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EOfOS DU MONDE QASSIQUE
QASSICALVIEWSXXIX - N.5 . 4 , 1985
THE UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY PRESS
CLASSICAL ASSOCIATION OF CANADASOCIETE CANADIENNE DES ETUDES CLASSIQUES
No.2
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ECHOS DU MONDE ClASSIQUE
ClASSICAL VIEWS
XXIX , n. s.4 , 198 5
MA T I ERES/ CO NTE NT S
Hector Will iarns . I nvest ig at ion s at Stympha los, 1984
Carol in e & Hector Wi lliams , Excavations on t h eAcropoli s of Mytilene, ~----
Jo seph and Mar ia Sh aw , B rie f Summary of Exca v ation a tKommos : Ninth Seaso n (1984 )
Joh n P. Oleson , Caes area An cient Harbour ExcavationProject: 1984 Season
H. Fracch ia , The T emp a Cor taglia Survey Projec t
Tvl. Gu altieri, Fourth Cen t ury B C A r chitectureFro m Roc cag lori osa
D. Eman uele , Stature and Archaic Statues
A . D. Booth , Douris ' Cup an d the Stages of Sc hoo l in gin C las s ical Athens
M .O . Jentel, Eros Turbulent
F. E. Winter and A. Christie, The Sy mposi um -Tent ofPtolemy I I : A New Proposal
C . P. Jones, A Letter to Aphrodisias in Caria
No.2
215
225
235
239
243
257
267
275
281
289
309
A .A . R . Hend er son , A t r ico la in Caledon ia:Sixth & Sev en t h amp algn s
BOOK REVIEWS /COMPTES RENDUS
T he319
G.W . Bowersock. Roman A r ab ia (J .P. Oleson) 336Gera ld D. Hart (e d.). Disease in Anc ient Man (M . Skinner) 342Lee I . Levine, (ed.). A n ci ent Synagogue s Re vealed
(P .G . Mosca) 348
Announcements / Annon ces 350Book s Received / Livres Recu s 353
NOTICE TO CONTRIBUTORS
A not he r ar chaeological issue of EMC is planned, for Summer,1986 . Contributions must be prepared according to the stylesheet ofthe A meric an Jou r nal of A r chaeolog y (see AJA 82 [1978] 3-10; 84,[198 0 ] 3-4). Manuscripts that do no t confOriil will be returned forrevis ion . Space is limited, and the ed i tor reserves the right tor eq uest t hat submissions be shor t ene d if t h is seems appropriate. Allcont ri butions should be sent to Professor J. P. Oleson, Dep artment ofClassics , Universi ty of Vic toria , Victoria, B . C. V8W 2Y 2, by January1st, 1986. This deadline is ne ces sar y to en suring t he t imelyappearance of arc haeolog ic al re ports .
REMERCIEMENTS/ACKNOWLEDGEME NTS
Pou r I'aide f lnanc ier e qu' ils ont acco r d ee a la revue nou s tenonsremercier/ For their financi al ass istance we wi sh t o t ha nk:
Societe des et udes c1assiques de t'Onta r-io/Onta rt o Cla ssica l A ssoc iationSociete des etudes cl assiques de l' ou est canad ien/ Class ical A ssociat ion
of the Canadian WestConseil de recherches en sciences h umaines d u Cana da/ Socia l Sc iences
and Humani t ies Research Counci l of CanadaIn stitut canadien de la rned lter r anee/ Canadi an Med iter r an ean In st itute
University of AlbertaB rock Universi t yUniversity of CalgaryCar leton UniversityConcord ia Univer sityUn iv er si t y of GuelphMemorial University of
New foundlandSir Wilfrid Lau r ier Un iversity
McGil l UniversityUnive rs i t y of OttawaUnivers ity of Sask atc hewanTren t Univ ersityUn iv ersity of V ic tor iaUniversity of Wat erlooUnivers i t y of West ern On ta rioUn iv er si t y of Wind sor
215
INVESTIG AT IONS AT STY MPHA LOS , 1984
The third seas on of archaeological and geophys ica l invest ig at ions
at the s i t e of ancient St ymphal os was car ri ed out f ro m Jul y 3 to
Augu st 5 , 1984, by a te am from th e Canadian Arch aeologi cal I n st i t u te
at Athens with th e co-operation of t he Archaeol og ical Soc iet y o f
Athens.1
Although th e primary objective of this y ear's work was to
expand further the resistivity survey of the si t e initiated in 1983 we
also prepared a detailed plan of the 13th c. Cistercian abbey church,
discovered another extensive cemetery with several inscribed
tombstones, and carr-ied out aer ia l photography from a kite over the
site and abbey.
Survey
The excellent results of the 1983 resistivity survey with a Brad
phys resi stivity meter and Ep son HX20 computer encouraged us to
continue, and indeed to expand our mapping of the site with this
new - -for Greece- -technique.2
We emp loy ed tw o t eams and sets of
instruments and were thu s ab le to cov er a much larger area of the
city even though conditions (surface cov er and extremely dry soil)
slowed the work considerably. At times, for example , it was
necessary to wet both elec t ro d es in or de r to ensure sufficient contact
1For earl ier seas ons see H. Williams, "Stymphalos: A PlannedCity of An cient Arcadi a , " EMC 27 n.s.2 ( 1983) 194-205;"Investigations at Mytilene and -stYmphalos, 1983," EMC 28 n .s .3
~1~8~ ~8~ ~~~8~O_1 ~1~ul~:~i n~108~c;~d~~oM~dl t~;ra1~~In;~:t~t:n~TT984T6:-
2For a recent di scu ssion of th e method see M. Kelly et aI., "Amicrocomputer sy stem for log ging data in geophysi cal su r v ey ing , II
Archaeometry 26 (1984) 183-1 91 .
216 HECTOR WILLIAMS
for each read ing ; as we had again divided the site into 20 m squares
a nd were taking measurements every metre we had to make 800
we t t ing s per sq uare. We also carried out some limited tests with a
proton magnetometer b ut the relatively poor resu lts obtained after
processing the 12,000 sq ua re metres surveyed in 1983 led us to
abandon this technique at Stymphalos. 3 T h is year we employed an
adjustable frame for the Bradphys which allowed th e electrodes to be
se t at 50 cm or 75 cm intervals with concomita n t ra nge down into the
earth. Although the device was somewhat more awkward with the
wider "aperture", we were able to detect deeper remains where all
material closer to t he surface (i.e. withi n 50- 60 cm) had been p lowed
out.
Our work concentrated over an extensive area on the ea st side
of the city to the north of the area covered in 1983 , and although the
new area has been much more heavily worked over by th e local
farmers- - it is flooded far less often than parts of the city closer to
the lake --we still obtained a g r at ify ing amount of detail (Fig. 1) .
The lines of six roads can be discerned running N- S, with a break at
the 300 m mark occasioned by an E-W avenue where the line jog s W
about 15 m. This unexpected discovery explains the discrepancy
noted in our first report between street Iines in the east an d west
sides of the city. 4 The phenomenon ca n be exp lained by reference to
such strategic strictures as Arist. Pol. 1330b17-35 :
The arrangement of private houses is regarded as morepleasant and more useful in ot he r re s pec ts if it is regularlylaid out and according to the more recent Hippodameanmanner, but for security in war the opposite is better; i , e .that it be in the old fashione d way , for it makes entry
31 should like to thank Mr. Keith Edwards , graduate student inGeophysics at t he University of British Columbia, for processingthese data wh ich were gathered in the field by Dr. S ta v rosPapama rinopoulos and Mr. Elias Stavrides using Scintrexmagnetometer .
4Will iams, EMC n.s .2 (1983) 201; and T. Boyd, Appendix toWilliams , EMC n~ (1984) 186 .
I NVE ST IGAT ION A T STYI\W HA LOS , 1984 2 17
FI GUR E 1: STYMPHA LOS:RESI STIVITY SURVEY OF EA ST CENT RA L AR EA, 1984
218 HECTOR WILLIAMS
difficult for foreign troops and finding their way arounddi ffic ult for attackers; wherefore it is necessa ry for a cityto partake of both methods ... and not to make the who lecity regular, but only in certain pa rts and place.
Soldiers and art illery mounted on the roofs of houses and buildings at
the end of such blocks (as Phil on of By zantion recommends) would
have an uninterrupted field of fir e at attackers coming u p the
streets.5
This disposition of s treets is in c lea r accord with the
sophistication of t he fortifications of St ymphalos ; our city was clearly
a worthy home for the famou s military write r of the 4th c. BC,
Aeneas Tacticus, who would have ap proved breaking up a cle ar ru n
through the city for any enemy tha t had made it s way through or
over its walls. Aerial photography ( Plat e 1) a lso clearly shows th e
break in the street line on the east side of the ci ty. The presence
of a number of square or rectangula r anomalies in the printouts ca n
be interpreted as ind icat ive of large and small peristyle structures on
the streets. The discovery of Doric elements plowed up recently in
these fields demonstrates the presence of structures of some
sophistication, and the houses of Olynthu s come to mind as obv iou s
parallels .6
Another area tested lay just to the north of the central area of
the acropolis, where we found clear t races of the continuation of the
regular 36 m module (110 Doric fee t ) established in the 1982 season .
T h ree roads are easily discernible- -one in fact is on line with a roa d
cut right through the rock of the acropol is further south--at about 30
m intervals (Fig . 2) . The darker a rea in t he upper ce ntre is
probably due to a patch of thorny vegetation whose roots drawing up
wa te r to surface levels may have c rea ted artificially high areas of
resistance.
Sit is also poss ible that the E-W avenues may similarly beinterrupted as t he re seems to be a Iine of wall across the 100 m Naven ue at the 720 m E line.
6Williams, EMC n.5.3 (1984) 179 n.9.
F f ClJRE 2 : STYAREA NOIrI' 1I oi: , ~~P~~ALOS SlJRVEY,
LLNI RAJ. AClWPOL[S
220 HECTOR WILLIAMS
T ests in three ot her scatte red ar eas of the city produced no
such g ood results although the sh adowy presence of roads--much
more durab le featu res than walls for resista nce--can sometimes be
di s ce r ned . Tha t a major feature can still produce a very prominent
resistivity picture even when much of it ha s been plowed out is
evident from Fig. 3, ho wever: we were trying to trace the mis s ing
se ctions of the city wall in its NW sector, and after estimating its line
from the nearest known section ove r 100 m away we were able not
only to trace it for 80 m but also to ident ify a to wer (at A) and an
overlap gate (at B) similar to others known elsewhe re on the ci rcuit. 7
Conditions were particularly difficult in th is area, with dry soil an d
large clods of ha rd earth th at in t e r fe red with th e insertion of th e
e lectrodes. Our res u lts he re indicated th at, given time, we shoul d
be able to re cover most of the missing section of the city' s
FIG URE 3 :
STYMPHALOS: RESISTIVITY SURVEY OF NW GAT E
7See Williams , Ib id. 174-5. ~'"
INVESTI GA T ION AT ST YMPHALOS, 1984 221
forti fication s. Thei r 3 m w id t h of co u r se stands up much better to
damage than th e smal le r wall s of hou ses and other bui Iding s inside
the city.
In ot he r areas of t he si te th e r esults of resistivity su r v ey were
less u seful. We attemp ted , fo r ex amp le , to trace the cloister and
pos sible narthex S and W of t he Frankish church respectively, but
d id not get c lea r res u l ts be cause of the large amount of rock
scattered t h r oug h the soi l , due partly to dumping from the earlier
excavations of Orland os an d Stikas, and partly to the probable
collapse of the or ig inal wall s in to feat u re less lumps. In anot her
experiment we te sted a IOx10 m section of a necropolis just N of the
site with measurements every 50 cm in stead of every metre, but clear
indications of graves, in the form of areas of high resistance, were
absent. Electri cal soundings were carried out against a number of
standing walls in an attempt to determine their depth, a different
application of the technique, the results of which are still being
interpreted.
Our architectural survey thi s seas on concentrated principally on
the Frankish church, and a fuller r eport will be published in a more
appropriate place, but there is still much of interest for the classical
archaeologist in the ancient ar ch i tect u ra l elements that had been
reused by the Cistercians . The qu adripartite main columns in the
nave, fo r examp le, are mad e up of cut-down Doric columns that
originally were ab ou t a met r e in dia met er , which implies a temple of
some size nearby. 8 Built in to th e north wall of the chu r ch are what
may be one-p iece Dori c capi tal s th at have been cut flat down to the
ab acu s al t ho ug h ot he r Dori c ele ments of the righ t si ze se em to be
entirely mi ssing . A t r igl y p h and metope fri eze block built into a
but tress ag ainst the north wall is from a much smaller structure. We
did attempt a r esi stivity su r vey in t he ope n ar ea about 20 m W of the
8Not e that Dodwell had obse rved column drums three feet indi ameter near the church in th e early 19th c . (Tour II 433). None ofthese at present r emain s in th e vicini ty . ---
222 HECTOR WILLIAMS
church whe re f loor b locks and or thostates break th rough the surface
b ut g ot no clear picture of what lay be low.
Cemetery
To the three cemeteries located last year from inscribed fu nerary
s telai we ad de d another of considerable size that runs for at least 500
m to t he east of the modern road through t he v illage. Four inscribed
s tones we re recovered , some sti II in fu rrows where they ha d been
rec ently plowed up, while others were in stone piles beside fields.
Encouraging was the absence of sherds, bones, and other finds in
these fields, a lt hough the presence of some tile probably means the
plowshares are gett ing close to th e ac tua l interments themselves . The
stelai are generally small (about 75 em in he ight) and simpl e with
letters so metime s rather crudely cut because of the nature of the
coarse limestone used; one at lea st, however, has some pretension to
elegance with a pediment at its top ( Plat es 2 and 3). Inscribed
names inc lude KALLIERA, AS [ ... ] , SYNETTE, [ .. ] ILEAS,
NEOKRATE IA and several that are too worn to be readable.
Perhaps th e most remarkable feature of this new cemetery is its
size and the presence of a number of large foundations in places at
it s perimeter close to t he Iine of the modern road from the coa st that
forms t he main street of the present v illage. Th e area will c lea r ly
repay continued observation as agr icultural activ ity , intensive in this
zone, will continue to turn up new mate rial.
Kite Photography
In order to obtain an overv iew of the c ity site and the
monastery we carried out several sessions of aerial photography with
a Ja lber t 45 aerofoil kite, a sy s t em develped by our architect,
Richa rd Anderson . 9 A 35 mm camera wit h a 28 mm wide ang le len s
and motor drive which cou ld be t riggered from the g round by a radio
9R. Anderson, "A Kite Supported Sy s tem for Remote Aeria lPhotography, II Aerial Archaeolog y 4 (1979) 4-7. A kite was als oemp loye d at the Haliei s excavations in the ea r ly 70 ls (information fro mDr . T . Boyd ) .
INVESTI GAT ION AT STYMPHALOS, 1984 223
co ntrol provided a seri es of vert ical an d ob liq ue views of Stymphalos
from heights u p to 1, 000 m. The ad va n tag es of the system include
economy and portabili ty; the disad van tag es include dependence on a
stiff breeze, difficulty of control, a nd labour intensive (at least six
persons) operation. Results over the site were excellent a nd lines of
streets and bui Idings st and out clearly in the vertical photographs
even though the parch mark s were not as good this year as last for
showing buried remains. As noted above (Plate 1) the staggered line
of streets is visible in the E area of the city from an ob lique
p hotog r ap h from the NW.
Other
Two observations of ceramic material at the site and in the
neighborhood are of some importance for its history. A sherd of a
Mycenaean IIIB deep bowl appeared on the acropolis in minor illicit
digging carried out sometimes in the spring, thus adding to the
material noted by Hope Simpson 25 years ago. lOWe have observed
no other Mycenaean material in ou r three se asons at the site,
however, and it is not cl ear whether we a re dealing with pottery from
settlements or tomb s. Ce r ta in ly t he re are a number of the latter of
unknown d ate on the acropoli s, a nd according to local farmers,
salvage ex cavations of ille g ally opened g rav e s have be en ca r r ied out
by th e Arch aeological Se r v ice on th e s it e in th e pa st d ecad e or so .
Loca ls a lso sh owed u s a major si te with ex tens ive cerami c s a nd, it is
s a id, Dori c a rc h itect u ra l re mains nea r t he c ha pe l of Holy Trinity
s ev eral kms W of Stymphalos, a possi b le ca nd ida te for t he ear lier s ite
of the town be fo re the 4t h c. resettlement. The s ite would c lear ly
re pay fu r ther in ve st ig a t ion . 11
10See R . Hope Si mps on and O. Dick inson , A G()ze tt eer of Aeg eanCiv ili za tio n (G6teborg 1979) 84 for t wo LH III s he rds fr om th eac ro po lis ; I s houl d like to thank Dr. Hope Sim pson for co nfirming myidenti ficat ion of t he new shere! which has been placed in the mus eu ma t Ph en eos.
11Med iev al ce ram ics from the site recovered b y an ag rop hy la x
224 HECTOR WILLIAMS
No major field work is planned for Stymphalos in 1985 as we
continue to work on the data gathered since 1982.
UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA HECTOR WILLIAMS
Acknow ledgements
I should again like to thank Professor George Mylonas and Mr.John Travlos of the Archaeological Society of Athens for allowing theCAIA to continue our joint project at Stymphalos, and theArchaeological Service of the Ministry of Culture and Sciences forissuing the necessary permits. Once again we are much obliged tothe members of the Nafplion Ephoreia and its local representatives,the guards from Pheneos, for assist ing us in every way. We alsogratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Social Sciencesand Humanities Research Council of Canada. Mr . Charles Parma lee,Executive Vice President of Denison Mines Ltd ., again arranged theloan of a theodolite to us. In Athens Dr. Susan Young, thenAssistant Director of the Canadian Archaeological Institute (a nd nowDirector), saw the permit through the Ministry in my absence.
Particular thanks are owed to my colleagues in the survey. Mr .Richard Anderson carried out t he architectu ral and topographicalsurvey again with the help of Mr. Robert Load er; he also orga nizedand directed the kite photography. Mr . Carl Heron and Mr. PaulSpoerry from Bradford University, with th e assista nce of Miss SusanCronkite (University of British Columbia) and Miss Kristina Karatza(Kionia), carried out the bulk of the s u r vey . We were also joined forseveral weeks by Dr. Richard Jones (British School at Athens) andDr. Stavros Papamarinopoulos (University of Patras) whose advice,assistance and loan of equipment were all ag ain much appreciated.Final computer processing of the data was carr ied ou t by Mr. Heronat Bradford; he also car r ied ou t suppleme ntary s u r vey work inSeptember with t he help of Miss Kara tza . Dr . Thomas Boyd,University of Texas, continued to work as consu ltant on the townplan. Dr. Sheila Campbell, Pont ific al Inst itu te of Medieval Studies atthe University of Toronto, assisted Mr . An derson on the chu rc hsurvey for a week, and Miss Luc ia Nixon , As s ist an t Direc tor of t heCAIA, also prov ided some welcome as s is ta nce on th e resi sti vi tysurvey . Mr . Arnold Aspinall , Direc to r of th e School of Archaeologi ca lSciences, Bradford University, was ag ai n an in valuable source ofadvice, assistance and equipmen t.
are in the Pheneos museum.
225
EXCAVAT IONS ON THE ACROPOLIS OF MYTILENE, 1984
The se con d s eason of a rc haeologi ca l in ve s ti g a t ion in th e town of
Mytilene (Lesbos) wa s ca r r ied out in May and June of 1984 by the
Canadian Ar chaeological In st itute at Athen s. Although ou r work
included ge neral research in to various aspec t s of the antiquities of
both town and isl and this report wil l con centrate on the results of a
small excavation we were a llowed to ca r r y ou t on the ac ropolis of
Myti len e with in th e wa lls of th e 14t h c. Genoe se fortres s th at still
dominate s the seaward s ide of t he tow n . Readers of EMC will recall
that in 1983 a s mall te am fr om th e CA IA carried out a s u r v ey of
re -used anc ie n t a rc h itec t u re in t he cast le wall s a n d a geop hy s ica l
s u r v ey of se lec ted a reas in si d e these wall s. 1 In 1984 we were
permitted to exca va te a 5 x 5 m test tren ch on one of th e a reas th at
indicated a r egul ar lin e of bu ri ed remains; we selected an a rea in the
upper cas tle jus t N of a ruined 19t h c. mos q ue . A lO x 10m te st
g r id by mag netome te r ha d ind ica ted traces of a ma jo r E- W a no mal y of
some si ze a bo ut a metre below th e su rface.2
We acco r di ng ly laid ou t
an in itia l 2 x 2 m trench to determine first the so u rc e of t he a nomaly
an d second its na t u re; we then e x pa nded the t renc h to its ma x imum
a llowed d imens ions in order to examine the feat ure a nd s ur ro u nd ing
area mo re care fu lly .
1See C . Will iams , " He lle n is t ic a nd Roman Bui ld ings in th eMedieva ls Wall s of Myt ilen e , " Ph oenix 38 (1984) 31-76 and H. Williams ,"I n ve s t ig ati on s at Mytil en e a ncrstYITiph a los , 1983 ,11 EMC n. s. 3 (1984)169- 73 . - -
2T he test had been carri ed ou t for u s in 1983 by Dr. St avrosPapamarinopou los wit h a Scintrex proton magnetometer a nd processedon an Epson HX20 computer with a prog ra mme p rovi ded b y t heDepartment of Ar chaeo log ica l Sci en ce s. Br adford University. For t he
226 CAROLI NE s HECTOR WILLiAMS
Excavation soon determined t hat the anom aly had probably been
caused by a stretch of Turkish roadway (kalderimi) lying some 60 em
be low the present surface, whic h itself in part consists of a heavy
packing of stones set in earth (Plate 1). Ove rlying the road in the
NE corner of the trench was a section of terracotta drainpipes
perhaps to be associated with the nearby mosque. To the S of the
roadway and more or less parallel with it were a pair of walls, also
probably Turkish, running across the trench in an E-W direction;
their function and relationship could not be determined in the limited
area exacavated. Overlying muc h of the trench and excavated into
the central area of it was a Turkish garbage dump of the late 18th or
early 19th c . which produced a mass of fine, k itchen and coarse
war es , two cannon balls, 72 clay pipes (sixteen with s tamped
inscriptions) and abundant sea shells of various sorts.
The road itself was built in typical T u r k is h fas h ion with large
stones set in earth in an irregular way and including some ancient
e lements like a small Dorie capital upside-down at the edge. That the
road had already suffered some neglect before it was finally buried is
apparent from a washed out area on its S side in the E area of the
trench. It is likely to have been the predecessor to the road t ha t at
present leads down through the castle to its lower gate. Removal of
some of the pav ing stones (which were later re placed) and excavation
beneath indicated no special preparation.
For readers of this journal, however, the most interesting
material appeared between the road and the first wall to the S, a
mortar-built structure with some gaps already in it when we exposed
it. Here we were able to isolate a ser ies of eleven strata from
surface to bedrock (an irregular leve l 1.6-1.8 m down, of which only
a small part was ever exposed). Of these , levels 4-8 were of
particular importance as they contained uncontaminated deposits of
material (except for the Turkish deposi t) going back from th e early
location see H. Williams, op. c it. p.173, Fig.l, #5.
EXCAVA TION ON THE ACROPOLIS OF MYTILENE, 1984 227
1s t c. a fter Chris t to th e 3r d/2 nd c. BC. The process of deposition
is no t en ti r e ly cl ear a nd there a p pea rs to be a real break between
lev el s 6 a nd 7 th at led u s to s us pe c t th a t the upper body of material
was brought in duri ng Turkish t imes fr om a n early Roman d eposit ,
appa re n t ly un contami na t ed with la te r mater ial, a s a levelling cou rse
for the roa d wa y, while th e lowe r leve ls were deposited in an t iq u ity .
The na t ure of t he ear lie r deposits (man y fr agmen t s of te r racotta
figurines, for exa mp le) s ug gests that in part th ey may be th e result
of clea r ing ou t of votive deposits from so me s hrine o r sanct ua r y on
th e acropo lis. Th e area involved was small, hard ly more th an 1m
wide by 1m deep by 3m in le ng t h. It p roduced a mass of material,
however, including some 280 fragments of te r ra cotta figur ine s , 36
lamps, so me gla s s, r emains of hund re ds of s he llfis h, and seve ra l
thou sand fr agments of pottery, coa rse a nd f ine. Only tw o coins were
d is cov ered an d bot h we re badly cor ro ded b ronze issu es t ha t were
illegibl e . Thi s prel imina r y report is in te nd ed to pre sent so me of th e
mor e important or in tere sting d iscove ri es.
POTTER Y
Ap p rox ima tel y 80 conta iners (buc kets) of pottery we r e processed
wit h a cons ide rable variety of classes of vessels represen ted
(a mp horae, cooking pots , ba sin s, unguenta r ia, fi ne tab le wares ,
etc. ) . Whe re possib le vessels were mended to pre se n t the mos t
complete profi Ie possible for final drawing, photog raphy and
cata log uing. Some 280 individual vessels were t reated this way .
Ana ly s is of this material and its con te x t s indicated three separate
g roups:
A Turkish deposit, probably late 18th or early 19thc., dumped into a hole cut into earlier strata a ndprobably th e re sul t of so me sort of c lea n - u p on thecitadel.
b . A deposit full of earl y Roman fin e wares whosedi agnostic sh erd s a ll da te f rom th e late 1s t c. BC to1st quarter of the 1s t c . AD.A deposit of pottery data b le primarily to the mid Hellenistic period. Diag nostic material includes vesseltypes known from bel ow the Great Alta r a t Pergamon.
228 CAROLIN E & HECTOR WILLIAMS
The Turk ish deposit will be full y published in a more
appropriate place and for the moment a br ief description will suffice.
It consists of some 30 vessels (porcela in, pain ted and lustre-painted
wares and kitchen wares) includ ing bowls , plates and storage jugs.
It also contained a group of 72 clay pipe s (chebouks) of different
shapes, a number of which were stamped with make rs' marks. 3 Little
of such late material has been published from a rchaeolog ica l contexts
and the Mytilene deposit will be of so me interest for historical
archaeology, a field litt le developed yet in t he eastern Mediterranean.
Study of the tab leware types in the early Roman deposit
demonstrates that Eastern Sigillata B is t he dominant fabric, almost to
the exclus ion of other wares. App rox ima te ly 260 vessels are
represented among the sherds, contrasting markedly with 10 Eastern
Sigillata A and 5 Easte rn Sigillata C s he rds . The lack of ESA is not
surprising given it s production in N Syria, but t he low count for
ESC, a product of VI Turkey, is suggestive of a terminus ante quem
before Tiberian times when this t y pe of pottery is thought to start.
Wes te r n products are also not very common , with fragments of about
fi fteen vessels, including two with relief decoration (lion head
applique and nude male seated on Ion ic capi tal), being identified.
Roman thin-walled cups, a type of pottery that has received little
study to date, are represented by fragments of some 30 vessels.
There are also sherds from five green lead glazed vessels including a
female torso with dress tied by an Is is knot.
The most interest ing addition to ou r knowl edge of fine tablewares
of the early Roman pe riod is the poss ible identification of a ware made
on the island of Tenedos know n previously only from literary
re ferences in Dio Ch rysostom (42, 504) and Plutarch's Moral ia (~
3For a group of such pipes from the Ker amei kos in Athens seeR. Robinson, "Clay Tobacco Pipes From t he Keram eikos, II AthMitt 98(1983) 265-84 .
EXCAVATION ON THE ACROPOLIS OF MYTILENE, 1984 229
vito aer. al. 2).4 I t is clear from these references that the wa re was
well known in the 1st and 2nd c. aft er Christ and it is su r p r is in g
that i t seems to be mentioned in no work on Roman pottery. The
Plutarch r eference might suggest a r esemblan ce to met al work and the
presence of a large body ( some 85 sh erds) of a ware with a
distinctive fabric and g los s , often ta k ing on a silvery brown metallic
sheen , in th e early Roman deposit sugges ts t ha t we may hav e isol ated
the ware . It is qui t e di stin c t from known eas t er n f ine wares like
those mentioned abo ve and we have t en t at iv ely ca ll ed it "Tened os
War e ll• T he island is on ly about 60 km N of Lesb os b ut it has not
be en in v est ig at ed archae olog ically . 5 We hope th at t h is p r esentati on
may hel p to identify t he ware on othe r s i t es in the NE Ae g ean and
elsewhere . As will be seen below, lam ps wer e a lso mad e in th e same
f abri c. Cups, bow ls and dishes, some wi th moul ded d eco r at ion (Pl at e
2) , are the principal sha pe s r epresen t ed.
The pottery from th e Hell en istic lev el s wa s much more l imi ted in
quan t it y . Mos t heav ily represented (about a hu ndred v essel s )
bl ack - g lazed ware of the E A eg ean , wh ic h have to d at e bee n little
4Dio : 1I0ne might al so say, th er efore, that my speeches hav ehad much t he same fate as t he pottery of Tenedos ; fo r whi le all whosa il t hat way put on board po ttery from there , ye t no one finds i teasy to get it across in sound con d i ti on; but many crack or smash i t ,and before they are aware th ey ha v e nothi ng but sherds ."
Plutarch us es ce ra mics to make a point about borrowing:"Beau tiful Aulis or T ened os w ill furnish you with po ttery vesselsin s t ead, purer th an si lv er fo r they wi ll not smell strong ly andunpleasan tly of in terest. II T here appears to be an imp l icit co mpa r i sonwith meta lwor k mad e here . Litt le note seems to hav e been taken ofAul is as a sou rce of pottery in Roman times ei t her .
5For earlier refer en ces by traveller s to T en ed os see R.Chandler, Travel s in A sia Min or , 1764- 1765 , (London 1971, ed . E.C lay) 21ff.~. New ton . Trav els and Discov er ies in t h e Le va n t(London 1865 ) 271- 4 . Ther e is a lso an in t eresting acc ou n t of T enedos
1~{~~ga~~rlgr~~:~ linin m~o~ff~on( ~~~~~~ Z~ ~60?~11~0~i ~~~~i~:ls a(c~~~~~~however. remains tha t of Fiehn in RE, VA 494-8 althoug h he doe s notseem t o have vi sited the island~ The Princeton Encyclopedia ofCl assi cal Sites does n ot men t io n T ened os.
230 CA ROLINE & HECTOR WILLIAMS
studied. Ide ntifiably Atti c black- g la zed pottery was much rare r, with
only about twenty s herds appearing . T he re were a lso several sh erds
of imitation West Slope ware wit h para llels f rom Pergamon whic h a lso
provided an ident ical para llel for a mou lded erotic symp legma f rom a
re lief vessel (P late 3). Fragments of d r ip- pai nted bow ls , pai n ted
lagynoi and plates, fish plates , and rel ief wares ap peared alon g with
small parts of two bowls with embl emata (probab ly male he ads) ins ide .
Earlier periods are represented by two stray f inds . One is a body
sherd from a large Attic red figure vessel, probably of the late 5th
c. BC, preserving part of a draped figure. The ot her is part of the
top and handle of an early Cori nthia n a la ba s t ron of the late 7t h or
early 6th c. BC , which may be the earliest sherd yet published from
Mytilene town as we do not know if the Myce naean sherds in the
British Museum from Newton's collection ac tually come from the town
itself. 6 More common wares are represented by cooking pots in two
different fabrics, a recurrent type of deep ba sin with a ring foot,
five bases from amphorae, a fairly coarse g r ey burnished ware that
appears to continue the old grey-wa re ceramic tradition of the NE
Aegean in Hellenistic times, and a variety of kitchen and coarse
wares.
LAMPS
Thirty-six whole or fragmentary lamps were found in the
excavation, most ly from the stratified deposits. Apart from several
pieces of Attic or late 4th/early 3rd c. BC, local imita t ion lamps of
Howland's Type 25, all were very late Hellenistic or early Roman.
Several were of the well known "Ephesos " type (Plate 4) and in a
dark grey fabric that probably originated on the W coast of Asia
Minor (although not necessarily at Ephesos it se lf) while others were
volute lamps ty p ical of the first half of t he 1s t c. AD. 7 As some of
6H. Buchholz, Methymna (Mainz 1975) Plat e 14 d- I.
7H. Williams , Ken chreai , Easte r n Por t of Cor in t h . VoI.V. Greek
EXC AVATION ON THE ACROPOLIS OF MY T I LENE , 1984 231
the la t t er came from t he lev el s ap pa re n t ly pre- Tiberian (so diagnosed
from the almost co mp le te abse nce of Eastern Sigi l la ta C) , th e
po ssibil i ty of such lamp s bein g p ro duced very ear ly, if not actua l ly
or iginating. in the E Aegean may thus be strengthened. Eq ually of
in ter est was the relatively large num ber of re fl ec to r ha ndle pl at es
from large lamp s fou nd in t he de po sits, some at least in the fa b ric we
hav e tentat iv ely ident i fi ed as coming f ro m T ened os (s ee above) ( Pla t e
5). F ra g men ts of one lamp wi t h re lief d eco ra t ion sho w a sce ne know n
elsewhere of an an imal t r ainer. 8 Par t of a t erracot ta lanter n al so
appeared.
GLASS
Only eleven pieces of g lass came ou t of th e trench. At least two
were Turkish and probab ly p ieces of mosque lamps, but there were
a lso fragments of early Roman p i l la r moulded bowl s and unguentari a.
T ERRACOTTA FIGURINES
Abou t 280 fragments of t er ra co tta figurines in several different
fabrics came out of th e st ra t ified deposi ts. I t is c lea r th at ne ar ly al l
o f t hem ar e Hellenist ic in da te, go ing perhap s as ea r ly as the
mid -third c . BC but d ipping well in to lat e Hellenist ic. Most were in a
very fragmentary cond i t ion and only 42 we r e in v en to r ied in ou r
preliminary study. They consisted of va r ious disiecta memb ra (a r ms ,
leg s, bases, bod y f rag men ts , heads, etc .) some of wh ich at lea st
men ded u p in to ide nti fi ab le types. Of part icular interest fo r their
and Roman T er r aco tta Lamps ( Leid en 1981) 7-8 (Ephesos lamps);T1i"=TbTV'o lute lamp s ) . Since writing the latter pages I have becomeev en mo r e in cl ined to think that volute lamps with relief decorat iondeveloped very early in the E A eg ean, but so I i ttl e materia l has beenp u b lished from the ar ea that it would be prema ture to do more t hanmak e suggestions no w.
8D. M . Bailey, CataloVo l . I I ( London 1980 )-,.-,.---/fIh,.,."...,- -r----....,..L-.,..........--,------.-.-__..._..,...--.,..-----,.,.--.-
iden tification.
232 CAROLINE & HECTOR WILLIAMS
clo se connection with terracotta s from Troy a nd Pergamon were
figures of worshippers a nd h ierodouloi9 l Pla te 6); the re was a lso a
pa rticu larly fine head of a kerch iefed old woman. 10 The c ha ract e r of
these terracottas is not incon s is tent with t he po ssibility th at t he
deposits originated in mas ses of voti ves cl eared ou t of some ne a r by
sh r ine on the acropoli s although no particular div in ity can be
identified as thei r r ec ip ien t. At least one bird is represented as we ll
as some hairy limbs that may be from sa ty rs.
METALS
Ancient metals finds were limited to two u n iden t if iab le b ron ze
coins; there was a considerable amount of Turkish iron work
(including two cannon balls, one with fuse ) in t he upper level s and
the dump. Most of it consisted of spikes and brackets.
OTHER
A number of fragmentary stone or marble p ieces also came out of
the trench, all from the upper levels. Besides seve r a l mortarium rim
pieces and mould ings of marble, t he most important was t he eg g and
dart moulding from an Ionic capital of Roman date reused in th e 19th
c. Turkish packing. All levels contained large qu ant it ies of oys te r
and ot her seafood shells .
Further study of t he above material a nd more se lec ti ve
excavation on the ac ropolis of My t ilene are planned for May a nd June
9For sim ilar figurines of hie rodoulo i E. Topperwien,Terrakotten von Pergamon (Be r lin lY/b J Plate 37, n.223 a ndD. , hompson, I roy . , he Te r racotta s of the He lle nist ic Pe ri od( Pr ince ton 1963) Plate 16 , n.60. For t he worshippers d .Topperwein, Pla t es 39-44; Thompson , Pla tes 21-2 2.
10 Illus trat ed in the Bulletin of the Canadian MediterraneanIn s t it u te , 4 (1 984 ) 7 .
EXCAVATION ON THE AC ROPOLI S OF fv~YTILENE , 1984 233
of 1985 , t h an ks t o a ge n erous grant from the Social Sciences and
Hum ani ties Rese arch Counc i l o f Canad a in wh at we hope will develop
in to a long-term project to recov er as much as possible of the
a r ch aeo log y and history o f a major but I ittle known ar ea o f the
ancient Greek world.
