuses of the officials in a nation- state.
Influence implies a voluntary, and even unconscious, manner affecting the
actions of others through persuasion, suggestion and other methods and also, it
is the effect of one person on the behavior of others (J. Massie, 1964). On the
political scope, influence is considered necessary for the officials in administering
his people. However, it is sometimes abused by many of the politicians.
There are also terms that are closely related in the political culture of
patronage politics, these are favoritism, cronyism and nepotism. From Nadler
and Schulman who discusses the three, favoritism can be demonstrated in hiring,
honoring or awarding contracts which is a related idea to patronage, giving public
service jobs to those who may have helped elect the person who has the power
of appointment. Favoritism has been a complaint of many in government service.
Cronyism, on the other hand is more specific kind of favoritism, referring to
partiality towards friends and associates. Cronyism occurs within a network of
insiders- the “good ‘ol boys”, who confer favors on one another. Nepotism is an
even narrower than favoritism, for it covers favoritism within the family. Both
nepotism and cronyism are often at work and political parties recruit candidates
for public offices. To connect the three in ethics, it all interferes with fairness
because they give undue advantages to someone who does not necessarily
merit this treatment. In public behavior, it also weakens the common good. When
one is hired in the position, he automatically becomes a connection for the clients
in the said office. The practice also undermines transparency in the government,
because it must hide that officials are great and effective patrons. The problem
of the existence of these three in the government is the question of competence.
Because of the prevailing spoil system, the hiring is based on letter of
recommendations rather than on the qualification and civil service requirements
of the applicant. The appearance of favoritism weakens morale in government
service, not to mention public faith in the integrity of government.
Scrutinizing further political patronage as delineated by other countries,
Jay M. Shafrizt, in The Dorsey Dictionary of American Government and Politics,
defines patronage as “the power of elected and appointed officials to make
partisan appointments to office or to confer contracts, honors and other benefits
on their political supporters”.
Further, in “Patronage Ethics Gone: Amok,” J. Christine Altenburger
describes the historical and legal foundations of the practice of patronage as she
exposes the many inherent negative ethical ramification of it. Altenburger
affirmed that politics of patronage subverts any merit system that might form the
basis of a civil service. And such culture in politics spoils the system of
government. She further explains that, Civil Service Commissions, for the most
part, are political appointments. In principle, once appointed, the commissions
are to function independently. A politician, determined to influence hiring,
promotions and disciplinary actions, however, can attempt through appointments,
to have commission members who will be sensitive to political “requests”. Her
summary observations gave emphasis to: 1.) Provide supervision for all
employees, patronage can cast this command into disarray. When an employee
is politically well- connected, with a political patron, a supervisor attempting to
hold such employee to performance standards, or take disciplinary action may
himself be the subject of recrimination; 2.) Maintain high morale. High morale and
productivity go hand in hand. Patronage is often viewed as bringing into the
organization individuals who did not have to prove themselves for their
appointments. Altenburger concluded that such patronage in politics is in need
for reform. Civil Service Commissions must be empowered and be detached
from personalistic system.
Meanwhile, it must also be elucidated how bureaucracy plays a role in the
political patronage. From the well-known Max Weber, who first wrote the
efficiency of bureaucracy as a type of organization, noted the most important
characteristics of such type of organization as follows:1.) An organization
emphasizing division of labor predicated on the principle of specialization; 2.) The
presence of hierarchy of authority; 3.) Activities are based on definite set of rules
and procedures; 4.) Activities are well documented and recorded; 5.) Statues in
the organization particularly those of the managers are full- time jobs; 6.)
Impersonal relationship characterizes the interpersonal relationship in a
bureaucratic organization. He highly recommends the avoidance of personalism
into an organization. Personalism, as viewed, causes the inefficiency of
government works especially in government transactions. The employees tend to
do first the requests of their relatives, friends and patrons rather than
accomplishing things that must be done first. As of James Scott ‘s Corruption: A
General View, he incorporated loyalty as one of the reason why a politician must
secure his people (supporters), according to him, “loyalty to the nation- state is
still tenuous, the individual feels little compunction to avoid acts that promote his
personal or small- group interests at the expense of the state. A crucial question,
then, is which institutions or groups command the effective loyalty of a citizen or
public servant. It is not rare to find, for example, a civil servant who is at the
same time an official of his tribe association. As a civil servant he may take
unwarranted liberties with state funds and place his incompetent friends in
office”. Ergo, Weber’s characterization of bureaucracy falls into the “ideal- type”
method. It emphasizes the pure type, and since real life is “seldom as pure as the
theoretical description (Gerth and Mills, 1958:136), some of the characteristics
cited may not be present in all organizations (Panopio and Rolda, 1988).
Another issue that is present in patronage politics is the competence of
Civil Service Commission in employment. The civil service of a political unit
includes the persons employed to administer the civil (nonmilitary) programs of a
legal unit of government, except for those elected or appointed to political-
executive offices. A more popular but restricted use of the term applies it only to
those persons who have been appointed to civil- government positions after
some nonpolitical test of fitness. This is sometimes also called the merit system
and is widely employed on federal, state and local levels of governmental
employment (John Gaus, Collier’s Encyclopedia). Taking such definition, the
question of its competency arises due to the prevailing appointments of the
officials outside its parameter, ergo, overlooking the standards and qualifications
in hiring employees.