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH CO L UMB I A
ACKNOWLED GEM ENTS
CAROLINE WILLIAMSHECTOR WILLIAMS
We sho u ld again I ike to thank t he may o r of Mytilene, Mr. StratisPallis, and hi s associates fo r t h e i r inte r est in and ass i st an ce with ourproject and for provid ing t ool s an d wheelbarrows. For f inan c ia lsu p po r t we are indebted t o the Social Sci ences and HumanitiesRese arch Counc i I o f Canad a fo r the tr-avel and Iiving expen ses o f C .an d H. Willi ams an d to th e Uni vers i t y o f Ca lg a r y for t ho se o f J .Humphrey . We sh ould also like t o thank th e Arch aeological Cou n c i l o fthe Ministry of Culture in Athen s for th e permit to work at Mytileneand to the local r ep r esen t at iv es of the Min is try fo r thei r co -opera t ion .Thank s ar e due as well to my t h en - co ll eag ue s at the Canad ianA r chaeologi cal In stitute at A th en s, Dr. Susan Yo u n g and Ms . Lu ciaNixon, for seeing th e pe rm i t t hroug h in my absen ce an d for theirhelp with many ot her detai l s. Our g r eat es t debt is to our co lleag ueson th e ex cavation f or their hard work an d support : Dr . J.Humph r ey , Dep artmen t of Classics , Un iversity of Cal g ary , forsu pe r vi s ing the trenc h an d taking on th e s t ud y of t h e T u r k is h pipes,and to Catherine and Mi ch ael Evamy of Calgary for volunteering theirser v ice s as architect, su r veyo r , d ig g er an d g eneral helper. Muchvaluable assistance was also prov ided by Ms . Andrea fvie t z in washing,so r t ing and mending ceramic finds. We also enjoyed visits and advicefrom various Canadian scholars including Pr of. M. F. McGregor, Prof.F.E. Winter, Prof. G. Schau s an d Prof. L. Migeotte.
234
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235
BRIEF SUMMARY OF EXCAVATION AT KOMMOS :
N I NTH SEASON (1 984 )
Exca v at ion o f the Minoan town an d Greek sanc t ua r y at Komm os
con t in u ed from June 16 t h r oug h August 20 , 1984 a f t e r a s t udy season
beginning in early May. 1
Wi th the excavation o f t he Middle and Late Minoa n ho u ses on
hill top and hillside comp le t ed , we were free to con centrate all our
efforts on the sou t h, where the Greek sanc t uary had been found
su per imp osed upon monumental Minoan buildings (see Figure 1). The
sanc tuary' s numerou s bu ild ing s and al ta rs having been largely
in v est ig at ed in th e pa st , our goa l in 1984 was to ex po se most o f
Minoan B u i ldi ng T , t he floo r lev el of which l ie s over 3 m bel ow t h e
level of t he san c t uar y co u r t. Duri ng p rev io us wo r k we had found LM
I Bu i lding T t o ha ve abutted Bui ld ing J on t he west wi t h a lon g
co lonnade fac ing on to a large cou rt w ith minimum di mension s o f 28. 75
m E- W by 11.60 m N- S. Details o f t h is part o f T <1I1d i ts pha ses in
rc - u se in LM I- LM "I B C<Hl be fo und in Hesp eria 53 (1 984 ) 251-2 87.
1Spon sored by t he Univer s i ty o f Toronto and the R.oyal On tar ioMuseum , our wor k is under the auspi ces o f t he American School ofC lass ica l Stud ie s CI t Athens w i th th e coo pe r at ion o t the GreekA r c ha eo loq ica: Ser v ice . This yea r t he sta f f co n s is t ed of n ine tee nfu l l- time members includ ing Pro fe sso rs P . !3et<J ncou r t, J . W. Sh aw(D i re c to r ) i\LC. Shaw ( A ssis tant Direc to r). and J . Wrigh t , as wel l asP . Ca l laq ha n . Num erou s spec ia l is ts in ar c h itec t u re, co nserva tion ,1Ilddrawing were al so invol v ed . Geor ge Belad ak i s of Pitsidi a was aqa info re man in cha r g e o f some 23 workmen; au r ob se r v er from the GreekA r chacotoqical Service W <l S Mrs. D. Vall ia nou . As in t h e pa st, theSoc ial Scien ce and t h e Humanities Research Counc i l o f Canada, theSOvl Co rpo ra t ion , ce rtai n other corporat ion as we l l as t he twosp ons o r in g in stitut ion s p r ovi d ec financ ia l support.
236 JOS EPH AND MARIA SHAW
In order to learn mor e ab ou t Bui ld in g T on t he ea s t, we set out
a b ro ad J-sha ped trenc h (22-2 5- 24- 17 on the figur e) 50 m long and
composed of a series of indivi d ua l units. with the trenc h 's interior
a ngl e an obli q ue one a nd its u pp e r "lim b" crossing ove r t he E- W
Minoan ro ad. It extend ed north in to a n a rea whe re. it was lat er
found. a LM house faced so ut h to T iS splend id or t hos tate fa cad e , a
large section of which wa s c lea re d. East of he r e . in a 4 m deep
trench excavated ad jo in ing the property line. we were most for tunate
to f ind the eastern fa ca d e of T, thus gi ving T an E-W dimension.
from Building J. of 55.4 rn, ce rtainly the lon ges t straight line of
a s h la r wall known from C ret e . Next to it was a se r ies of LM I-III
roa d levels. t he earl ie r of slabs. t he later of tam ped earth . On the
north. the ro ad formed part of a c ros s roads no doubt lead ing to
Hagia Triad a and Pha is tos .
Of TiS interior, parts of tw o room s ( 23. 24 ) we re cleared. bu t
bo th the or iginal an d lat er LM I cl ay f loo r s were la r gel y empty of
small finds. We fou nd SE of he re a co mb ina ti on as h la r a nd r u b b le
wall (below 22) that presentl y a ppea r s to be t he sou t h wal l of T .
facing south. Of grea t interest is the gene r al room arran gement
here. Originally . rooms border ing t he stoa on t h e east a nd t he
orthostate wall on the south ( 21- 23- 24) opened onto a s ing le .
unusually wide ( 3. 88 m) cor r ido r . La ter. a s ing le E- W wall res tri c ted
en trance to the northern ro oms (p re s uma b ly storerooms ) so th at on
the east they could be e n te r ed only t h roug h 25 (which then a ls o
cont rolled access to 22 via a small c losed roo m). On the wes t a
corr idor was approached via a do orway now si tu at ed below a c la s s ica l
altar (a nd thus inacces s ib le to us ). What seems most unusual is that
room 22. a roofed space, was apparently comple tely open to the court
on the west. wi thout doors or c ros s wa ll , in an unusual a r r a ng emen t
not noticed in other Minoan centers.
Interpretation of the "long room" of T should be Iinked to the
discovery of Building P on the south. nex t to T and separated from
it by only a narrow gap. This north wall of P, over 20 m long. is
pa ralleled by two others on the south. There is no doubt that P is
later t han LM I Building T. being bui lt at least as early as LM IIIA: 1
K OMMOS : NINTH SEASCI\ 237
( t he ce ramic evid en ce however, rema in s sca nty fo r i t s f ina l us e). O f
special interest is the method of construction of pIS massi ve wal l ,
wh ich includes a v ar iety o f rubbl e and re- used as h lar bloc ks
re info rced by recta ng u la r fr ame s o f wood for whi ch the c hases are
seen clea rl y on both faces o f th e wall s . The method can b e paralleled
in certain po st- LM I st r uc t ures at Hag ia Triad a, t o the north of
Kom mos , an d the p rovi si on of r e in fo r ced wall s wi th so l id foundations
( as in P), an d wall s se t upon th ick ba se s (as in N to the NW) ,
suggest a ch ange in att i t u de t ow ard constru c tion per hap s broug ht
abo ut by collapse, t h ro u g h ear thq u ake , of ea rl ie r buildings such as
T.
Seen in th e pla n , P is composed of at least tw o long room s
without either western entrance or, so fa r, interior c ross wa lls . The
room s wer e 5. 8 m wid e an d a minimu m of 22 m lon g with th ick ,
tam ped c lay fl oor s . Carbonized re mains n ex t to the wa ll s in the
in t er ior s suggest th at t h is building wi th i t s wood en reinfo r cemen t s
may hav e b u r ned , a l t houg h we do no t know y et ho w late in LM II I
the burning t oo k p lace. Noth ing was fo und upon the tw o re stricted
fl oor a re as , ex posed in 1984, to sug g est p IS u se .
Future ex cava t io n west of P, on the pe bble co u rt , may show that
it, I ike the abandoned T on the north, had a colon n ad ed po rtico .
O r , pe r ha ps , an enc lo sure wa ll of some ki nd g av e i t a pr ivacy now
lac k in g as it is seen in pl an, for no w P' s tw o known room s (a
con ti n ua tion to th e south is to be ex pec t ed ) a re as han g ar-l ike and
open on th e we st as t h at of T.
Th is season's work , de al in g la rge ly with a r c h i t ec t u r al r emain s,
re v ea led, for in stan ce, t ha t the ha l f -t imbering an d d eep fou ndat ion
methods of bui Iding, were in troduced at Komm os af t er LM I . Al so,
we no w know th at Building N was not, as prev iously though t, the
on ly mon u men t a l LM I II Building at Kommos . A f t er so me seaso ns of
ef f o r t , moreover, Ti s l imi t s ha ve bee n defined on at le as t th re e sides
and probably on th e fou r th ( t h e so u t h). While T' s or ig ina l function
continues to rem ain un defined, its pl an sug g es t s storage. Along with
Building .J, linked t o it on t he west, next to the Minoan harbor front
238 JOSEPH AND MARI A SHAW
and road leading to Phaistos, T may have bee n con nected with trade.
I t is possible that J-T during LM I may also be parall eled by a simila r
working relationship between LM II I Build ing N on the wes t ( r e- u se
of J) and P to t he SE of i t, al th ough so far t he latt er t wo are
without structura l link . P, wi th a p lan t ha t can on ly sug g est a
gathering of goods and materi al (i. e . storage) , coinci des in ti me ,
probably not coinciden tall y , with the major ity of forei gn , es peci all y
Cypriot, ceramic impor t s at Kommo s, in LM I li A .
Such apparent tendenc ies sh ou ld be ex plored more thoroug h ly in
fu ture d iscussion s, not ju st concerning the Kommos site but also
rela tion sh ip s wi th neig hbouring Phais to s and Hagia Tr iada. Pha istos ,
t he Mi no an center d u ring LM I , with an out ly ing residential are a at
Hag ia T ri ada , d eclined afte r LM I when Hagia T r iada as sumed
ascendency wi t h its ne w, monumen ta l buildings . T he subject of t he
r el at ion shi p s bet ween these three neig hbou ring sites was exami ne d in
To r on t o d u ri ng the December 1984 conference of t he Archaeologica l
In st i t u te of A mer ica. Su bsequent explorat ion at Kommos i t sel f w i ll aim
t o de f ine the PIN r e lat ion sh ip and to determine t he o r ig inal
ap pear ance durin g LM I of the site later occu pied by P. For
instance, to wh at extent did re-use the re of LM I ash la r blocks
eradicate earl ier buildings in t he immediate area?
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO JOS EPH W. AND MARIA C. SHAW
239
CAESAREA ANCIENT HARBOUR EXCAVATION PROJECT
1984 SEASON
From May 21 to June 30, 1984 archaeoloqical excavation was
carried out on land a nd in the sea at Sebastos, the ancient harbour
of Caesarea Maritima, as part of the fifth season of the Caesarea
Ancient Harbour Excavation Pr oject (CAHEP). This project is
administered by the Center for Maritime Studies of the University of
Haifa. Cooperating member institutions are the University of
Victoria, British Columbia, the University of Colorado-Boulder, and
the University of Maryland. The project director is Dr. Avner Raban
( Ha ifa ) ; co-directors are Prof. John Oleson (Victoria). Prof. Robert
Hohlfelder (Colorado), Dr. R. Lindley Vann (Maryland). Funding for
this season's excavations was provided by all four participating
in s t it u t ion s , the Baron Rothschild -Caesarea Foundation, Mr. Morris
Hatter, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of
Canada, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the National
Geographic Foundation. The s ta ff of fifteen archaeologists,
architects . and technician s was assi sted by over 100 volunteers from
Israel, Canada, the U.S.A., Eng land , Au stralia and Japan.
The city and harbour of Caesarea , named in honor of the
Emperor Augustus, were built on a grand s ca le by Herod the Great,
between 22 and 9 BC. In previous years CAHEP has uncovered
evidence for the design of the main harbour breakwaters and the
techniques used in their construction. In this fifth season the four
co-directors were searching for a n s we r s to specific questions of
design and chronology, in preparation for final publication of the
results.
Several trenches were cut into the mass of the northern
breakwater (Area H) to clarify the design of the inner face (see
Plan, p. 242) . The south breakwater has a quay at this position, but
240 JOHN P . OLESO
no evi d ence fo r a similar feature could be fou n d on the more com pa ct
northern breakw a ter . Rubble fall en fr om th e structure, howeve r ,
had preserved a la r g e depos it of pottery tha t will y ield important data
on th e ch r ono log y of harbour use , a nd ha s shown the western
Med ite rranean origin of man y of t he ships us in g t he harbou r . A
cache of 60 mid -fourth c. AD b ronze coins re covered wit h th e
pottery.
A series of Iine s wa s laid ac ross t he north an d south
breakwaters at sel ected points to a llow the p rod uc tio n of sec t ion
d rawings . The da ta r ecov e r ed will a llow reconstruction of t he
a rrangement of mate ria ls on the b reakwate r s, and the ir original mas s .
Excava t ion in rubble b locking t he harbour entrance (Ar ea D),
has s hown th a t t he channel was more than 25 m wide . Rema in s of t he
quay on the ti p of the sou t he r n b r ea kwa te r suggest t hat the openi ng
may have been as wide a s 50 m. Such a dimension would have made
ent r y easie r for ships, b ut also inc re ased the difficulty of closing.
A sound in g at the south face of a ro un d tower (known fr om
previou s yea rs) in the modern harbou r ba sin reach ed bedrock an d a
foundation course 2.6 m bel ow p resen t sea lev e l. T he to we r itself ,
which survives to a heigh t of 1.5 rn, r e s t s on a thin laye r of mud ,
showing that it was buil t in a protect ed basi n . The design of t he
tower and the cerami c s assoc ia t ed with it s ug ge s t a d a te in t he 2nd
c. BC. It may have been built to guard an inner basin or c losed
harbour of Str-aton's Tower , the sma ll Hellenistic settlemen t that
preceded Caesarea. At least in the Roman period there was a ch a n ne l
adjacent to the south face of the tow er th at gave en t r y to a shallow
inner basin now covered by t he land.
This year for t he f ir s t ti me CA HEP ca r ri ed out la rg e sca le land
excavations along the ea s te r n quay wa ll of t h is in ner bas in (Area I) ,
where a mooring s tone wa s un cov ered in a p rob e last season.
Adjacent to the quay , the bas in was 1 .5 m dee p , bu t t he bedroc k
form ing its floor slopes steeply to t he west, p rov id in g grea te r de pt h
for ships to manoeuver. At a later da te , wh en t he sea leve l wa s
lower, or as a result of local te ct oni c action , a pavemen t of mas s iv e
CAESAREA AN CIENT HA RBOU R EXCAVAT IO N 241
st one s la b s wa s laid on t h e dry basin floor in front of the forme r
qu ay .
T he desig n of th e sou t h wall in a vaulted room near the quay
su ggested t h at i t was part of t h e city wall of Straton' s Tower. It
re semb les the wall n ea r the roun d towers at the north city ga t e of
Cae sa rea, and I in es up wi th the promontory forming the sou th edge of
the harbour bas in . Pr obes mad e this su mme r produced Hel lenistic
potte r y , b ut the co ntex t was no t conc lu s iv e . It is at least possible
that He r od re-used part of th e Hell en istic fo r t i f ica t ion in his massive
b u ildi ng p rog r amme.
Our exca vation t his summer was complemen t ed by th e work of a
g r ou p of diving ar c h i tects un d e r th e direction o f Dr. Van n . This
g roup, u s in g ne w techniques of mea su r ing an d d ra w ing u nd erwater,
prod uced p lans and reconstruct ions of th e major harbou r features .
In ad d i t ion , th e da ta on harbour-design gathered ov er y ea rs of
exc ava t ion was as sernb led in a se r ies of drawings recreat ing the
ap p ea ra nce of the ha r bou r a t d i ffe r en t periods of us e.
I n 1985 th ere will b e a st u d y season in which the fi na l r eport
volume will be prep ared .
UNIVERSITY OF VICTORIA
Sel ected Bibliograp~
JOHN PET ER OLESON
R .L. Hohlfel d er , J. P . Ol eso n , "Sebast os, The Harbour Comp le x ofCae sarea Marit ime, Is r ael ." Ocea nograp h y: the Past ( New Yo r k1980) 765-7 9 .
L.I. Levine, Roma0 _._<::aesarea (Jerusalem 1975 ) 3-37 .
J.P. Oleson, "The CA H EP 1982 Season of Ex cav at ion " EMC n.s .27(1983) 159-168.
J.P. Oleson , "A Roman Sh eave B loc k from t he harbour of CaesareaMar i t irna ." Internation al Journal of ~autica l Arch aeol oC1.l 12 ( 19 83)155 -170.
242 JO HN P. OLESON
J . P . Ole son . R. Hohlfeder , A . Raban , R. L. Vann, liTheCaesa rea Ancient Harbor Excavation Project: Preliminary Reporton t he 1980-83 Seasons ," J ou r na l of Field Archaeolog y 11 (1984) :281- 305 .
A . Rab a n an d R . L. Hohl fe lder , "The Ancient Ha rbors of CaesareaMarit ima, " Ar ch aeology 34:2 ( 1981 ) 56-60 .
R . L. Van n, "He rod's Harbo r Construction Recovered Underwater, II
Bib lical Arc haeo logy Rev iew 9 (1 983) 10-14.
CAESJ\REA MARITIMACAHEP EXCAVATlQ\JSQOv1POSlTE PI..P N l:tXXJ R...V
2113
TH E TErv~ PA CORTA GLIA SURVEY PROJECT1
In Eas te r n L u can ia, at the periphery of t he zon e o f Greek
ex pa ns ion , initiated in the 6th c. BC, into th e Lu cani an hinter land ,
a re a number of small s ites , forti fi ed in th e 4th c. BC, whi ch reflect
early c r ess-cu l t u ra l con tacts and increas ing Hell eni zation in the 5th
an d 4th c. BC, wh en th e Greek c it ies on the coa st dominated the area
between the Sinni an d Basentell o rivers.2
These sites a re a lso
imp ortant for the light which they may shed on the Roman i zation of
the area and on the 3rd c . Be settlement pattern in S I taly .
1T h e Tempa Co rtag l ia Survey Project was generously f unded bya grant ( 410- 83- 0176) from the Social Sci en ces an d H uman i tiesResearch Counci l of Can ada : it is a pl easure t o ac k now led g e theirsupport . We are deeply indebted t o Dr. A. Bottin i, Su perintendentof A n t iqu i ti es for the Province of Basi l ic ata for his co-oper-at ion an dinteres t in our project. I t is also a p lea su re to t ha n k my co lleag uesat t h e University of Alberta, Prof. R . J . Buck for interes t ing us inTempa Cortag l ia an d for co n t in ued discussions on the project, andProf. M. Gualtieri for h is ass istance in th e initial pl anning s tag es andfor hi s participation on th e su rvey te am . Sp ecial ac k now led g emen t i sdue t o Sig. Attilio Tramonti, A r chaeol og ist in the Office o f theSuperintendent of A ntiquities, fo r- t ime generous ly sp en t with u s atTempa Cortag l ia , C rocci a Cog n at o , Garaguso and 01 iv et o Lucano , an dto the studen t members of the survey te arn , AI ison M. Ke ith of t heUniversity of Michigan, an d Robin Talman, Un iversity of Ca fiforni a ,Be rke ley.
20 isc us s ion an d bibliog r aphy for the a r ea is found in F . G .LoPo rto , "Civil ta lndigen a e Penetrazione G r eca Nell a Lucania, II
MonAnt 48 ( 1973) , an d mor e r ecently M. L . Gu al andi, C . Pal azz i, an d~Iitti, "La Lu cani a oriente le" in Societe Rom an a e ProduzioneSchiavi st ica (vo!.l) L'l tClliCl : In s edi() men~me- Econ omiche (Bari1981)T55--'79 . ~- - - - . - - - - -
244 H. FRA CCHIA
Arc haeologically , the 3rd c . BC in a ll of It aly is a sh adowy
per iod , b ut it is par tic ularly ob s cure in Magna Graec ia .3
After t he
fall of Ta ran to to th e Romans in 270 BC it ha s generally been
accep ted that both th e Lu ca ni a n hinterland and coastal regions , each
densely se ttled in t he preceding period, su ffered a severe popul ation
de c line. Th e area of eastern Luca ni a ( Fig . 1). delineated by the Sinni
r ive r on t he wes t , th e Ba se n tel lo on t he east, t he Ofan to on the
north, and the gu lf of Ta ranto on the sou t h , before the arriva l of
the Romans s u p ported a t leas t 64 s e ttlemen ts , fo rt if ied areas o r cu lt
p laces .4
After th e a r r iva l of the Roma n s , s uch locat ions di min ish ed
t o t wenty . 5 Befo re th e mid-third c. BC the area of the uppe r
Ca vone/Sa land r e lla r iver valley sus tained six fortifi ed sites and one
necropo lis : a ft e r th e mid -th ird c. BC , t he area is without traces of
settl emen t s .6
At the so u rce of the Cavone/ Salandrella river, Tempa Cortagl ia,
a bou t 45 km S E of Poten za and 4 km E of Accettu r a, is a typical
exam ple of s uc h a site .7
T he heavil y wooded h ill of Te mpa Cortag lia
con s is t s of two pe ak s wh ic h , wi th t he valley be low, form an
3Fo r general rema rks see T . Pott er, The Chang ing Landscape ofSou t h Et ruria (London 1979) 95-96,101- 2 . For Luca n ia In parti cula r.L. Qui lici, Siri s - Herac lea Forma Italia e , r eg io II I , vol. 1 ( Rome 1967)226-9; J. C . Carter (ed . ), The Territory of Meta po nto 1981-8 2 (Au stin1983); A. T ra mon ti , "Nota per la ca rta archeo log lca d l San Mau roFo r te, II Stud i in Onore di Dinu Adamesteanu, ( Ga lati na 1983) 87-95;J . P. Morel , "F ou ille s a Coz zo Pr e sepe, p r es de Me ta pont e " Me lRome 82( 1970/ 1) 115-11 6; H. Fracch ia, M. Gua ltie r i , F. de Poli gn ac , "11territorio di Roccaglor iosa in Luc ania" MefRorne 95 ( 1983/ 1) 345- 80; M.Gualt ie r i, "E xc av a tio ns a t Roccag l orio~2-3 " EMC n.s.3 (19 84)187-2 02, esp. 198-9; Gualandi~. (above, n. 2) 15'6=8.
4Gualandi et al. (above, n.2) 156-8, esp. Plate 4- 5 .
5Gua landi et aJ. (a bov e , n .2) 158-160, Plate 5 .
6Gualand i et al. (above , n . 2) Pla te 5 .
71GM Carta d ' lta lia 1 :25,000 200 111 NE. Fo r bibliograph y onTempa Cortaglia, see LoPor t o (above, n .2 ) 242 , no .840, a nd Gu alandi~~. (above , n.2 ) 168, no .2 .
T HE TEMPA C O RT AG LI A SU RV EY PRCJ ECT 2 4 S
caMPAli1
L EG END :
1 . Templ e Co rtag l ia2. San Ma u ro Fo r te3. Garaguso4 . C roccia Co g n a t o
::::::::::::: ="" ..... ~ -' -' "'.....
marc Ad r i a t i.c o
~~~"PUGLIA
5 . 0 1i ve to L u can o6. Metap onto7 . Costa Ra i8 . T em p a d ell a C h ie sa
F IG U RE 1Eastern Lucani a , wi t h s i t es in t he area of T empa Cortag l ia
Map ad ap t ed f r om Soc ie t a Rom an a e Prod u zione Sch iav is t ica .Vo l . 1 ( Ba r i 1981) . -
246 H. FRACCH IA
Contou r In terva l : 5m
'''1/1 Wa lls .. Possible 4th-3 rd centu ry
Ru bble B.C. farm s te ad-Mode r n Road T Tombs
Pa t h =:- Pott e ry Concentrations
FIGURE 2: Survey Area
THE TEMPA CO RT AGLIA SURVEY PROJECT 247
amp hi thea t re facing SE, with a view to the sou th of the Cavone/
Sa landretla and Basento riv er s y s te ms as fil l' as t he Ion ic coast. To
t he no r t h, t he peaks of t he l.ucanian Do lomite s and Crocc ia Cogn at o
a r e vis ible; to the wes t , the s urrounding mou nt ain s obscure t he v iew.
T he h igher peak, at 949 rn, is defended on t he east si de by a ci rc u it
wal l , and is natural ly defended on t he wes t by a steep s lope. Th e
masonry of the walls ha s been desc r ibed a s "fra Ie plu imponenti de lla
Luca nia, . .. in perfetta te cni ca is od oma e vanno d atate al pieno IV
seco lo a. C . 118
Imrned iat et y below t he pea ks on all s id e s t he slope
be comes more gradual and widen s into a se r ie s of s ma ll plateaus which
descend to the mod ern ro ad co nnecti n g Accettura a nd San Mauro
Forte . In Ju Iy a nd August of 1983, we we r e a b le to s u r ve y
inte nsi vel y the two peaks, the s urround ing hill s id es to the bottom o f
the vall ey s a ro und T crnpa Cortag lia , and seve ra l other near b y
loc al it ie s (Fig . 1, 2 ) . 9
8LoPo rt o (above, n .2) 242, no . 840 .
9T he a r ea was divided in to twe lve zo ne s , ea c h o f which wa ss ubdi vided in to 10m x 10m squa r es, a n d which were then intensive lys u r v e yed . The total sherd rct r ieval was 5 ,535 pieces, wi t h 2,79 0datable s he r d s , which were mea sured, d ra wn, photographed a nddesc r ibed .
Bla ck Gla ze 186Geometric Painted Wa r e 50Impas to 311* Fine Wa r e 1 , 936** Coase Ware 1 , 483Tiles/Brick 1 ,5 69TOTAL ~
By d e fin it ion , a well-l evigated undecora ted ware . The fi ne warefrom Te rnpa Cortag lia breaks in to two fabr ic categories: o range a ndc r ea my b uff.
The orange fabric is consistently found in s herds with black g laz efor ms wh ere t he glaze ha s worn off.
Th e c reamy buff fab ric, on the other hand , is consi stently fo u ndin sherds whic h are datable to the geometric pe riod .** Fif teen of t he coarse-w are rims are ana logo us to ty pe s fromVi ttim ose a n d Vagni ( bel ow , n. 36) . All mat eri al is s to re d in th ed e pos it of th e Su pe r in t e nd e n t of An tiq u it ies fo r th e Pr ovince of
248 H. FRACCH IA
The fo r tifica t ion wal l (Plate 1), p reserved up to four courses ,
e x t en d s fo r 151. 15 m on the E s ide : t h is stretch includes a postern
g a te at the SE ext re mit y, and a gate as we ll as the remain s of a
tow er at th e NE end. 10 Beyond t he to wer , enc losing th e wel l
preserved as h lar fou nda tions are two buildi ngs and an ample p lateau ;
a line of rubb le, 1.5m wide , seeming ly disintegrated from smaller
block s th an those com posing the wal l ex te nd s for another 63 . 63m. 11
The on ly potte ry assoc iated with th e enclosed NE area was a large
plain -w are sh erd re pai r ed with a lead p lug.
The gate an d tower are a t the foot of the higher peak : a ro ute
coming up fr om t he south- ea s t p la tea u pa s ses throug h the gate , a long
the north an d along th e wes t s ide of t he fo r t if ied peak to the
Masseria Stangone. It eventually join s a n an c ient route con nect ing
Garaguso and San Mauro Forte . 12 Within t he fortif ied area, in
addition to the two foundations noted a bove , there are only some
earthworks, from World War II, accor d ing to local sources, and rock
piles, probably left from DiCicco's excavations in the 1890's . 13 A
concentration of chips and small sherds of excellent quality black
glaze datable to the 4th -3rd c . BC were found immediately below the
Basilicata in Potenza.
10Height of walls: 1.27m-l.54m; gate : 4.50m wide; Tower max.preserved height: 2.10m, foundations 1.69m x 1 .32m.
11Dottoressa E. Lattanzi mentions a large complex at TempaCortaglia without giving more details: "Megale Hellas: nome e immagine,"
~i~ }d~191~en\Yi~7b::ofO~~~~~ro~~~ilo;~~~i t~U~~e Mgaa1~~ ~~;~~a ~T:.r5aOn~~foundations of second building : 6.30m x 12 .70m; doorway on E side,1 . 47m. The Iine of rubble ends exactly at t he NW corner of thesecond building.
12R. J. Buck, "The Ancien t Roads of Southeastern Lucania,"PBSR 43 (1975) 98-117; here 106, Fig.4 and 107-8.
13LoPorto (above, n.2) 242 , no.840 ; Gua la nd i (above, n. 2) 169 ,n.z ,
THE T EMPA CO RT AG LI A S URVE Y P RC JEC T 249
highest peak o n th e so u t h face : t h e se a r e rnos t Iikely f ro m th e dump
of the 1890 in v e s t ig a t ion s .
The pottery assoc ia te d wi t h the fort if ied a rea and its immed iate
env irons r anges in date f r om th e impasto o f the Mid dl e Bronze Ag e to
the b lac k g la ze p rod uc t ion of the 3rd BC ( P late 2) .
Concentrat ions o f certain ty p es of pottery allow us to deduce a reas of
occupation during particu la r p eriods.
The ea r liest material , from the Midd le B ro nze Ag e t hrough t he
Earl y Iron Ag e , 14 includes typ ical examp les of we ll-bu rni shed
impasto, corded, and knob- d ecora t ed ware (Pla te 2) . 15 T he greates t
density of t h e s e wares wa s fo und o n the plateaus immediately to t h e
NE and N o f the ac ropo lis , in t h e sa d d le bet.ween t wo peaks. Earl ie r
investigators had noted t he pre s en ce o f a proto-Vi lIa n o v a n necropol is
withou t, however, in d icati n g its precise location. 16 The ceramic
evidence locates the ne c r opolis on the upper N/N VI s lo pes of Tempa
Cortagl ia , facing the modern town o f Ac cettu ra and directly a bove th e
headwaters of the Cav one/Salandrella river (Fig. 2) .
In the lower p lateaus in the same a re a a n d sp reading d own from
the s ad d le between the two pe ak s, sti ll on th e NW side, enotria n
14R cughly co r re s pon d ing dates for these term s are: MiddleBron ze Age 1450 -1250 BC; F ina l Bronze Age 1250 -950 BC; Iron Age950-700 BC.
15paral lel s for the T empa Co r t ag l ia impa s to for ms, cord a nd knobde corated wares are fou nd in th e p la in o f Sibaris : Ricerch e s u llaProtostoria de lla Sibaritide ( Nap les 198 2) Vol . l : Plat e 3, no. 5 ; Plate6 , n o .4 ; P late 8 , no .1; Plate 27 , no.3, 8; P late 29 , no.2 , 14; Pl a te31 , no.2; P late 32, no. 3; Vo1. 2 : Plate 33, no. 12 . The c loses t ana logyfo r a hand le "ad piast r a" comes from Sala Consil ina: K . Kili an,Archaologischen Forschungen in Lu k a n ie n (Heidelberg 1964) Vol .1,8edage 17, no.3 , 6, - C r a b . XIV ; Vol .lll, Plate 201 , III , no . 7,Grab.27; P late 194, IV , no.2 , Grab .6.
160 iCicco , " Luc a n ia " NSc (1896) 53 -55 ; Lo Po r t o (above , n .2)242 , n o . 840; Gua landi (abo~ p.2) 169 , no .2. Fo r a n e n t ir e vaseand desc rip tio n of other find s from the ear ly ne crop ol is of TernpaCortag lia, see M.S . Bertarelli, " Mu s eo A r cheologi co Provi nc ia le diPo te n za (Rome 1967) 22 a n d 51, bottom .
250 H. FRACCHIA
geometric sherds, banded cups and b lack glaze were abundant. 17
The black glaze continued to be abundant as we worked our way
around to the Wand SW slopes a nd as we descended to the mod e rn
road. The occurrence of loom-weights and coarse-wares increased on
the lower W, SW and S plateaus which are larger than the higher
easterly and northerly ones. 18 The most common coarse-ware
form is a shal low, wide carinated ca sserole wit h two arched or
squared handles appl ied at the ca r inat ion . T he handles extend up
and are pushed quite close to the r im wh ich always has a reserved
seating for a lid. The shape is known from all over Magna Graecia,
from as far north as Minturnae a nd as far south as Locri: it is
considered a 4th -3rd c. BC form. 19
17 No complete motif was preserved of the geometric paintedwares. The sherds are decorated with one or more str ipes ofred-brown , brown, maroon, or black paint on a well-Ievigated bufffabric. Estroflex rims analogous to those from Tempa Cortag lia arefound at Timmari, /I Museo Nazionale Ridola di Matera, SoprintendenzaArcheologica della Basilicata (Matera 1976), PlateXLI, no.1, PlateXLV, no .l , 3 from Montescaglioso, Pla te L1, no. 1 from Pisticci.
Very th in wall s s lightly estroflex banded cu ps , black or brownblack painted were common. Thi s type is most lik e the one-handledcup from Cozzo Presepe, J. Du Plat Taylor et al., "COZzo Presepe1969-1972" NSc (1977) Supplemento 191-406, here321-337.
The most abundant black glaze forms are found in J. P . Morel,Ceramique Campanienne (Rome 1981) : rim s F2681a , Fl236a1, Series2641; bases 321c3; handles F4242a 2.
180 n 1y pyramidal loom-weights, one with d ot decoration on thetop, were found at Tempa Co rtagl ia a nd Costa Rai.
19T h is form, with many s light variations, is found at Minturnae,A. Kirsopp Lake , "Campana Suppellex, II Bollettino dell ' a s soc ia z ion einternazionale di studi mediterranei 5 ( 1934-35) 97- 114, here, p . 105 ,type 2, Plate XVII, 2a-h; P.G. Guzzo, "Acq uap pe sa , " NSc 32 ( 1978 )471, Fig.4 , 93; E. Greco, "Santa Maria del Cedro," N'5C 32 (19 78)453 , Fig. 38, n. 40 ; S ibar is, perso na l com munica ti on f roms. Lu ppi no,Inspector for t he a rc haeo log ica l zone ; Loc r i Epizefi ri: Ricerchea rc heolog ic he s u u n abitato d e lla Mag na Grecla, SoprrntendenzaArcheologica del la Cal abria , Un ive rs ita d i To ri no Is ti t uto d iArcheologia (Locr i 1983 ) 377 , Fig . 147. Althou g h very few d ates havebeen assigned to coa r s e ware , P. G . Guzzo, in his as s e s s me n t of thedates for Acquappesa in ge ne ral sa ys t hat the site di d not con t in ue
THE TEMPA CO RT A GL IA SU RVE Y PR OJ ECT 251
On t he s lope o f t he eas te rn p la tea u, in a narrow st r ip ex t en di ng
E-S E, d irect ly be low th e fo rti f icat ion wa ll an d fl anking th e path to
the main g at e, se v era l red- f igu re sherds , sk y p h o i bases an d ha n d les ,
as well as n umero us b lack -g laze wall -she r ds were p ic ke d u p . The
hig h qua l ity and location of these sherds- -a slope at t he edge of the
pl ate au , with little earth above t he I imes t one bedrock , a lo ng th e rou te
to the main gate--sug gest a 4th -3 rd c . b u ria l ground. Th e p rom ine n t
location along the roa d and ou t s ide t h e wal ls st ro ng ly su g g est a
co mmuna l are a r at he r t han an iso lat ed si ng le fa mily bur ia l s ite . 20
T he pottery f rom ev e r y pe r iod wa s no t ewor t h y in th e quality o f
production: few pieces, even amo ng s t t he coa rse wa re s , were
misfi re d , and the bl ack gla ze was lus t ro us an d t h ic k . T h e re was
littl e ev id en ce of underfiring , a common defect of late 4th and early
3rd c . BC black glaze from rural s ites in Lucania .21
The r ed - figure
she r d s have some preliminary sk et c h marks on t hem , the drawing is
fine and precise, the g laze shin y . The same even fi ring an d
app lication of paint is seen on th e g eomet r ic pa inted ware sherds.
T he imp asto, well d epurated , evenl y burni shed, smooth to t he tou ch,
with sha r p ly executed fo rms ad d s to the impression o f a con t in u ou s
h igh quality ceramic sou r ce .
Two nearby a r eas were freq uent ly named b y loca l people as
pl aces where pottery was found in the fields : Costa Rai an d T emp a
della Chiesa (F ig.1) . Both s i t es are along the con t in ua t ion o f t he
ridge extending SVJ from t h e s i te , ac r oss th e va lley to t he west, an d
a f ter t he mid -thi rd c. BC (~ . ~ . n. 478-9).
20T h i s observati on is based on p la ns pu bl is hed in M . Guido ,Souther n I t al y : A n Arch eol og ica l Guide ( Lo n do n 1972) for He raclea,124, Fl g. 20; Mandurla 152 , Flg.2 3; Locri 171, Fig.25 ; Ve li a 206,Fig .32 and Roccaglori os a (Gual tieri , above, n.3) 189, Fig .2 .
21E. Fabbricotti, "Fontan a Bona,1I NS c (19 79 ) 347- 413 , cf.genera l reru ar k s on bl ock g laze, 408-409; at t«)ccaglor ios 2, Frac chia et~. (a bo ve, n . 3) 379- 80; an d , al t hou g h ne ithe r rural nor Lucanian, atMinturnae, Ki r sop p Lak e (abov c . n.18) 110- 111.