LOCAL STUDIES
To warrant better glimpse on various local studies conducted relative to
the patronage politics in its relation on the issue of employment, this part is
hereby discuss different studies consist of Rocamora et al (2005), Caballero-
Anthony (2004) and Civil Service Study (2004).
Rocamora et. Al. (2005) on their study entitled: “Strong Demands and
Weak Institutions: Addressing the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines” tackled
various styles of political leadership from the end of Marcos regime up to the
Arroyo Administration. On the study, it focused on the differences of each
administration and how each dealt with the different Philippine culture, such
politics of personalities and patronage and their centrality to Philippine politics.
Also, the and the corresponding weakness of political institutions, most
importantly political parties, which remain weak, ill defined, and poorly
institutionalized. The weakness of political institutions has two notable
disadvantages for Philippine democracy. Rocamora and his co- author concluded
that there’s a need for political reforms that would strengthen policies at the
expense of personalities and promote programmatic politics over patronage
politics, in particular reforms that are specifically aimed at creating stronger and
more programmatic parties.
Caballero - Anthony (2004) on her study entitled: “Where on the road of
Democracy is the Philippine?” tackled about the how democracy is being
practiced in the country. Examining what democratic consolidation entails, the
study highlighted two points: 1.) instilling respect for political institution, discusses
the need for these institution to command respect and trust, and not merely just
creating and establishing such institution (executive, legislative and judiciary). It
must be considered the importance of these departments to facilitate regulatory
framework that would best seek the interest of the polity; 2.) ensuring that the
institutions are credible, discusses the importance of good governance including
transparency in political decisions, accountability, participation, observance of the
rule of law, equity and inclusiveness, and last but not least, effectiveness and
efficiency. Ergo, the study concluded that democracy can be exercised in a give-
and-take process by the people and its government. In which, the government
shall ensure the welfare of its people, offering good governmental services while
the people shall render their trust to the authority. In both cases, democracy is
directly exercised, important components in a country both participate in the
society. Moreover, the study also suggested the need for the elimination of
patron- client relationship to make the institution credible for its people.
Civil Service Study (2004) tackled about the relevant efforts of civil service
in the Philippines in promoting efficient civil servants. It reported that 50% of
government expenditures were wasted due to corruption. The empirical literature
suggests that economic development cannot proceed unless we have a rational,
merit based, effective and efficient bureaucracy. Because of the crucial role that
bureaucracy plays in the day to day running of the government, any campaign to
transform society must, indeed, involve the effective governance of the
bureaucracy.
Scrutinizing the studies conducted above, it shows how this politics of
patronage affects the system. From Rocamora et al (2005) focused on the need
for political reforms and eliminating patron- client relationship. While Caballero-
Antnony (2004) gave emphasis on the need for the government to well examine
the exercise of democracy in the country. And to make sure of establishing
credible institutions for the people that can render good civil services. Finally,
Civil Service Study (2004) reported on how they were being challenge to
strengthen civil servants and rejecting mere recommendations in hiring
employees to secure professionalism and impersonalism in the system.
FOREIGN STUDIES
It is also important to view foreign studies that are relative to this study on
patronage politics and its role to job employment. It consists of Kopecky et al
(2007), Golden (2000) and Un (2005). Pert Kopecky et al (2007) associated the
study of patronage politics with the study of particularistic exchanges in political
setting. Generally, the literature on political particularism draws a distinction
between a traditional and a modern variety of patron- client relationships. Thus, a
particular individual (local notable) offers protection or access to certain goods
and services that he controls to other individuals or groups in exchange for their
collective political allegiance. At this time, the role or the patron in the relationship
is performed by the political party, which acts as a ‘collective patron’ through the
distribution of public resources. The study also suggested the following
definitions which allow for a clearer distinction between the different types of
political patronage. 1.) Party clientelism refers to exchanges between a political
party and individuals in which the former releases a benefit that the latter desires
in order to secure their political support. 2.) Pork barrel politics implies tactical
allocation of government funds, usually in the form of public works projects, to
favor specific constituencies. Comparing it with the previous, clientelism
necessitates a benefit for particular individuals while pork barrel implies that a
whole constituency is favored by a public policy. 3.) Party patronage as the
power of a party or parties to appoint people to positions in public and semi-
public life. The main feature of this definition is that it limits patronage to its most
widespread form: appointments. The study also gave theories regarding
Patronage in Contemporary Setting such as follows : 1.) It is clear that the classic
literature on patronage often assumes that parties use appointments as the
means to reward their loyal members, however, that party patronage in
contemporary democracies, both old and new, is, to a larger extent, motivated by
the need of parties to control the policy- making process and to ensure the flow
of communication within the fragmented governance structures that characterize
the contemporary state. Kopecky et al believes that there may be elements of
both reward and control at one and at the same time, and that political systems
will differ in terms of a dominant motivation for patronage appointments. 2.) Party
patronage will be a supply driven, instead of demand driven. To take the
‘opportunity’ to be the area where party political appointments can happen, as
outlined by and embodied in the formal rules of the state. This also allows
everyone to view patronage partially as part of “normal politics”, ergo, as
something relatively easy to reckon. 3.) The semi- public sector is likely to be
more politicized through party appointments than the traditional state
bureaucracy. As the study defines party patronage, it expands the area where
the patronage appointments are carried out to include not only the core of civil
service- as commonly done, but also institutions that are not part of the civil
service, but are under some form of state control. Therefore, if parties are to
retain their grip on policy- making, even implicitly, then it is likely that they will
need to induce influence on the form and composition of these bodies through
their appointments policies. 4.) Patronage will predominantly be the activity of the
party in the public office. Rather than being a means by which networks of
support are sustained or rewarded, patronage will be a mode of governing, a
process by which the party acquires a voice in the various policy- making
institution of the modern multi- level governance systems. On the other hand, the
study also viewed some implications of understanding patronage by different
countries in different situation. Using different approaches, the study found out
that speaking of patronage in other states is only bounded in employment. The
basis of existence of such patronage is the ability of the people in authority to
recommend and appoint employees. Also, such appointments were prevalently
done in the government. Hence, Kopecky et al concluded that, with those
approaches presented to measuring and explaining party patronage allows
everybody to carry out comparative analysis into the opportunity, practice,
motivations and mechanisms of party patronage. Through the approaches,
broadens scope of patronage by including ministries, agencies and executing
institutions alike as potential arenas of patronage appointments. Further, by
using in- depth expert interviews by country specialists we provide first hand
insights, ergo, rather than positing certain assumptions into the motivations and
uses of patronage contemporary democracy, it can be investigated by getting
into the heart of the matter in each setting.
Miriam Golden (2000) used the setting of Postwar Italy in studying
patronage politics and how did it play a great role in employment especially in
government institution, as well as its implications to Italy. Golden illustrated a
model of a bad government and the bad government in Italy. She mentioned two
mechanisms on how could the politicians, once elected, actually provide specific
services to their districts and how could they get credit from voters for having
done so. First, the pork barrel legislation, in which, legislators could take
advantage of the Italian parliament’s unusually strong committee system to
elaborate district- specific allocative legislation. Second, the patronage politics,
this is considered as principal mechanism used by the politicians. Thus,
patronage politics was developed over the post war period to provide specific
services to their districts, through prevalent appointments in public
administration. Further, the study made mentioned that patronage appointment
and jobs as constituency service, the provision of job in an economy in which
employment opportunities were inadequate was a direct service to their
constituents and their (extended) family. Then, Golden also tackled civil service
regulations guide the appointment process for positions in public administration.
However, in contrary, she also exposed specific ways by which civil service laws
were routinely violated in Italy: 1.) limiting the scope of merit, by use of a spoil
system, civil service were not required and appointments were directly made by
the government; 2.) appointing the “right guys”, by effectively appointing people
to nominally elected positions, for instance in the local or national administrative
councils responsible for overseeing public agencies; 3.) manipulating the
selection process, within the ordinary ministerial departments by fixing
examination results; 4.) manipulating the movement and promotion of personnel,
within the ordinary ministerial departments by promoting persons on the basis of
political, not professional, merits. By then, Golden also stated that patronage
politics and political corruption is distinct interactions. The widespread corruption
also involves business, which pays the bribes and kickbacks and that exchange
receive the contracts for public works. Ergo, Golden concluded that Italian
political patronage has long been interpreted as a scum of backwardness and
underdevelopment, or as part of the process of modernization. She also argued
that there were typically Italian characteristics that promoted the construction of
patronage politics, rather than the more neutral kinds of constituency services
used to allure voters. Some of these characteristics were undoubtedly historically
derived. The South of the country was vulnerable to the construction of
patronage machines precisely because of a history of government that had
prevented the appearance of the Catholic and Communist political subcultures
seen in the center and northeast of the country. In that sense, history contributed
the existence of patronage politics in postwar Italy. Furthermore, the underlying
inducement was the promotion of the widespread adoption of patronage politics
and partisan use of the public administration as to retain one’s seat.
Kheang Un (2005) conducted that study of patronage politics in
Cambodia, under the administration of Hun Sen and CPP as popular party in the
country. In Cambodia, popular participation is limited given the hierarchical
linkages between voters and politicians in which elites attempt to attract the
masses into “elite dominated trajectories” that inhibit grassroots representation
and participation. On the other hand, CPP has used patronage and surveillance
to keep rural people under their protection. Further, Hun Sen was said to be
power hungry, but then, his defense is that the people gave it to him. Power was
generated through development projects and other material inducements whose
sources of funding were patronage politics backed by corruption that involved the
party and government officials, business people and rural voters. Meanwhile, to
sustain the politics of patronage, government bureaucracies are required to
contribute to the party assets for election campaign, which is allegedly known as
“black box”. It was suspected that the need for the officials to contribute in the
said black box has increased corruption, ergo, the officials have to divide his
earnings into three: for themselves, for their superiors and for the black box. K.
Un concluded that, Cambodian political elites and other foreign observers have
positively stated that Cambodia is in a transitional stage. After a traumatic past,
the country has to jump up from that experience, giving the way to hybrid
democracy, as the springboard. However, it was not noted that such hybrid
democratization has its flaws in the government system. The continuing
domination of CPP offers coercive mechanisms in preventing formation of bonds
within the opposing parties. Moreover, CPP and Hun Sen use their domination to
the state machinery to nurture patronage politics, though transformed to fit with
democratic rhetoric. Instead of competing for votes through a policy agenda, the
CPP as a party and Hun Sen as an individual patron use material inducements to
attract voters, a practice that prevents genuine popular participation. Also,
patronage politics not only links the government to the voters, as well as
government officials to business tycoons, a web that breeds corruption and
breeches the rule of law.