252 H. FRACCHIA
probably accessible by a route jo in ing the one mentioned above
to San Mauro Forte . Costa Rai is a smal l elevation surrounded by
gently sloping fields: black glaze sherds and loom-weights were
sc atte red over the cul tivable area. Tempa della Chiesa is a barren,
eroded solitary peak overlooking the valley behind to the nor th, as
far as the Lucanian Dolomites, and to the south beyond San Mauro
Forte. On clear days the Ionic coast is v is ib le from this point as
well. As at Tempa Cortaglia the view of the west is cut off. On the
peak are the ruins of an apsidal building made of brick with an annex
to one side. One wall shows traces of a staircase. Although a great
deal of pottery was scattered ab out. t here wa s no black glaze nor
anything datable to the late 3rd-2nd c. BC . Th e sherds included
combed ware and coarse wares dated to the 1st c. BC. 22 The
original building was probably a Roman watchtower, consideri ng the
extensive view Nand S. The tower may have formed part of the
defense system for the road run ning from Pol icoro to Grassano via
San Mau ro Forte. 23
As noted, the sherds retrieved place t he actual habitation of the
Tempa Cortaglia area in the periods from t h e Midd le Bronze Age to
the midd le of t he 3rd c. BC. This habi tation span accords well with
the neighboring sites of Garaguso, 24 Croccia Cognato,25 Oliveto
Lucano,2 6 and San Mau ro Forte27 (Fig.1l, all of which reflect , to a
22personal communication from P. Arthur, collaborator with theDe pa r t men t of Ant iq u it ies, Naples.
23Buc k (above, n.1l) 106, Fig.4, 107-8.
24Garaguso: J . P . Morel, "Garaguso (Lucan ie): traditions indigeneset inf lue nces qrecques ;" CRAI (1974) 370-395; tv';. Hano, R. Hanoune,J. P. Morel, "Garaguso, 1r-tifS""c 25 (1971) 424- 438 ; Gualandi et al.(above, n.2) 171, no.23. - --
25Croccia Cognato: LoPorto (above, n. 2) 242, N. 841; Gualandi ~al . (above, n.2) 168, no.2.
260liveto Lucano: Gualandi et al. (above, n .2) 174, no.41.
THE TEMPA COf\T AGLIA SURVEY PROJ ECT 253
great er or lesser de g ree, the same Greek in f lu en ces in their materi al
c u lt ure as do es Te rnpa Co r tag lia a nd rr.any ot he r s ite s in eas te r n
Luc ani a .28
Garagu so, excav ated by the Fre nc h Sch ool in Rome , was
inhabi ted f ro m th e Neo lit hic t h roug h La te Cla ssi cal ph a se s : however,
the Cla s sic al pe r iod, from 470- 350 /3 30 BC , and the Helleni stic per iod,
a ft e r 270 BC when Taran to fe ll to the Rom ans , a re poorly
represented. No mat e r-ial wa s found th at wa s d at able to the
post- Pyrrhic war years, whi c h s ug g es t s t hat the Roman co nq ue s t may
have created at Garaguso, as in so many ot he r localities , a n a b s o lute29
v acuum.
At t he fortified s ite of Cr occia Cog na to , 1,1 35 rn high, the
doub le circuit wall of sq ua re d blo ck s with Greek letters on them
attest s to a mid -fourth c . p hase . Rece n t ly traces of a mesoli t h ic
habitation have been found a t the si te to s u p p lement th e long noted
geometric settlement. 30 No traces of se t t leme n t ac t iv ity ex is t after
the mid -third c . BC.
At 01 iveto Lucan o , a do ub le fo rt if ica ti on wall a nd red -figure
vases of t he 4th c. BC we re found, b u t a long and emp ty ga p ex is ts
between t he 4t h c . BC re mains a nd the Roma n tombs in th e a rea .
Th e a rea be tween Sa n Ma u ro Forte a nd Ca ra g us o pres e n t s a
different picture . In the fo rest prese rv e be twee n the two v illag es , a t
t he s ite of Cana lle cchia there is ev ide nc e fo r co n t in ue d habitation
fr om the Br on ze Age to the hi storic peri od.31
T ramonti makes the
27Sa n Mauro Forte: Gu al an di e t al. (ab ove, n. 2) 176, no.62;T ra mon t i (above, n. 3) 87-95.
28Gu alandi et al. (a bo ve , n .2) 155-8; LoP or to (a bove , n .2); Hano ,~. (above, n~24-438; Mor e l (a bove , n . 4 ) 370- 395 .
29Hano~. (a bov e , n.4) 438.
30pe r sona l communi cation f r om A. T ramonti.
31T ra mon t i (above, n. 3) 90.
254 H. FRACCHI A
follow ing observation: "Ne i grandi cent ri fo r tifica t i d i Garaguso,
Crocc ia Cognato e Tempa Cor tagl ia la documen tazio ne a rc heolog ica s i
interrompe infatt i, bruscamen t e, a lia so gl ia d e l I I I se c. a . C .
territor io d i San Mauro For te , proba b ilmen t e f ino a qu e l per iodo aveva
costituito la zona agricola d i qu alcuno dei centri suddet t i , con t in ua
invece a vivere e a mantenere ta le fu n zione ag ricola . .. dopo
I'occupazione romana della Luc an ia ."32
Despite the dates av ailabl e fr om t he a na lysi s of t he b lack -glaze
pottery found at Tempa Cor ta g Iia , we bel ieve th at the re may be
evidence fo r co nt inued agr icultural ac t iv ity in th a t area in the
2nd-1st c. BC, as t he r e is no w su ch ev id e nce emerging in the a rea
between Sa n Mauro For t e and Ga raquso .
The existence of a pos s ibl e ga rr ison post a t Tempa de lla Ch ies a
in the Late Republican period may be lin ked to t he hea vy use of the
roads in the area :33
it may a lso be as soc ia t ed with co nti n ued
agricultural usage of the fe r ti le lands aroun d the a ba ndone d for t if ied
area of Tempa Cortaglia in t he 2nd - l st c . BC. We di d no t find a ny
Campa na C, other Hellenist ic g re y wares , Italian te r ra s igil atta nor
Roman fine -wares on any of the p la te au s s urvey ed, eve n th oug h ea c h
of those plateaus s eems to hav e hou s ed a farmstead in the 4th -3rd c .
BC. The postulated abandonment of local it ies in ea s te rn Lucani a ha s
been based on the absence of black-gl a ze forms datable to after the
mid -third c. BC; however, a pattern of agricultural fr equentation
ins tead of continuous habitation will not lea ve traces of itself in fine
pott e r y sherds. 34 A settlemen t re cord t raced through the
32Tramonti (above , n.3) 90.
33Buc k (above, n.ll) 115-7 .
34S uc h a situation has be e n s ug gested b y D. Ad ames teanu, "Ti pidi insediamen t i umani in Pug lia e Bas il icat a, II Posebna Izdan ia 24(1975) 259- 269: "Se s u qu a lch e centro luca no la v ita pe rsiste ancora ,come a Melf i 0 Mont e Ir s i , non si tratta piu di abitati be nsi di fattorierus t iche, d i veri p iccol i agg lomer ati agricoli 0 pastorali senz ' alcunaimportan za per la vi ta luc an a ." P .G . Guzzo , "11 te r r ito r io d ei
TH E T EMPA CORT AG LIA SU RVEY PROJ ECT 255
ev olut ion and impor-t at ion of eithe r Ca mpa n ia n produced in s pired
black g laze forms woul d no long er ex ist if a n a r ea were u s ed e it he r
sea s ona lly or on a bas is of fr equ e nt at ion fo r exclusively agricultural
work. Coa r s e wa re , ins tead of fi ne ware , would have been brought
to such s it es-- to ea t f ro m, e tc. - -fro m Roman supplied vill as. A
concomitant ch ange in coa rse wa re form s from the standard 4th - 3rd c.
BC type de scr ibe d a bov e would be ex pec ted . 35
At Tempa Cortagli a do lia r ims were found in the lower plateaus
and, more significantly, a sma ll sa mp le of datable coarse fo r ms , with
close parallels from Vittimos e , a 2nd- 1s t c. BC site, a nd Vagni , a s ite
inhabited from the 2nd c . BC to th e 4th c. AD. 36 The number of
samples datable to th e 2nd -1 s t c . BC is small in comparison to that
from the earlier period; however, Tempa Cortaglia is high (949 rn} ,
snowfall abundant, a nd wolves s t ill prowl through the forest preserve
of Tempa Cortaglia and at Costa Rai. Land could only be worked
from the late spring through ea r ly fall. If such frequentation or
sea s ona l habitation were the case, a larg e sample of material should
not be expected.
The surface s u r vey "ev ide nce " fo r postul ating fr equentation or
seasonal oc cupation in the 2n d - 1s t c . BC is very fragile. Excavation
o f one or more of the p la tea us a rou nd Temp a Cortagli a would
doubtless clar ify th e s itu at ion , Non ethel es s, further study of th ese
coars e ware forms may a llo w us g reate r u nderstanding of the s ud d e n
decrea se in sites in th e la te 3rd c . BC in Lucania, an d a ls o allow a
Bruttii" in Soci et a Roman a (above, n.2) 115-1 35 di scus s e s th e, a bsenceof black glaze form s dated to af ter the end of th e 3rd c .: " E inv alsaI'abitudine d i d at are tutta la vern ice ne ra a prima dell a fi ne di IIIsecolo a . C. las ci a nd o poi pe ro un v uo to f in o a lia co mpa r sa de lle terres ig ni lla te ... "( 115).
35St ephen L. Dy son, "Cos a : Th e Ut ilitari an Pott ery , " MAAR 33( 1976) 19-20.
36Stephen L. Dy son , Th e Roman Villas of B_~ccino, BAR 187(Oxford 1983).
256 H . FRACCHIA
modification of the complete v acuum seeming ly created by the Roman
intrusion into Eastern Lucania.
UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA HELE NA M. FRACCH IA
257
FOUR T H CE NTURY BC ARCHITECTURE FROM ROCCAGLOR I05A
An impor t an t result of the 1982 -83 excavation at this I ta l ic
fo r t ified site in West er n Lucan ia ha s been the discovery of a we ll
preserv ed group of structures dated to the 4th c. BC and centred
around a larg e paved cour t on t he cen t r a l platea u inside the
fo rt i f ica tion wall (F ig.1. See EMC n . s. 28 [1984) 187- 202 for an earlier
r eport an d ge ne ra l descript ion o f th e site). In view of the sca rcity
of documents perta ining to the arch itecture of I tal ic fo r t i f ied
set t lemen t s (excluding t he st udy of t he fo rti fications themselves), we
con sider this discovery a maj o r aspect of t he project undertak en by a
te am of the University of Alberta.
In the 1984 season differen t parts of the complex were explored
in order to cl arify t he lay ou t , f u n ction and c h r on olog y o f the
buildings .
A . Area immediat ely to the north of the pav ed cou r t (separated
from the latter by a tile wall ) : The ex cavat ion here helped to clarify
the function and exten t of a wall (F12 ) made entirely of fl at tiles laid
with the edges alon g th e f ace of the wall and partially bonded with
c1ay,1 which run s along th e N ed g e of the paved cou r t (EMC 28
(1984) Plate 1). The E end of t he t ile wall was cov e r ed by a thick
1A si mila r type of s tructure, al thoug h built with imbrices an d ina r ather irregular f ashion , was fou n d at Cozzo Presepe, in thehinterland of Metaponto : J.P. More l , Mel Rome 82 ( 1970) 81 Fig s. 7-8.Mo r e spec ific comments on the use ortTTeS in wall cons t r u c t ion,d u ring th e 4th / 3rd c . B C are in A . Mc Whir r (e d. ) Roman b r ic k an dtil es, B A R 5.68 (1 979) 13. The use of c la y as a boncrrngerement forwalTs is fir st mentione d by T h ucydides in the building of t he Athenianforti f ication at 5phacteria (T h uc. IV , 4, 5) .
258 M. GUALTIERI
layer of collapsed material from the destruction of the long ba ck wall
of the portico. The back wall continues toward the N on a more
massive scale, which may indica te its use also as a terracing wall
(F47-F48). The destruction of the latter had damaged some parts of
F12 to such an extent that its con tinuation beyond the NE corner of
the paved court was uncertain. Its full length (7m), however, was
ascertained by the end of the 1984 season and it was found to abut
against the continuation of wall B (i.e. the back wall of the portico
opening onto the paved court: Plate 1). The function of the tile wall
was to separate the "cerernonlal" area of t he complex with the shrine
(F11) and portico from the large unroofed area to the N which was
used as an ergasterion or "Industr-Ial area", The latter was
characterized by the presence of a long s tone built-dra inage canal
(F28) and minor drains made of imbrices plus a number of hearths or
furnaces made entirely of tile and a settling basin for clay (F40).
Whilst the extent of the ergasterion and the specific function of some
of the features found in it are yet to be cl a r if ied , its find in
association with a large paved complex is not without parallel in urban
contexts.2
B. Area E of the paved court: The mos t impo r tan t elements for
the reconstruction of the central part of th e complex and the history
of the structures in this part of t he site came from the excavation of
wall B (identified as such in 1983), i. e. th e ba ck wall of the portico
bordering the E and 5 side of the paved court (P lates 2 and 4). The
E face of wall B was exposed for its whol e length (10m) a nd up to a
height of over one metre in the N area, a b u tt ing onto F46, F47, and
F48, thus providing evidence fo r a majo r d iv is ion between th e area
opening onto the cour t and the a rea to t he E of th e po r ti co , to whi c h
two doors found in wall B (F55 a nd F56) ga ve access.
2A similar association of a pa ved a re a/ po rt ico co mpl ex wit h a nergasterion is found at Metapont o: F . D'Andria A tt i Tarc;r. to 17 ( 1977 )411.
4TH C . BC ARCH IT ECT URE FROM RCCC AG LOR IOSI'. 261
As al r ead y ment ion ed, wall B fun ction ed as t he back wa: I ( J f t he
po rt ico, s u p po r t ing the E s ide o f a pi tc hed r oof : t he W s ia e of the
roof wou ld have been s e t on wood e n po s t s r es t ing on t he b lock s o f
t he as h lar wall c re ating t he edg e of th e pa ve d a rea. 3 T he s ize a n d
accura te const ruc tion of wa ll B (ca refu lly sq ua red limes tone b lock s se t
in a s lig h tl y canti le ve re d fa s hion to cou n te r ac t t he u ns ta b le natu r e of
t he s loping groun d to the E ) u nderl ine s it s majo r fu nction of
per imeter wall for t h is pa r t of the co mp le x a n d confi rms t he p r oposed
r econstruc ti on of t he po r t ico borderi ng the E side of t he pa ved co urt
( Pla te 3 ) . Rooms 1 a n d 2, to t he S of it , must have been ad d ed in a
second moment. 4
Alth ou g h th e area E of th e wall B ha s been onl y pa r ti ally
e x p lo r ed, th e presence of th e tw o doo r s F55 a n d F56 (Plate 2) implie s
th e e xi stence of room s , or an ope n , fe nc ed s pace con nec ted with the
portico in th at direction. On t h e ot he r hand , the ca r ef ul bl ocking of
the tw o d oors ( t he s ta te in which t hey hav e been foun d ) poi n ts to a
re - s truc tur in g of th is pa r t of the co mp le x, whi c h has been te n ta t ive ly
dated in th e fir st hal f of the 3r d c. BC, an d a shrink in g of the
co mplex to t he a r ea immedi at el y s ur ro und ing th e co u r t. Poss ibl y , in
conjunction with s uc h a t r a n s fo r ma t ion , th e tw o rooms ( n umbe r ed 1
a n d 2) imrned iatet y to th e S of th e paved cou r t we r e ad d ed . Also,
th e lev el Iin g off of th e a r ea E of wa ll B by mean s of a t h ic k pottery
a n d til e dump a n d t he re bu ild ing , on t he top of t he r ema in s of wall
B, of a new wall mad e of coa rs e ly a nd irreg u lar ly la id limestone
block s, ha s p ro v id ed th e c lea r d oc u me ntation of lat er r e-u se of the
a re a , on a muc h r edu ced scal e . Such rebu ild ing pe rh ap s to ok pla ce
3Fo r a re con s truction of t he portico, J.E. J ones , L.H. Sac ke ttand A. J. Graham "An Attic co un try house below the cave of Pan a tVari" BSA 68 (197 3) 360 -6 5 an d Fig. 2 . At Vari the wooden s ha ft swere resting on a series of socketed s to ne bases rather than on anas hlar wall.
4T he E wall of Room 1 a b u ts on th e SE corner of Wall B; theac ces s from the portico into Roorr: 1 is clearly just a break into theE-W wall perpendicular to wall B.
262 M. GUALTI ERI
at the same time as some min or f arm b ui ld ings we re erected on top of
the 4th c . BC cemetery (~~ 32 [19 78] 413). T h is last ph ase of th e
complex can now be tentat ively da t ed t o t he late 3rd or earl y 2nd c .
BC5
and is quite consistent wi t h th e evidence so far ava i labl e f r om
other Lucanian sites in the period of t he Roman iz at ion of th e area6
(a lthough clear archaeological evidence as we fi nd on t he cen t r al
plateau is so far lacking).
C. Area at the south ex t r emi t y of the comp lex : A group of
rooms to the S of Rooms 1 and 2 and s im ilarly or iented were
excavated in the S area of t he compl ex by a team of st ud en t s of the
University of Alberta Summer Fie ld Sch ool. Exp lora ti on in this ar ea
was undertaken with the aim of cl a ri f y ing t he S l imit of t he comp lex;
th e discovery of a dense group of st r uc t u r es (Rooms 3. 4. 5 c lea rl y
continuing toward the Sand W) , u sed at leas t in part f or ha b ita t ion ,
has added new elemen ts for the g ener al in t er p r et at ion of t he comp lex
since clearly the majo r walls belong to the 4t h c. BC ph ase .
Rebuilding on a much reduced scale may be d ocumen t ed a lso in th is
area of the complex, but not yet preci sely dated, although i t would
seem to belong to t he late 3rd-early 2nd c . B C f re q u en t at ion of the
site mentioned above.
In addition to providing a detai led pla n of the ce n t r al part of
the lat e 4th c. BC complex (Fig . 1), t he 1984 season at Roccag loriosa
has produced some very important additional data on size, layou t , and
construction techniques of this group of buildings on the cen t r al
plateau. The specific use of i t s different parts an d t he funct ion of
5These date s ar e ba sed on a group of character ist ic coa r se-wa r eforms wh ich have been id enti fied b y H . Fracch ia in t he course of t he1984 season. Unfortu nate ly t he layers c learl y associated wi t h there b ui Iding of wall B ar e lack ing in diagnostic fin e-wares.
6D . Ad amestean u "Tipi d i in sed iamen t i uman i in Pug l ia eBa s i l icata " Pose bna Izd an ia 24 ( 1975 ) 268- 69; A. Gi ard ina and A .Sc h iavone (ed s . ) Soc ieta Roman a e Pr od uzion e Schi av istica : vol. 1L 'lta li a : I n sedi amen t i e Forme Economic he, ( Ba ri 1981) 153-59.
4T H C . BC A RCH ITECT URE FRO M ROCC A GLO R IOS A 263
the comp lex as a wh ol e are sti ll un cle ar. A comp let e s t ud y of the
as soci at ed finds and further ex p lo ra t io n at least toward the N and E
sid es a r e to be comp lete d before f in al r emark s ca n be made.
Architecturally, however, th e paved court and assoc iat ed
L-shaped portico do constitute , as or ig inall y suspected, the main
focu s of th e complex. Thu s , t he "m onumentalization" of thi s part of
the site, ( and perhaps of ot hers too) which takes place in the late
4th c. BC would seem to con form to what essentially is an established
architectural tradition in rural a r eas of the Mediterranean world.
Many parallels for this central feature are to be found in major
rural complexes of the late c lass ical Gr eek world (EMC 28 [1984 ) 192
n. 10) and it is tempting to consider this particular aspect of the
architecture of the site as an added element of influence from the
material culture of the Greek colonies.7
On the other hand, the
evidence from the inland areas of Central -Southern Italy may provide
some parallels for the use of a similar paved court, in both private8
and public9
buildings. A t the Roccagloriosa site itself, such a
Trez iny "Main d'oeure indigene etLucaniennes" in
fin de la Re ublique
8particularly at Gioia del Colle in Apulia, where some of thehouses on the acropol is (l ate 4th c. BC) show a similar type ofarchitectural arrangemen t : NSc 16 ( 1962 ) 103 and Fig.87. A probableexample has been found III the hinterland of Siris-Heraklea: L.Quilici, Siris-Heraklea, Forma I tal iae , Regio III, vol.1 (Rome 1967)144 and Fig. 307 . Relevant rem arks by P. G. Guzzo, Le Ci ttaScomparse della Magna Grec ia (R ome 1982) 140. ---
9At the site of Gioia del Colle a large portico belonging to theacropolis settlement has been r econstructed as opening onto .... :-:,"h1icsquare: NSc 16 (1962) 110 and Plate 5. At Alfedena, in Samnium, alarge rectangul ar building with portico in the ac r opol is area may havehad a similar function: P. Zanker, ed , . Hellenismus in Mitteli tal ien ,(Cott inqen 1976) 219-23 and Plate 2. Here, the replacement of timberwith stone for the column s see ming ly took place in the late 3r d c.BC. Although on a larger scale, the plan of the "S amnitic" sanctuaryat Rossan o di Vaglio in Central Lucani a shows remarkable simi la r i t y in
264 M. GUALTIE RI
structure would appear to be ra t her po p u la r in th e latter part of th e
4th c. BC since:
i) A s imila r architectura l a r ra ng ement is to be fou nd inthe group of structures excavated in 1977 on th e SEplateau, adjacent to the S gate (NS c 32 [1978] 403-408),where also substantial remains of theearly phase, dating tothe first half of the 4th c. BC a r e p rese r ved in thefoundations of a la rg e recta ngular building. In the late 4thc . phase, a paved court with a s tone dra inage cana l a t itsNE corner was partly built on top of the fou ndat ion s of thelarge rectangular building and became the main focus of agroup of rooms found immed iatel y to the E of it (Fig. 2) .
ii ) In a different part of t he s ite exp lored in 1983, theso- ca lled DB area outside of t he fortifica t ion wall ( EMC 28[1984] 196 and Plate 4), a paved a rea bo rdered byawideline of as h la r masonry has been part ially explored ( fo r a na rea of about 6m x 6m) a nd dated to the second half of the4th c. BC.
Although the simi lar ity of a rch itec t u r a l a r ra ngeme n t with the
complex on the central plateau is evident, in t he last two ca ses it is
impossible to de f ine a s peci f ic fu nction fo r t he paved cour t, due to
the fragmentary character of the archaeolog ical ev id ence av ailable .
However, such parallels in different areas of t he nucleated site po int
out the ubiquity of this type of cons t r uc t ion , whi c h would a p pea r to
be characterist ic feature of alleged proces s of
"monumentalization" of the settlement areas in the late 4th c. BC.
The more specific function whi ch ca n be assigned to th e large
paved court on the central plateau, after the discovery of F11 with
the undisturbed votive deposit in side it (EMC 28 (1984] Pis. 2-3), also
archi tectural arrangement: D. Adamesteanu and M. Lejeune "IIsantuario lucano di Macch ia di Rossa no di Vag iio" MemLinc 16 (19 71 )39- 83 . Recently, a large paved area (bor d e r ed byanashla r wal l)from Moio della Civitell a in the hinte rla nd of Vel ia /Elea , dat ed to th e3rd c. BC, ha s been co ns idered as compelli ng evid ence fo r ap roto-urban deve lopm en t of the s ite , a llege d ly unde r t he influen ce ofne arby Elea: A. Schnapp and E. Greco, "Moio de lla Civ itell a et Ieterr ito ir e de Ve lia" MelRom e 95 (19 83) 399- 405, Figs.14 and 18 .
4TH C . BC A RCH ITECTURE FROM ROCCA GLOR IOSA 265
o~
1':~ ~;~~~~~~~~~~~~~/:r r I
I '-~ -.....-......~.......~-
Ea r ly phase (f i r s t hal f 4t h c. B. C.)
Late fo ur t h ce n t ury ph a s eD = pa ve d co ur tE = dra i nage ca na l
Po s sib ly co nnec ted wit h l a t e 4 t h c . ph .is e
lJnce rt a in
! I -\ t- ~~-+-+-+-+
FIGURE 2 : SCHEMATIC RECONSTRUCTION OF BUILD ING PHASES ONSE PLATEAU, ADJACENT TO SOUTHERN GATE . (L. S.)
(FOR GENERAL PLAN OF SITE SEE EMC n.s .3 [1984J 191, F IG. 3 . )
266 M . GUALTIERI
underlines the grow ing co mpl ex i t y of this particular group of
structures and t hei r t r an sfo rmati on into a ce n t r e of " publ ic" acti vi t y,
in association with th e increasing " centrality" of t he fo r t i f ied ar ea
(EMC 28 [1984] 197-98). Hopefully, t h is still t enta t ive reconst ruction
of the function of the central pla teau will be cl arified by an additiona l
season of work which is being planned for 1985 . For this opportunity
to complete the study of th e 4t h c . BC comp lex, thanks ar e extended
to the Central Research Fun d of the Un iv er s i t y of Alber ta and to th e
Ital ian Department of Antiqu ities.
UNIVERSITY OF ALBE RT A
A CKN OWLEDGEM ENTS
MA UR I Z IO GUA LT I ER I
We wish t o express ou r g rat itude to t he Sop r in t endenzaA rcheolog ica of Salerno and Pro f. W. Joh annowsky, Superintendent,for muc h hel p and encouragement. A generous g ran t from the Soci alSc iences and Humanities Research Co un cil of Canada (410 -84047 8) andadditiona l f u nding f r om the Cen t r al Rese ar ch Fund of t he Universityof A lberta made the 1984 season possib le. The ex cav at ion teaminc luded the wr i te r as Director ; Dr. H. Fracch ia ( Depar t ment ofClassics , U. of A lberta) in charg e of th e pottery cataloguing andprocessing , w ith the help of A. Keith (U. of Michigan) and L .Mancebo (Management Sys tems, U. of California, Berkeley) . Sitesu perviso r s we re W. Elliott and C . Gorrie ( Department of Classics, U.of Al berta) and R . Talman (U. of California, Ber k eley ) . Geo logis t T .Ch en owe t h (U . of Cal ifornia, Berkeley) st udied the geomorphol ogyand soi l d ep os i ti on on the central plateau, with particular reference toth e p heno mena of earth subsidence wh ich caused the sinking of t he Nsid e of the paved ar ea. K. Spizydowicz ( Na tiona l Con se rva t ionInstitu te, Ottaw a and Si r Sandford Flemi ng Co llege, Peterborough ,Ontario) was in charge of t he re st ora tion of the finds f ro m t he vo ti v edeposit. Pro f. S. B6k 6ny i, Di rec tor , Archaeol ogi cal I n st itute of theHungarian A cademy of Sci ences studied t he fa una l remai ns an d gaveadvice on samp l ing st ra teg ies for t he r ecov ery of animal bo ne s. Dr.L. Constantini , Laboratory of Bioa r chaeo log y , ISMEO , Rome , d i r ec t edthe operation s of t he f lo ta tion of so i l samp les fo r t he re cov ery ofbotanical rem ains. Arch itects fo r the ex ca v ation were J. Roug et et(CNRS, Paris) and L . Scarpa (Un iversity of Nap les ) .
267
STATURE AND ARCHAIC STATUES
Most of us are under the imp res s ion that the average height of
ancient Greeks and Romans wa s "sh ortish". It is suprising, then, to
read such comments a s Pr of es sor Boardman ' s1
that: "An ' idea l' man is
and was six feet tall. II Thi s may re p r esen t some artistic or aesthetic
ideal - but one charm of a n ideal is th at it is achieved infrequen tly.
Si x -footers there ce r ta inl y were , fo r they are mentioned in ancient
written sources. Undoubtedly they were ad mir ed for being large r
than ave rag e , yet not so hu g e as to be unattractive. Nevertheless,
they must have been les s common than in modern Greece and Italy.
The evidence in dicates, moreover , that whe n the id ea l wa s achieved,
it wa s more often among th e killoi k'agathoi than among the gene ral
citizenry .
Sin ce Boardman gives t he mea sur'ernen t s of the kouroi and korai
he discu s ses, it is not difficult to jud g e whether they mig ht represen t
humans on a I: I scale. Clea r ly three -metre t ita n s and three-foot
mini atures do not. Amon g th ose whi ch we ca n accep t as life -size2
th e New York Att ica kouros , 184 c rn, t he Vo lomand ra kouros a nd the
Dressed kouros from Sam e s , 179 em. The Tenea kouros and the
"twins" from Tanaqra , 135 an d 147 crn . respectively, are s hort, b u t
there are men of such stature. Youth may be a con t ri b u t ing facto r
a lso . The b ronze ko uros from the Peiraios . 192 em , Kroisos, 194 em,
Ar is todi kos, 195 cm and Biton, 197 em, wou ld not appear especi a lly
1J oh n Boa rdm a n , Gree k Sculpt ure: T h e Ar ch ai c Pe r iod (NewYor k and To ron to 1978) 78 .
2T he rneas u r emen ts are from Boa rd man , Fig ures 63, 104 , 84,121 , 66 ,1 50,107,145 , 70, 71 , 151 , respec t ive ly .
268 D. EMANUELE
ta ll on a basketball team, but they would have s tood some what mor e
than "head and shoulder-s" over t hei r co n tem porar ies . There a r e
fewer korai that lend themselves to th is discu s s ion ; Nika ndre is only
a centimetre under six feet fa ll, a t 175 crn , a nd Acropol is 682
measures a ll of 182 cm . Still, t hese ladi es are no t imposs ib ly ta ll ,
bearing in mind Herodotus' accou nt (1 .60) of Phye , Pe is is tratos '
bogus Athena. Although all of th ese a r e of a height to be regarded
as life-size representations, it is no t poss ib le to be s u re that they
a re indeed so. They much exceed the ave ra ge observed in th e sca nt
skel et al rema in s t hat have bee n stud ied.
It is well kn own th a t in ancient societ ies - and modern, too
the wealthy at e be tter th an t he poor . It is bu t speculation to
sugge st t hat t he fo rmer became t he uppe r class because they we re
large r a nd strong e r to begin with. Be t hat a s it may, t here is a
meas ura bl e diffe rence in stature between membe rs of th e higher and
lower orde r s .3
Suc h differences a re sa id to be ev id ent in the legion
of so ld ie r s ta tues b u ried with the firs t Emperor of Ch ina , Qin Shi
Hua ng Di (259 -210 BC). These effigies represent t he office rs and
me n of h is a r my, t he nobles being ta ller. 4 Excavations of Alemann
g ra ves (5 th to 8th c. after Christ) in Germany reveal a s imila r
pa t te rn; the graves contain ing weapons a nd va lua b le ob ject s
be token ing h igh e r s t a t us also contai ned the skeletons of larger men
th an the weapon less, poorer bur ial s .5
This cl a s s - r e la ted di ffer en ce
in si ze calls to mind Thersites (~ 2 .2 11- 20) th e ugl ies t man in
Agamemnon's a r my ; th is muc h -de s pi se d commoner was not on ly
3Cf. James W. Hat ch a nd Rich ard A . Ge idel, "Traclnq Statusand Diet in Prehistoric Ten nes see, It Ar ch aeol ogy 36 (1 983) 57 .
Cott rel l, Theica l Find of UL:i'r
5Ne i1 M. Hube r, liThe Pr obl em of Stature Inc rease" in D.Brot hwell (ed .) The Skeletal Biolog y of Ea r lie r Huma n Pop u lat ions( Pe rga mon Press 1968) 73- 75 , Tab le 1.
ST ATURE AND ARCHAIC ST ATU ES ?F.Q
ill - fav oured, ob noxious and low-born , b ut a lso s hor t. Is it lik el y,
t hen, t ha t many Archaic statues, wh ic h a r e a lready recog n ised as
representing members of the upper class, are in fact Iife -size despite
their ap parent tallness ?
Measurable s ke leta l remain s from Ar cha ic and Classica l Greece
are not abundant - a condition due largely to the nature of the soi l
and perhaps in some ca se s to the practise of cremation. The da ta
base , the refore, is not larg e eno ug h to al low sweeping conc lus ions
concerning t he physical fea t ures of whole po p ulations . None th el e s s,
su ch experts as An g el6
beli eve t ha t the average stature among
ancient Greeks was a bou t th e sa me as that of modern Greeks.
Military record s gathered in t h is centu r y indicate that Greek s and
Ital ians us ed to av erag e a bou t 516 11 u nti l t he Fir st Wor ld War; since
the n, the a ve rag e has been r is ing , more markedly s ince the Se cond
Wor ld War . Alth ough these peop le s a re a b it s ho r te r tha n Ameri can s
and northern Europe ans , it is well to be ar in mind s uc h exa mp le s as
the Evz ones regiment in Greece , whos e members must be over s ix feet
ta ll . Office rs, of co u rse , a re excep t ed - a r ev e r sal ot th e s it ua t ion
in wh ic h th e u p pe r cl a s s wa s made u p gen e ra lly o f tal ler ind ividuals !
J . Lawrence Ang el ' s s t ud y of s ke le ta l re mains of prehis toric da te
s ho ws small a nd measu rab le, b ut not drama ti c . d iff e r e nces be t wee n
the heights of persons at s eve r a l Neol ithic an d Bronze Age s ites.7
The mean height for males in four differen t locales falls between 168.2
cm an d 161 Col. The mean heights for the Middl e and Late Bro n ze
Ag e come from la rger g roups of subjec ts a nd a re q uite clo s e (1 66. 3
C ol and 166.1 Col) to th e mean he ig h t of Etruscan skeleton s s t ud ied by
6CF. E. Gu rnalni c k , "T he Pro po r t ions of Kouro i, II AJA 82 (1978)463, n.2l.
7J . Lawren ce Angel, II Pal eodemog raphy a nd Kouroi ; " AJPhysAnth. 31 (1969) 343-5 3.
270 D. EMANUELE
Cipriani (164.9 cm)8 and Malleg ni. 9 The females in Angel's groups
range between 154.6 cm and 152 .3 cm, again quite close to Cipriani IS
findings (155.3 cm) and Mallegni's. Angel and Burns1
0 give 166.4 cm
as the average height for Early-I ron-Age males in Greece. While
skeletons belonging to the Classical Per iod at Athens are rare , Angel
has studied what remains there are; 11 t hese individuals were not
remarkably taller than the groups already mentioned. These figures
are very near also to Angel's estimate of the mean height of the
average "Ancient Greek", 162.2 cm for males and 153.35 for females12
(representing an average for all spec imen s for all periods of
antiquity) . A few skeletons from Corinth, datable to some time
between the 4th and 6th c . after Christ, represent individuals of
somewhat greater stature; 13 the he igh t of two of the three males
mentioned by Wesolowsky is in the low 170Is, plus or minus about 4
cm, or about 5110 11 to 61• So far, there ha s been found no skeleton
of an individual the size of the tall er statues mentioned above .
Indeed, the female statues listed are the si ze of above-average males.
The archaeological evidence cited abcve indicates tha t some
statues are too large to represent averag e aristocrats, even if as a
group they tended to be taller than th eir social inferiors. And the
8L. Cipriani, "Statura e p ropo rzioni degli arti in scheletri d itombe etrusche ," Studi Etruschi 3 (1929) 368; females 369.
9F. Mallegni, "Esame di resti scheletrici umani in 7 tombeetrusche," NSc 31 (1977) 205-210.
10J . L. Angel and P. Burns, "Append ix III in C.K. Williams andJoan Fisher, "Corint.h 1972: the Forum Area, II Hesperia 42 (1973)32-33.
11J. Lawrence Angel, "Skeletal Remains from Attica , II Hesperia14 (1945) 184-5.
12 lb id. 354-60, Tables 3 and 4 .
13AI B. Wesolowsky, "The Skeletons of Lerna Hollow, II Hesperia42 (1973) 340-351.
STAT URE A ND ARCHA IC ST A T UES 27 1
smaller ones are too short unless we assume (not unreasonably) a
young model. Mu st we beli ev e, th en , that a sculptor oug h t to
measure hi s work so ca re f u lly as to make it corresp ond precisely to
the heig ht of t he h uman model ? In deed, if the sta t ue is six feet tall
wh i le th e li v ing subject was on ly 5'6 11, we might say, fol lo w ing
Board man , that t he st at ue rep resen ts the subject ideali zed. And if
the sta t ue t u r ned ou t to be shor te r , perhaps the ar t is t 's block of
marble was not larg e en oug h . In suc h instances, it woul d be fair to
say that th e sc u lp to r mean t th e work to be regarded as life-size.
But in th e ca se s of K leobis and Bi to n , t he New York Attica kouros .
and the ot her s men t ioned ab ov e we are presen t ed with a problem.
Most of us have st ood b es id e in d i v id ua ls of such stature and felt
short. How, then , woul d a 516 11 Creek vi ew these statues?