To analyze the aforementioned studies, it brought to the conclusion that
politics of patronage is interconnected with inducements by the officials to their
supporters, and the best form of it is job employment; also the underlying basis of
it – corruption. Scrutinizing Golden (2000) and Un (2005) studies, in order for the
official to attract voters they have to lay down their incentives through job
assurance. Further, patronage politics is also intertwined with corruption.
Government offices and hiring are the best resources that the official could give
to his constituents, unfortunately, disregarding the merit system and
professionalism. Meanwhile, Kopecky et al (2007) gave different definitions of
patronage politics, based on how it was exercised and practiced by the involved
people.
Relevance of the Study
The given readings and discussion had been helpful for the development
of the thesis and to bring substantial information to the readers and to be able to
well analyze and compare the articles that was taken from local and foreign
literatures.
Wherein it was pointed out that patronage politics is included in country’s
political culture. It was traced that this culture already existed in the Philippines
way back on Spanish era. Furthermore, pakikisama, reciprocity, kinship,
nepotism, power, authority and influence, are associated to the said political
culture.
Also, many authors related patronage politics on the issue of bureaucracy,
which they believed also played a role in the existence of such culture. Merit
system was closely eliminated thus hiring unqualified employees in the
government. Likewise, corruptions, inefficiency in government service and alike
were believed to be the results.
On the other hand, the related studies gave benefits in the research,
especially those studies which conferred patronage politics and its relation to the
government as it provides job employment. It was relevant to discuss that this
culture also exists in other countries, and how they cope up to the culture.
American Political Science Association had studied the topic and gave pertinent
definitions of patronage politics and how politicians deal with it. Moreover, it is
also essential to view the study of civil service and to find out how these
institutions cope up with the issue of ineffective civil servants.
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
This chapter would present the different processes used in conducting the
study. Included in this chapter are the methods of research, respondents of the
study and research tools or instruments that were relevant to the study.
Methods of Research.
This study titled “An Analysis on Patronage Politics in its Relation on
the Issue of the Cavite Provincial Capitol’s Employment Rate” would
facilitate the descriptive analysis method of study. Such method of study is
employed in areas of concentration which aims to emphasize the relevance of
the available resources to the subject matter of the study. This would basically
apply strict gathering, nalysis, interpretation, and syntheses of justifiable
recommendations of readily – available data considering both the theoretical and
relative resources (Campbell, Ballou and Slade, 1990). Specifically speaking,
descriptive analysis of study is to be used in this study through gathering and
analysis of theoretical and relative facts that deals with patronage politics and the
employment rate of the Cavite Provincial Capitol from the year 2001 – 2010.
Respondents of the Study.
The main respondent of this study would be the Provincial Capitol’s
Human Resource Management Office which documents the employment rate
and status of the employees from the specific span of time set by this study.
Aside from the mentioned respondent, the study might as well consider the
Department of Labor and Employment for the determination of the largest work
providers in the province of Cavite. Also, the study would consider a number of
Cavitenos from the different sectors of the society as respondents in order to
gather relevant sources from their personal capacity and knowledge.
Research Instruments
To fulfill the goals of this study, the following research instruments are to
be facilitated:
Documents. The specific type of document used in this study are the
employment records and the civil service records of the employees of the
provincial capitol from the year 2001 – 2010.
Interviews. A dialogue between the specific concerned personalities
would be conducted for the verification and documentation of resources that
might as well be gathered.
CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA
This piece of the research study would focus on how the researchers
would present, analyze and interpret the data gathered to answer the specific
questions posed on this study.
1. What is patronage politics in relation to local provincial level of
governance in the country?
Generally speaking, and as affirmed by Shafrizt, patronage politics would
mean the power of appointed officials to make partisan appointments to office or
to confer contracts, honors, and other benefits on their political supporters. It may
also mean or talk about the direct or indirect ways on how an authority uses his
position to give advantage on certain individuals or group of individuals in return
of their patronage to that certain individual. In a bird’s eye view, patronage
politics is a detriment on the governance system as it does not only confer
favoritism as well as abuse of power of the authorities exercising such.
In the Philippines, most specifically in the provincial level of governance,
the idea of patronage politics exist due to the prevalent Filipino culture of
pakikisama, compadre, utang na loob, and kinship system (Panopio and Rolda,
1988). Such existence of patronage politics can also be accounted for the idea of
local autonomy of these provincial governments as they are not being monitored
directly by the national government or agencies of the national government
concerned in assuring the prohibitions of the existence of such idea in politics
thus allowing the act of the authorities in the higher positions in the provincial
level to pay back the favors of their allies done in fulfillment of their political
aspirations and success. In relation to this, Renato Constantino in his work The
Filipino Politician, he said that the authority that are supposed to be exercised
and sustained by the individuals who are in the higher posts of the provincial
government loses its prestige and purpose as the individuals hired by the
provincial government leads to the disrespectful act towards the higher
individuals as they seem to see these individuals as mere connections and not
the people in authority.
In addition to this, the best implication of patronage politics in the
provincial level of government would be the insufficient means on how the civil
service must be brought directly by the provincial government (Civil Service
Study, 2004). The reason behind would be, appointments or acceptance of the
employees out of the idea of recommendation and not merely on the basis that
the provincial government must operate and accept its employees. Furthermore,
such existence of patronage politics in the provincial government implicitly
violates the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and
Employees, which prohibits political accommodations especially in hiring
employees who are intended to, render government service to the public.
Focusing our way on the specific area of what is patronage politics in
terms of provincial level of governance in Cavite, it is the way by which the
provincial capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had provided favors and
accommodations which are both political in nature into certain individuals in
terms of the offices created which are termed as “junior offices with its junior
officers”. The salary of these offices is obtained from the funds of the legal offices
in the Provincial Capitol which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best
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0500
100015002000250030003500400045005000
Graphical Representation of the Average Employment Rate of the Top Ten Companies in
Terms of Employee Size from the Year 2008 - 2009 Including the Personnel inventory of the Cavite
Provincial Capitol as of March 31, 2010
ROHM Electronics Phils. Inc. Scad Services (s) Pte. Ltd.
Faremo Int'l Inc. NT Phils. Inc.
Cypress Mfg. Ltd. Dae Young Apparel
Euro-Med Lab Phil. Inc. House Tech. Industries Pte. Ltd.
HRD(s) Pte. Ltd. Yumex Philippines Corporation
Cavite Provincial Capitol
example of a legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a
credible source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.
2. What could have been the legal bases on the declaration that the
Cavite Provincial Capitol is the second largest employer in the province?
The legality of the declaration that the Cavite Provincial Capitol is the
second largest employer in the province could have been based on the data
provided for by the Department of Labor and Employment Cavite Field Office, the
following are the top ten companies in the province of Cavite in terms of the
average employment size from the year 2008 up to the year 2010. The data
provided herein are only based on the list of companies who submits themselves
on self – assessment of their employee size on annual basis from the year 2008
up to the year 2010.
It can be drawn from Table 4.1. that indeed, the Cavite Provincial Capitol
has a huge amount of employees based on its average inventory as of March 31,
2010 if it is to be compared with the other companies in the province of Cavite.
With a total of 4, 716 employees, it has far gone the difference against the
number one company in terms of employment size which is the ROHM
Electronics Philippines Incorporated with the average employee size of 2, 969.
This data allows a room for a conclusion that the Cavite Provincial Capitol has
been the largest employer and not the second largest employer in the province of
Cavite.
The figure above shows the top ten employers in the province of Cavite in terms of average employee size for the year 2008 up to 2010 including the inventory of the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol as of March 31, 2010.
In addition to the data provided by the Department of Labor and
Employment Cavite Field Office, the Provincial Planning and Development Office
had provided data that could help the researchers in interpreting the reason
behind the Provincial Capitol’s employment rate. If data are to be considered in
terms of the employment generated by the economic zones in the province as a
whole with respect to each economic zone, the provincial government would
nevertheless, be ranked second to the last. As the data shows below in Table 4.1
and Figure 4.1., the provincial capitol even over ranked the Daichi Special Economic
Zone in Silang, Cavite in terms of the total number individuals employed. This could
have been one of the basis to conclude that nevertheless, the Provincial Capitol has issues
on its employment rate. Considering the fact that this data in this part speaks off the
collective employment rate of the economic zones in Cavite, it can still be drawn that the
Provincial Capitol has indeed a large number of employees.
Employer Employment Rate
people's technology complex 5343
golden mile business park 1757
first cavite industrial estate 14982
gateway business park 15553
emi special economic zone 6249
cavite economic zone (phase 1) 68954
daiichi special economic zone 1004
cavite provincial capitol 4716
people's technology complex 5343
Table 4.1.. List of Economic Zones in the Province of Cavite Including the Provicncial Capitol with their Respective Employment Rate.
Figure 4.1. Rate of Employment of Respective Economic Zones in the Province of Cavite Including
the Provincial Capitol of Cavite
5343, 5%
1757, 1%
14982, 13%
15553, 13%6249, 5%
68954, 58%
1004, 1%
4716, 4%
people's technology complex golden mile business park
first cavite industrial estate gateway business park
emi special economic zone cavite economic zone (phase 1)
daiichi special economic zone cavite provincial capitol
Another possible basis on the issue of the Provincial Capitol’s employment rate
could have been the actual breakdown of personnel inventory of the provincial
capitol of which the researchers were able to furnish such inventory as of March
31, 2010.
Figure 4.2. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial government
of Cavite with respect to their status of appointment. It could be clearly drawn
from the illustration that the combined numbers of the contractual, casual, co –
terminus and the job - order employees constitute a great percentage of the total
number of employees in the provincial capitol. As mentioned earlier, such posts
mentioned needs not consider their civil service requirement. As assumed and
put into practiced, such political accommodation or patronage politics might
happen within these posts as the law may not be so strict with these posts and
thus, has the least possibility of being questioned on the employment of such
individual.
The following figures (Figures 4.3 – 4.22) would further show the specific
breakdown of inventory of employees on each office in the Provincial Capitol with
Figure 4.2. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial Government of Cavite as of March 31, 2010
945, 20%
23, 0%
85, 2%
30, 1%
2082, 44%12, 0%
1539, 33%
permanent temporary co-terminus
contractual casual job order
elected
Figure 4.3. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Accounting Office with Respect to the Status of
Employment as of March 31, 2010
23, 61%
15, 39% permanent
casual
Figure 4.4. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Administrator Office w ith
Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010
11, 50%11, 50%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.5. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Agriculturist Office w ith Respect to the Status of Employment as of March
31, 2010
80, 80%
20, 20%
permanent
casual
respect to the status of employment of all the employees in the respective
offices.
Figure 4.3. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial accounting
office with respect to their status of appointment in which 61% of the employees
are classified as permanent while 39% are under the casual category.