Presumably, they would see them as representations of persons of
heroic status - as Kleobis and Biton in fa ct were regarded. T h is ,
too, is exactly how the 5th c. Athenians viewed the "bones of
Theseu s" brought home by Kirr.on (Plut. Thes. 36. 2); in ot her words,
a hum an of rare , but possibl e, st ature ; colossa l , to be sure, but
more 50 for ancient times th an modern . Consequently, to d escr ibe a
statue as "sl iqht ly over life s i ze" or "almost life s iz e" is valid only as
a relative comment to help a mod er n , tallish reader to visuali ze the
work. In comparison to human s of th e Archaic Period, however, the
st atues are either too shor t o r t oo tall to be precisely life size.
UNIVERSITY OF MANITOBA
APPENDI X
Ancient Armour: Made to Measure
D. EMANUELE
Personal stature also can be estimated indirectly, using ar t icl esworn on th e person. These ca n give u s on ly the relative size of thewearer an d , indeed, one mu st b ewa r e of leaping to such unwa. rantedconclusions as Mar ina t os ' in publishing a 43 cm spe arhead as the
272 D. EMANUELE
weapon of a "Giant Warrior in t he Ea r ly Iron Age" . 14 A sword hilt,however, bears a closer re la t ion t han does a s pea r hea d to the s ize ofthe hand that wields it. The hil ts of swor d s from Basi licata ( ra ng ingin dNe from the 8th to the 5th c. BC) a ff o rd a grip only about 8 cmlong while a modern six-footer's ha nd requ ires about 10- 12 cm.Greaves, worn on the lower leg , tell t he sa~ story. Archaicgreaves from Lucania a ve rag e 37-38 cm in length, whil e the leg of amodern six-footer (myself) requires a 45 cm greave .
The helmet must be large enough to allow the wearer's head toenter through t he open bottom. None of the s pec ime ns I have seenin Lucania are large enough to fit ove r my head, even without thelea t he r padding they originally po sses sed. Careful mea surement,moreover, shows that the Corinthian he lmet, r egarded as th; 7PurelyGreek type, was slightly larger tha n the Apulo-Corinthian. Thecrown of the former is ab out 20-23 cm long from fr ont to back , wh ilethe latter's range is on ly from 18 to 20. Perhaps th ey ha d thinnerlin ings. On e notes in addition t hat the Ap u lo- Corin thian hel met ismor e ne a r ly hem ispherica l t han t he Greek ty pe (see T ab le 1) ; th at is,the leng th and wid t h are mor e nearl y eq ua l. It is rem a r kable ,therefore, that the la s t three "Corinthi an " helm ets on the lis t s hare
~~:~at~esa tu~~ee:ithm~~i~s Ab~ltO-;~;in~~~~~. is T~~~~ic~Tgora~~~~e m~~~~~~~ :therefore , a re t0 1~e set apa rt as a separate g roup , Italo-Cor inth ian.
Furtwanqler a nd al l who commen t on the issue maintain t ha tbe cause the Apu lo- Cor in thian helmet was too s mall for a man to wea r(a mod e r n six foo te r , no doubt) it was stri ct ly ornamental. Tha t is ,it was a "p arade" helme t or, more fr eq uen tl y, a fu ne ra r y offe r ingmeant to be buried with a d ec eased nobleman. But if t his is true ,then we must a lso discou nt t he Italo- Cor in thi a n as a " r ea l" hel me t.Why , furthermore, were the illus t r ious dead not buried with t hei r" real" helmets? An imita tion co u ld ha rdly have been a p p rec iab ly
145 . Marinatos, "The Giant Warr ior in the Early Iron Age, II
Ar chAna l 1 (196 8) 276-77.
15 p. Danie l Emanuele, Armor and Weapons f rom Pre-Lucan ianBasilicata (Diss. , U of Texas a t Ausbn 1982) esp.59, no.5.
16 lb id. 198-200.
17 lb id. 171, Table 3 .
18Cf. P. Or land ini, "As petti d ell 'arte indigena in Magna Grecia , II
Atti del convegno XI d i s tu d i sulla f.:1agna Grec ia (1971) 273-3 08 .
19A. Fur-tw a nq le r , Olymp ia , Er tebnisse IV (Berlin 1890) 109-110;E.J. For sd y ke , Greek a nd Roman ife, ed.3 (London 1929) 76; H.Bloesch , "Ein Eberhel mli , Mela ng es d archeologie offerts a P. Col laT~
Cahiers d'archeol ogi e r oma nde (1976) 86-87.
STAT URE AN D AR CHAI C ST A T UES 273
cheape r ; and economy would be the ch ief r eason for making co pies ofmore costly items for inc lusion in a bu ria l . Admi tted ly , three,possibly fou r, of t he 37 A p ulo-Corinthian he lmet s k no w n to me cou ldnot have been wo r n in batt le. Three ha ve no eyehol es ; ins tead , t he yare de corat ed with eyes in r epous se . The fourth has eye ho les fi ll edwith iv or y p lates carved in t o eyes , per haps added on the occasion ofth e owner' s death. Neve rtheless, t ha t leav es 33 mor e or lessse rviceable helmets, one of which a mod er n I t ali an museum Guard(Plate 1) wore qui te comfortably . He re ports t ha t t he tin y ey;holesafford only poo r visibil ity, but t his is on e of t he reason s fo r theabandonme n t of t he Co r in t hi an he lmet in the fo u r t h c . BC.
T he only se r ious objection to t he us e of th e Apulo-Cor inthianhelmet in battle is a more technica l on e . Blyth has pointed ou t in t hecorrespondence that the bron ze in A p u lo- Cor in t h ian helm ets is u su allytoo thi n and brittl e to wi t hs tar.d he av y blows without injury to t heweare r . On th e ot her han d, while presen t-d ay consumer advocatesmight denounce publ ic ly suc h defect s, one rTtQY se r iou s ly questionwhether the ancient warr io r was aware of them.
TABLE 1: HELMETS FROM BASILICATA (LUCANIA)
Corinthian,
Apulo-Corinthi an
L W H21.4 18.9 21. 9*21.5 18. 5 23.220.5 16.8 22.022.0 18.922.9 19.0 22 .022 . 1 18.5 21.422 .4 19.1 21.5
9 18.0 16.0 17.810 19.9 16.8 17.011 19.5 17.8 16.0
20 . 0 18. 5 18.018.3 17.5 19.819. 2 17.8 18 .020.0 17.2 19.5
* All measurements a r e in cm.For catalogue numbers, Emanuele, above, n. 15.
20 C f. P. H. Blyth, Th e Effectiveness of Greek Armour aqalnstArrows in the Persian War__(490 -4 79 Be): An Interdlsclpllllary Enqurr:y:(Diss. Reading 1977) 192-94 : liThe armourers would appear to hecutting things fine .. .. II
274
. . : .THI nun LE! SOM. T H I WarT IM e LE.SJO ~ ( Aao Yf " Wl.fTt"C·.OL1~ A ' OlDID T" a LIT. It KU LIN C IQll'AI., .-re.)
From t he Ku li l o( Dololr i.. no • • t Btr lia (No.llIS)' .
M#"~(i.II"I,, ,tit.,.. ill . PI . IC' 5'"
THI LYI.. L rnO N. A ND T Hr po rT a .,. LU \ O N (A"'J" I IS AM Oa H"WIKTAL "AMUse_ lrT' .....KIT) . ·
From. Kli li. by Douri .. aow in Ikrlu.(No.aalst. .,:
M.....,."riJ.,lt' J.lli ,••, I I. . PlI te S" .:.~ .-.~ .
BOOTH: FIGURE 1
275
DOURIS' CUP ANC' T HE STAGES OF SCHOOLING
IN CLA SSI CAL ATH ENS
The programme of s t ud y p u r s ue d by the well -born boy in the
cla s si cal period comp rised , on the inte llec t ua l s ide , letters a nd music;
th a t is c lea r ly attested. 1 T he di ffi culty is to determine the order in
which he ta ckled these s u b jects. Th e co mmon view, in sofar as on e is
repres en ted by t he a u t hors ment ion ed below, would have th e ch ild
attend th e grammatistes for lette r s a nd the kitharistes for music from
the age of a bout s e ven , when schoo ling began, until puberty . 2 But
desp it e t he e loq uent testimony th ought to be of fe r ed by Dou r is in the
sc enes in Figu re 1 ,3 s uch conc u r r e n t stud y is far from ce r ta in .
One scene featu res a fl u te les son and a writing le s son , wh ile the
ot he r r ep laces t he a u letes with a ki th ari stes. Training in the flute
fel l from fas h ion in t he 5th c . , as t he anecdote a bou t Alci b iades
remi nd s : he refused such in struction lest pu ff ing s ho u ld distort his
1See Iso c. Ant. 267; PI . Ch rm. 159c; Prt. 312b . 325d -326 b; Xen.Lac . Pol. 2 . 1 . TTfi e text presenTS t he esse nce of a pape r read to t heannu<ll mee ting of the Archaeologi cal Ins titute of America a t To ron toin Decembe r 1984 .)
2T he t hi rd branch of boyhood in s t r u ct ion , a th letics u nder th epai dotribes , is bel ieved to have extended s imila r ly t h ro ug h theseyea rs . This poin t me r it s r econ sidera t ion , b ut not wit hin the co nfineso f t he present br ie f not e .
3T he r-ep r od uct ion s a re bo rrowed fro m K. J . Freeman , Schools o fHell a s (London 1907) plates 1A a nd 1B, oppos ite pp .5 2an~fu r t he r F. A . G . Bec k, Alb u m of Gr ee k Ed uca t ion (Sy d ney 1975) 14-15,18 (3 1), 32 (41 ); plate 10.53, 54; pl a te 30 . 168 . E . A . Hav el ock, TheLite ra te Rev olution in Greece and it s Cultural Co n seq uerl"CeS( Princeton 1982) 201-203 contest s , uncon v inc ing Iy , th at pr ima r yed uca t ion is here repr -e se n ted ; c f . L . Woodbury, "Th e LiterateRev olution : A Revi ew Ar t ic le ; " EMC n. s . 2 ( 1983 ) 331- 32 .
276 A. D. BOOTH
profile.4
But, clearly, both scenes re p r ese n t the two subject-areas
that exercised the mind of a n Athenian lad. The figure with the
crook is the paidagogos, the sla ve who s hepherded the chi Id to and
from school and supervised his cond uct in public and in class. His
presence indicates that we are dealing with public, not private ,
education. So the cup surely attests publ ic schooling in letters and
music at Athens in the early part of the 5th c. But is it sa fe to
deduce that the pupil would learn these subjects simultaneously?
Such a conclusion has been prompted by the s imilarity of the
figure in attendance at each of the teachers. But this line of
reasoning shou ld take a s te p further: since the auletes and
grammatistes in one scene look al ike, on e ought then to infer that the
same teacher taught both subjects. Bu t tha t interpretation would
have to be declared dubious in light of the other scene: there,
certainly, the kitharistes and grammati stes look al ike , but then the
representation of the paidagogos doe s not differ markedly. Yet the
painter surely did not intend to imply that the one man fu nc t ioned
simultaneously as paidagogos, grammatistes, and kitharistes. Hence
the ready conclusion that, for th e adults, the a r t is t has used stylized
figures. If this is so, then the sa me is likely to hold true for the
pupil; thus the resemblance between the figures attending the
individual teachers cannot in itself be taken for sec u re proof that
letters and music were studied contemporaneously.
If the need for caution is obvious, it has nevertheless been
ignored, with detriment. For the imp ression of "concurrency" c r ea ted
by these scenes has begotten a carelessness in the treatment of
written sources. Thus P. Girard gave s hor t shrift to t he lite ra r y
evidence, affirming, main ly on the basi s of the cup, th a t the bo y,
on ce having mastered th e r udi me n t s of lett ers , wou ld t herea fte r
4p lu t. Alc. 2.4 -6; Aul . Gell. NA 15 .17; d . Bec k (abov e , n .3)24 .
DOU RIS' CUP 277
attend the k itha r is tes a s well as t he 9 r ammatistes. 5 And K. J.
Freeman, a bout to a ver t hat "on t he vases letters a nd mu sic a re s ee n
being ta ug h t si de by si de , ,,6 sa w s uc h s imu lta neou s study implied by
th e following rema rk s of Xeno p ho n ( Lac . Pol .2. 1) :
TWV uc v r o f v uv aAAwv ' EU nvwvo i ¢>UOKOVT£e; K(HAHJTO TOUe: u i c tr; nOlo£u£1 V, En£ I OaV n iXIOToalJToie; o i nOlO£e; TCt A£y6u£vo i:UVIWOIV, £u6ue; uc v £11 ' c u r o Ir;no I oa ywyoue; 6£ pu novT0 C: E¢>IO TiioIV , £u6ue; o ~ n( j.J nouol v c i coloooK a Awv j.J06 Ilooj.J( voue; KO'i ypa j.J uo Ta KO'i j.J OUOI Ki"JV KO'i Ta £VnOAofoTP <C ,
Yet a glance at t he fu lle r co nt e xt (d .3 . 1) reveals th at Xenophon ha s
in min d the wh o le of boyhood and its ac tivi ti e s . So, if his u se o f
£u 6u e; stres ses the re adine s s of Greek paren ts (the Spartan s a pa r t ) to
re linq u is h to a s lave paidagogos s u pe r v is ion of the ed u ca t ion of their
children, it need not mea n t hat the c h ild , on reaching s c hool- ag e ,
would be cond uc ted immed ia te ly to a t r in ity of teachers (grammatistes,
kithari stes, paidotribes) . For Xen ophon might well express himself
thu s ev en were prog ress ive st ag e s involved.
F. A. G. Beck, wh o would also c linc h his ca s e by appeal to
Douri s' cup, likewise find s support for the "concurrent" view in
Xenophon, but he does admit th at thi s testimony is "not completely
unequivocal .· J Beck thought to find some additional measure of
confirmation in the well -known passage where Plato's Protagoras
sketches th e education of a citi zen boy (Prt. 325d -326a):
UETa o ~ r c Or c £ i e; 0 I OOOKaAWVn(j.JlIOVT£e; nOAU uau ov EVTO AOVTCl l £n I j.Jd£1 06 a I £UKOO j.J f a e; TWVnof6 wv f\ y pauua Twv T£ KOI KI6 0pfo£we; ' o i o ~ Olo aOKaAOITO(JTWV T£ £lIlj.J£AouvTa l , Ka 'i En£ IOa V 06 y paUj.JOTa j.J a6wo lv Kalj.J (UWOIv c ovrio e I v TCt Y£YPOPj.J(VO WOll£P T6 T£ Ti"J V ¢>w v nv ,na pa T l6 (oOIV aUToie; £nl TWV Sa6 pwv o:vaYlYVWOK£ I V no r ntev6:ya6w v no I nj.JaTO KO'i £Kuov 6uV EI v a voYKul;ouo l v , £V ole; nOAAo 'i
6Freeman (above, n.3) 50- 52. By "vases" he means Dour is 'cup.
7Cree k Ed uc a t ion 450-350 BC ( Lon d on 1964) 80-8 3.
278 A . D . BOOTH
~~V Vo u8 £Tno £1 e; ~ v£l a l v , 7TO AAUl O ~ o U: ~ OO O l KUl ~7TU1VO l KUl£yKW~ i c 7TU AUll]V a v op wv ayu8wv , t vu 0 7TU l e; l,;nAwv u 1~n T U 1 KUlop{ynTu l r o i cur oc y £v{ o 8u l. 0 \ T' u6 K18uPlOTUf, ~ T £ PUTOlaUTU, ow<p poo uvn e; T£ £7T l ~£AOUVTUl KUl lI7TW<; &v 0;' V{Ol~ no~v KUKOUPYWO1V·
Beck does recogn ize, how ever, that this tex t woul d provide eq ua lly
good authority for the supposition that ins t r u ct ion in music followed
the learning of letters. And certain ly an unbia sed reader might
readily assume that younge r boys ( 7Tu 16 £e;) a t t end ed the
grammastistes, older ones ( VE0 1) t he kithar istes.
This latter interpretation recalls the curr icular prog res si on met
in Plato's Laws (7 . 80ge - 810b ) :
£ i e; uc v YPU~~UTU 7T U101 o£K£T£l OX£o?> vtvl uu To l TP£ l <;, AUPU<; o ~ aljJuo8u l r p Iu uc v £Tn KUt UK UyEyOV601V &pX£08U l ~ €T P10 <'; 0 xp 6voe; , £ ~~£l VU l o ~ ~ T£PU rp I'c .KUl urir e 7T AElW TOUTWV urir ' £Aunw 7T u TPl ~no ' CL tmii,<P1AO~u80uVT l ~no~ ~lOOUV T 1, 7T£ Pl TUUTa Ei:£o Tw ~£fl,; W ~n o~
O.unw Ol UTp \fl i')v 7T0 1E:10 8CLl 7T UP U VO ~ o v ' 0 o ~ ~i') 7T£ 186~£vo e;
&Tl~ O e; TWV 7TCLl<'l£fwv ~ !J T W Tl~WV , tie; o Aryo v {SOT £POV p nT£ov .~CLv 8uv£IV o~ £V TOUTOl e; TOl <; xp6V Ol e; on r f 7TOTE o£ l TOUe;V£Oue; KUl OI OUOK£ 1V U{) TOUe; OlOUOK UAO U<;, TOUTO UtJT?> 7T PWTOV~uv8uv£. YPU ~ ~CLTU ~ £ V TOf vu v xp n T?> ~£x P 1 TOU yp uljJu 1 T£ KUtaVUYVWVCLl OUVUT?>V dVCLl S t c n ove Lv - 7T P?> C; TUXOe; o~ 11 Ku H oe;a7TnKpl!3wo8CLf T10 1V, o te; ~n <PU 0 1<; £7T £01T£UO£V E:V TOl <;T £ TUY~ { V 0 1 <; ~T£ O IV, XCLf P£ lV Eav .
The sense seems s t r a ig h t fo r wa r d: the boy is to learn le tters fr om the
age of ten to thirteen, then t he lyre from thirteen to s ixteen. Yet
H. -I. Marrou has argued that Plato indi cates rather the periods at
which particular emphasis is to be accorded either subject, the child
being ira fact expected to study both subjects f r om the age of se ven
to sixteen. 8 This interpretation is d ifficult to reconcile with the
text, which clearly deal s with ini t iation to le tt e r s a nd the lyre, whi Ie
defining the duration of th e s e primary studies. Pla to' s ma n ifes t
in ten tion then is to limit the ins t r uc t ion of t he grammatistes and th e
kitharistes to the su cc e s si ve tri en nia sp ec ified.
8Histoire d e Pe d uca ti on dans l'ant iq u lte 7 ( Pa r is 1977) 530-531;cf. G.~row, Fla to' s C r~ ~a_n CJty U(Prlncet on 1960) 332 .
GCU RIS ' CUP 279
In conc luding ot he rwi se , Marrou may have beer: unduly
in fl uenced b y th e " concu r r-en t " v iew , wh ich he seems to acc ep t ClS the
reg u la r patter n of st ud y a t Athens . 9 A nd Be ck , ClS we ha v e see n ,
woul d li k ewi se ha ve t he evidence o f th e Protago ras co nform with t h is
view. But its mainstay, as now emerges, is no stou ter tha n a sha ky
conjecture f r om Dou r is ' cup . If, on the ot he r ha nd, t h e P ro tag~~_22
does in dica te th at instruc ti on in letters woul d preced e mu si ca l s t ud y,
th en t he cur ri culum prescribed in t he Laws is p r ob ab ly mode lled upon
A t hen ian prac t ice, and Pla to may well s ig na l t here t he ages at whi ch
th e boy u sua l ly attended fir st the gramma t !~ t~~ , t hen t he k i lhari stes .
Con f i rma ti on of thi s deduc t ion is prov id ed , ob i iquel y , by an
inscript io n f ro m T eas, da ted to t h e 3r d c. BC, wh ich r ecor d s
educational ar r an g emen t s funded by t he gener osi ty of one Polythrus
(~..!~3 578 . 8-20):10
&noo£ fKvuoSa l Ka S' ~KaoT o v ~T O e; £V ciPx[a l]l p£o fa l e; l.J£TU r hvTWV y pa l.Jl.JaT€wv a Ypc o 1v ypa l.Jl.Ja TOO1oao K[<i] IAOUe; r o c I r;, 0 I Tt v£e;ol M ~ oUO l V TOUe; naT6a c; Ka! Ta e; na pS € j v oue; · o foo oSa l o£ [T ]Wll.J£V £n! T~ npWTOV ~p y o v XCl pOTov nS€VT[ J] I TOO £Vl aUTOOopa Xl.JU e; £l; a KOo fo.e;, TWI o£ £n l T ~ OEUT£POV opaXl.J a[ c;] In£ VTa Koo fae; n£VT nKOVTa , TWI o£ tn! T~ Tp fTOV opa x l.J UC;n£ VTo.KOIo f'uc;. &no( o£ f)KV UCS(0. h o£ Kn'l nc I OOTP fS o.e; OUO ,l.J l O S ~V 0 ' atJTWV £Ko.!T€P Wl OfOOCSo.l TOU £VlaUTOU opn Xl.J Ue;nc v r c c oo Ic c;. &nol o£fK v uo S(a ) 1 o£ Kl Sa ploTnv ~ 1jJ<iI.T1lV , l.Jl OS~ \)
o£ OfOOOSo.l TWl I X£l pOTOVn8€VTl TOU £VlClUTOO Opo.Xl.J a e;£nTaKOo f o.e; . o lhoe; o£ I oIM ~£1 TOUe; T£ naT6 ne; oue; (t v Ko. SnKnlde; r oun i ov h K[ p H v£ oS o.l [ KCl 'l] I TOUe; TOUTWV £vlauTwlV£WT€pOUe; TO T£ l.J OUOl KU Kn'l KlSap f l;£IV ~ ljJOUC lV , I TOUe; o£e q>n SOue; TU l.J OUOlKO· ncp t o£ Tnc; ril. lKfae; TWV no.f owv TOUTWVen 1 IKp IV€TW 0 nn 1OOVO l.J Oe; .
Each year is to see th e ap po intmen t of t h r ee g r ammat od idask al oi
(=grammat istai), one for th e f i r st level, one for th e seco nd, an': one
for th e third, an d t hese ar e to be pa id r esp ectively 600, 550 , an d 500
d rachmai. The an nua l ap po intmen t s , t he progressive le v el s of
9Marrou (above, n.8 ) 83, 126.
10See f u r t her E . Zieb ar t h , A u s dem gri~chi sch en Schulwesen ?(Leip zi g 1914) 54-5 9; A. R. Han d s , Cha r i ti es and Social Aid in Greeceand Rome (London 1968) 121- 122 , 1 9~-
280 A. D. SOOTH
instruction, and the graduated salaries poin t clearly to th ree
successive years of st udy. In addit ion to these teachers, a
kitharistes is to be appointed annually at a salary of 700 drachmai.
The latter is to teach ephebes, boys who will enter the ephebeia the
following year, and boys still younger by one year; hence three
yea r s allotted to the study of music; for ephebic training at Teo s was
evidently of one year's duration. While it is not stated expl icitly that
t he pupils of the grammatistai are younger than those of the
kitharistes, such is nevertheless a safe assumption; so letters and
music here appear as successive stages in the primary cycle. If the
ephebic age was fourteen or fifteen, a s el sewhere in the Hellenistic
world,11 then the seq uence of study r econs t r uct s itself thus: letters
from the ages of nine or ten to twelve or t h ir t een; then musi c from
twelve or thirteen to fifteen or sixteen .
This evidence then combines wit h Plato's Laws to indicate that
such a pattern was traditional in the Gre ek world . And sin ce the
Laws are probably reactionary, to as s ume the currency of the
progression from grammatistes to kitharistes in Athens of the early
5th c . is not unjustified. Now Douris' cup confirms that, at that
epoch , letters and music were indeed the two b ranches of intel lectual
formation enjoyed by the Athen ian boy. But the cup never did
conclusively prove concurrent f req uen ta t ion of grammatistes and
kitharistes. And now it is well nigh ce rta in that the styl ized figure
of the pupil reflects no more th an a desire to represent the ty p ica l
school ing of a typical boy.
BROCK UNIVERSITY ALAN D. BOOTH
llCf. Marrou (above, n . 8) 170 -17 3; C. Pe lek id is , Hist oire deI'ephebie attique des Origines a 31 avan t Jesus- Christ ( Pa r is 1962)57 -60 .
281
EROS TURBULE NT
Tous ce u x qui s ' In te ressen t a u "monde c1assi q ue" ont pu
admi rer, au moins en reproductions, les "grands chefs -d'oeu vre" de
I'a r t grec et d e l'a r t rornain . Mais bien pe u d 'entre nou s ont eu la
chance de fa ire des fouille s non seu leme n t "s u r Ie terrain", mais a ussi
dans les reserves des rnus ee s d e l'A nci en e t du Nouveau Monde . De
ces fouilles d'un type s pec ia l sortent parfois des ob je t s inedit.s qui
lai s sent entrevoir un a s pec t peu con n u d'une civ ilisation .
Qu atre fragments d e vas e s en terre cuite co n s e r ve s ['un en
Ame rique, les aut res e n Eu rop e, s ont reveiateurs d'une tendan ce
a necdot iq ue e t d 'u n gou t specia l po u r les "tab lea u x de genre" . T ous
quatre sont d e s fonds de coupe or nes j I' {nter leur d'un med aillon en
re lief ou lion d is t ing ue u n b uste fe rnin in accornpaqne d'un tres pet it
enfan t. 115 se re par tis sen t en de ux g roupe s . Sur Ie p re mie r , un
Er os ail e a p pa rait de r r ie r e l' epaule dro ite d e la femme : ce son t les
medaillons de la Corcoran Gal le r y a Vv ashington ( Fig . 1) - provenant
d 'un moule assez us e1
- et de la co llec t ion fvl. Herovanu a Buca rest en
Rouma n ie (Fig .2) dont le s detail s sont plus c lairs .2
Sur Ie deuxierne
1Washington , Co r coran Gallery, W.A. C la r k Collec ti on , Acc.no .26 . 648. Pr ovi end rai t d 'Al e xa ndrie e n Eg y p te . Argil e ch amoisora ng e, v erni s b r u n mat. Diam. max. : 7 ,2cm ; ht. max. : 5,O cm.Siqnal e ma is non re prod ui t dans Corco ra n Ga lle ry of Art Han d bo ok,(Washington 1928) 119 no . 2648; The Corcoran Ga lle r y of Art,Illustrated Ha nd book, (Washington 1932) 115 , no .2648. Sur la fiched' m v entai re de la g ale ric, 1<1 representa tion est d ecr ite comme "Busto f th e c ity of Alexa nd r ia ". Lorsque I'objet e ta it expose en 1964, ile ta it ac co rnpaq ne d 'une e t iquette: "Eg ypt, second ce n t u r y B .C.".
J e reme rc ie vive rne nt Me s d a me s Be tty Bea m et Reb ecca T ig e r q u irn'on t pe rmis dexarniner cet ob je t e t den pub lie r la p ho tog raphie.
2l:3ucarcst. collect ion o u p rof. i'v'.i r cea Herovanu. Se lon les
282 M . O. J ENT EL
groupe , l'enfant , sa ns ai les, est juche sur I 'epau le g au che d e la jeune
femm e: ces fragments sont co nserves l'un3 a l'trniversi t e d'Erlang en
Allemagne (Fig. 7) , Ie second4
I' Allard Pierson Mu seum
d 'Amsterdam (F ig. 8) . La jeune et jol ie f emme es t manifestement un e
d ees se . re con nai ssab le a sa large stephane et a son sceptre.
La qua lite des r ei iefs est ineqale , Sur Ie fragment de
Wash ington (Fig. 1), la par t ie g auche est floue: on distingue tout
juste la te te , l'epaule d roite, l'a ile et la main gauches d'Eros; su r
celu i de Bucares t ( F ig.2 ) , I 'a i le d r oi te et Ie bras droit d u peti t sont
bi en vis ibles, ain s i q ue la main posee su r I'epaule d roite d e la d ees se:
su r ceu x d'Erlang en (F ig . 7) et d'Amsterdam ( F ig. 8), q ui sont
man ifestement d u me me mou le, les rei ie f s so n t tres ne ts. Le cen t r e
en haut-reli ef de I'emblema est en meilleu r et at q ue (a jon c t ion en t r e
Ie medail lon et la cou pe: les po t iers on t surrnoul e , semble-t- il , un
motif plus grand , peut-etre un rnedaillon en met al, et l'ont adap te au x
renseignements obtenus par V . Ca ranache, ce f ra g ment aurait etedecouvert a Mangal ia , I' an ci en ne Cal la t is , au bord de la Mer Noire .Argile rouge brique, ve r n is no i r q r Isa tre . Di am. max . : 7 ,8 cm . Voi rV. Canarach e , Masks and T anagra Figu r ines made in the Wo r k shop sof Callatis-Mang al ia (Constan t a 1969 ) 52 no . 11 avec fig. Nous n'avo nspu examiner cet objet.
3Erl angen , Archae ol ogi sches I n s t it u t der Uni ve r sl ta t , inv . I 730 .Provenance inc onnue. A rgi le or an qe e , v e r n is bru n-noir v erda tre.Diam. max . : 6 ,5 cm; ht. max . :8,Ocm. Siqnal e mai s non reprod u i t parW. Grunhaqen , Archaeolo isches Insti tu t der Un iv er si ta t Erl an en ,~tike Or ig in a lar et t en er un stsamm un g es ns tl t uts u r n erg1948) 57 no.1 730. Ce relief est decrit comme " B us te einer Got t in mitDiadem, Schleier und Sze p te r . Auf de r lin k en Schulter na ck t esKind" .
Je r emerc ie cha leu reusemen t Ie professeu r K. Parlasca q u i m'aai mab lement auto r ise a publ ier cet objet.
4Amsterdam, Alla rd Pierson Mu seum, inv. 982 . Prov iendra i td'Egypte. Mentionn e mai s n on r eproduit dan s Allard Pier son Mu seum ,A r chaeolog i sch _ Museum der Universiteit van Amsterdam , Aigemeen eGids ( Am sterdam 1937) 174 no .1578; M.O. Jen te l, "Aphrodite inperipheria or ien ta l i , II da ns Lexikon Iconog r ap h icu m My t hol o iaeCla ss icae (L1MC) , 11,1 ( Zu r ich-Mu nchen 1984 164 no.23 1 .
EROS TURBULENT 283
dimensions de leur vase: 5 ain si s'expl iquent , par example , su r Ie
medaillon de Washington, I'absence de I'aile et du bras droits d 'Eros,
de I'himation de la deesse et la coupure du fleuron qui couronnait Ie
sceptre, elements qui sont bien visibles sur Ie rnedaillon de Bucarest.
Les medal lions de Washington et d' Amsterdam presentent un
d etai I technique fort interes san t: un petit trou rond, fait avant la
cuisson, est visible a Washington (Fig. 1), au sommet de la tete de Ia
dee sse . et a Am sterdam, sur son epaule droite (Fig.8). "s'agit d'un
trou deven t perce par Ie poti er pour permettre, pendant la cuisson,
I ' ech appemen t de I' nir ernp r is onne entre Ie fond du vase et Ie
rned aillon en reli ef qui y ava i t e te applique, vraisemblablement a I' aide
de barbotine. La cou r bure d u meda i l lon et I'epaisseu r de se s reliefs
ne permettaient pas au pot ier de I' apl atir comp let ernen t contre la paroi
pour cha sser I'air. Nous avon s con s tat e qu'un pr-ecede analogue,
mais av ec des trous devervt mu l t ip les , avait ete utili se pour des
medaillons de plats decouver-ts a Alexandrie.6
Le fond de coupe d e Washington p rovieridrro t , ~I af'r';s
I I Inven ta i r e, d 'Al exandrie et celui d 'Am sterdam, d'Egypte. D 'Egyp ce
proviendrait p roba b lement un au t r e fo nd d e co upe repres en tant " u n
bus te de dees se avec sur I'epaule , un en fant n u " qu i eta it autrefois
d ans la coll ec t ion d'Al exa ndre Max de Zoqheb , collection ve ndue aPari s en 1912 rnai s forrnee p ri nc i pa lemen t en Eg yp te .
7La p rovenance
du f ragmen t, d 'Erlangen ri 'es t pas connu e, mai s cel u i de Bucarest
5Su r Ie p r obl erne des surmoulages d e v ases rneta lli q ues . voi rp . ex . G. M. A. Richter, " Calen ian Pottery and Classi cal Gree kMetal war e, II AJA 63 ( 1959) 242- 5; Id. , "Greek Fifth CenturySi lverware <HlOLa ter Imitation s, II AJA 54 (19 50) 357-37 0 .
6C f. E . B re cc ia, B u lleti.!:: u ~e la Societe A r ch eologlqued ' Alex.<l!15~r~, n . s.ll (1 909)JOfSq ., Flg.52 , 55 , 56- 60 , 63.
7D iam. max .: 6,5cm. Col lection A lex and r e Max de Zogheb,Antiqui te s cg y p t ien nes et g re cq ues, Vente (] Par'i s , Ho tel . p r ouo t , 9-10m<li 1912 , p. 4 nO.14 ( nun rep rod u i t}~ ' -
284 M. O. JENT EL
aurait ete trouve , semble-t-il,
Noire.
Callatis sur les rives de la Mer
est difficile de restituer la forme des vases puisque la paroi a
disparu et que seuls subsistent Ie rnedaillon et Ie dessous du fond.
D'apres Ie profil, il semble qu'il s 'agi sse de coupes profondes
decorees a l'Interteur de rnedaillons a relie fs comme certaines couples
retr-ouvees en Italie8
et en Sicile .9
Le fragmen t de Wash ington n'a
pas de pied; Ie dessous est s imp lemen t d ecor e de de ux cer c les
estampes concen triques.
L ' Iden t i t e de la dee sse transparait a la fo is dan s la coquetterie
de son attitude et a t r av ers sa tend r esse mate rn el le enver s Er os :
crest la belle Aphrod ite accornpa q nee de son f ils tu rbu le n t mais si
mignon ... . 10 Le s rappor ts entre la deesse et son fi ls ne sont plus
ceux, formels, de deux d iv ini tes , mais ceux dune je une mere
heureuse av ec son en fant bi ert- aime, L' Aphrodite de Washing t on
( Fig . 1) et de Bu carest ( Fig. 2) est rep resentee avec une coquetterie
t emper ee de rnaj este . Un ch i to n leqer et f inement pl isse g li sse su r
son epaule droite et decou v re son sein droit. Ell e po rta it aussi, pa r
dessus, un hi mat ion rout e sous la poi t r in e, comme on Ie voit tres bi en
su r Ie fragment de Bucarest ( Fi g . 2) . Ses che ve u x re lev es en
bandeaux sont re t en u s par une large ste ph ane a cabochon s et
couverts d 'un voile. Un sceptre torsade et terrnine par un fleuron,
qu'elle devait teni r de la main gauche , ap para i t dans Ie champ,
droite. La deesse , au lieu d1etre dans u ne posit ion rig ide, tourne la
8C f. par ex. M.a. Jentel, CVA Louvre 15 (France 23). IVE,pl.3, 3.
9Cf. par ex. T . Carpinter i, IIDi alc uni vasi ellenistici a rilievodel R. Museo archeologico di Siracusa, II Archivio storieo per la SiciliaOrien tale, (Catania 1930) pl . l , II; G.Sfameni Gasparro, I cu ltiorrentalT"in Sicilia (Leiden 1973) pl.XXV et XXVII. - - -
10C f. par ex. les nombreuses illustrations montrant Aphrodite etEros dans A. Delivorrias, "Aph rodite ;" L1MCII, 2 passim . Nouspreparons un au t re ar t ic le sur "Eros sur l'epaule d'Apb rodite ."
EROS TUI~BULENT 285
te te et I ' incl ine leq er-ernen t v ers son epau le droi te dans une position
chere artistes de lepoque hellen i s t ique . 11 Son atti t ud e
s'expl ique pa r la pres ence du pe ti t Eros q u i semb le v o let er derri ere
son cpaule et c h u c ho t e r a so n or e i l le . De sa main droite, I' enfant
tire farnil ierement sur Ie voile de sa mere pour en a t t i r er I'attention.
La pos i t ion du pe tit es t ext r aordinai reo I I semb le prendre un "virage
sur I'aile. II
Parmi le s n omb r euses pi eces d'orfevrer-ie hel lerris t ique qui son t
ornees d'un buste d'Aph r od i t e av ec Er os , un med ai llon en o r
r epous se12 cons e r ve a Pr ov idence l Fig. 3) presente d e gran d es
ana log ies ave c les med ai ll on s d e Wash ing ton et d e Buca rest: I 'a ttitude
d 'Eros es t tout a fai t iden ti q ue , mais Ie c hiton semb le decou vr i r plus
amp lemen t Ie sei n droi t d e la deesse . l. a aussi, la de esse sembl e
ecou ter v olontie r s son pet i t enfant. Un A mour dans une atti tude
semb la b le , mai s inversee . apparai t de rri e re lepa u !e ga uc he d 'une
Aphrod i te ana dyornene l F ig . 4) su r u ne c p inq le d 'argen t conscrv ee aHamburg .
13
11Cf. p ar ex . Tran t am Tinh, "Le t ibicen Magno Sa ra p i , " d ansRevue Arc h eo loqique 1967 , 107, Fig. 2- 5.