Figure 4.4. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial
administrator’s office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 50% of
the employees are deemed as permanent while the remaining 50% is set as
casual employees.
Figure 4.6. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Budget Office w ith Respect to
the Status of their Employment as of March 31, 2010
15, 83%
3, 17%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.7. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Genral Services Office w ith
Respect to the Status of their Employment as of March 31, 2010
1, 1%
81, 73%29, 26%
permanent
temporary
casual
Figure 4.5. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial agriculturist
office with respect to their status of appointment in which 80 out of 100 of its
employees are under the permanent category while the remaining 20 are under
the casual level.
Figure 4.6. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial budget
office with respect to their status of appointment which shows that 83% of the
total employees are under the permanent posts while 17% are under the casual
positions.
Figure 4.8. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial Legal Offi ce with Respect to their Staus of Employment as of March 31, 2010
10, 72%
1, 7%
3, 21%
permanent
co-terminus
casual
Figure 4.9. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial Cooperatives Office w ith Respect to their Status
of Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
11, 49%
1, 5%
9, 41%
1, 5%
permanent
temporary
co-terminus
casual
Figure 4.7. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial general
services office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 73% of all the
employees are under the permanent positions, 26% are under the casual
positions and 1% belongs to the temporary position.
Figure 4.8. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial legal office
with respect to their status of appointment in which 72% belongs to the
permanent level, 21% to the casual level and 7% to the co – terminus level.
Figure 4.10. Personnel Inventory of the Provincial Engineer's Office with Respect to their Staus of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
305, 89%
36, 11%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.11. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Governor's Office with Respect to the Status of Employment Status as of March
31, 2010
25, 4%37, 6%
379, 66%142, 24%
permanent
temporary
co-terminus
casual
Figure 4.9. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial
cooperatives office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 49% of the
total employees belong to the permanent posts, 41% to the casual positions, and
both 5% for the temporary and co – terminus positions.
Figure 4.10. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial engineer’s
office with respect to their status of appointment where 89% of all the employees
are categorized as permanent employees while the remaining 11% are under the
casual level.
Figure 4.12. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Environment and Natural Resources Office w ith
Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010
14, 100%
permanent
Figure 4.13. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Information Office w ith Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31, 201
18, 67% 2, 7%1, 4%
6, 22%
permanent
temporary
co-terminus
casual
Figure 4.11. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial governor’s
office with respect to their status of appointment in which 66% of the total
employees belong to the casual positions, 24% belongs to the permanent
positions, 6% belongs to the co – terminus posts and 4% under the temporary
posts.
Figure 4.12. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial
environment and natural resources office with respect to their status of
appointment wherein 100% of its employees are deemed under the permanent
post.
Figure 4.14. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Population Office with Respect to the Status of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
20, 100%
permanent
Figure 4.15. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Social Welfare and Development
Office w ith Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010
18, 43%
24, 57%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.14. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Population Office with Respect to the Status of
Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
20, 100%
permanent
Figure 4.13. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial information office
with respect to their status of appointment in which 67% of the total employees
are under the permanent category, 22% under the casual posts, 7% under the
temporary level and 4% under the co – terminus positions.
Figure 4.14. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial population
office with respect to their status of appointment in which all of its employee are
under the permanent level.
Figure 4.16. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Veterinarian Office w ith Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010
23, 68%
11, 32%permanent
casual
Figure 4.17. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Vice Governonr's Office w ith
Respect to the Status of Emplyment as of March 31, 2010
1, 14%
5, 72%
1, 14%temporary
co-terminus
elected
Figure 4.15. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial social
welfare and development office with respect to their status of appointment
wherein 57% of its employees are under the casual posts while 43% are under
the permanent level of occupancy.
Figure 4.16. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial
veterinarian office with respect to their status of appointment in which 68% of all
the employees belong to the permanent classification while 32% is under the
casual posts.
Figure 4.18. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Sanggunian with Respect to the Staus of
Employment as of March 31, 2010
28, 35%
40, 51%
11, 14%permanent
co-terminus
elected
Figure 4.19. Personnel inventory on the Provincial Planning and Development Office w ith Respect to
the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010
29, 88%
4, 12%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.17. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial vice
governor’s office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 72% of its
employees are under the co – terminus post, and 14% for both the temporary
and elected position.
Figure 4.18. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial
sanggunian office with respect to their status of appointment in which 51%
belongs to the co – terminus posts, 35% to the permanent posts and 14% to the
elected posts.
Figure 4.20. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Treasurer Office w ith Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31,
2010
43, 78%
12, 22%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.21. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Assessor Office w ith Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31,
2010
47, 81%
11, 19%
permanent
casual
Figure 4.19. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial planning
and development office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 88%
belongs to the permanent positions and 12% to the casual position.
Figure 4.20. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial treasurer’s
office with respect to their status of appointment in which 78% of the employees
are classified as permanent ones while the remaining 22% are under the casual
posts.
Figure 4.22. Personnel Inventory on the Provincial Health Office Including the District, Provincial and
Mental Hospital with Respect to the Status of Employment as of March 31, 2010
547, 60%23, 2%
356, 38%
permanent
contractual
casual
Figure 4.21. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial assessor’s
office with respect to their status of appointment wherein 81% are under the
permanent posts while the remaining 19% are classified under the casual posts.
Figure 4.22. illustrates the personnel inventory of the provincial health
office including the district, provincial, and mental hospital with respect to their
status of appointment in which 60% of the total employees are classified as
permanent, 28% as casual and 2% as contractual.
Looking at the presented data regarding the status of employment in
various offices in the Cavite Provincial Capitol, it can be seen that still, the casual
and contractual including the job orders in which, by special reasons seems to be
“under a special office” aside from the mentioned offices above, employees has
prevalent numbers among other employees though some offices exhibited high
percentage of employees with permanent positions. Thus, it is really a
presumable fact that in each office, existence of non – civil service required
employees is evident and as mentioned earlier, could be accounted for the idea
that political accommodation is practiced in each office. Unless otherwise that
other offices had greater number of permanent employees then it can be
presumed that those offices actually has lesser number of political
accommodations since such posts require strict civil service qualification on the
said employment status.
3. In what way does patronage politics exists both in general
perspective and in the Cavite Provincial Government level as well?
Patronage Politics is exercised in a usual practice by means of giving
favor to certain individuals or group of individuals in exchange of the political
support that they have rendered to a politician during the election period
(Shafrizt). Such favor may be given in terms of granting positions into offices in
the local government units or by means of granting projects that could help these
individuals based on their basic needs. Patronage politics may also be exercised
by giving special treatments to individuals in transacting or performing certain
public transactions with the respective local government units.
Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource
Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite Provincial
Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but political accommodation.
They further added that such practice cannot be prevented most especially when
there is a change of administration in the provincial seat. As a new administration
comes in, it is expected that there would also be new employees to be
considered in certain posts and at times, a reshuffling among the employees who
are already posted in specific positions. In addition to this, the Human Resource
Management Office further reiterated that such political accommodations
happens by mere suggestion of list of possible employees of certain elective
officials in the provincial government.
4. Are the employees of the Cavite Provincial Capitol qualified when it
comes to their qualification background on their respective jobs?
Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted that
indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call it exists, they
gave a statement that not all recommendations are accommodated as their office
must follow a protocol on hiring employees and that is, the consideration of the
Civil Service Law as well as they capacity and knowledge on the possible posts
to be granted to them. From this statement, it can be assumed that the Provincial
Capitol has the employees that are really qualified when it comes to their
qualification background on their respective jobs. Yet, as stated in the
Employment Handbook of Tagaytay City authored by Ms. Ester D. Salamatin,
she made mention of the fact that in the mode of employment of these
individuals, there are certain posts that need not to have Civil Service Eligibility
like in the case of the Casual, Contractual, Co – Terminus or Emergency. Thus,
from this fact, we can say that not all employees of the Cavite Provincial
Government are Civil Service Requirement qualified as by nature, there are
posts that need not to have civil service eligibility. Likewise, as a governmental
institution, it is expected that employees to be admitted in the said posts must be
qualified in terms not only of law requirements but as well as their skills and
knowledge as basic idea since they are to perform certain governmental
functions that would concern the welfare of the majority of the people under their
respective local government units (Altenburger).
5. What is the effect of Patronage Politics on the efficiency of the
Cavite Provincial Capitol as a government institution?
Upon conducting an informal interview to different people within Cavite,
reveals different point of view on how efficient Cavite Provincial Government in
rendering services in different sect especially for the last nine (9) years.
Some says that, in a way the Provincial Government is efficient in providing good
infrastructures. Most of them made mentioned the improvement in Capitol
compound brought by the previous administration. The Provincial Gymnasium
was provided by an air condition, buildings were renovated and better
sidewalks. An interviewee, who’s a former SK Chairman and a nurse at present,
stated that during her incumbency, Provincial Government had been
supportive in their projects and programs. The roads and bridges on their place
was reconstructed and replaced to concrete ones. The administration also
gave assistance for the farmers in their place, since the municipality is an
agricultural. On the other hand, drivers were still looking for some improvements
on the road infrastructures; they revealed that there were still roads that are in
need to undergo widening for better flow of transportation. As far as
education is concerned, the Provincial government had been good in providing
assistance to the public schools. Through scholarship grants and the famous
Maliksi- type building of public schools funded by the Province. On health
services being provided, some stated that it is fairly carry out to the people but
not satisfying. It was revealed that, mostly on the month of January, Provincial
Hospital lacks equipments and facilities due to insufficient fund, causing
implications in the execution of appropriate health services.
However, still, the interview revealed that the Provincial Government lack
its efficiency and effectiveness for the last nine(9) years. Most of the interviewees
still believed that the services are not enough and worst, that the government
had been interpreting the problems for the people and providing services that are
not parallel to address the needs of the people. For them, it is hard to rate the
effectiveness of the previous administration, provided that they did not even felt
the improvement thoroughly. Furthermore, they were also aware of the
anomalies inside the government, which they think is affecting the proper
implementation of the government’s goals and objectives. Like the loads of debt
left by the previous administration, the rice scam issue and the ghost employees
in Capitol. From then, the people believed that the Provincial Government for the
last nine (9) years brought improvement to the province, however, not satisfying.
As far as the evident sustainable growth and development exhibited by the
Cavite Provincial Capitol is concerned (Socio – Economic Profile of the Province
of Cavite, 2008), it can be drawn that the Cavite Government as a government
institution has been effective despite the existence of the idea of patronage
politics. This just only proves that patronage politics do not have any detrimental
effect on the performance of the provincial capitol as a governmental institution
despite its evident existence. In addition to this, laying out the projects that the
provincial government has over the years 2001 – 2010 like for example the
compensation given to the Barangay Health Workers, cooperative and livelihood
assistance given to the small and medium Caviteno entrepreneurs, upgraded
public development programs, agricultural and aquatic livelihood assistance,
scholarship assistance and stable economic status of the province, it can also be
a proof that indeed, it has been an efficient institution.