12prov idence , Rh od e Is la nd Sch ool of Design, no.2S.256.Cou v e rc le en or r epou s se , p eu t - e tre d'u n e pyx id e . Prov iendra! t dePag asai en Thessalie. Databl e d u de b u t du II le s iec le av o J. C . C f.P. Amandry, "A Gre ek gol d Med all ion" Mu seum Notes, Rh od e Isl andSchool of Desi.9..!2, 12, 3 (Spring 1955) 7~ p .6 et 8; l~. ,L\.~
59 (1955) 219-22 2, pl.6 /t ; Treasures in t h e Museum of Art , I<tlodeI s land School of Design, (Providen ce 1956 ) figu re (san s in d ica t ion d e
j:~~ll~r~~n{l~s~~~n~'f~~t ~f ~~~d;'a,~;~~k ~SI~~l~~ln~ l CI[/~~~(P rovidence 1976) 66-67 no.22 ; A. Del iv or r ias ,~ . . ~1 2
no .1137; 11, 2 , p l . 113. - -
13Hamburg, Mu seum fUr Kunst und Gew erbe . in v . 18.. 9. 18 .Prov en ance in connue. A r g en t pa r ti e llemen t d o r e . Ht . d e l' e r ; ~ 1 gl e :
13c m. C f. E . v on Merck lin , Arc haeolojIi.?ches A n zei ge r , \ 1935 )co l.92 -95 no .1 4 , fig. 21e- f ; H . Ho f fman - P . Davi ds on, Greek GoldJe wel ry f rom the Ag e of Al ex and er ( B r ookly n Niu seum----rw;T9L"ilC:"7-2';" 193 fi g. 72a , b ( Cet te' ep ing le es t d a t ee par ccs au t eu r s d u Il leau I Ic sie c le av , J. C . e t se r a i t attribuab le , se lon e UA. a un at e ]ier
286 M. O. JENTEL
Le merne sujet est traite tres differemrnerrt sur cer ta in es oeuvres
plus tardives, par exemple une fresque du 2e st y le ( v er s 40 av .
J . C.) recernrnent decouverte dans la Casa de Fab iu s Rufus a Pompe i14
et un relief en mar b r e d e Sperlonga qu i d at er ait eq alernen t de la
seconde rnoi ti e du ler siecle av. J. C . 15 Le contraste entr e
IIAphrodite des medaillons en terre cuite et ce l ie de Pomp ei ( Fi g. 5)
est frappant : celle-ci a I'air fa chee et tou r ne la te te presque con t r e
son gre vers Eros qui lui touche Ie menton d'un air p lein de repen tir .
Sur Ie relief de Sperlonga (Fig.6), t out sentiment maternel par ai t
avoir disparu. La deesse tourne un v isag e indi ffe r en t vers I' enfant
qu i de son flabellum lui indique poss ible victime d e son
espieq lerie.
Sur les rnedaillons d'Erlangen (Fig. 7) et d'Amsterdam ( Fig. 8), Ie
costume de la deesse est plus au stere; son epaule et son sein droits
sont couverts par sa tunique, son epaul e gauche par un himation
drape en biais. Son diaderne , moins large, est d ecore de multiples
rayons. Une meche bouclee descend sur son epau le droite, sou s Ie
voile; elle arbore Ie me me sceptre torsade que sur Ie fragment de
Bucarest avec Ie fleuron intact. L'attitude d' Er os est tout a fait
differente . Crest un enfant sans ai les, tout n u , assis I 'epaule
gauche de sa mere, son dos vers Ie spectateur, ses jambes
alexandrin a cau se de sa ressemblance avec une ep inqle provenant dela trouvaille de Galjub en Egypte); H. Hoffman - V. von Claer ,Museum fUr Kunst und Gewerbe Hambur, Antike Gold undSi Iberschmuch (Hamburg 1968 no . 99; H. Hoffman , Collecting GreekAntiquities, (New York 1971) 134, f ig. l77; Delivorrias .QE. ~ .• 77~p1.68 = Jentel, .QE. g., 158 no.83.
14Ambiente 32, paroi est. Cf. Pomfie i 1748-1890, I Tempi delladocumentazione, (Rome-Naples 1981) 140 I g. 2.
15Sperlonga. Museo archeologico naziona le , inv. 10. Marbre deCarrare. Provenant de I'antre d e T ibere , Cf. G. Jacopi, L'antro diTiberio et il museD archeolo ico nazionale di Sperlon a (ItinerarJno. orne 1 -. et 0 Ig. e on acopi , e prototypede ce relief serait une oeuvre d'Arkesilaos , vene re e dans Ie temple deVenus Genetrix a Rome, inauqure en 46 av. J. C.
EROS TURBULENT 2P.7
d is para is san t de I 'au tre cote. II semble a vo ir q r irnpe perchoir
improvise et f r otte sa t et e, cornme un p et it c h at , contre I'oreille de sa
mere en sa isi ssan t hardiment le s c he v eux d e sa main droite levee. La
belle de e s se , s ou r iante , in cl in e sa tete vers son fils. Si , a I'epoque
hel leni st iq u e , Eros es t so uven t r ep r esen te sur Ilepaule ga u c h e
d ' Aph r od i t e , en se I i v r ant pa r fois a to utes so r te s de face ties - comme
l 'E r os de T <lrse16
qui tire sur la t u n iq ue de sa mere (F ig.9) - il es t
rare qu! i l so i t figure dan s c e t t e posture a la fois familie re et
repentante.
En l 'absence de tout contex te arch eoloqique , il n'est pas faci le
de dater ces meda illori s de ter r e cuite. T outefois, on peut uti i iser
quelques ele men t s s t y l istiques iJ t i t r e d e com pa r a i son . Par exemple,
Ie sceptre d 'Aphrodite, torsad e e t co urnn ne d'un fleuron, n'est pas
son apanage exclusif : Ie me me type d e scep t r e est tenu aussi par
Cybe!e (Fig. 10) sur une pl aqu e en bron ze dore , 17 datable d e la
secon d e moi t ie du IVe s . av o J.C. Le mcdaill on d'or de Providence
( F ig . 3 ) d at e se lon Am an dry d u d ebut d u Ille s. <:IV . J .C. L 'epingle
d'<l rgent de Hamburg ( F ig . 4) es t, selon H . Hoffmann, du Ill e ou d u
l ie s ic c le av o Jo C.
La med iocr i t e tech r.i que de n os mcdai ll on s n e doit pa s n ou s
ca c he r I' intent ion d u c r ea te u r du proto t ype: nous montrer une
d ee s se t r es "hurnaine . " ;) !<J fois aq ac ee et cha rrnc e par les tac et ies
d'E ro s. En les rc q ardant . un p etit po e rne hel lenis t ique inti t u le "Eros
16p ar is, L ouv re , inv . CA 28 . St at ue tte en terre cui te . C f .S imon e Bc sques, Ca ta log ue r a isonn e des fig u ri nes e t re li efs en ter r ec u i t e g re CS, e t r u sc:; u es et ro ma rn s,- I I I Epoqu es neTTen lst lq ue etr om<.Ji ne, G r ece et A si e Minc u re , ( Pa ris 1972) in , D 2177 et p l . 3425""":""Ce t t e s ta t uct t e, - iden ti f iee cornrne A p hrod i t e-Ar ian e k ourot r ophe, estd atce p ar l'au t eu r du l e r siecle av . J .C .
17Kom ot in i , Mu s e e a r che o loqique . inv 01589 . Decouver t eMe sernb r in en Th r ac e , lie mo i ti e d u IVe s . avo Jo C . C f . K.R hc n.iopou lo u , Th e Sertrr:h fo r /\ Iexcmdcr, An _ . ~::: ~ i b i t i on . ( New Yo r io1980) 128 flo .5 1 ()v CC fi g.
288 M. O. JEN T EL
echap pe" nous est v en u a I'e sp rit. 18 La belle Cy p r is y " r ec larnai t
grands cri s son pe t it Eros " :
C'est un enfant fa cil e d i st ingue r . . . i l n'a pas Ie teintblanc, mai s cou leur de f lamme ; les yeux per ca nts ,fl amboyants; mauvais coeu r, d ou x la nga ge, ca r il ne pen sepas comme i l parle; sa voi x est de miel , de fiel est sapensee , . . . I I porte sur sa te te de beau x chev eux, maisI'impudence a son front. Ses menottes sont tou tes men ues,mais elles frappent au loin . ... I I a Ie cor ps n u , mai sI'esprit bien enveloppe , Aile comme un oi seau, il v ole v er sl 'un , vers I 'au t r e , vers les hommes , v ers les femme s et sepose sur leur coeur.
En voyant I'expressio n de tendresse qu e les ar tis te s on t d onn e a
Aphrodite sur nos medaillons , on comprend mieux q ue Ie poete fas se
promettre, par la dee sse , une r ecom pe nse a celui q ui rarnenera son
Eros echappe : "La re compen se sera Ie ba is er de Cyp r is ; et si tu me
l'arnenes , ce ne ser a pas Ie baiser tou t sec, mais t u auras, ami,
quelque chose de plus. 1119
UNIVERSITE LAVAL, QUEBEC MARIE ODILE JENT EL
18Nou s utilisons la traduct ion de Ph . E.Legrand, Bucol iquesgrecs, II, Pseudo-Theocrite , Moschos, B ion , divers, (Paris, Lesbelles lettres 1953) 134-7. Sur ('attri bu tion a Moschos pluto t quiaTheocr lte , voir notice p.133.
19Je remercie specialernent Claude d' A ig le T r emb lay qui a fait desphotos d'etude a Washington, et Bruno Bernard qui a fa it le scontretypes des photographies des objets deja p u b l ies ,
289
THE SY MPOSI Ufv\- TENT OF FTOLEfdY II: A NEW PROPOSAL
All students of classical antiquity sooner or later make some
of the Deipnosophists of A th en aeus of Naucratis. Those interested
especiall y in Helleni stic arc h it ecture have drawn he avily on Athenaeu s '
excerp t s from the book Peri Alexandreias , written (probably in the
2nd c. BC) by Call ixenu s of Rhodes. Of particular interest have
been Callixenus ' description s of the banquet -tent er ec t ed by Ptolemy
II Phi ladelphus in th e palace-park at Alexandr-ia. for the celebration
of the winter Dionysi a, and of the interior design and decoration of
the great river -barge, called Thalarneqos . o f Ptolemy IV Philopato r .1
The great tent of Ptolemy II is in fact a major, though
neg lec te d , phenomenon in the history of la te r Greek ar c h i tec t u re ,
Fo r r easons in dicated later in this article, it de serves at least as
muc h at t en t ion as t he famou s a r senal a t Piraeus designed by Phil o o f
El eu s is, ar.c ce scr ibe d a t le ng t h in ~ 112 1668 . Despite its elegantly
d ecora t ed exterior, t he a rs ena l , like many other Gree k secular
building s, simplv used old fo r ms in ne w con t ex ts , without breaking
any new te chnical ground;2 Pt olemy' s ten t, on the other hand, as F .
1A th . 196a-1 97c ( t h e sy mpos iu m- t en t ) ; 204d-2 06c (th er ive r - ba rge ) . This paper , the outcome of lengthy d iscus sio nsb et ween Win t er and Ch r is t ie , d u r in g h er final ye ars in the Faculty ofA r c h itectur e at the Un ive rs i t y o f T o r onto, wa s ori g ina lly p re sented att he 1983 Annual Mee t in g of t he Cl ass ical A ss oc iat ion o f Ca nada atVa n co u ve r . The ne w d r awi nqs a r c en t i r ely C h r is t ie' s wc r k ; butbey on d th at , th e proposa ls he r e offered owe muc h to the t ech n icalknowl ed g e and ex per t ise t ha t she broug h t to th e di scu ss ion s . Fo rthe er ror s and omission s Winter tak es a ll r espon s ib i l i t y .
L. 1n ad d it ion to t h e "lCcount s by 1/01 . G . Din smou r (A rch i tec t u r c o fA n c ient Greece) [ London 1950 ! 2L1 1- 2 an d Fig. 8R) an d~jwrence
(Greek - Ar"ch l tec.t u re 2 [H an non d swor t h 1%£ I 259-2 61 ( l r~(! Fig . 147), sec
290 F.E . WINTER AND A. CH RISTIE
Studnic zka po inted out over 70 years ago, is the ea rli est reco rded
ancestor of Vitruvian an d other Roma n basilicas. 3 Yet Stud n iczka 's is
s t ill the only deta iled stud y of th e great ma r qu ee ; it was al so the
first comme nta r y to make use of extant basil ica n an d hypos t y le hal ls
th en know n, of pa in te d representation s of te n t s a nd awni ngs, a nd of
second awn ing-cove red Egy pt ian di ni ng -area de scribe d by
Callixenus , in his accou nt of Ph ilop at or 's T ha lameg os . 4 Nev e rtheles s ,
in our view Studnic zk a 's interpretat ion of t he descr ipti on by
Call ixenus of the great tent of Pto le my II somet imes led h im to
conclusions t hat a p pear to be s truc t u r a lly unaccep table (see Figs. 1 , 2
a nd Plates 1, 2 and discuss ion be low) .
We begin wit h a t ra ns lat ion of t he passage from Callixenus (Ath .
196a -19 7c ) : 5
T he pa vili on wa s extraordinaril y beautiful and wellwor t h hea r ing about. Its s ize was such that it cou ldaccommod a te 130 co uc hes KUKA't! (this e x p re s s ion presumablyind icates couches set in grou ps aroun d th e perimet e r), andwas adorned in t he foll ow ing way. Wooden columns 50cu b its h igh we re set (or "se t a t in terva ls") [a round thes ide s J, f ive on eac h long s ide and four at t he ends ; onthese was fitted a sq ua re episty le tha t suppo r ted t he entireroo f of t he pa v ilion. Ov er the middle part, thisr oof[ - st r uct u r e] was fo rmed ( lit. "wa s spread over") by a n
a lso J . A . Bu ndg aard , Mnes icles: A Greek Architect at Work(Co penhagen 1957) and K. Jep pe se n , Paradelgmata (Aarhus 1958TTa lso J . J. Cou lton , Gr eek Ar chi tec t s at Work (London 1977) 54-58.The ex te r io r de co r a t ion was s imp ly lifted from the designs ofcon t empora ry temp les and s taas .
3F. Studn iczka , Das Symposion Ptolemaios II (Le ipzig 1915).
4St udniczka (above, n .3) esp.30-34 and Figs.3-6; 102- 105 andFigs. 24-25; for the awning of th e Th ala megos, Ath . 105f-206a.
51n the transla t ion, which is based en C. B. Gulick's Loeb text(Camb rid g e , Mass. 1929) , a n umbe r of Greek word s or phrases havebeen left unt rar.slated in order to av oid impos ing ou r particu lar viewof t he mea n ing . Word s in square bracket s a re added to clarify themean ing, a nd are not in the Greek tex t ; those in round brackets a reex p la na to ry notes , o r our g losses .
SYMPOS IUM-TENT OF PT OLEMY II
ov pavf CKOC; [ i . e. a minia ture GllpUv6 (, ) , in scarlet ~dged
wit h white; on ei the r s ide it hoc beams KUTE:lArnJ £ va c, withwh ite- f lec ked (o r "whl te - ban ded") tape s t r ies with [aned g ing pattern of J tur rets , £v u i'c; painted co ffe rs we rear rang ed ov er the middle area (i . e. p re s umabl y over th es pac es between th e be ams). Of the co lurun s , the fo u r ratth e cor ne r s 1 were s ha ped Iike patrn-t rees , whi Ie th ose I inthe inte rva ls I bet ween [ t he s e fou r I (i . e . a long ea ch s ide ,between the corne r columns) had the a p pea rance of BUPCOl .
Ou t s ide th e columns on three si des wa s a pe r is ty lecor r ido r co ve re d over in th e s hape of a vaul t ; in thisco r r ido r th e r e t in ue s o f th e g ues ts cou ld co n ve n ie n t lystand. Th e insi d e pa r t (i . e . p r es umably referr ing to t hein ner face of the e ntablat ure of the ou t e r s up por t s of t heperisty le) of the corridor was s u r rou nd ed with da r k r edc u r tains ; in the midd le part s lpres uma b ly ei the r "i n t heint e r - co lumnar s paces of th e per isty le , " o r "be t wee n th eco lumn s of the pe ris ty le and tho s e of the cen t ra l a rea ")were hung pe lt s of a nima ls of ext ra o r d ina r y variety a nds izes. The unroofed a re a s ur roun d in g the peri style wa ss ha d ed by I the branche s of ] my r t le s a nd laurel s and others u ita b le planting s; the g rou nd was completely s t r ewn withflowers of every sor t. For Egypt. .. produces flowers inab u ndan ce a t a ll time s. . . . T hu s eve n wit h th e reception onth is occas ion fa llin g in th e middle of winte r , the spectac lewas a marvellou s one for the g ue s ts . ...
A.t the s u ppo r t s of the te n t ( t he se wo rd s mus t ind icat ethe per isty le s upports as we ll as t he fift y-c u b it columns ofthe cen t r-a l a rea) we re placed 100 marb le s ta t ues by t heforemo s t artis ts. In the sp aces civet ~£aov were pa ne ls bypain te r s of the Sicyon ian school , and al te rnating wit h t hemselected po r t r ai t s of ev e r y varie ty, and c lot h - a t- go ld tu nicsa nd c loa k s of th e g reatest bea uty; in so me [of t he s e la st Iport rai ts of th e king s were woven , in ot he r s myt hoiog icolsubjec ts . Above all th es e , a lter nat inq silver an d go ldob toriq s hie lds were set a ll a rou nd . And in the sp acesa bo ve the s e aqain , which rr.eas ured e ig h t c ub it s . aVTpuwere provided . s ix on each side along the leng th of thete n t, a nd fou r acros s t he width; and in th em ( i. e. t heaVTpo. ) , fac ing eac h ot he r [acros s t he centra l a rea J. we res ym pos ium-scenes of figure s f rom t rag edy a nd co med y andsa ty r --p la y , with r eal clo th ing, and a lso with go lde n c u psse t b esi d e t he m. Ko.Tet ~ £ o o v TWV aVTpwv were left VUj.J<j> o.l(generally int e rpret ed as " ni c he s" ), in whi ch s tood Delphi ctripod s of gol d on (lit. "h a ving " ) s ta nd s. Along t he
291
6T h is wor d is a n emend a t ion by Sch we iq ha use r for th e fv1SKaTE: 1ArHJ~£V('( C; .
292 F.E . WINT ER AND A. CHRISTIE
h ighest space of t he 6po¢ti were eagles fac ing each other,in gold, fifteen cubit s in size.
set l~~onZou~hheest~~: S i ~~: ~ar~s~::~7 f~~:a ~~e t~~tr~;oc:tJ ~~:~presumab ly lithe entrance") was left open . . . .
Calli xenus ' description of t he ten t is ra t her sh ort on s peci fic
measurements. Of the ground-plan, he te lls us on ly : th a t the cen t ra l
area was enclosed by wooden columns, five on th e s ides , four ac ross
the ends (count ing t he corner colu mn s tw ice ); that t h is cen t r a l
"nave," as we may call it, had room for 130 couches KUKA ttJ ; an d tha t
the nave was surrounded on three s ides by a " pe r istyle corri dor, II
for the retinues of the guests.
The elevation of t he tent is desc r ibed in greate r detai l , bu t with
more emphasis on decorative aspects t han on ph y s ical d imensions .
Thus we learn that the columns a t t he an g les were shaped like
palm-trees, the others like Dionys iac t hy rs oi; the imposi ng height of
the columns (50 cubi ts ) is stressed, but t he thickness is not
mentioned. Callixenus further records t ha t the architrave above the
columns provided the sole support for the cove r ing of the nave, i . e .
there was neither a single central pier or column , nor an inner
rectangle of s upports s uch as we find in the bouleuteria of Priene
and Miletos. Yet we are told nothing of the size and construction of
the architrave, wh,ich is described s imply as "s q ua re " (presumably in
section) . The covering of th e central area of the nave was a
"min iature dome of heaven" (ouraniskos) ; this word, which seems not
to occur before the Hellenistic period, presumab ly ind ica ted originally
a roof or ceiling that curved upward f r om th e perimeter toward the
centre. In the present instance it mus t refe r to an awning. Since
the axial spans of the columns are not re corded, we must try to
deduce the size of the awning from t he other d eta ils that are
described. On either side (KCL 8 ' £KnT£pov ~ £ po<; ) of the roofing
7Keeping the MS OlJll<; r at he r th an emen d ing to a.1J!f<; withWilamowitz .
SY~" FC S I UM-T Ef'IT OF PT OLEMY II 293
a r r ang ement JS a whole, t he r e were beams , app e rent lv draped with
tapestries; "Or." these beams ( £V a t e;) were painted co ffers . The ro of
of th e peristyle co r r ido r wa s in the s ha pe of a vault, whil e the open
area outside of, o r s u r rou nd ing , th e peri s tyle wa s s had ed by trees,
and perhap s strewn with f lowe rs . 8
Inside the great tent, 100 marble s ta t ue s were set "at the
pa ra s ta9_e.,:; . 11 9 "I n th e in te r media te s paces" between th e p<lrastad es
there were three level s of decora t ion : a t the bottom were displayed
pan el -painting s, po r t ra lts , t u nics, and mil it a r y c loa ks ; next a ba nd of
al t ernating s ilver and go ld s h ie lds ; fin ally, a bo ve t he band of
s h ie lds , in "eight- cubit s paces, II "cav es were co ns t r uc te d II to hou se
sym pos ium-scenes with fig u res in drama tic cos t umes , wh ile "between
the ca ves,, 10 were recesses , or niches. with go lden t r ipod s set on
stands. "Along the highest sp ace (or "section") of t he orophe," i.e.
the cei ling o r roo f , we re golden eag les fifteen c ubits "in size" an d
II fa cing each other . II
In th e e n t ir e description of the tent , the only dimen s ions
reco r d ed are the height of t he nove co lumns and t he " size" of the
"caves" a nd of the gold en eagles . As no teo abov e, we a r e no t told
th e d iame te r and s paci ng of th e co lu mns or the hei gh t and thic kness
of the archit rave be arns : a nd the dimens ions and s pa c ing of the
supports of the peristyle a lso omitted. Moreover, th ere is no
indicat ion of the met hod of fas te n ing dow n the ourani skos that
81t is not clea r whe th e r t he ~ 6 a lj> o e; of 196d refers to the g roun dof the immediately preceding tree-shaded area c uts id e th e pe ristyle,or is the same as T?J Tile; OKllVfie; ~ 6alj> o c; of 196e.
9Enl TWV Tile; OKllv nc; 1IapaOTllOwV must represent the u s e of Enlwith the g e n it ive s pec if y ing locat ion in rel ation to so me t hi ng e lse , aswith £111 TWV a va ll t o ov xwpwv 60 pa l OllP l WV of 196c - d, wh ere the pe ltsare located in relation to the s t r uc t u r <l l eiernen ts a nd enclosingc u r tai ns of t he pe ri sty le corridor; in 196e, on the ot he r ha nd, £Vr uI r, Ctva ll t o ov xwpa Ie; means si mply "in th e interva ls. "
10presumiJbly KUTa llto O\> TWV aVTp wv corresponds c: 1 (J ~; (' l y inmeaning to ( OOKOUC;) c v u l C; .•• Ku TCt lJ{c ov £TCHlKT O in 196c abov e .
294 F . E. WINT ER AND A. CHRI ST IE
covered t he cen tra l area of th e nave , o r of t he loca ti on and s ize of
th e beams acco mpan y ing the ouraniskos 1I0 f e ith e r si dell or th e oro phe
and we are left to guess at the material, and t hus t he th ickness, of
the painted coffers , which £'V (Tai:C; OOKOi:C;) • • • KClTU l.l ~oo'V h€TaKLo .
We do not know the exac t meaning of the te r m parastac:f~ ; 11 th ere is
no precise indication of the loca tion of t he "intermediat e s pac es " in
which the paint ings, t un ics , etc. were hung ; an d the pos itio n, and
indeed even the form, of the fifteen -cubit eagl es is left vague. In
fact it is obvious that Callixenus' accoun t of the great tent was
written to interest and entertain layme n, ra t he r t han as a gu ide fo r
builders. In th is re s pec t it is quite the oppos ite of the ac coun t of
the Piraeus arsenal preserved in !-~ 11 2166 8; for t he ins cription
contains so many measurements and ot her de ta ils of the building that
it has been possible to resto re the arsenal, a t least on paper , with
almost complete certainty.
As a result of the lack of data in Callixenus, Studniczka' s
restoration of the tent necessarily based on a se rie s of
assumptions (Figs.1,2 and Plates 1,2 ) . His 50- cubit nave columns a re
very slender; the foot of t he s haft, above a norm al project ing base,
has a diameter of only two cubits . The per istyle s u ppor t s he took to
be square, again with projecting bases ; be ing smaller in sc ale than
the columns of the nave, they are set only half as far apa r t. Both
nave and peris tyle supports a re shown s imp ly re st ing on the ground.
To provide what he bel ieved to be t he s pa ce requi red fo r 130
couches, Studniczka assumed axial spans for the nave columns of 20.5
cubits, and thus obtained an axial rec ta ng le of 61.5 x 82 cu bits, or
111t seems certain, however, t ha t the meaning here cannot be"antae , II for no known type of building would have had so many"antae" that 100 statues could have been set a rou nd them. On theother hand, the more general meani ng, "any th inq that stands beside"(Liddell-Scott-Jones, s. v . ) , would be a s uit ab le description forsmaller piers set against the main colum n s (F ig s. 3,4); by as soc iat ion ,the term might then a lso include th e ex te r ior p ier s of the pe r is t y lecorridor.
•
SYMP OS IUM-TENT OF PTOLEMY I I
•
295
• •.. ~ lAIC
_-----.--1_ --... ~- -~~
f~ "'.
F IGURE 1
Plan of tent with co uc he s p ro po sed b y F . Studnic zka
296 F. E. WINTER AND A . CHR ISTIE
IIIIIIIII
IIIL _ _ -==- ~...k.l_ _=::::r:=:L____f=:.:.L_ _ _ =:J...
FIGURE 2
Detail of part of entrance-s ide (F. St ud n ic zka )
SYMPOS IUtv!- TENT OF PT OLEfviY I I
about 32 x 42.6 5 m. 1L Ab ove the main a r c h itra v es h e placed a n
elaborately profiled cornice, of whic h t he r e is no mention in t h e text,
and in terpretea the golden eag les <IS co rne r acroteria. Ab ove the
co r n ice , h e s hows nothi ng but the ea gles a n d th e 9 r ea t awr in q . Q~
9u ran i~k_o~ ; he takes all th e d ec orative d etails of the orophe to refer
to the a wn ing , i . e. in hi s vi ew th e midd le se c t ion of the a wn ing wa s
scarlet ed g e d with white, wh ile a long the longer s id es there were
painted represt:.ntations of be am s a n d decorated cof fe r s , rather th an
r eal wood en members. Th is h uge ca n op y was t ied do wn by seven
ca b le s on ea c h si de , th e en ds of th e ca b les being fa ste ned to th e
crossbeams at t he top of t he surrou n d ing p e r is ty le , wh ich t h us had
to resist t he eno rmo us up wa r d drag of a cano p y meas u r ing abo u t 33 x
43 .65 m (about 1440 m 2 ). and lacking any sort of in termedia te
s uppo rt.
Studnicz ka furt her assumed t ha t the pe risty le cor rido r was
twn -s toreyed . with an upper level of supports; here ag a in , th ere is
no mention of s uch a fea t ure in Athenaeus ' quotat ion from Callixenus.
lie also b e lie v e d th at the panel -pai nting, tunics , and cl oa k s must
ha ve b e en d i s p le y eo O il the outside of t h e sc a r le t cur tains th at hu ng
in the interco lumniat ions of the peristyle, a n d so were invis ibl~_ to the
gues ts _~i_r~ the nave. He t hen placed t he s hie lds, too, around
t he ex te r io r of t h e ten t, above t he lower a r c h it r a v e o f t he per istyl e ,
as we ll a s a r o u nd th r ee s ides of the na ve , a t t he sa me level. He
beli ev e d th at t he "c a ve sll1 3 mu s t ha v e been mounted in t he ou t e r
inte r vals of the ( h ypo t he tica l ) upper sto r ey of th e peristyle ; the
"8 -cubit s ize " o f th e s pac es co n t a in ing t h e "caves" h e in t e r p r e te d as
indi cating height r a th er than width .
12See the sca le a ccorr panvinq t he r us tored p lan and e leva t ions,Sf ud riic z kn (a bo ve , n. 3 ) Pl ates 3 ( p la n ), 2 . 1- 2 ( e levat ior r " , hereFigs .1 ,2 a n d Plate 1.
13A rnot i t th at r ec u r s ne t only ill some of the f loa t ; :1: thep roc e s s ion cel eb r at ing th e win tc r -Tes t iv a I o f Dionv s u- . ( /\ t h . LGGe; andc f . t he o x t dc, hung with g rapp- ViCi l: , ivy , a nd v ar-iou s (T it iv a ted
298 F.E. WINTER AND A. CHRISTIE
By means of these assumptions St udniczka obtained a nave
certainly large enough to hold 130 co uches, w i t h more than ample
room left over for circulation of attendants. Almost all decorative
elements, however, were relegated to the exterior of the marquee,
where, like the eagle acroteria, they would have been visible ~
from the outside. This placing of t he decorative elements, though
reasonable enough in a temple designed to be seen primarily from the
outside, is much less logical in bui Id ing s in which people normally
gathered in the interior. Thus the paintings and other dedications of
the Lesche of the Cnidians at De lphi, and of the St oa Poikile, Stoa of
Zeus , Bouleuterion, and Tholos in the Agora at Athens, like the
paintings, mosaics, and carved ornament of Hellenistic houses and
palaces, were inside the buildi ngs, not on the exterior.14
In th e
case of Ptolemy's tent, too, we believe that the decorative elements
were all, or almost all, in the interior; and we no te that the same is
true of the vast majority of the decorat iv e details of Philopator' s
river-barge, as described by Call ixenus .
We further believe that Studniczka g ave in su ff ic ien t attention to
the structural problems raised by his philological in te r p r et at ion s . In
fact, when we began to work out the details of our own restoration,
we concluded that his version of the te nt could in all I ikel ihood never
have been erected. In our view, it woul d have been virtually
impossible, without intermediate supports, to stretch above t he nave
an awning measuring more than 1400 rn" : this objection remai ns val id
despite Studniczka's assumption that there was a large central oculus.
If Callixenus correctly states that the nav e ar c h i t r av es formed the
sole support of the awning, the nav e itself mu st have been much
fruits, that sheltered the colossus of Dion y su s at 198d), but also inthe "Dionysiac saloon" of Philopator's r iver-ba rge ( A t h . 205f).
14Delphi: Paus. 10.25-32; Athenian monuments: Paus. 1.3.2-3,3.4, 5.1, 15.2-4. Houses: d . t he description of the decorativeelements of the block of the House of the Comedians, in Delos 27(Pa ris 1970).
SYlviPCSIUM-T Ef'JT OF PT OLEMY " 299
s ma ller t han 32 x 42 rn. Even in our proposed na v e , wi t h an ax ia l
rectangle of not mor e than 36 x 48 c u b it s (a bou t 18. 75 x 25 rn) the
"drag" of the great ca nop y woul d hav e been s uc h th at the lofty
colu mn s would ha v e co lla p sed , unless they were s u n k a t lea st
0.65 -0.75 m into the ground. Thu s if they had base s a t a ll (and
such may well have been the ca s e ) these must hav e bee n fo r "show"
only. Th e peristyle support s mu st al so have been su nk into the
ground, to help "buttress" the lofty nave. Even so, the freestanding
e x te r io r supports of th e pe r is t y le , if they were to s e r v e as anchors
for the cables of the a wn ing, must t he ms e lves have been guyed down,
lest the "drag " o f th e g u y- ca b le s of th e a wn ing uproot them. In a n y
e ve n t , th e a wn ing woul d ha v e been eas ier to d ea l with, a nd a ls o most
like a min iat u re oura no s . if it co u ld be made to c u r ve upward from
t he s id es tow ard th e midd le.
We ha v e therefo re based our restoration of t h e pa vilion on quite
a di fferent set of assumptions fr om those made by Studnic zka
( Figs . 3-5 ). We hav e u sed thicke r columns, assum in g a lower diame te r
of not le ss th an 3. a rid possibl y <IS much a s 3. 5- 4 c u b i Is ; the
co lumns . we bel ievc , must ha v e bee n s u n k in tc the ground, so t ha t
t he visible bases, if a ny , were re a lly fal se ba ses.15
We fu r t her
believe that virtua lly all d ecorative e le me n t s , a n d pa r t icut arIy t he
"caves," were intended to be v isib le to the dine r s gathered in the
tent. We therefore s ug g es t th a t t he "caves" we r e in the upper pa r t
o f t he nave interco lu mn ia t ion s . T ak inq the 8-cubi t "s ize " of the
caves reco rded by Ca ll ixen us to r e fer to t he width of t he spaces
occupied by t he "ca v e s " (rat her th an to the he ig ht , ClS St udniczka
ass umed), we a r ri ve a t axial Sp,If)S for the na ve co lonnades of (8+3)
to (8 +4) z: 11- 12 cub its; the axial re ct a rq !e wou ld th e n ha v e measur-ed
33 x 44 to 36 x 48 cub it s , o r some 17.2 5 to 18. 75 m in width , by 23
15Like th e ex is t ing fa lse ba se s f i t tr.d arou n d th e co lu mns at thecor ne r s of t he ba y s of cros s vau lt in q in t he nave of S . Mari a de gl iAngeli a t Rome.
300 F. E. WIN T ER AN D A . CHRIST IE
• • • • • • • • • • • •• •• .. • • • .. •• •• .. • •• •• .. • •• •• • .. • • • • • •
1
FIGURE 3Proposed new plan of the tent, d ra wn by A . Chri st ie
( scal e in cub it s)
SYMPO SIUM -T ENT OF PT OL EMY"
//
/ '
I II i
II
~J
FIGLJRE 4
Structure of tent, from a bov e :
ne w p roposa l
dr-a wn b y A . Ch r is t ie
30 1
302 F .E. VvINTER AND A. CHRISTIE
F IGURE 5
Proposed new e leva t ion of front of te nt: drawn by A. Ch ri s t ie
SYMPOSIUM-T ENT OF PTOLEMY II 303
to 25 rn i n le ngth . WhiIe not insi st ing on the co r r ec t ne s s of
in te r p re ta t ion of the " si ze" of th e "ca ve s . " we ne ve rt he less maintain
that the axial width of t he na v e co lon nad e cannot have been
significantly larger th an the figure th at we propose, if it was
spanned by real woode n crossbeams. We a ss ume that the beams lion
either s id e " of the orophe were in fact real beams, not painted
representations; these be ams would have been laid above the se cond
and fourth columns on either s id e of the nave, and would have
s u p po r t ed light wooden coffers over the bays between the beams a n d
the architraves of the s ho r t end s of the nave . Th e free span of t he
beams, in ou r r es to r a t ion , would hav e be en just ove r 16 m, i . e . well
within the ca pa b ilit y of Hellenistic builders to handle. 16
In addi tion to the two beam s a bove , we bel ieve t ha t there wa s a
thi r d cross bea m, supported by th e t h ir d co lu mn on each long side of
the nav e. Sunk ir. to the e n d s of a ll three beams were bow-shaped
met al rods, or di atonaia toxoeide , as Call ixenus calls them in h is
acc ount of the a wn ing ov er t he upper deck of the great river-barge
of Ptolemy IV; 17 our diatonaia span a bou t 17 m, a s ag a in s t only 8 m
on th e r ive r - ba rge. 18 We assume th at th e diatonaion over t he central
beam c u r ved upward mo re than those ov er t he tw o e n d bea ms , thu s
imp arting a flattened domical s ha pe to the a wn ing s t r e t c hed ove r t he
beams . All diatonaia may have been join ed to the wood en be ams
themselves by braces, to fo r m a sor t of triangular truss- sy stem.19
16C f. the free spans of th e r oof ed cou nc il- c ha mbe r in thebouleuterion complex a t Miletu s (about 15. 75 m) a n d of the origin alroof- structure of th e as s e mb lv - fia !l at Prien e (about 14.25 m) .
17C f. Ath. 205f-2 06a .
18T he "bow" - s ha pe o f th e dia to nai a u se d on t he r ive r -barge mus ts u re ly ind ica t e t ha t t hey we re r.le ta l, not wood e n ; a nd th e tec h n olog ytha t p r od uc ed 8-meter me ta l r od s co ul d a lso ha n d le 17- me te r rods.
19T he t.ime Li n d p lace a t which qeriu u «: t r us s es were first us ed inCreek a rc h itcc t u r e rema ins un ce r tnin : most a u t ho r i t ie s , howe v e r,re ga rd t he tru s s Hellenistic deve lopme nt. Pe r hap s the
304 F.E . WINTER AND A . CHRISTIE
Alth ou gh th e g rea t a wn ing was visible f rom bel ow on ly ov er the t wo
middle bay s of t he nave , it ne ve r theles s e x t en de d ri g h t out to the
en d a rc h itraves, in orde r to p rotect t he wood -panelled e nd bay s f rom
the weather. In th e a bs ence of a ny indication of t he pos iti on of the
en trance of th e pa v ilion , we ha ve res to red it with the entrance on
one long s ide, as in t he hall exc avated many years ago in T rasteve re
a t Rome, and no longer in ex istence . 20
The 100 statues mentioned b y Call ixen u s mu s t hav e been se t a t
the supports of t he peristyle as we ll as at t hose of the na ve ; for so
large a number of statues could no t have been acc ommoda ted a rou nd
the nave columns alone .