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Now that the gathered data has been interpreted and presented, this part
of this study would focus on summarizing the ideas raised as well as the
conclusion of the facts and paradigms that deals with the main focus of this study
which is patronage politics and the employment rate of the Cavite Provincial
Capitol from the year 2001 – 2010. Furthermore, this point of this study would
also lay down certain suggestions regarding on whatever findings this research
study had.
Findings
Based on the data gathered, the following facts are established by the
researchers of this study:
6. In the Philippines, as a whole, patronage politics in relation to local
provincial level of governance would speak of the idea of pakikisama, compadre,
utang na loob and kinship system. Furthermore, in the area of the Cavite
Provincial government, patronage politics is the way by which the provincial
capitol in the period of 2001 – 2010 had provided favors and accommodations
which are both political in nature into certain individuals in terms of the offices
created which are termed as “junior offices with its junior officers”. The salary of
these offices are obtained from the funds of the legal offices in the Provincial
Capitol which are not subject to auditing of authorities. The best example of a
legal office whose fund is not subject to auditing as mentioned by a credible
source is the Intelligence Fund of the Provincial Government.
7. Based on the comparison made between the top ten employers in the
province of Cavite in terms of employment size and the Cavite Provincial Capitol,
the latter has a huge amount of employees based on its average inventory as of
March 31, 2010 if it is to be compared with the other companies in the province
of Cavite. With a total of 4, 716 employees, it has far gone the difference against
the number one company in terms of employment size which is the ROHM
Electronics Philippines Incorporated with the average employee size of 2, 969.
This data allows a room for a conclusion that the Cavite Provincial Capitol has
been the largest employer and not the second largest employer in the province of
Cavite.
8. Having the statement given by the Provincial Human Resource
Management Office, patronage politics actually exists in the Cavite Provincial
Capitol but they do not call it as patronage politics but political accommodation.
9. Though the Provincial Human Resource Management Office admitted
that indeed, political patronage or political accommodation as they call it exists,
they gave a statement that not all recommendations are accommodated as their
office must follow a protocol on hiring employees and that is, the consideration of
the Civil Service Law as well as their capacity and knowledge on the possible
posts to be granted to them.
10. Based on the interview conducted to different people residing within
Cavite revealed that Cavite Provincial government had been efficient in some
public services; however, it does not satisfy the people for the last nine (9) years.
For the reason of their belief that there were anomalies and flaws within the
Capitol, which hinders the proper delivery of services.
Conclusions
6. Patronage politics is the common idea of referral system in the
government offices. In Cavite Provincial Capitol, such system has been the
cause of high employment rate from year 2001- 2009.
7. The legal bases on the declaration that the Cavite Provincial Capitol is the
second largest employer are the records of both the HRMO of Cavite Provincial
Capitol and Department of Labor and Employment Cavite Field Office. (Table
4.1)
8. Patronage politics rampantly exists in the Cavite Provincial Capitol in
terms of political accommodations. Wherein they hire employees through
recommendations from the superiors.
9. Though most of the employees are qualified when it comes to their
qualification background on their respective jobs in relation to the provision of the
Civil Service law, there are still employees who are not qualified for their
respective posts do not require civil service qualifications.
10. In a way, Cavite Provincial Capitol is an efficient governmental agency in
terms of the delivery of services to the people, though there are criticisms based
on the issues and controversies particularly on the employment standards and
project implementation, of the said institution on the year 2001- 2009.
Recommendations
After thorough analysis and synthesis of the data gathered in this study,
the researchers were able to formulate the following recommendations:
Electorate and the People of Cavite. Based on the findings of this study,
the researchers would recommend for the people to be more vigilant on the
issues that deals with the local provincial government unit. An issue such as
those that deals with the efficiency of the delivery of services of the provincial
government is a subject that must be taken seriously. This study further
recommends that these people, as much as possible, refrain from the incentives
brought about by patronage politics as this a detriment to the democratic idea of
Philippine governance.
The Present Provincial Administration. As the Human Resources
Management Office said, the provincial capitol assures that all their employees
are qualified to their posts as per mandated by the laws, the researchers of this
study moves that the present provincial administration continue observing such
practice as this would delimit the idea of patronage politics in the provincial
government. Such practice may also assure the efficient delivery and
performance of services in the provincial government.
The Civil Service Commission. The proponents of this study
recommends to the Civil Service Commission to counter check on whether the
employees of the provincial capitol are really qualified into their respective posts
as determined by the Civil Service qualifications.
Future Aspiring Proponents. As there may be individuals who might
have the interest to pursue this study or have a similar framework of the study,
the proponents of this study recommends that they set focus on other possible
factors for the high employment rate of the provincial capitol aside from
patronage politics. It is also hereby recommended that attention be paid of on
other possible effect of high employment rate aside on the matter of efficiency of
the delivery of services of the Cavite Provincial Capitol.
Academe and Socio – Political Citizen’s Arm. Upon analyzing the data
gathered from this study, the researchers recommend to the academe and socio
– political arms to set similar studies that might have other local government units
aside from the Cavite Provincial Capitol as the subject of the study. It is also
moved that these institutions be more vigilant of the issues that deals with the
aspect of local governance.