There is no reason to believe t hat the pe r istyle had mor e t han
one storey, with the ceil ing in the shape of a se gmenta l vault, i. e .
resembling the roof of some of t he pav ilions of th e Praeneste mosaic ;
presumably there was an outwa rd -pitched co ve r in g of some sor t a bove
the ceiling, to shed rainwate r . Since the nave columns , 50 cubi ts, o r
some 26 rn, in height, rose far above the si ng le- storeyed pe ristyle,
there would have been amp le s pace in t he intervals between these
columns for t he following :
theoretical basis of such sys tem s was first work ed ou t by e ngineersin the serv ice of the Ptolemies. At any rate we k now n th at Ptolemaica rc h itec ts and engineers were res pon s ib le for th e mos t famou s ofearly Helle nis t ic ac h ie veme n ts in the tec h n ica l f ield, i.e. the greatlighthouse on Pharos island at Alexand ri a ; and th is structure, whichcould not have been built and op erated wit hout a great deal oftechnical innovation, pre-dated the symposium -tent now underdiscussion. On long-span wooden beams in Gr eek architecture, see ingeneral J.J. Coulton, (above, n.2) 155-60; Coulton suggests thatGreek architects, unl ike their Roman success ors , may never rea llyhave understood the principle of th e t r us s , bu t t his view is perhapsexcessively sceptical.
20G. Gatti, NSc (1905) 80-81; Studniczka, 32 Fig. 3 . TheTrastevere hall, likethe other similar examples c ited by Studniczka,was of course a permanent masonry st ructure ; the area of the na ve ,which measured about lOx 13.5 m, was only a bou t three-sevenths ofthat of the symposium-tent of Ptolemy II.
SYMPOSIUM -T ENT OF PTO LEMY II
1) a t groun d le ve l , pass - throu g h s to t he peri st yl e (a bou t4 m);
2) above thes e, arrangements for su spend ing thepaintings, tunics, and c loa k s (perhaps a not he r 4m) ;
3) the row of silver a nd gold shields (about 2- 2.5 rn) :4) the "caves" (6 -8 m);5) at the top of the intercolumnar spaces, "clerestory
windows" a t least 8 m high, providing ample light forthe interior .
305
Since Callixenus says that the r e were s ix "caves" in length, four
in width , and since the intercolumnar spaces numbered only four on
th e sides a nd three acros s t he ends, our placing of the "c aves"
require s that the two middle intervals on the sides of the nave, a nd
the central interval at the ends, each contain two "caves" above
the ot he r ; thus on th e long s ides the "c aves" were s e t in
pattern , across the e nds . : .
At this point of our reconstruction we have still two major
question s to a n s we r . (i) What and where were the golden eagles of
15- cu bi t si ze ? (ii) Could ou r 18 x 24 m nave have held even 100
couc hes, let alone 130 ?
With regard to the eagles, we d o not s ee how e v e n hollow -cast
bi rds of gilded bronze, nearly 8 m high, co u ld ev er had served as
ac rot e ria over s le nd e r wooden co lumn s ; in any case, lik e t he ot he r
d ec o rat ive elem e n ts , th e eagl es mu s t have be e n vis ible to t he guests
d in ing in th~~ave. We would s ugges t th at the g rea t siz e of th e
b ir d s is best ex p la ined by ref e rr in g it to t he wid th f rom s id e to s ide ,
th e fo r m of t he eagles be ing de ri ved f ro m t he old Ph araonic motifs of
falcon s and vultures with ou t s p r ea d wing s; both these motifs were
ve r y wid e f ro m s ide to s id e, but modes t in he ig h t. Th e o ld
Pha raonic s y mbo ls were ce r ta inly ta ke n over by t he Pt olemies ; th e ir
Eg y p t ia n s ubj ects ex pected it, wh ile Gr eek s a nd Macedo n ia n s s a w the
bi r d s as the eagle of Zeus. T he g rea t b irds in t he tent of Pto lemy II
cou ld have been ei the r a p pliq ues of th in g ilde d bron ze a ttached to the
in ne r face of t he a rchi trave be ams, o r g old-emb roid e red a p p liq u es on
the und e r s ide o f t he awning tha t co vered the centra l part of t he
The fo rmer interpret a ti on per hap s acco r-ds be tte r with th e
306 F.E. WINT ER AND A. CHRISTIE
pu rely "metallic" implications of th e ad jective XPUOOl , 21 the la tte r
with the location of the eagles in lit he hi gh es t space of t he orophe . II
As for the nu mber of cou ch es th at co u ld be ac commoda t ed in our
nave, 130 couches of 4 x 2 c u bi t s (8 sq. cubit s ) would have filled
some two-thirds of the space available. Eve n if only 100 co uc hes
were ac t ua lly set out, cou ch es p lus serving- ta b les , basins , and the
like would have left only a very modest s pac e fo r se r va n ts to move
a round. Nevetheless, we bel ieve that if th e couc hes extended beyond
the ax iai rectangle of the nave , there wou ld have been room for the
number s ta ted by Callixenus. In any ev e n t , such an ad ju s tme nt
seems to us better than proposing a tent which coul d probably never
have been erected at a ll , but which, if by some ch ance it ha d been
erected, would almost certainly have co lla psed on the g ues t s .
At the besinr ing of t his a r t ic le we refe rred to Studniczka's
characterist isation of Ptolemy 's sy mposium-tent as the earlies t
recorded Greek a nces to r of Vi truvian and ot he r Roman basilicas and
hypostyle halls. It is really this aspect of t he great pavilion that
makes it so important for the study of later Greek architecture.
Hypostyle halls with clerestories, con s tructed e nt ire ly in stone, are of
course found in t he a rch itect u r e of Pharaonic Eg y pt many cen turies
before the establishment of the Pto lemaic ki ng dom; but there s eem t o
be no earlier ex ampl es, e it he r Greek or Egypt ian , of large cove red
s paces with an " in te r na l peristyle" s uppo r ting a clerestory roofed
with the aid of long-s pa n wood en bearns . Thus the pavil ion descr-ibed
by Callixenus, for all its ephemeral c ha ra c te r , appears (a t lea st if we
have res tored it co r re c t ly ) to introduce us to a new era of technical
achievement in the architecture of ancient Greece, a n era in which
some builders reg a r d ed wooden beams wit h a free span of more th an
16 m as sufficiently routine in character to be used even in temporary
structures such as the one under discussion. As far as we can tell
21For patterns woven or embroidered in gold, XPUOOl seems lessa pp ropriate than a word such as the xp uoou tjl£l c; of 196e -f.
SYMPOSIUM-T ENT OF PTOLEMY" 307
O{K OC; for dining); 20Se ( sa toon with"Dicnys iac" s3100n ); 206a-c (IIEgyptian ll
from extant monuments, th e ear l ies t examp les o f suc h lon g spans in
permanent building s belong to the foll owing cen t u r y , 22 i.e ., nearly a
cen t u r y later than th e great te nt in the pa lace pa r k at Alex andria .
Ye t th e roof- spans of Ptolemy' s tent must su re ly have had at
least a few predecessors in the real arc h i t ec t u r e of Alexandria; and it
is r easonable to assu me t ha t t hese predecessors were to be found in
the palace-buildings of th e fi rs t Ptolemi es. On the ba sis of th is
assumption, we may con c lude t ha t as early as the first third or so o f
the 3rd c , . Ptolemai c arc h i t ec t s had designed and built ro yal
d ini ng-r ooms an d aud ience- ha ll s with internal peri styles, long - sp an
wooden ceiling s and c ler esto r y windows; hall s which, in fact, al r ead y
included almo st all the features of the earl iest Roman ba sil icas. Th is
co nc lu s io n , if co rrec t , woul d lend f u rther su p por t to th e t heory th at
th e Latin word basilica was der ived f rom such basilikai aulai, o r ro ya l
halls. By late Hellenistic times, halls with internal peristyles had
ev id en t ly be come a commonpl ace in Ptolemaic, or at leas t Alexandrian,
domest ic arc h i tec t u r e ; thu s whe n t rans fe r re d to Italic con texts, they
were desc r ibe d as " Eqypt ian oec i" e . g . , by v i truvius . wh o remark s
t hat suc h halls ob v iou s ly re semble basil icas . 23 Several exampl es of
"Eqypt ian oeci " do in fa c t ap pear in Callixenus' account of t he
Thala~~Ptolemy Ph il op at or24
; ag a in , we may note, at an ea r l ie r
da te (l ast quarter of the 3r d c. ) th an that o f an y ex ta n t Italic
examples.
22 T he ear l iest da ta b le examp le is Mile t us , about 17 0 ; perhap s wesho u ld add A la b a nda (G. E. Bea n, Tu rkey Beyond th e Maea nde r(London 1971 1 186-87). Both da te and met hod of r oo fll19 atl\fOfilJiTiare u n cer t ai n ; the bu i Iding, if complet ely roofed, may well postdatethe appea rance of Roman b ui ld ing -techniq ues E of t he A d r ia t ic , butwi t ho ut fur th er excavation any co nclusions mus t rem ain purelyspecu lat ive.
23 V i t r . 6.3.8 -9 .
24A th . 205b-c (mainperistyle of l ri di an stones;sa loon ) .
308 F .E. WINT ER AND A. CH RIST IE
Our conclusion then is tha t th e tec hnical ach ievem en t
represented b y t he symposium-tent of Pto lemy II, tog et her with its
presumed relationship to mor e perm ane nt h y postyle halls in t he pa lace
at A lexandria, suggests that t he pl an and const r uc ti on of t he earl iest
Roman basicilas was very strong ly in f luenced b y Pt olema ic proto types;
the Hyposty le Hall on Delo s, which is t he Hel len ist ic monumen t most
often mentioned in discussion s of the an ce st ry of t he Roman basil ica,
was actually bui lt hal f -a -century or so af t er t he construction of the
great pavilion at Alexandria, of which, f ro m t he technical point o f
view, it wa s in any event only a pa le ref lection . In fact t he
technical expertise and lavish or nament of Ptolemaic palace
architecture seem to have been uneq ua l led in t he Hellenistic world,
and were probably not surpassed , even b y the Romans, until the time
of Nero and the Flavians.
DEPARTMENT OF FI NE ARTUNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
F.E. WINTERADRIENNE CHRISTIE
309
A LETTER TO APHRODISIAS IN CARlA
Among the insc r ip t ions r ecently pu bl ished by Joyce Reynold s in
her Aphrod~sias and Rome is one which she inclines to asc r ibe to
Nicomedes IV of Bithynia .1
The fol low ing notes mainly con cer n t he
text, though I come bac k at the en d to the question of th e
ad d r essee. This is Reynolds ' version of the te xt : 2
[ ?Ba 0 1,\ £i)<; 81 8u vw v N 1KO~] 10 ~5 [11>.apao{wv]
[ Kat 'A]¢pO OClO\[€]WV TQ Sou '\Q ~[a t]
[Tfil] o [ fi ] ~ 1f vac Xo.f[ p ] C\ \i vac
[ .. 4-5 .. 1r eEI KAN we; B O UA6~ c 8o. Kal a6 -
1Reynolds, Aphrodisias an d Rome (see below ) 20-26 no. 4.have used th e followang special ab b re viat ions: Holleaux, Etudes = M.Holleaux, Etudes c'epi r aphie et d 'histoire orecques, ed~obert
(Pari s 193 - 1 auers erger = <J ue rs erg~ Polyb ios-Lexi con(Berlin 1956); Reynolds = J. M. Reynold s , Aphrodisias and Rome ( J RSMonograph s no.1 [London 1982 ] ); She rk , Roman Do cuments - R~
Sherk, Roman Documents from th e G reek East ( Baltimore 1969);Welles, Ro il l Correspondence - C . B. Welles ,~I Correspond_ence int he HellenIstic erlod NewHav en 1934 ) . Ot her abbre v ia tiuns sho u ldbe se l f- ex p lanator y . I am very g ra teful to G. W. Bow er sock andChri stian Habicht fo r their commen ts. Ke na n Erim gave me eve r yfa c i l i ty for s t ud y ing the inscr iption to be di scu ssed here d u ri n g avi sit t o Aphrodisi as in June , 1984, and l ow e him man y t han ks .
2Rey no lds, 20- 26 with Plat e II I . In Rey no ld s ' d esc r ipt ion of t heup per b loc k (p. 20 ) t he word s " Ie f t - tran d " and " ri gh t -han d" sho u ld ber ev er sed. Th e d ra wi ng is co nfus ing, espec ia l ly fo r t he fragments oft he lower bl ock , and in l ines 23 and 25 shows readings t ha t Reyno ld sdoes not acce p t in to her text. The p lates omi t a small f r aqrnen t tothe ri gh t cen ter of l in es 19 an d 20. I hav e co r rec ted t he ac cen t toB18 u vwv in line 1, and made some small chang es r o la t inq to th evis ibility of le tt er s in lines 7, 8 , 24 and 31. l.arqer al te ra tions wil lbe discus sed be low .
310 c. P . J ONES
[TOl] uy ta ( v oll£v. ' A p ~ £Il(owp o e; KUt o i li
[ IlU T] OUTli! Ui p £6 €VTEC; TI p£a B£UTUl: ouv-
[11£ tJ €U~TEe; KUl: a a TIuaa lJE:vo t nllii c;
"l [ up ]~ TOO TI[A]ti8o ue; a TI£OWKUV KUl: n\ly~ [y]ea¢ £ t[ T]E: £TI taTOAnV S i ' ~ e; £on
AO[OT]E: a uv n[ a 6i'iv ] u t €:TI l: r o t c KUTa A6y ov
nll[ d] '! TI P O K ~ [ X ] lfp n K 6at v KUl: £OTEIjJU -
12 VW[K{]~U t nllii[ e; x]p uo€li! a TE:ljJa vli! KUl:
d[K6v t] · o ta A£x[ 6] na uv o~ KUl: o i TI p£O
BE: u[ Ta l: aKoJAou6we; r o t c tv UUTQ KUTU
K£X[WPt all{]'!Ot e;, TnV I~ 6ua(u v TIUp €a Tn-
16 ccv a £(u[v T]i'ie; nlJo€pue; TIpoutp€a£-
we;. Ka TEt A n[¢6Td~ ~6v Tb[ v O]i'illov UIlWV
€K TIAE: t6v[wv ? E: UVOt KW] <i [O t]<;Kd lJE: VOV
[T]~ 7!pbe; nll[iie; KUl: ?aTI£u ]6 ov Ta ~ ad €:TI t -
20 [Tu]~xavdtv ?nllii e; tv] ~iiatv r o Ir; TIpO -
[ . .~. 7 .. o]~e;, a TIo vac o£x 6[ lJ],; 6u KUt £
[ ?TIQv€a]ullE:V TIOA U ll a A t a~ [ u T]nV £\)VO tClV
[ ?UIlWV] ~Ul: TI£tpu a6 1l£6u [ E: u] KCl tp nauv - ~.
24 [?TEe; ?xu p ] ~ a6 nva t M;(~~ K[al: ?u ] IlWV Kal: Tne;
[ nllo€pa]s 06~[ue; • • • lE[ •• 4-5 .. l 'A pT£Il(O Wpov
[ ..~ . 5 .. lAAE~AME[ •• ~. 5 .. lo ue; ui oue; Ka
UTa Tb n Icp ov co ve ] • .~. 5 .. l E: a6a t nllE: Tv
28 [ •• ~ . 9 •• l IOTEK[ •• ~. 5 •• l e; EIIAN
[ ..~ . 10 .. l OTET[ • •~. 5 . . lA ITOT d vut
[ ..~ . 11 .. l ?€Kp [ d vu ll ] E:v KUt ull £Tv
[ ?£ypa1jJu ll£ v TI Jcot T~ [(j T W ]~. "Eootoo ec .
1. On the photograph , only a delta foll owed by a lower serif is
visible (confirmed by autopsy, June 1984). In addition, Reynolds'
res toration takes 33 letters, more t han a ny ot he r line, whereas the
A LETTER TO AP HR ODI SIAS IN CAP I/". 311
letters of the sa lu tati on ar e larg er t ha n th ose of t he main t ex t. 3 The
de l ta sho u ld be about the fifteenth let ter, with some eleven or tw elve
following. A s impl e rec ourse would be to exc ise th e 6 18u vwv , which
would al so bring th e sal u ta t ion in t o acc ord with the u su al s t y le of
Hel len ist ic kings, so that it began :
[B CW l AEUe; N 1 K O IJll ]O ~ [ e; lL\upu o€w v J
For doubt s a bou t the correc tn ess of this restoration, how ev er ,
t he final paragraph below.
2 . From t he ph otog r aph t he secon d wor d look s l i k e
' A<j> p o o£ 10 €WV, 4 presuppos in g th e form 'A<j>P OOE1OEVe; instead of t he
usual - 0 tEue; ; this was presumab ly a vulgarism, I ike h UI-JO e; ( ~ T oi )J o C;)
in no. 2 line 12. The form recurs in insc riptions of I taly; ~ 14. 1237,
1598 (Moretti,~ 532) , perhaps 2388a ; d. ' A ¢ P O O ll~ E (j C; in~ I
Lyttos no.50.
4. In her discus sion Reynold s inclines to accept a proposal of
J. Dein ing er , [Ei ~PpwJ 0 8 E , <o i'<n> Clv we; Bou>"6 )JE8u : a copyi st or
mason r ead the two epsilons as one and tu rned the rem aining I HANrll:
into the familiar ad v er b lKuvw C; .
11 - 12. Since £0 -r:c¢UVWK £VU1 is fo l lowed by EiK6v1 well as
o TE¢a v/f , the right translation is not "crowned" but "honored,"
"presented," a kn own sen se of OTE<j> UVO UV. 5
3Reynolds' difficu lty is sho wn b y the draw ing, in which thesu r vi ving de l t a is v is ibl y larger than an y ot he r let t er . It is noaoub t bec ause of t his problem that she adop t s th e spe ll ing B18uvw\J inher text and BE18uv wv i n t he d ra wing.
4Rey n o ld s shows both the secon d epsilon of ' A¢ POOE10 £WV andt he rho of XUt P El v in l in e 3 as mi ssing . They are now, s ince th eywere carved on u loose c h ip w h ich has disappeared (P late 2 ) . At th eti me of t he photograph wh ic h Reynold s g i v es as Pla t e III 2 , how ev er ,bo t h letter s were still vi sibl e.
5Ful yb . 13 . 9. 5 , wh ich Lid del l - Sco tt - Jones, OTE¢u \!6w II 2,mist r anslate as " r ewa r d ": seve r-a l e p iq r aph ic al in st ances in L. Rob ert ,A C 37 (1 96 8) 41 b~:-
312 C. P. JON ES
15-16. Comment ing th is in sc r ip t ion , K . J. Rigsby has
sug g est ed that the envoy s " ar r ived on the occasi on of a fe stiva l , and
were naturally invited to share in it." It seems si mpl er to as sume
that t hey "of f er ed sac r ifice " on their own init iat iv e; comp are t he
decree for Pose id on io s of Bargy l la , ambassador to M. I Aquill ius in
129, [ ouv no8d <; tnt ToT<; yCYOV601vJ £lTET Oe:[odv \.l ~V ToT<; 8E:o T<; TC:t <;
Ka8nKouoCl <; 8UO ( Cl <; , KTA. 6
17 . KClTE: 1An[ <j>6 TE: J<; is excellent , bu t no t so t he asse rt ion th at it
"m ust mean understanding. II T hat t r ans la t ion ig nor es the perfec t
tense, and KClTClAa\.lBav £1v in t h e of " understand, II
"comprehend" seems alw ays to be f ollowed by a noun or an indirect
question. With a participial phrase it means "find , II II notice . "
"discover ." usually with a con not at ion of p r io r moti on but sometimes
without; here then it shoul d mean "havi ng fo u n d. 117
18. Reyno ld s somet imes prefixes a sig n of d ou b t ev en to the
most plausible r estoration s, but here exp re sse s no q ua lms abo ut £K
lTAE:16v [wvJ . T he phrase ought n ot to q uali f y KClTE: 1An<j> 6TE:<; but
r ather, t he wor d or d er shows , Ol ClK E( \.lEVOV. T he r ig h t
supplemen t mus t be £K lTA £lOV [O<;] , " f o r a co n si derable t ime";
Thucydides an d Po lyb ios hav e £K lTA€ov o<; Xp6vou , Cas siu s Di o three
tim es has £K lTAEOVO <; . 8 T he wri t e r has t her e fo r e "found y our
peop le well disposed to u s for a con s id er ab le t ime. II
20-21. For th e noun or pa r t ic ip le fo llo w ing ToT<; Reynolds
suggests lTPO [T OU ~ P YO] lC; or lTpo[Y£yE Vn\.l£Vo] 1<; ; bu t the r un of the
6K . J . Rigsby, Phoenix 38 (1984 ) 103. Poseidon ios: M. Holleaux,REA 21 (1919) 2, 5( =Etudes 2.181 ,1 84 ) .
7For these t wo sens es and con s tructions of KClTaAaj.JBavE:1v see
~. g; Mt[uve::]~~~a:~: s~~ itr:;f:~At.\.l ti~V~e~e~t~ic~ber;:~:~;li e~ r!T~S~~je'n )1 ~dass . . .. ): for thiS lo st nu an ce see e . g . Polyb. 14. 1(r:~L---rven
clea rer is Joseph. BJ 3.405, <hp £Kn TOV ' l wonlTov Kat tv &""0 1<;KClT E:A a\.lBClVEV . -
8T h uc . 8 .45.2; Polyb. 1.68 .9 , 2.69.1 1,14.12.1,24.9 .14 ; DioCasso fr.57 .18 , 70. 4, 42.57 .1.
A LETT ER T O AP HRODI S IA.5 IN CA R lA 313
p h rase, "eag er th a t we s ho ul d alw ay s s u ccee d in our . .. . " does no t
fa vo r a wo rd in wh ic h rrp o - signifies " before " in a tem pora l se n s e .
np o[ Kc I lJ{ VO] i r; exactly f ills t he s pac e po stu la ted by Rey no lds and in
Polybios fr equentl y has the s e n s e of " p la ns, " "intention s"; thu s
1. 9. 6 , OUVT£ACOUlJCVOe; TO n p o x c f uevov ; 1 .1 3.1 , A{ Y CIV wpa n c p ] TWV
l1POK CIlJ {VWV; 2 .6 7. 6, 3 . 61.9 , a <j> ClJ£ VOl TC'IV np OKCIlJ{ VWV .
21-22 . For £[ n Qv to ]CilJCV a f t e r an o o £X6lJc 8a compare S herk,
Roman Docu ments no .26 co l. a lin e 26 (J u lius Caesar ) , T ou e; &vopac;
En {jv c[oa . •• Kal <j> I >'0 <j>p6v ] w(; O:TICoc I: UlJllV ; Re y nold s , no . 6 lines 33 - 35
( Oc ta vian ) , £TIa I v toae; TOV r.6 >.wv o. lJa U o v o.TI c o c ~alJnv. Fo r TIC).\)
lJa >.IO Ta , "most especia lly ," a comb in a t io n n e t a p pa re n t ly no t iced in
t h e d ic tionari e s, We lle s , Royal _S or r es pondence no . 25 lin e 17 ( Zia el a s
o f Bithynia ).
23- 24 . c um I pn o a v T£ e; loo k s right , b u t no t Re ynold s ' t r ans la t ion .
"i n our p ro s pe r i tv ; " T he pri mary se n se of clJKa I oc t v , th ou gh
dep lo r ed by th e gra mmar ia n s , is "to have le isu re " ; thu s in Poly bi o s
(20. 9.4), Ka Ta Il£V TO TIa p OV OUK £ <j> a OKC V etJK U I PC lV , TICPlOTIWlJCVOC; 0n o
Tfi e; TWV••• >.a<j>upwv o Lcovou Ic c . The sense "prosper," though th e
com mone r in Po ly b ios , is t he ra rer el s e whe r e. In th e pre s ent le tte r
it woul d be odd if t he w ri te r , afte r rr.ention ing " t he sat isfacto ry
ou tcome of ou r affa irs" ( Iin e s 10- 11), s hould now a d mit to f in a n c ia l
e mba r r a s s me n t .9
24 . [Xap] 1U8 i'j v CiI look s so mewh a t lo ng fo r the s pace (agai n, t he
d r a wing is s lig h t ly ina cc u ra t e) ; perha p s [ Il V] ll o 8 i'jval , with th e ob jec t
e it he r aUT i'je; understood o r the geni t ives afte r at; l we;.
9See t he a b un dant cita t ion s in th e r evi sed S tephan us , T hesau ru :::s , v . ; a ls o Lid de ll-Scott- J ones s . v. I , "have o p po r t u n ity , le isu r e o rt ime . " J . A. d e Fo uc a ult, Rec he rc he s _sy r la langue et Ie sfYT"e dePOTYb~ (P ari s 1972 ) 351, g iv es o nl y th e se n s e IIpro sperer, II inc ludingun de r it s u c h pa ssages () S Po lyb . 20. 9 .4 (c i ted in t h e t e x t) in wh ich
~f~~~~Ie;" ~~)dC:r~lt~~~f' l~qU::~ L~Ol~~Obcs~t~on~U I I ~ n e P it!:r~n~ 1 9 ~TLa~~~~fin an cier-e . "
314 C . P . JON ES
25. From here on the f r agm e n ta r y na t u re of t he te x t mak es it
increasingly diff icult to r estore. Rey no lds reads [ ?r\1.1 £TcpcxJe;
66H a e;••• JE[ . •4-5 .. I ' ApTE:1J 16wPO\i; but, a part from t he sl ip for
66F;ne;, the Iine is s u s p icious ly long , 32 or 33 letters aga in s t a n
average of about 29 . The photograph ( Plate II I 3) sh ows wha t coul d
be the upper ho r izontal of sig ma and the to p of d elta ; then after
about one space a n upper left - ha nd serif whi ch wou ld fit xi; then
after about one more s pace the s ig ma wh ich is evide n tl y the iso la ted
one shown by Reynolds . 10 Th at is , th e sig ma thoug h t by he r to fall
in the four th place a f te r 06Hae;J shoul d be the las t lette r of
0[ 6J HnJe; , and the number of let ters in the line ca n be re d uced to 28
or 29. Reynol d s suggests t ha t a ne w sentence be g in s be for e
'A PT£ IJf 6wpo\i . Tha t must be so if t he s ugg estion to be made be low
about line 26 is correct , a n d in turn th e re s houl d be so me t h ing in th e
gap to form a bridge from what precedes, pe r ha p s [ t !p' ote;J , as in a
s imilar passage in the letter of Octav ian of 39 or 38 (no.6 line 33) .
26. It is natural to take TOUe; o i ooc , and perhaps , ApTE:1Jf6wpo\i
too, as the objects of a main verb, wh ich if the wr iter is refe rring to
himself will be in the first person p lura l . In the group AAE:::AMf:.
Reynolds observes that xi might be e psi lon, zeta , or sigma. A
recurrent term in the language of Hellenistic diplomacy is na paKCXAcl\i ,
"invite, II "request"; though usually a p pl ied to the plea s mad e by
ambassadors and the like, persons in a utho r it y al so us e it modestly of
their own requests.11
Here [ncxp£K]aA £OalJ£[\iJ ex actly fills t he space
allotted by Reynolds a t the beginning of the line . and [Ka t T] OUe;
u i ou e; does the same fo r the space near t he en d .
10T he photograph, however. is not pe rfectly clear, and thedrawing is particularly unhelpful for t his line.
ll E . g . Welles. Royal Correspondence no .14 line 12 (Ptolemy II toMiletos), no.15 line 30 lAntlochos II to Eryth rai) ; both uses in no.34lines 5.17,21 (Attalos I to Magnesia).
A LETT ER T O AP HRODISIAS IN CAR l A 315
26-27 . KU[TU Tb n J u p6v see ms another cer t a in supplemen t. This
express ion occ u rs 70 t imes in Po ly b ios alone. 12 I t often su g g es t s ,
like "for th e present" in Eng lish, a con t r ast wi th t he futu re ; t h us in
a r ece n t ly publi sh ed ins c r ip t io n o f Ephesos i t is con t ras te d with E ie;13
Tb ~OAOV .
A s Reynold s observes . th e r)~ E lv see ms t o de pe nd on t he
immedi at ely preceding . The writer earl ier spo ke of t he " satisfac tory
outcom e of ou r affa i rs , II th e v e rb np o xwp El V impl y in g some ki nd ot
en te r p r ise o r ex p ed i tion; if EllKUlpn ou vTEe, i n 23 is co r re ct ly
in t er p re t ed as " wh en we hove leis u r e , II t ha t suggest s th a t h e is sti ll
bu sy . I t may t herefore not be overbo ld t o suggest somet h ing I i ke
auvE [ n 1 AuS]ta eu 1 r)~ ElV [ np be; EVUVT] fo ue; or nOAEll]foue;; if the
omiss ion of the artic le seems u n comfortable ( t ho u g h not u nu su a l in
He il en i st ic Greek) , t he r a r er verb a uv c[n t p X] Ea e Ul nllEl V w i th a
d i r ec t acc u sat ive might do in s t ead. 14
28-2 9 . The fol low ing words seem beyond recovery. T he k appa
of 28 migh t r epresent «Lot l . fo l lowe d by a second infinitive c lau se
ending a t cfVU1 .15
The syl lables EITAN, slig h t ly sepa r-at co t r om t he
previou s wo r d and so almost certainly be ginning a ne w one, shou ld b e
t he p refix s ignifying " r e t u r n " as in [T il Je, £n u v [ 66ou ] , [ ~ w ] <; Enuv
[ O OWllf:V] . I ca nnot f ind su p p lemen ts fo r li ne 29; - A IT OT mi g h t
sugges t a transl i terat ion f rom Lati n .
12Mau ersberger . KUTa V I 2; cf. Preis igke , Wor t erbuc h de l'g r iec h ischen Pap y r u su r k u nd en s .v , n dp e i u t b , ex amples from the 2ndc. Be on. -
13D. Kn ib be , Jahr- esh ef tc c!1-:S Oeste rreic h . A r ch5010g . In s tituts53 (19 81/82, p u b l . 19!ITf- rli 9 no.169 l in E" 4 . ----
14For a UVETi I AnpR6v OllU1, Wel les. Roy al Correspondence 366 s , v .Fo r t h e omiss ion o f t he a r t ic le in p reposItlon;:;I p h rases , Maysel' .Grllmm.lt ik d er griech isc hen Papy ri aus d e l' Pt ol ernaerzei t II 2.pp. 35-40. - - - - -
15T h e le tte r s at til e ellei o f l ir.e 29 rruqh t po ss ib ly r epres en t th ebeg in n i ll ~ of a purpose cla use int r od u ced bv r oo (o n thi sco ns t ruct ion. e . g. r~ I~lss-D eb r u n r ~e r- Funl< , Gr-eek Gr <Jr ; i1 ~ I (l!- o f. h e Ne w
316 c. P. JO NES
30-3 1. T he traces co rres pon d to an epi stolary formula often
observed in Hell eni st ic letters , wh ic h almost alway s appears ju st
be fore ~p pwa o or anot her closing expression. Thus in th e letters of
Sp. Postumiu s to the Delphian s and Amphictyons , (I1TWC; 06 v E:Uiiiu ,
hP1VOV U111V yp aljia1 1T Ep t TOIJT WV; in A ttalos I l l s lette r to his cou s in
Athenaios, (I1T WC; o ~ Kat a u d Oii1 C;••• , ~KP 1 V O V EnlOTE tAa f 001 .16
In
the present letter there is ju st room to supply : 17
U v a o ~ doi'\u ,] £K p[dvOl1]E:V Kat Ul1E:IV
[ En lO TEtAa 1 1T ]E:pt TO[ UTW] V . "E ppw0 8E:.
wou ld translate thus :
King Nicome de s ( ?) to the council and pe op le ofPlarasa and Aphrod isias , g r eet ing s . If yo u are well i twould be as we wish ; we t oo are in goo d he alth .Ar temidoros an d th e amb assadors chosen with hi m met u sand g r eet ed us from t he peo p le , and al so deli v ered theletter you ha d wr i tten, in wh ich yo u indicated t hat y oucon g r at u lated u s on t he satisfact ory outcome of ou r affa irsand had p r esen t ed us wi th a gold crown an d statue; andt he ambassado r s sp ok e in accordance with what had beenset down in it ( t he let t er) and made a sac r i f ic e ap propria tet o our conduct. Having therefore found yo ur peop le welld i spo sed to us fo r a considerab le t ime and eage r th at weshou ld always suc ceed in al l ou r (p lan s) , we ap prove andap p r ec iat ed most especial ly your go odwill , and we shall try ,when we have le isure, t o r ememb er (you, sc .) in a waywor thy both of you an d of our glory . ( For this rea son ?) ,we have r equested Artemidoros and h is sons fo r the t imebeing . .. wi th u s ... (and ) to be ... . (So that y ou shouldknow ) we jud g ed bes t to wri te to you on this subject.Farewell.
For the id en t i t y of t he w r i t e r , Reynolds' su gg est ion of a
Nicomed es of B i t h y n ia , perha ps t he Fourth , f i t s the traces in li ne 1
Testame n t 206 pa ra .400), though this seems ve r y unlikely.
16Cenerall y , H . Ko sk en n iemi, St ud ien zur Idee und Ph r ase oloqi ed es griech ischen Briefes (Hel si ri k] 1956) rs-r », Sherk, t<omanDocuments no.1 A l in es 6- 7 , B l ine 7 (Sp. Posturni u s I . Well es, ROyaT~dence no.65 l ines 18- 20 ( A ttal os II), cf. no .66 lines Ts=T8and p.XXXVIII n.6.
17 /n line 30 (I1TWC; and 06v ( b u t not both) migh t be su b st i t u t ed.
A LETTE R T O A PHRO DIS IAS IN CARl A 317
and the general sty le. Nevertheless, her orig ina l v ie w (not
mentioned in her recent discussion) that the author W Ll S a I! Roman
official" st i l l has some attraction .18 The q uestion is bo und up w i t h
that of the pos i tion of this let t e r on the so-ca lled A r ch iv e Wall , the
inscriptions of wh ic h fo r m the core of Reynolds ' book. I have
d iscussed t his in a fo rthcoming review of Reynolds , and here on ly
note my be l ief that the documents on the wall form a single col lec t ion ,
and that the present le t t er a p pea r s f rom its posi t ion to have been one
of the most impor t an t. I incl ine th er e for e to think that Reynolds'
first sug g es t ion was cor r ec t , but admit that I cannot fi nd a Roman
official of th e late Republic whose na me eas i ly fi t s t he t races in line1. 19
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO C . P . JONES
18Reynolds in Akten des VI. Internationalen Konqresses fUrGriechi sch e und Latelnlsche Ep,g r aphlk , Vestigia 17 (Munich 1973)115.
19Similar doubts abou t th e introduction of a Nicomedes ar eex p ressed b y G. W. Bow ersock, Gno mon 56 (1984) 51, and S. Mi tchell,C R 34 (1984) 294.
318
OCEANUS
DUECAlEDONIUS
A.A. R. HENDERSON
Thule f40m
319
AGRICOLA IN CALEDONIA:
THE SIXTH s SEVENTH CAMPAIGNS
Since Ogilvie and Richmond published their commentary on
Tacitus' biography in 1967. a great deal of work has been done on
the five Scottish campaign s of Agricola (I' I-V II. numbered by the
years of his governorship of Britain).l Our understanding of these
operations has been enormously increased by discoveries in the fie ld.
Relatively few new ideas have been generated by study of Tacitus'
text. which has never seemed to offer much hope to the investigator.
As a biographer and literary artist Tacitus suppressed many
geographical and similar details that he felt would bore or distract his
readers. The archaeologists . for example, have disposed of the
belief. still strong when Ogilvie and Richmond wrote, that Agrico lan
installations underlay all or most of the forts of the Anton ine Wall,
buil t two generations later. In fact the praesidia mentioned by
Tacitus in ~. 23 (year IV) a s marking the temporary terminus of
the province on the Forth-Clyde isthmus, coincide with the latter
sites at a maximum of three places; and unlike the Wall. the Agricolan
system starts S of the Clyde in the W (Barochan Hill) and continues
S of the Forth on the E as far as Edinburgh (Elginhaugh). 2 Only
the third of Agricola's Scottish expeditions (V) continues to resist all
1( am entirely persuaded by the arguments of Professor A. R.Birley for the earlier dating of Agricola's governorship. i. e . 77-83/4.instead of the tradit ional 78-84/5 (liThe date of ~~on s Graupius , II LCM1 (1976) 11-14). Cf. B. Dobson . "Ag r ico la' s Life and Career ." sCOt:'"Arch. Forum 12 (1980) 10. --
2See W.S. Hanson and G. ~·,a xwell . Rome's North-West Frontier:The Antonine Wall (Edinburgh 19lD) 39 -40. 121; Raroson. "Agrrcola onthe Forth-Clyde: is thmu s ." Scot. Arch. Forum 12 (1980) 55-68 ; Hanson
320 A. A. R. HENDERSON
efforts at elucidation. Despite t he reservation s of the most recent
writers on the subject, the fighting described in ~. 24 is best
explained in the context of a crossing of the Clyde ; but
archaeological evidence to support this will be particularly hard to
find, in view of the nature of the terrain in S. Argyll and Kintyre. 3
T he campaign that has attracted most attention is without doubt
the last (VII), chiefly because of the Scarlet Pimpernel-like character
of the battlefield of (or at) mons Graupius, where Agricola crowned
his long period of service in Britain with a crushing victory over a
Caledonian army (~. 29-38). The q uest for the elusive~ and
accompanying marching camp (3 3. 1, 35.2) ha s gone on now for at
least 277 years; n ig h on a dozen t heo r ies have been published, some
lunatic, some plausible. 4 Since t he Sec ond World War there have
been four, the latest of which, t ha t of Professor J . K. S . St. Joseph,
is circumstantially very convi nc ing, and has won widespread and
authoritative support. 5 Most of the p roffered ide ntificat ions depend
an d Maxwell , "An Ag ri col an p rae,;dit lrg on the Forth-Clyde isthmus(Mollins, S tra th clyde ), " Br it anni a 80) 43- 9.
3See Hanson and Maxwell (a bove, n. 2) 40-1 ; N. Reed , "The fif thyear of Agr icola 's ca mpa igns, II Br ita nn ia 2 (1 971 ) 143- 8.
4T he earl iest known to me is Sir Rob e rt Sib bald 's proposa l thatArdoch (fort) was the Roman s ' camp before t he battle, put fo r wa r d inhis Commenta rius in ea uae Taci t us habe t de Ges t is A r icolae of 1707(Ed in urg : n r ew ymson. e con trr utrons 0 t e ev , JamesPla y fa ir to t he Old Sta ti st ica l Acco un t , vols. 9 , 17 and 19 (1793,1796 , 1797) typ ify the wild e r sh ores of the su bject.
5See J. K. S. St Joseph, "Aeria l reconna is sance in Roman Br ita in,1973-76 ," JR S 67 (1 977) 141-5; id ., "T he camp at Durno and MonsGra u pi us ,' r--g-ritan n ia 9 (1978) 271-88. Cf. A. L.F. Rivet an d C.Smit h , T he Place-names of Roman Britain (London 1979) 45 : "the mostp lausi b le [suggestIon ] IS t hat ot Profes sor J . K. St Joseph" ; ib id . 371[GRAUPIUS MONS): "Probab ly Bennachi e - the s uggestion of J . K. StJoseph." Also M. Todd, Roman Brita in 55 BC - AD 400 (Fontan aHis tory of Br ita in 1981) 109 : ii a p lausi b le case . . " '; " the bestcand idate for th e si te so far p roposed" . Bennac h ie is a hill 18 mile sNW of Abe rd ee n ; s trictly speaking, it is the Mither Tap s ummit of6 enna chie (1 ,69 8 feet) t hat is meant. The othe r post-War solut ions
AGRIC OLA IN CA LED U N IA 321
en t i r e ly on th e a rc ha eo loq ica l evi dence av a i tab le a t the t ime, an d as
more an d more Roman ca mp s, some Fl avi an , some not, are d iscovered
from th e air in north - east Scot lan d , so fresh solution s requ ire to be
evolved to t ak e acco unt of the new d at a. To those on ly t oo familiar
with the controversy su r r ou n d in g th e whereabout s o f mons Graupius
it may seem labour lost to attemp t y et ano t her ans we r , ev en a partial
one , t o th e problem. But in what follows I wish to reverse today' s
usual procedure, by which T acitus' text is made to fit the material
evidence so revered by th e a rc haeo log is t , an d instead to reinstate the
Agri cola, defective though its narrative is in many respects , as ou r
on e proper authority, t o which the a r c haeolog ica l data must be firmly
su bo r d ina t ed. I beli ev e th a t a f u ll e r u nderstanding of the seventh
ca mpa ig n depends on a c lose r an alys is of what Tacitus has to say
ab ou t th e s i x t h , which ha s b een compara ti v e ly n eglected; ana th at
th ere is su f fi c ien t 'l at ent in format ion ' i r, h i s acc ou n t of bo t h
cam pa ign s to ena b le u s, wi th Pto lemy's hel p, n ot to pin poi nt th e
a r e as fo ll ows : (i) O. G. S . Crawfo r d , .!.-(~..E~SV~ph y o f Roma n S co t la n~
North o f the Antonine w-u (Camb r idge 1949) 108, 130 -3: RaedyKesca mp in th e h i ll s above St on ehaven, a smal l to w n on the NE coast 15miles 5 of Aber d een . Rae dykes had b een p roposed by an 18th c.an t iq uar ian , Willi am Ma itland , but tile camp is no t of F lav ian date.Nor is the su rrounding land scape su itable . (ii ) A. R. Bu r n, "Insea r c h of a batt lefield: A gr icol a' s las t battle, I I Proc . of t he Soc. o fAntiq. o f Scot. 87 (195 3) 127- 33: mon s Graupius - Kn oc k H i ll (1 ,1109~~eith, Banffsh i r c , 4smTl~ of A berdeen, withAgricola' s camp = Auchin ho v e camp «I St r aca t h r o type). But a t 27+ac r es Au chi n hov e is too srnal l , an d i t is a lso on the wron g ( W, oren emy ) s ide o f t he h i ll . Burn' s theory was tak en up b y Si r DavidHe nd erson -Stewart, " The b a t tie of Mon s Gra u p iu s , " Tran s . A n c. Mon.Soc. 8 ( 1960) 75-8 0 , whence Ogilvi e an d R iehmona-aaopfe~
WiTho u t any ac kno w led gement to Burn, who b riefly r esta t ed h is viewsla te r in T .A . Dorey ( ed . ), T ac i tus (London 1969 ) 56 . A modificationof B urn 's theory wi l l be ~n S.S. F rere , B r itan nia (London19(7) 111 , wh o locat es mons Grau pi us W of Au chi n hove:--nrr) Ri ch ardF-eachem , " Mons C raup ius ::: Dunc rub 7, II A nt iqu i ty 44 (1 970 ) 120- 4.Du ner ub is d min u sc u le b u mp in th e va l ley ---at' the Ea r n , nearDunning, Perthsh i r e - i , e. in th e Cor': t r al Lo wl an ds (! ). On thespell in g C ra u p ius see Rive t an d Smith ( ab ove) 370. The f law s inth ese modern th eori es ha ve re cen t Iy be en cc ns id ered by Dr. L. J . F.Kepp ie in a judiciou s th ou g h uncor.s t r uc t i v c p aper ( b el ow, n . 6 ) .
322 A.A.R. HENDERSON
battlefield, but to nar row down the a r ea of se a rc h fr om virtua lly th e
whole of Scotland, as a recent study despairingly concluded , 6 to one
small part of the coun t r y hitherto untes ted for Roman sites.
It is clear from the references to t he Riv er Forth ( Bodot ria) 7 in
~. 25.1 and 3 th at t he sixth ex ped it ion was launched up t he E s ide
of Scotland from the terminus of the is th mus. Th e po int of as se mb ly
for the a r my was perhap s Camelon, nea r Falk ir k, whe re t he later
main road to Perth and p laces nor th be ga n , and where there may
have be en a harbour in Roman times.8
According to Tacitus, t h is
was the first t ime tha t a combi ned land - and- s ea operat ion had been
a tt emp ted anywhere in t he Roman world ; to hav e bot h arm s tog et he r
in t he one pla ce for briefing, loading, emb arkation of mar ine s
(nauticus miles), etc. would obv iously be ad vantag eous . It will be
recalled that Agri cola had reached the Tay, a small er estuary N of
the Forth, on a previous expedition ( III) . Just possibly some forts
had been planted as a scree n N of the Forth-Clyde fr on t ier line
during III . Campaign VI, however , s ig na lled t he st ar t of a new
policy (Domitian's) of total conques t beyo nd th e Forth. Tacitus
writes (25.2) :
amplexus ci vita tes trans Bodotr iam s itas, quia mot usuniversarum ul tra ge nt ium et infesta hos t ili exerc itu iti ne ratimebantur , por t us c las se ex p loravit ; quae ab Ag ri co la
6L. J . F . Kepp ie, "Mon s Gr aup iu s : t he search for a batt lefie ld , II
Scot. Arch. For um 12 (1980) 79- 88. Cf. Hanson and Maxwe ll (above,n. 2) 42, commenti ng on St Joseph 's p roposa l : "until some concreteevidence of a major ba ttle comes to light, the site must re ma inuncon fir med " .
7Ptolemy (~. 2.3 . 4) cal ls t he es t uary Boderi a (var.BO~)de2~~); for etymological di scu s s ion see Rivet and~ (above,n , - 1. ( For convenien ce I g ive t he Latin f? r ms of p lace andtribal names in Ptolemy; where h is Gr eek IS no t si mp ly atransliteration of a Lat in na me or a transla tion of a Lati n commonnoun, both languages a r e given.)
8See T.W.T. Tatton Brown, "Ca melon , Arthur's O'on, and th emain supply base for the Antonine Wall, II Bri tannia 11 (1980) 340-3.
AGRICOLA IN CA LEDON IA
primum ad su rr-p t a in partern vi r iu m seq ue b at u r egregiaspec ie . cu m s imu l ter r a s imu l rnar i bel lum irnpe l le r etur .
323
This describes the fir st t wo stag es of the operation : (i) the
ov e r r u n n in g or ann ex ation of tw o or more c iv i t a t es N of th e Fo rth;
( i i ) a more cau t iou s ad v ance towar ds the territory o f the gentes ultra
( = ulteriores); de spite sequebat~, some v esse ls w i ll have b een
employed to re connoi I re the coast ah ead of the main fo rc e (portus
c1asse exploravi t) and bring ba c k intelligence. These g entes ultra
are identified by T aci tus a few I ines later as Caledoni am inco len t es
populi (25 . 3) . They are q u i te distinct from the civ itates_ trans
Bodotriam s i t as , wh o had no part in the imminent rising ( mot u s )
imp u t ed to t he forme r . Thi s dist in ction is c r u c ia l . The meaning o f
amp lex u s may be determined by r eferen ce to 17.2 [Cereal is I magnarr.
Briaantum partem au t victoria amp lexu s est aut bello, whe re be l lo
()mpl ec t i signifies 'to ca mpa ign ov e r ' or ' in v ad e ' , ac t ua l comba t bein g
con n ot ed by th e ot he r abla ti ve, ~cto r i a (ef. Ogilvi e an d Richmond ad
loc . ) . Here the participle b y i t sel f does n ot ne ce ssari Iy imply that
f ig h t ing occ urred.
The c i v i t a tes acros s the Forth t h er e f o r e situated on th e
edge of or on t h e wa y to Caledonia; to get at t h e latter A gr icol a had
to invade t he former. I t is poss ib le to id en ti f y these neighbours of
the Cal edoniam incolentes populi in E and NE Scotland from Ptolemy
(~. 2.3 .8-9), whose in for mat ion , though not set down until about
140-150, never theless reflects th e ge opo l i t ica l con d i t io n of the region
in Flavi an times , because it was d eri ved at only one rem ove from
A gricol a ' s own repor ts and was never updated . 9 I f we excl ud e from
con s id er-at io n t he Damnoni i or Dumnon i i o f the Central Lo w lands- - - ---(th rough the E end of whose ter ritory P.gr ico la will h av e passed at
9Ptolemy ' s irr.rr.eciiate source was Ma r in us o t T y re ( f l . abou t 100).I t is s ignificant t hat Ptol emy shows no awar-erie ss of Hadr ian's Wall,le t a lon e th e Antonine . Apart f rom some min or d et ai ls abo ut thega r r is on ing of Br ita in, nothing in Pto lemy po s td a tes the Fl avianper ioo. See Ri v et arid Smith Lab ov e . n. 5) 114-5.
324 A.A .R . HEND ERSON
the outset), the fir st of th e N c ivitates on his ro ute wer e t he
Venicones, whom Ptolemy loc at es (a llo wing fo r h i s rotat ion of
t r an s isthm ian Scotland th roug h 90 deg rees) 10 ap p r ox imat e ly SE an d E
of h i s Caled on ii ( Taci t u s d oes n ot use thi s name). Above the
Ven icones l ived the T aex al i (var . Taezali); W of these , the Vacoma gi
( p lac ed by Ptolemy 'below ' th e Cal ed on i i, i.e. E of t hem) . Pro jected
on a modern map , the Ve nicones occu pied E Per t h an d A ngus (and
perhaps a lso Fife or part th ereof) , t h e T aex al i Ki nca rdi nesh i r e and
Aberdeen shire (Taezalorum promontorium = Kin naird ' s Head ), and th e
Vacomagi Banff, Moray and Nairn ." How far Agric ola advanced
before he made con t ac t wi th t he Ca ledonia ns is de batabl e. Stage
three begins after he learned th at th e enem y were pla nning a divid ed
attac k on his column ; Agr icola th en d ivid ed his force in to three
groups; the enemy r e-fo rmed and assa u lted the camp of the weakest
group, the Ninth Legion, by ni ght ( 25 .4-26 . 1) . Ogilvie and
Richmond associ at e th is incident with the fort in Damnon ian te r r i to r y
called V ictoria by Ptolemy ( 2. 3 .7) , wh ich they ide n t i fy with
Dalginross or Strage ath (64, 243-4) . But i t is ce rta in tha t V ictoria =
InchtuthiJ, t he fortress on t he Tay beg un aft er Agricola 's r et iremen t
and destined for the Twen tieth Legion, and that its
commemorated not t he successful defence of a marc h in g camp , but th e
great victory won the following year (VII) .1 2 Both Dalginross and
lOOn the 'turning of Sco tland' see I.A . Richmond, "PtolemaicScotland," Proc. of the Soc. of Antiq. of Scot. 56 ( 1921- 2) 12-2 6;J.J. Tierney, "Ptolemy's map of Scotland," JAs 79 (1959) 132-48 ;Ogilvie and Richmond 36-46; Rivet and Smith ( aoov e , n.5) 111-4.
11, retain the old and familiar county names in preference to thenew and heartily disliked system of Regional and District ones.
12B u t cf. Rivet and Smith (above, n.5) 499: "No actual victor)'need be in question.... The naming is probably due to the fac t thatthe XX Legion Victrix g arri soned th e fortress. II The expectedderivative from Victrix, however, would be V ictricensis, as in ColoniaVictricensis (Camulodunum). Oddly, Rivet and Smith say t hattFi1Stitle is derived either from Claudius' v ic t or y or from the suppressionof the Boudiccan rebell ion. But the Twent ieth, having ea rned the
AGRICOLA IN CALEGONIA 325
Strageath, on the southern ed g e o f t h e Hi ghl and s, wh olly
unsuitable s i t es . The nocturnal a t tac k cccu r r ed af t e r Agricola had
ad v an ced a considerabl e distance, far be yo n d the DamnonJ..i., for
Tacitus sp ea k s of the as ton ish me n t o f the n at iv es at seeing the fleet
sa i l in g by: tamquam ap er t c maris sui secreto ultimum victis perfuaium
clauderetur (25.2); and that comes before the partitioning of the13
army.
I t is not impossible, in d eed, that the Roman s had reached the
Moray Firth, turned W a lon g t h e Vacornaqian ccas t . an d were
ap p r oac hi n g the region of In v e r n ess when the Caledonians decided to
intervene . They may well have b een sh ad ow in g Agricola for some
ti me , but i t i s highly u n l ik e ly t hat a Caledonian levy would eve r h ave
ven t u re d ou t into St r a thmo re o r B u c ha n (Ven icon ian an d T aex alic
te rr itory respec ti v ely ) to engage formidably equipped an d
d isc ip l in ed f ie ld a r my, st ro ng in cav a l r y an d capa b le of r e in fo r cemen t
f ro m mar in e-ca r r y i n g sh ip s , on a li en and lev el g r ound . Pto lemy tells
us that th e Caledcni!. s t re tched t r om the LefTlannon iu s si n u s ( Loc h
Lon g c r Loch Linnhe l in the SW t o the V arar aestua r i um (Beauly
Fi rt h o r head of the Mo r ay Firth at I n v er n es s) i n t h e NE. I f
Agri cola, having perforce s k i r t ed the E edge of the Gr-ampian
Mountains, as the I ine of temporary camps indicates, was now headed
for the Varar, then the Caledonian s cou ld less riskily intercept him
c lose r to home.
title Victrix, bequeathed it (so to speak) to the colonia which wast h e i r trrSflJase in Britain. On Victoria an d InchtUtFi1lsee furtherFrere, Scot. Arch. Forum 12 (1980~Frere's argument against theeq u at ion Pinnata Castra - ruarchi nq camp W of Bellie is ove r come b ythe thesi s of thi s article, that Agricola wa s indeed on the Mo ra y F i rt ho r beyond by mid - summ er, t h ou g h the battle did not take pl ace( fa r t he r N 1 un til rnid -S epternb er .
13No trace o t the camps which T aci tus say s were shared by lanetroop s an d n.ar ines ha s y e t b een fou r.d; they must I ie very close tothe coas t.
326 A.A.R. HENDERSON
These march ing camps, which stretch in a gen tle arc from the
Lowlands up to t he Moray Firth, are not all of Flavian date , of
course. There a re several series. Those k nown to be Flavian are
presumed Agricola n; the other series of larger camps are u sually
associa ted with Severus' expeditions of 208-9, but some may be
Constantian, others Antonine, although we have no literary or
epigraphic evidence of Antonine act ivi ty N of the Tay. Artefactua l
verification of the date of temporary camps is extremely difficu lt to
come by. The Agricolan examples from the NE (the so - called
Stracathro camps) have trad itionally been assigned to his last
expedi tion, but a connexion with h is s ix t h cannot be ruled out. In
addition to the arguments advanced a bo ve, the following points may
be considered: (i) The impression given by Tacitus' description
(25.2) of the Br itons' reaction to the a ppearance of the Roman fleet
(ut ex captivis audiebatur) is th at t he f lee t had reached the upper
stretches of the Moray Firth, close to Cal edon ia; 14 it hardly seems
appropriate to the long, flat expan se of the E and N coa sts of
Aberdeenshire, Banff, a nd Moray. ( ii) Following the successful
repulse of the night attack on the Nin th' s camp, Agricol a 's t r oops
clamoured to be allowed to press on in to Caledonia and find t he end
of Britain (27.1) nihil virtuti suae inviurn et penetrandam Caledon iam
inveniendumque tandem Britanniae termin um cont inuo proeliorum cursu
fremebant). From thi s it may be inferred that (a) the Roman s were
close to, if not already within the borders of, Caledon ian terri to ry ;
(b) Agricola possessed intelligence (from prisone rs, or from the fle et)
that the terminus Britanniae lay not too u n rea lis t ica lly far away . If,
as all archaeologically-minded enquirers seem to bel ieve, the phrase
terminus Britanniae denotes the S shore of the Moray Firth (cf. 30.3
14Tacitus Caledonia in two distinct senses: (i )geographically, to mean the whole lan d mass of Scotland N of theisthmus (10.3) ; (ii) topographically, to mean the Highlands ofScotland as opposed to everything e lse. Cf. Ogilvie and Ric hmond ,60.
AGRICOLA IN CA LE DON IA 327
an d 33.6 ), we arc fac ed wi t h a do uble d ifficulty: fi rs t , t ha t nei ther
the I ine o f approach to the Moray Fi rt h in dicatecJ b y th e marc h in g
camps nor the land s along th e S sh ore o f the Moray Firth fa l l wi thin
th e terr i tory of th e Cal ed oniam in colentes popu l i as defined abo ve ;
an d sec ondly, th at no Roman comman de r on r eac hi nq the Moray F i r t h
a t t he mouth of the Sp ey ( where the cam ps end) o r indeed at any
ot h er point could long r emai n under the imp r ess ion th at th is was th e
veri tab le end of Britain. He would soon lea r n o f , i f he co u ld not
already perceive , anothe r wedge of land wai ting for him on t he o t he r
side (Ros s & C r oruar ty . Su therland, C2 i thness) . Equal ly, however.
he wo u ld be ab le to lea r n t h a t th at was th e ul timate b it of the is land.
Hence t he troop s' con f id ence th at t h ey could reach the termi nus th at
season , even if it mean t fighting t h e Caledonians ev ery inch of t he
way.
A lthou g h the last o f t he kn own march ing camps lies ne ar the
mou t h of the Spey at Bell ie ( non - F lav ian ) , there is lite r ary ev id ence
for the exis te nce of a Romer . site W of Bellie, whic h has an imp ortant
bear inq on the ex t en t o f Aqr icola' s campaig n ing in this a r ca , Once
again . Pt olemy is our sou rc e (2 . 3 . 8). Among t he V acomaqi , he says ,
are four n6>"EI C;; Bannatia, T arnei a , Tuesis an d PinnaE Cos t r a
(Il lEp WTOV LTpu T6 nE6ov ) . Since Tue~~ aestuari um (2 .3 . 4 ) is t he mouth
o f th e Spe y, T uesis n6 >.. I ::; must be a s i te there o r t hereabouts . Ri v et
and Smith au to maticall y iden tify it wit h Be ll ie , and deduce t ha t
Pinno ta Castra, which Ptolemy's figures of lon g i t ud e p lace W of
Tuesis, represents a fur t he r , u nk now n march ing ca mp at th e mou t h
of t he Findhorn. se venteen mil es W of t he Sp ey , ad d ing:
" p res u mab ly th e fur t hest enc ampm en t o f Ag ri cola's army. 1115 B u t
now he r e else doe s Pt ol emy use n6 >.. i c; to mean 'tempora ry camp' , and
one wou ld be su rprised if the Greek word cou ld ever denote
tran s ient a community. A ll hi s other n6 >" E Ie; are for-ts, Roman or
15(Abov e , n.5) 141. Bannat ia and T arneia , like Devona (a n6>"1e;among t he Taexa li ) , ar e almost ccrtilinly un id en tifi ed fort s In t h e NE .
328 A. A.R. HENDERSON
Br it ish (oppida), but in either case pe rma nent insta lla t ion s . Fr om
that same list Rivet and Smith te nta t ive ly identify Ban nati a and
Tame ia wit h the forts of Dalg inros s and Cardea n re spectiv el y .
Alt houg h th ese identifications mus t be wrong , as neither Dalg inros s
nor Ca rdean is remote ly ne ar the Mora y Firth ( t he authors a r e
prepared to transpose the Vacomagi to Pe rth and Ang us if ne ed be,
but T uesis ties th e tribe to the Mor ay Firth) , it is correct t ha t
Bannati a and Tame ia shou ld be forts. So too, t hen , should Tuesis
and Pin nat a C~ despite its name. 16 Forts we re almost inv ariably
bu il t in con qu e red territory in the year af te r t he a r my had passed
t ha t way. T here is no recor d of any Roman military act iv ity in the
far N of Scotland during the governo rship of Agr icola's unknown
successor, and the Roman s abandoned all t heir forts N of the Tay,
including t he un completed Inchtu th il , by 86 or 87 .17
If Tuesis and
Pinnata Castra re a lly wer e forts, t herefo re , the re is a pos sib ility that
they were cons t r uc t ed in Agr icola' s las t ye a r of office , if he overran
the reg ion on campa ig n VI (AD 82); alte r na tively h is s uc ces so r bu ilt
them the season a fter mons Graupius. Eit he r way , the occ u pat ion of
the country of t he Vac omagi re s ulted fr om Ag r icola 's cam paigns th e re
and, a fortior i , beyond. For if he did not penet ra te Cal edo nia on
VI, he must have done so on VII, mons Grau pius be ing ev iden t ly a
Caledonian hill (29.2 -4).
Although Tacitus d ispenses wit h th e preliminaries an d sta tes
simp ly that Agr icola came to mons Grau p ius , where Calgacus was
already in position, there is no diff icu lt y in unde r s tandi ng t ha t he
followed initially his route of th e previous year. His a r my , we a re
16Cf. Castra Exploratorum, the fort a t Netherby in Cumberland.The term castra, 'camp', was un iversal ly applied to permanent militaryinstallatio~rts and fortres ses (castella), and has passed, viaAng lo-Saxon, into dozens of place-names in Britain (Chest~
Gloucester, Exeter, etc.).
17See Ogi lvie and Richmond, 69-7 6; Hanso n and Maxwell (above,n.2) 43-4; Todd (above, n.5 ) 115 .
AG RI CGL A IN CA LEDONI/\ 329
told, was expeditus (29 . 2); th i s p iec e of in formation is po int less ,
unless a co ntrast is in t ended wi th the ar my of VI, which mu st t hen
have been, as norma l , impedi tus. A n ar my without impedimenta,
coveri ng g r ou nd i t had been ov er before, would be ab le to r each a
po int well beyond th at formerly attained, starting f r om th e same place
at th e same time. It look s as i f Agricola was intent on dr iving faster
than on VI , i.e. on pe netrat ing Caledonia . He may have been
satisfied t hat al l his su pp l ies an d et her bag gage cou ld be ha nd led by
t he fleet in attendance. A . R. B u rn c laimed th at Tacitu s had
suppressed al l reference t o t he " wear isome success ion of de ployments
and r e-deployments, marches and cou n ter - mar ches" involved on this
expedition, which alone co u ld explain wh y it took Agricol a until
mid-Sep temb er (38.2 exa cta iam aesta te) to r eac h mons Grau p iu s , a
mere 120 miles f r om his " ad v an ced base."18
But Burn believed that
Aqr icola's ad vanced base was Inchtuth il on t he T ay, which is
His legionary troops would lea ve th ei r fortresses in
England - Yo r k , Chester , Wr oxeter - at the end of A p r i l ; the field
army would assemble in t he Scott ish Lowlands a mon t h or so late r
when the aux i liaries f ro m the forts had joined the legions; the Moray
Firth by the end of June, perhap s; and then, only then, would begin
the pursuit of t he enemy, to be fl us hed f r om h is lair 19 - the lair
being th e multitudinous r anges of Cal ed onia, beyond the tame
landscapes of the Vacomag i and T aexal i . Bu rn' s "deployments an d
r e-rteployrnen ts " may be noth ing less t ha n the truth , but th ey belong
to the country on the fa r s id e of Inve rness and t he Varar
aes t uari um; n ot to NE Scot land , but to the las t wed g e .
1811 T aci tu s on Brita in, " in Dorey (above, n . 5 ) 57 . The off ic ia lend of summer for the Roman s was 22nd September. Possibly T acitusis no t st ick ing to the le tter of the ca len dar, bu t that the battle wasfought unusually lat e in t he ye ar is borne ou t by the reference in10.4 to the Shet land v oy ag e , when no lan ding was made quia hiemsad petcba t.
19C f. ~. 33 .4 ( Ag r ic o la speakin g ) veniunt, e la t eb r is su i sex t r u si.
330 A.A. R. HENDERSON
The very lateness of t he season when t he batt le was foug ht
constitutes a strong a r g ument fo r it s very h ig h lat it ud e . This
World's -End quality is repeat ed ly emphasi sed in t he s pee c he s of
Calgacus (30. 1, 30. 3 ) and Agricola (3 3. 3 a nd especially 33. 6 nee
inglorium fuer it in ipso terrarum ac naturae f ine ceci d is se ) . The
former is wholy fictitious, the latter largely so ; b ut the matter f r om
which Tacitus has con structed them is not untruths or id le fancies,
but facts - physical a nd emotional - known to h im. The terms
'rhetorical' and 'mendacious' a re not a lways s y non yms , and least of al l
where an intellect of Tacitean ca lib r e is con cerned . But even if the
evidence of the speeches is re jec te d, t he re rema in othe r a rg umen t s to
suppor t t he sea sona l one . Th ese a re draw n part ly f ro m Tacitus' brief
narrative of the events that followed t he battle (38 . 2- 4) , partly f rom
Ptolemy.
(i) ubi. .. exacta iam ,-,e s ta te s pa rg i be llum nequibat, in fines
Borestorum exercitum deducit. ib i accept is ob sid ibus.... We do not
meet the Boresti elsewhere in literat u r e , and t he loca ti on of t he
people and the etymology of t he na me a re much d isputed. 20 Be ca u se
Tacitus names no other tribe in Sco t land, the Boresti must ha ve
merited special attention in some way. Th e log ica l explanat ion wou ld
seem to be that they were found by Agricola to in ha b it the terminu s
Britanniae or finis terrarum - the tribe at World's- End. The name is
possibly Celtic, though hard ly to be co nn ected with Bodotria or the
hypothesised *Voritia; Boria , Borius, Bor illus, Borissus are all-- -- --- - - - --- 21
personal names recorded fro m Gaul th at may exh ibi t the sa me root.
But it could be a learned ca lqu e , form ed from t he Greek Bop~ac; or
B6p £10<; , intent ionally suggestive of ' T1T £p B6p £0 l. In Ptolemy (8 . 3 . 2;
cf . 2.3.1) the Oceanu s Hyperbo re u s forms the westerly extension of
t he Ocea nu s Duecaledoni us, N of Bri tai n. If a made -up geograph ica l
a p pe llation , Bor es t i mig ht well fall out of use qu ickly , supp r essed in
20See Rivet and Smith (above, n. S) 272-3.
2'Thesa urus Ling uae Latinae, vol. ii (Leipzig 1900- 6 ) 2133.
AGRICOLA IN CALEDONIA 331
fav our u f the true tribal name( s). Ptolemy l is t s th e Co r ria v ii and
Decantae from Caithness , the Smertae an d ~ from Su th er land a nd
Ross. Bores-.!i might have d enoted one, two or more of these. Rivet
and Smith sug g es t th at th ey were " a subd ivi s ion o f one o f the larger
units th at d o in fact f ig u re in Ptolemy" , l iv ing on t he Mo ra y coast
( 272- 3 ) .
( ii) praefecto cla ssi s ci rc um v eh i B ritannidm praec ip i t. . . c lassis
sec u n da tempestate dC fdmd Trucculen sem po rtum tenuit... . The
whereab ou t s of portus T r uccu len s is , otherwi se u na ttes te d ,
immaterial, though if tenu~ ("madel!, "reached") im p l ie s ( as it seems
t o) ove r w in te r ing th ere , then it surely lay mu ch far ther S t ha n mos t
scho la rs h av e thought.22
From an earl ier c hap t e r ( 10 . 4) we lea r n
that the fleet first v i sited the Orkneys (Orcades insu lae), which were
for ma ll y an n ex ed , 23 sai led cl ose to the Shetlands (Thule in sul a)
with out landing , quia hac t enu s iussum et hiems ad pet ebat, and f in a l ly
doubled back anticlcckwi se arou n d th e N'rV tip o f Sco t la n d (Cape
Wr ath) he aded for po r t us Trucculensis. The battle a t mons Graupius
was fought in la t e September. For th e fl ee t to have h ad time to
acc omp l ish these ob jec t iv es before th e end of t h e sailing sea son , i t i s
a lmos t a necessity for it t o have begun the vo y age from a point q u ite
22See Ogi lvie and Ri chm on d ad loc . . who favo u r Lipsiu s ' vi ewthat T r uc culensem is a co r ru p ti on o f Rutu p (i Jen sem, wh ich wou ldid en t ify the harbou r as Rutupiae, Ri chborough in K ent ; N. Reed(a bove, n .3 ) suggest s Ugr~of t h e Ravenn a Co smog r ap h y 108
3,
some sea loc h o r es t ua ry on th e extreme N coast ; J. G. F. H in a,B ri tan ni a 5 (1 974) 285-8 ( T ru c cul ensem * T u n n oce lens em~nsem, Ituna being t he Solway Fi r t h ) . RIv et an d Smi t h(abov e , n . 5 ) 4~78- 8 0 , r eject these identi f icat ion s, themse lve sca n vas s in g San d wood Loch in Su t he r lan d . whi ch t h ey call" attractive" . Burn ( in Dorey [a bove , n .5! 59) p r op osed Loch B r oorn .not far from Sand wood Loch.
23T h e in tr ig u ing t a le in O r os iu s (7 .G . 10) tha t C la udi us rece ivecth e su b mission of t he Ork n eys in I,D in . w .vich is de ri v ed f r omEu t r op iu s ' accou n t of the Cla u d ian invas ion ( 7.1 3 . 2-3 ) , can no t b etrue . See th e discu ssi on , and ex p lana t ion , by C. M()x wel l , Scot.Arch. Forum 7 (19 76 ) 31- 4 . --
332 A.A.R . HENDERSON
t he Orkneys . If th e ba tt le occurred in Aberdeenshire, th en it
mig h t have taken ano th e r wee k fo r Ag ricola to reach the mid -po int of
t he Moray coas t. The admiral , ordered to proceed to Orkney , would
not a ttempt to cut straig h t across t he op e n sea, but would
coast-craw l , ta king a nother week. If Ag r ico la was victorious in
Caithness, t he ch ronological di ff ic u lty eva po rates.
( iii) ips e peditem atqu e eq u ites lento itin ere, quo nov a r u m
gentium an imi ip sa transitus mor a terre rentu r , in h iberni s loca vi t.
Becau se t he approach of winter p r ecl uded t he p rolongation or
ex tension of aggress ive sea rc h-and-dest roy operations against t he
defea ted Ca ledon ia ns (sparg i bellum neq u iba t ) , Agricola ch ose to s how
the flag (and pr isoners and hostages ) dur ing a leisurely march-past
an d so terri fy h it herto u ne ncou ntered tribes. The names of tr ibes N
of the Gr ea t Gle n in Ptolemy may re f lec t these encounters, thoug h
they co u ld ha ve been as certained fr om hostages and captives. Rivet
an d Smith opi ne that "all this information must have been derived
fro m intelligence reports", presumably sent in mainly by Agricola's
admiral (141) . Now if mons Graupius were Bennachie l St Joseph) or
Knock Hill ( Bu rn ) or Duncrub (Feachem) or some hi II beh ind
stonehaven ( Crawford ) , and if Agri cola went no further a f ter h is
victo ry than the Moray Firth (a nd no fa r t he r W than the Spey ) , as
t heor ies 1 , 2 and 4 of t hose a bove req u ire, then it would have been
q uite impos si bl e for Agr ico la to d iscove r a route 5 back to his
hiberna, whe re ve r t he y were, t hat took him through the terri tory of
any nova ge ns. Wher eas if he had been op e rating N of Inverness
and the Varar, then there wa s one obvious new route for him to
take, the one natural arterial h ighway through the heart of
Caledonia, the Great Glen itsel f. From this a number of branches
allow a relative ly easy return to the Lowlands . Agricola may have
gained some familiarity with the 5 end of the Great Glen during
campaign V; and in any case one sh ould not underestimate Roman
knowledge of the southern Hig h la nds adjacent to the line of
'glen-blocking' or (better) 'glen-watching ' fo rts built by Agricola,
f rom Drumquhassle at the bottom of Loch Lomond to Fendoch a t the
AGRICOLA IN CALEDON IA 333
mouth of the Sma' Glen. 24 ( It wa s some of these forts th a t t he
Caledonian s a tt ac ked in Ag ri cola ' s re a r ciu r ing VI : 25 . 3 oppugna re
ultro castella ad o r t i . The ma noeuvre was po lit ica lly a nd strategically
coordinated to ca use ma ximum embarassme n t to Rome:
regrediendumque citra Bod otrianl e t ce de n d um potius guam pellerentur
ignavi specie prudentium adrno ne ba n t.)
Lastly . ( iv l , it may be pe r ti ne n t to ob se r ve that for nigh on 60
years following Agricola' s vi c tory, Caledoni a ceased to be a threat to
the province. Although Rome began to withdraw from N Scotland
very shortly after Agricola retired, s ay in 86, it was a systematically
planned, s t rnteqic retrea t, a s the e v id en ce fr om Inchtuthil a nd other
forts proves, and the reasons for it are to be sought in Europe, not
in Britain . Indeed s uc h a withdrawal could not have been
contemplated, despite the seriou sness of the Continental situation,
had the Highland tribes beer. unsubdued. Ogilvie and Richmond
wrote correctly that the battle of mons Graupius was "a victory which
was as fin al for its generation as Culloden ." Not u ntil the 130's and
140's d id the Ca ledon ia n tr ibe s recover s u f f ic ien t ly to force a
re t hi n k ing of frontier policy in Britain. The Trajanic-Hadrianic line
of Solway- Tyne no longer affo r de d enough of a buffer; Antoninus fe lt
obliged to incorpor-ate Lowla nd Scotland beh ind the barrier of a new
Wall (c omp le ted in th e governorship of Lolliu s Ur bicus . 139-42). If
Hadrtan'.s Wall reflec t s the first r ecrudes cence of the Northern Menace
- and it is no t a t all ce r ta in that it does < , t he fac t r emains that for
ove r 11 generat ion th e ba ck doo r of Britannia wa s left unlocked, it
being deemed safe to leave it so . For t h is to hav e be en possible,
Agricol a's defeat of the Caledonii must have been not only a he avy
one, but inflicted where it d id the most d amage both milit arily a nd
politi cally or so cia lly . Th a t is to say, <:I v icto ry in t he N hea r-tlan d of
2U
T h e secon d half of 1983 ha s p rod uced two mor e fo rt s ofFlavian da te in thi s se r ies , one a t Doune , w e rve mile s NW of S t ir ling ,and one a t the mouth of Gien Clava, Angus ( nea r In v e r q u ha r it yCas t le ) . as we ll as il fortle t S o f Ar d cch.
334 A.A.R. HENDERSON
Ca ledonia. No victory in the S, no victory over t r ibes other than
t hos e inhabiting Caledonia proper, will expla in the ec lipse for so long
of that powerful confederation, when no steps wer e ta ken to gar r ison
its lands after 83 . That, of cou rs e, tu rned out in t he fin al ana ly s is
to be Rome's biggest mistake.
This paper may have achieved in the way of pointing to
ce r tai n inherent weaknesses of the 'archaeological approach ' th an of
convincing anyon e by its arguments that mon s Gr aupius shou ld be
sought elsewhere than in the well-trampled hinterland of Aberdeen.
If it has a lso helped to res tor e a measure of confidence in Tacitus as
the chr onicl e r of Agricola's campaigns, that is to be welcomed. It is
only by fitting the still -accumulating pieces of t he archaeological
jigs aw to t he fai nt but unchanging picture given by the litera r y
sou rc e that r eal prog ress can be made. I have tried to sharpen the
de tail s of t he pictu r e a lit t le, and rearrange a piece or two. T he
Ag ri co la seem s to me to direc t us to the true te r ra r um ac naturae
fin is of Northern Scotland, where mons Gr aupius waits to be
re cognised. It is now up to the eye of the airborne ca me r a to t rack
Agr icola into Caledonia and so lead us to the battlefield.
CAMBRI DGE
ADDENDA
A.A.R. HENDERSON
1. After the above a r t ic le was finished, th e writer learned ofcertain invest igations of puta tivel y Roman s ites W of the Spey byMr. Ian Keillar of Elgin. In Popu lar Archaeology for November1983, Mr. Ke illa r descr ibed the sect ioning of a ditch belonging toa rectangular enclosure, t hr ee sides of wh ich we r e detected ascrop marks by ae ria l photography , a t Th omsh ill , fou r miles S ofElgin. The pub lished drawing of t he section s hows a ty p ica lV-shaped Roman d itch wit h a s lot or sump in t he bottom ; it swidth is ten feet , it s de p t h fou r feet. The a r ea of theenclosure is too small for a march ing camp; a fortlet is apossib ility, protecting the route between forts on t he Spey tothe E and the Findhorn River to the Vv. No pot tery or ot he rartifacts were recovered . A second site nea r Cawdor on t heRiver Na ir n , some ten miles E of In ve rness, has been examined
AGR ICOL,A. IN CALEDONIA 335
this yea r (1984) by Mr. Keillar, accompa n ied by Professor BarriJ ones of Ma nch este r . Details of the site have not been rel eased ,be yo nd t he fact that it has been eroded by the ri ver, b utProfes so r J ones , quo non praestantior alter castra vi d e r e virumMar ternq ue exqui re re pala, IS reported to ha ve Judged It aposs ib le s mall Roman fort. Third ly, from much fa r t her N, atBe rri ed al e on th e coast of Caithness , a bout 50 mile s (corni cevola n te) fr om In ve rn es s , comes a photograph , acco rd ing~~ of a rectangular enclosure of which t he RegionalArchaeo logis t a llegedly remarked, IIWel1 of co urse if we d idn 'tkno w th at the Roman s never got as far as t h is, lid sa y tha t wa sa Roman ca mp. II T he wr ite r rests hi s case.
2 . (2 2nd May 1985 )Mr . Charles M. Dan ie ls of the Uni ve rs ity of Newcas tle is toexca va te the possible Roma n for t a t Th omshill near Elgin in Jun eand July of this ye ar, while Professor G . D. B. Jones willinvestigate a second s ite a t Croy. Thomshill lies 8, Croy 10miles W of the S pey. ( In fo r mat ion from the Moray Aeri alArchaeology Group, cou r te s y of Mr . Ian Keill ar.)
336 BOOK REVIEWS/COMPT ES RENDUS
G. W. BOWERSOCK. Roman Arabia. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 1983~~4 with 16 B/W plates, co lou rfro nt ispiece, 8 maps and plans.--- _._--- - - - - - --- - - - - - -- - - - - - -
Describing the genesi s of a resea r ch p ro ject often help s explain
it s fundamental significance , and in t he Pr ef ace of hi s book on Roman
Arabia, Professor Bowersock st a tes th at lithe g es ta t ion of thi s volume
has been preternaturally lon g " ( ix ) . When Bowersock be gan his
resea rch in the lat e 1960's, he quick ly real ized that th e rel ev ant
textual and archaeo logical material was bot h r ich and cha llenging, bu t
that a synthetic s t ud y based on recently ac cum ula t ed data was
conspicuously ab sent. His ini tial s tatement of t he s tatus of researc h
on Roman Arabia, publ ished in J RS in 1971 , stim u lat ed considera b le
interest and led several young sch ola r s to undertake their own
projects of study and ex cavation in Jordan. The fortunate re s ult of
thi s in itial stimulu s was a new wav e of lite ra t u re t hat, over t he
following de cade, rais ed and, to some extent, resolved a ser ies of
qu estions conce r nin g t he Roman prov ince of Ara bia . As the Preface
acknow ledges, Bowerso ck has himself been able to make full us e of
thi s recen t scholars hip , and his new study constitu tes the f ir s t
aut hor ita t ive histor y of t he reg ion from t he 4th c. BC to t he time of
Con stant ine . The lowe r chronologica l boundary is set by the
ap pea ra nce of .t he Nabataeans in h istorical reco rd. the upper by the
d is so lu tio n of the old p rovince of Ar ab ia .
T he subject of the book is es sen t ially po lit ica l and military
history: "p rincipally ... the Roman pre sence in th e Nabataean kingdom
and t he Roman province which was s u bs eq uent ly c reated ou t of that
kingdom" (ix). Allusion is made to cruci al probl ems involving the
socia l and enonomic life of t he region in th a t period (such as the
process of th e sedentarization of the Nab a taean s ) , but t he major goal
is recreation of events during t he Nabataean an d Roman
administrations and the ir immediate ex p lanation. In this Bowersock
has succeeded admi rably , and his s t udy con s titutes the necessary
first st ep to wards recreating the overa ll patterns of Nab ataean ,
BOOK R EVI EWS/CO~PTES RENDUS 337
Roman, a nd early Arab Iife th ere. Alt hough a rc ha eolog ica l d at a
figure prominently in th e boo k , fu r t her su r vey a nd ex ca va t ion a r e
necessary for virtually every pe ri od a nd every part of the fo rmer
province. Bowersock's expressed hop e that his work will as s ist other
scholars should be abundantly realized.
The fir st chapter d escribes the ge ography a nd topography of the
region, with shrewd appreciation of the r el ev ance of these factor s to
historical events. "Arabia is a vague word," as Bowersock notes,
because of the va st area inh abited by Arab peoples, th e ab sence of
obvious natural borders, a nd the nomadic character of many of it s
tribes. To the Romans it was the land Sand E of Palestine, in the
corner of the Mediterranean between Egypt and Syria . The province
ul timately encompassed the Negev in present-day Israel, NW Saudi
Arabia, most of Jordan, and S Syria . Formation of the Provincia
Arabia in AD 106 closed the c ir cu it of imperial provinces around the
Mediterranean, and provided important strategic advantages. Arabia
controlled the roads between Palestine a nd Egypt and the easiest
passage from the Gul f of Aqaba to the Mediterranean ports of Gaza
and Rhinocolura; it dominated the route S from Damascus . Perhap s
no other Roman province, comments Bowersock, could s ho w such a
dramatic diversity of geographical a nd cI imatic features: sea coast,
desert, the great Jordan-rift valley, the Jordanian plateau c u t by its
four main wadis IYarrnuk . Zer qa , MUjib, Has a) . and the ba salt ic lava
fields to th e NE. Because of r ainfall patterns, the W half of the
Jordanian plateau has always nurtured the major cities of the reg ion,
but even in the desert the soi I often is ferti Ie. The Nabataeans
developed methods of water storage and irrigation that a llowed an
agriculturally -based urban flowering in the Hej a z , the Hisrna , and the
Negev unequalled until the last few decades.
In his second chapter Bowersock pr-ovides a s ho r t, perceptive
history of the Nabataean kingdom fr om it s beginning s until the arrival
of Pompey in 64 BC, emphasizing it s r el at ion s with the adjacent Gr eek
and J ewi sh kingdoms. Th e Nab at aean s, whe f ir s t appea r in hi stori cal
sou rc es in th e late 4th c . Be as pa rt ly seden ta r ized nomads in Edo rn,
may have ente red the area from NW Saudi Arabia (the Heja z ) . From
338 BOOK REVIEWS/ COMPT ES RENDUS
t he start t he ir p ros pe r ity seems to have been founded on an energetic
control of the t raffic in perfume and sp ices or ig inat ing in Saudi
Ar ab ia and its Indian ocean ports, bu t they a lso ra ised livestock and
mar keted aspha lt collected from the Dead Sea . Bowersock suggests
that the process of sedentarization was accelera ted by the new
seaborn commerce the Egyptians beg an to car ry out d irectly with
Ind ia after discovery of the monsoons in th e 2nd c . BC. Indeed, by
the mid- l st c. AD the ove rl and traffi c through Petra had largely
d r ied up. Has monaean ambitions broug ht t he Jewi sh and Nab ataean
kingdoms into conflict in the late 2nd c. BC , and th e Nabataean kings
found it ad vantageous to playoff Jewish factions against each other
as bes t they co u ld.
T he complex military and diplomatic history of the per iod from
Pompey's arrival to the battle of Actiu m is reconstructed in ch ap te r
3. Naba taean support fo r the exiled Ha smonaea n Hyrcanus brought a
curt reb uke fr om Pompey in 64 BC , but Bowersock makes a ca se that
Pompey ' s planned expedition to Nab at aea was intended to be an
inspection rather than a military ad ven t u re. Subsequent Roman
acitiv ity seems directed most ly at ta pping so me of t he p r-ov e r b ia l
wealth of the Nabataean kings .
After 30 BC, the kingdoms of Ju daea and Nab ataea confronted
Roman legates to the N in the province of Syria, and prefects in th e
SW in the ne w province of Egypt. In cha pte r 4 , Bowersock s u r veys
the events s u r r oun d ing th e transformati on of J ud aea too into a Roman
p rovince, and the concomita n t Nab a taean renaissance . Two ma in
is s ues occupy t he b u lk of th e ch ap te r : the ex pedition of Ael ius
Gallus, the firs t pref ec t of Egypt, aga inst the Sa baean king dom in SW
Arab ia in abo u t 26 BC , and Roman intrigues agai nst the Kingdom of
the Nabatae ans. St rabo blam es th e failu r e of Ga llus' ca mpaign , whi ch
was s upported by 1000 Nab a taean and 500 Jewish soli ders, on th ei r
Nabat aean g u ide Sy llae us, a min is ter of King Obodas . Bowersock ,
howev er, makes t he case for Syllaeus ' good in tentions, and p ro vi des
p lausible exp lanat ions fo r th e supposed treache ries recoun ted by
Strabo. Augu stu s d isli ke d th e Nabataean King Aret as IV , who
reigned from 8 BC to AD 40 , and Bowersock dra ws the brillia n t and
BOOK REVIEWS /COMPT ES RENDUS 339
attractive conc lu s io n th at the emp ero r ac t ua lly ann ex ed the kingdom
in the period ot uncertainty following th e d eath of Herod the Great in
4 BC. The existence of thi s sho r t- l i v ed Pr ovincia Arabia (3 BC - AD
1) is alluded to by Strab o and su p po r t ed by the absence of coins
from the otherwise prolific mint of Aretas for the years 3-1 BC . Its
formation helps explain th e sud d en florescen ce of Mad a'In Salih in NW
Saudi Arabia as a fall -back position for the Nabataean king, and the
expeditio ar ab ica of Gaius Caesar in AD 1. Ultimately the Nab ataean
king was reinstated, in AD 1 , and the Jewish kingdom transformed
into a province in AD 6.
I n chapter 5, Bowersock recounts the flowering of Nabataea
under the long-lived Aretas IV. Sedentarization con tinued, and cities
sprang up throughout the de sert regions of the kingdom. The
sophistication of the irrigation sy stems reveals the importance of
agriculture, the new source of livelihood as the old trade routes
declined. The Nabateans had ev olved from abstemious nomads into
wine-drinking city dwellers. By the end of the 1st c. AD, the
sphere of Nabataean pow er had spread NW once again into S Syria,
and with the decline of caravan trade the old nomadic centre of Petra
was replaced by a new urban capital <It Bostra.
The remaining c ha p t er s (6 -10) con cern the foundation and
history of the Provincia Arabia c r eated by Trajan in AD 106.
Although directly r elevant literary sou rces are skimpy, Bowersock
succeed s in c r eat in g a co n v inci ng r econ s truction o f the circumstances
and motivation for the takeover. From his se r v ice in the Near East,
Trajan realiz ed th at the Nabataean k ingdom represented the final
piece needed to sec u r e Roman con t ro l th r ou ghout the Mediterranean.
Once empe ro r , he may have dec ide d t hat afte r th e aged K ing Rabb el
(AD 70-106 ?) di ed, a p r ov inc e wo uld be fo rm ed out of hi s do main.
Imp eria l ti tul ature sugges ts t hat the occupation invo lved at most some
mi l i tary sk irmishes , wh ile the d el ay of se ve n years in ad vertis in g the
new province on imperial coi nage was meant t o al lo w t ime fo r
con sol id at ion . Much of thi s d ip lo mat ic and mil it ary hi st o r y is
recons t r uc ted , but Bow er-sock mak es it p lau s ib!e by incor por at ing it
into th e wider' world of Roman ac t iv i ty in th e reqion . He go es
340 BOOK REVI EWS/ COMPT ES RENDUS
further, and suggests th a t lit he organ izat ion of Arabi a . . . may well
have been part of T raj an 's ma ster p lan for conquest of th e Parthians "
(84). Restoration of the bou ndaries of th e new province (ch . 7) is
more difficult than one mig h t expect. Ca refu l con s ide rat ion of the
evidence, however, leads Bowersock to inc lude the ce n t r a l pa r t of the
Nabataean kingdom, the Nab ataean Negev , p robabl y mos t of th e Sinai ,
the Hejaz , and a few of the Dec apoli s c it ies . The N bound ary was
drawn a little N of Bostra and due E. The wadi Si rhan s hou ld be
included, but the E desert boundary wa s left va g ue . Inclu si on of a
map offering even a tentative graphic re con struct ion of the p rovince
would have been useful.
The 2nd c. AD was a t ime of p rosper ity and qu iet for the
Provincia Arabia, but, as Bowersock doc uments in cha pte r 8, the
reign of Septimius Severus opened a new era of s plendor for th e Near
East within the context of th e Emp ire . Se veral unsucce ssful
pretenders were raised up in Syria in t he ci vi l wa rs at the en d of the
century, and the victorious Severus took a specia l int e res t in the
region. Bowersock traces t he dynast ic effects of his marriage to the
educated and amb itious Julia Domna, culminating in the accession of
Philip the "Arab" in 243 (ch.9 ).
Palmyra had been a reli able and use fu l Roman ally on the d esert
frontier sin ce the 2nd c . Bowersock desc r ibes c learly how t he
instability in th e Near East engendered by the Pe r s ia n t h reat an d th e
inability of the Roman ce nt ra l gove r nmen t to maintain any co he r ent
foreign policy brough t t he caravan city to p rominence. T he romanti c
ep isod e of Queen Zeno bia is well - known , but Bowersock make s a new
co nt r ibu t ion in ou t lini ng the role of an opposing confede rat ion of Ar ab
tri bes kn own as the Ta nukh in hel p ing the Romans to crush Pa lmy ra.
Jad hlma , one of the fir st sh eikhs , was killed by Zenobia , and his
successor, 'Amr ibn 'Adl, first king in t he Iine of Lakhmid rul ers ,
used h is nat ive skill in dese rt warfare to lead the Romans to victory.
In h is final chapter Bowersock ou tli nes the success of
Imru ' il- qa is , th e son ' of 'Arnir ibn IAdi, in con solidating the Lakhmid
power ove r a la rge por t ion of th e dese rt between the limes de fenses
and th e Euph ra tes and far down t he Arab ian peninsu la . His tomb
bOCK REVI EWS/ COMPTES RENDUS 341
bo asts the title "Kinq of all the Arab s , II an d Imru'l -qai s mu st have
been an al ly c r u c ia l to Roman po we r in th e region. By the time of
his de ath in AD 338 , great cha ng es had overtaken the Pr ovincia
Arabia and th e Roman government. Diocletian had reorgani zed the
province in the lat e 3r d c. , detach ing the whole 5 part of both sides
of the 'A r aba an d renaming it Palaestina Tert ia. These administrative
reforms, comb ined with improv ed r oads and an enlarged network of
military st r uc t u r es temporarily gave new life to th e region. The
future, however, clearly lay with the loc al A r ab culture.
Four su b sta n t ia l ap pe n d ices deal with special problems or
documen t s which Bow er sock ap parentl y felt would be out of pla ce in
the text : th e bilingual (Greek and Latin) ins c r ip t ion from Y emen o f a
Roman so ld ie r as sociated wi th t h e g arri son left by Gallus, the
presen ce of th e Nabataean s an d Roman s in the wadi Si rhan , a
summar y list o f th e governors of Arabia, an d anc ien t maps of Roman
Arab ia . The last is b y far the long est, and provides a th orough
discussion of th e Peu tinger T abl e and Mad ab a map . Bow ersock t r aces
t he stratigraph y of label s and p lace names, to ar g ue t ha t th e 4th c .
or ig in al of the Peutinger T ab le wa s based u lt imately on Ag r ippa' s
worl d map in Rome, wh i le the 6th c . Madaba map was ins p i red b y th e
Ono mas ti k on of Eusebi u s .
Bower soc k 's bo ok is a rema r k ab le accomp l is hmen t. T he smoot h
and b egui li n g na rra t ive o f t h e bac kgrou n d an d hi story of th e
Provi ncia A r abi a hangs upon a framework of careful r esear ch in a
wide variety of p rimary sources. T he citation not es t he msel ve s <Ire a
mi ne of informat ion , and th e bibliography a va luab le tool for f urthe r
rea d ing . I n ot iced on Iy a few, minor typograph ical errors , an d the
physical ex ecut ion of t he book is st u r d y and attracti ve. The s i x p lan s
following th e tex t are c lear enough , but esse n t ial ly ir re le vant to th e
text. A t leas t hal f of th e si x t een pl at es , and t h e (probably
ex pen s iv e ) colour f ro n t isp iece , provid ing qe ner al views of Nab at aean
and Roman mon u men ts , are eq ually su pe rf luo us and co u ld have been
el iminated to low er t he price. Plates I an d II, in con t r as t , which
meant to illustrate discus si on of t he Peut inq er T abl e and Mada ba map,
ar e virtually ill egible. Th e ope text map o f t he whol e re g ion in cludes
342 BOOK REVIEWS/COMPT ES RENDUS
ba s ic topograph ical features but lack s a scale , N a r row, and any
indication of the po litical boundaries of th e Pr ovincia Arabia . The
t wo a rea maps lack any indication of topography. These complaints
are minor, however , and none interferes with Bowersoc k 's
accomp lishm ent in hav ing shown how important a knowledge of t he
Prov incia Arab ia is for our u nde r s ta nd ing of the Roman Empire in the
Near East.
UNIVERSITY OF V ICTORIA JOHN PETE R OLESON
GERA LD D. HART (ed . ) . Disease in Ancient Man . Toronto: Cla r keIrwin 1983 . Pp.xvii, 297. Cloth, $31. 45.
Some say that cla ssical archaeologis ts ca re only for architectu re ,
tha t New World archa eolog ists look onl y for early man sites, wh ile
nobod y a t a ll cares about bones . Here, however , is an abso r b ing
book by sc holars who do care about bones and t he intriguing stories
t hey can tell. It contains 22 pape rs drawn from an internationa l
confe rence on Disease in Ancient Man held in London in 1979 under
the join t auspices of the Royal Society of Medicine and the Academy
of Medicine, Toronto. Pape r s range in length from 2 to 37 pages
(average 11 ). Inclusion of many ( 120) hig h q ua lit y ta b les and
photographs has kept the articles agreeab ly s hor t. This is a us eful
introd uction to the literature in pa leopa t holog y providing 410
r efe r ences and an add itional listi ng of 124 book s, a r t icles and reports
by Cal vin Wells, to whom the volum e is dedicated and who d ied
during preparation for t he conference. A g re a t affect ion for h im is
evinced in many of the a r t ic les.
The book is divided int o fi ve sections, t he f irst of whi ch
emphasizes in te rd is c ip linary poin ts of view , pa r t icu larly in the articles
by former associates of Wells. Rosemary Cramp (Du rh am) r eviews
archaeol ogical evidence, especially th at re lat ing to population
characteristics an d individual pathology . Most int e r es t ing to me was
BOOK REVI EWS/ COMPT ES RE NDUS 343
her descr ip t ion of an excavation by Wel ls of nine lay er s w i t h in a
s ing Ie B ronze Ag e b u rial urn containing five c rema ted skele tons . She
ca lls fo r crea tion with in Britain of a major ins t i t ute for ost eol ogi cal
stud ies to overcome th e iso la tion wh ich enthus ias ts in pa leo pa t ho lg y
feel. N. B. Millet (Royal Ontario Muse um) describes his ex perience
with en suring maximum information from mummy material (often
unprovenienced) in museum coll ection s . He ca ut ions against too hasty
examination employing de struc tive techniques w hen future archaeo
metrical advan ces may ob v ia t e current samp l ing prob lem s. He
describes fasc in ating work on a 12th c. BC Egyptian weaver, Nakht,
who se lungs were ex amined with a transmission electron mic r osco pe
and microprobe X-ray analyser. This showed a very high level o f
granite du st, which was att r ib u te d , on historical grounds, to a st in t
of forced labour pounding g r an i t e monuments. Raoul Perrot
[Universi te Claude-Bernard ) con t r ib u tes a weak chap t er on the
st ra ng ely- j u x t aposed topi cs of pse udopat holog y and di scontinous t ra i t s
of biologi cal varia tion. In st an ces of the fir st , as illu strated , would
not deceive a compe ten t osteologi st wh i le the latter features are only
arg ua b ly ge r mane in mos t cases to pa leopat ho log y. Jessi e Dobson
(H onorary Archivi st to th e Compan y of Barber Surgeons) r evi ews
sou rc es for medical hi st orian s. She includes a disappointingly
cu rso r y an d d at ed treatment of pathology in ear ly fossi l hominid s. A
s imi la r cont ribution by W. E . Swinton (Toronto) po ints to an apparent
cha sm sep arating human pal eop athol ogy , which is r easonab ly
well -founded in theoretical co n s id er ati ons suc h as cultural ecology and
subsi st en ce ad ap t ati on , from an ima l paleop athology, wh ich st i l l , it
seems, can con t r ib u t e only "first ins ta nces " of disease. This is
d isa p point in g an d p r obab ly not th e cas e.
The seco n d sec t ion d eal s wi th traum atic le si on s. Keith Knowl es
(Norwic h) b ases hi s pap er on Ca lv in Well s ' many co n t r ib u tions to ou r
knowl edg e of fractures, joi n t di sease, bony growth s, su rg ica l
t echniques , and woun d s from weapon s . It serve s as a r ic h
in t rod uct ion to Well s at hi s best . Here I wi l l men t ion on ly t wo cases.
A tib ia from a Romano -Bri t ish ce mete r y CI t Cirences ter , wit h a nasty
bone sp ike proj ecting f r om th e sh in, had b r on ze stai ning b esid e i t
344 BOO K REVI EWS/ COMPT ES RENDUS
indicating th at t hi s individua l wor e a sh ing uard. was sta rt led to
learn that evidence for ab r as ion of ankle bon es by shackles has be en
demonstrated in an A nglo-Sa x on cemet e r y . The important grou p of
pa thologies subsumed as wear -and-tear lesions is dealt wi th next by
Nils-Gustaff Gejvall (S tockholm) d r awing on his lo ng ex pe rience with
Swedish, particularly Medieval, sk el et al mat er ial. He des cr ibe s
pregnancy scars on the inside of human pelvic bo nes , ment ioning that
they have also been demonstrated on domestic an d wi ld animal pelves
- a fact new to me . This suggests quite excit ing st ud ies that could
be done on changing fertil ity as domestication p r oceeds . He provides
an elegant skeletel demonstration of a I ink be tween shorter st at u r e
and lower social class as evidenced by burial di stance from a medieval
church at Vasterhus.
Part Ilion infections starts with a discussion by D.A. Birkett of
various non -specific infections. He draws attention to the intriguing
situation that bone inflammation (osteomyeliti s) was apparently in
ancient times a disease of adults bu t is today more common in
children. However. immature r emai ns in archaeological sites have
tended to be neglected. Rightly or wrongly, the identificat ion of
syphilis from skeletal remain s has been the sine qua no n of
paleopathologica l diagnosis. In this volume. C . J. Hackett (London).
who is the recognized authority of th is con t en t iou s subject, provides
a concise summary of the dia gnostic c r i t er ia of syphilis and th e
necessity for properly dated rem ains to sett le the orig in of
Pre -Columbian sy ph i l is . Apparently v enereal syphi lis evolved in the
New World whi le in th e Old Worl d si mi la r skel etal lesions we r e cause d
by treponarid , a b iologica l r elat iv e of sy ph ili s. Moll er-Ch r ist en sen
(Copenhagen ) prov id es a us eful review of lep r osy and t u berc u los is.
Surprisingly. he relates that th ere is no evidence in b iblical writ ing
for leprosy. which is not demonstrab le be fore A D 500. There is
historical ev ide nce th at Robert the B r uce , King of Scotland . was a
lepe r. The next article by W. J . Moore and M . E . Corbett (Leeds )
t r aces the con sequences fo r den tal hea lth in Bri t ain to the
in t r od uct ion of refined flour (17 th c. ) an d th e du ty free suga r (19th
c.). Not surprisingly. the incidence of cavit ies increased drastical ly
BOOK REVI EWS/COMPT ES RENOU S 345
but, interestingly, they sh i f te d thei r locat ion from th e gum line in
anc ien t times, to the wo rking su r face and con tact points between
teeth. Thi s articl e, t hou gh i t d oes t ackl e t he su b jec t of a lv eo la r
in fe ction, d oes no t d eal wi t h it ad eq ua te ly. No curren t text in
pa leo pa t ho log y deal s ade qua te ly with de n ta l disease.
The nex t sec t ion con ta ins six art icles on lab oratory tec h n iques.
T h is is a v aluabl e guid e but I can ' t he lp fee l ing th at fo r man y
os te ologis ts , wh ose or ig ins I ie in an t h ropo log y, more basic in struction
is ne ed ed in trad ition al met hod s like th in - section microscopy an d
r ad iog ra p h y . The ed i tor of this vo lume, G.O . Hart, and ot hers
describe how to test for bl ood groups f ro m anc ient bo nes and
mummified t is su e . Very cle ar labora tory procedures are p resen ted.
They discuss th ei r d emonstration that th e 12t h c. BC mummy, Nakht,
was bl ood group B, wh i le Egypt today has the thi r d hi ghest inc id ence
of th i s g ro u p in th e wor ld . Ton y Wal dron (London Sch ool of
Hyg iene an d T r op ical Med ic ine ) prov ides a c lear desc ri p t io n of h is
attempt to get t he lead out, by mean s of an at omic ab sor p t ion
spec t ropho to met er . Lead is an en v i ro nmen t al po ll utant th at is
bon e- seek ing . He has sho wn u nusual ly high lev el s of lead in
ske leto ns from tw o Roman o- B r iti sh cemet er ies (Po undbury and
Ci r enc es te r ). Apparently some juveniles t rom t hese si te s may hav e
died from lead p oi soning. T he sou rc e of t h is in g est ed lead remain s
un k nown but may have derived from water p ipes or pe wter win e
gob lets . Bernard Knig h t (C ardiff) p resents a depress ing, if we ll
w r itten, acco unt of our abil ity to determine elapsed ti me since de at h
f ro m ph y si co -chemi cal an aly sis of bones . Th is article how ev er, would
hav e been mor e su itab le in a forens ic jo urnal . He ex amines p ro tei n
degrada tion re vea led by n i trogen and amin o- ac id co n ten t ,
fl uorescence , r esidual an t i- human serum rea ctio n , and be nzid ine
r eaction. Thi s latter techn iq u e involves a r estri ct ed subs tance of
su spec ted carc inogenicity , a fact whi ch is marked b y a mi spl aced
as ter isk. None of t he se t ech n iq ues seems u sefu l between 5 and 150
yea rs an d woul d seem to have n o u tility in paleo patho log y. T he ea r ly
h ist ory of the ap p lic at ion o f op t ical and elect r on rnic r osc op y is
r evi ew ed in a r ather un ev en mann er b y P.O. Horne ( T oron to) . I t
346 BOOK REVI EWS/ COMP T ES RENDU S
doe s contain, how ev er , some lo v ely SEM photog raph s of parasites
which regrettably are not keyed to th e text. Much mor e successful i s
F.D . Pool ey ' s ( Cardiff) cha pter on electron microscopy and X- r ay
microanalys is in whi ch he ex plai n s how even single dus t part icles can
be photog r aph ed an d thei r ch emica l composition determin ed . T he
te chnique has be en success f u l ly appl ied to Nakht 's mummified lun g
tissue , showing t he presen ce of gran i t e d ust. T heoreticall y , with
car eful ex cava tion p r oced u r es, air pol lu t an t s such as si l ica du st f r om
flintknapp ing could b e ide ntified in the thorac ic cavity of
skeleton ize d , as opposed t o mummified, rema ins. Sex-I in ke d
occupational tas ks in anc ient ti mes mig h t be demonst rable using d ust
analysis . P. S . Gooch des cribes a different ki nd of body pollu tant;
helminth parasites . In part icul ar he discusses t echniques f or
re covering worms and t hei r eggs from ancient feces , middens and
cess deposits. So fasc inating are hi s ob servations on th e prolong ed
association of fore ign organi sms with ou r ins ide s as unwil l ing and
unwitting hosts that one wond ers ruefully why pools and
coprolites can not be more numerous.
The final section concerns the effects that pathology,
part icularly amongst whole populations, has on evolutionary and social
development. A. Rook (Cambridge) in trod uces the section by
remarking on the need to distingu ish among under-nutrition,
malnutrition, protein deficiency (both ch ronic and acute), and lack of
essen tial trace-elements from the diet. W.M.S. Russell (Reading) has
written a lengthy and though t-provoking discourse on the nature of
population change and how to discern this from skeletal and
paleodemographic indicators. Cemetery data will rarely yield true
population estimates but can give q u i t e accurate ideas of relative
population size, composition and change. He describes the population
crisis resulting from even a modest surplus of births over deaths.
Reso urce shortages lead to social breakdown and physiological st r ess ,
result ing ultimately in loss of resistance to disease and full blown
epidemics. These result in populat ion decline and the creation of
population cycles . Superimposed upon flux in natural population
levels is the human factor of increasing longevity. This is a very
BOOK REVIEWS /COfl,\PT ES RENDUS 347
intell ig en t cha p te r . I es pecia l ly l ik ed h is d isc uss io n of Cal vin Well' s
d emons t ra t io n of twice as man y indicators of ch i ld hood st ress in
female Saxons th an in mal es. Th is is an ex ample of th e potent
contribution that paleopathology can mak e to our underst anding of
soci al real ity in past populations . The di scussion by Paul Sl ack
(Oxford) on the soci al effec ts of pl ague in ea r ly modern Eu ro pe is the
clo se st thi s v olume com es to inc lu d in g ( as it should) th e perspe ctiv e
of medical anthropology, espec ia ll y c u l t u ra l perceptions of di sease
process and disease as puni shment and san ct ion . The r av ag es of a
6th c . ep id emic in Gaul are att r ib u te d to typhoi d feve r b y P . D .
Jan ssen s (Antwerp) wh o presen t s an er u d i te bl en d of diffe re n tia l
diagnosis and hi stori c sc ho la rsh ip . It is almost convent ion al w idorn in
an t hropolog y th at white rnarr' s di seases are th e Amerindian' s burden,
s ince h e has no evo lved genet ic immu ni t y to them. Supposedl y ,
European diseases, espec ial ly smali pox , c lear ed Sp ani sh Ame ri ca fo r
t he Co nq u is tad or es. Th is scenario, h owever, may be somewha t
ina ccurat e. Ac cording to F. F . Ca rtwrig h t ( Lon d on) in hi s d iscu ssion
of pandemics past and future, t h is small p ox may have been a new
st rain, off a sla ve ship of Afri can s , th at decimat ed th e A mer icas an d
sp read ultimately to Europe where sma ll pox is k nown to hav e changed
from a r elatively mild ch i ldhood d isease to a se v ere killer of ad u lt s in
the late 18th century . Thi s pu t s t he lat e r r avages of sma l lp ox in
Nor th Am erica, with cont inued Eu ro pean coloni zation , in a d i ffe ren t
perspective .
Thi s book is ge ne ra l ly of h ig h q uality. It con ta in s a ho st of
in te re st in g aspects of ancien t human di seas e only a few of which ha v e
be en mentioned here. It is a positive ad d i t ion to the abso r b ing
titer-atu r e on paleopathology.
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGYSIMON FRASER UN IVERSITY
f..'\A RK SK IN NER
348 BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS
LEE I . LEVINE (ed .). Ancient Synagog ues Revealed. Jerusalem:Th e Israe l Ex p lora ti on Society ; Detroit : wayne State University Press1982. Pp .1 99 . Clot h , US $24. 00. ISBN 0-8143-1706-5.
With the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in AD 70, the
syn ag og ue - ne ither a sacred centre nor a place of sacrifice, but a
house of as semb ly , of prayer, an d of study - emerges from obscurity
to be come t he cen t ra l institu tion of J uda ism. The present volume of
recen t ly excava ted sy nag og al rema ins from Roman and Byzantine
Palestine, as well as from scattered s ites in the Diaspora, is th us a
fitting sequel to Je r u sa lem Reve al ed. Ed itor Levine, of the Heb r ew
Un iversity , ha s su perv ised the col lec tion , ar rang ement, and
translation from Hebrew of 38 articles and notes by 25 experts
(mostly Israeli). The re s ult is easily t he be s t ava ilable overv iew of
ancient Palestinian synagogues.
The work is d ivided into e ig ht sect ions. The first sect ion
compri ses two introd uc tor y es say s : the first (by Levine h imself)
sketches in broad s t ro kes th e s ig n ificance, fu nction s , and sy mbolic
complexi ty of t he synag ogue with in ea rly Judaism; t he second (by A .
Kloner) offers a ra p id archaeo log ica l survey of ancient Pal es tinian
synaogues . The second section contains fou r articl es on th e ea rliest
known synagogues: the late Second Temple exem p lars at Masada,
Herod ium, and Gamla. (The a p parent ly contemporary sy na gog ue at
Magdala is menti oned only in pass ing. ) T he t h ird and longes t sec t ion
is devoted to the riches of t he Galil ee , incl uding Hammath -T ibe r ias,
Horvat Shema ', Gu sh Halav, and Horvat ha-' Amudim , but with s pecia l
attention to the controversial Cape rn au m synagog ue . S. Loffreda
expla ins and defends the Fr anc iscan excav at or s ' " la t e chronology"
(late 4th - early 5th c. AD), while articl es by G . Foerster and M.
Avi -Yonah are representative of the Israeli preference for the
tradit ional 2nd - 3rd c . AD date. The fourth sect ion focu ses on the
Beth-Shean region (synagogues at Ma' oz Hayim, Rehob,
Kokhav-Hayarden, and Beth-Shean itself) , whil e the fifth consists of
a single lengthy survey of the lesser know n synagog ues of th e Golan .
Next, the synagogues of Judaea are represented by a r t icles on
BOCK REV IEWS/COMPTES RE NDUS 349
•En -Gedi , Es htemoa, Hor v at Susiya, and Gaza. T he seventh section
is de v ot ed to insc r iptions ( s ix articles, inc luding a u sef u l su r v ey by
J . Naveh) and small finds (two r ather flims y notes on linte ls with
menorah reliefs). The final section is devoted to selected Diaspora
synagogues, with G. Foerster's survey the most helpfu l o f the five
ar tic les . The volume co nc lud es with a glossary, sele ct bi bliography
( already in need of updating), and index.
Despite its obvious riches , t h e volume is not withou t i ts
weaknesses. Levine not es in his foreward th at, unlike i ts
p redeces sor, Jerusal em Rev ealed, " almost hal f the articl es in th e
present volume come from sou r ces ot he r than [the Hebrew quart er ly 1Qad moniot , and of th ese, most are being pu bli shed for the fir st
time. II The scholarly user will thus find it frus tr-at lnq not t o be
provided with any inform ation regarding the exa ct sou r ce (and da te)
of each art icle. More importantly, while th e editor ial decision to mov e
beyond Qadmoniot was undoubtedly wise, on e wishes the ed i t o r had
ex ercised an even strong er hand, especially in the clos ing sec t ions .
The in scriptions from speci fic s i tes need to be treated in their proper
g eographical and archaeological contex t s, and Naveh' s epigraph ic
survey matched by an equally comprehensive su r v ey of ar tis ti c
motifs. Lastly, th e art icles de aling with individual Diaspora
synagogues add l ittle to wh at is r ead il y av ai lab le in English; ab st r ac ts
of these might have been inc lu ded in a sl ightly expanded version of
Foerster's survey.
Such criticism s, however , do not le ss en th e debt we owe ed i t o r
Levine for a work th at mu st be strongl y recommended to anyone
in t e r est ed in an c ien t Judaism and/or the archaeology of th e eas t er n
Medi terranean. The lavish i ll ustr ations , and especially th e su p er b
plans and I ine drawings, are alone worth the price of admi ssi on . If
t he volume as a whol e possesses less coheren ce than i t s Jeru sal em
predecessor, this v ery sprawl is a sign of inten se acti v i t y , and
perhap s more r epresentative of t he arc haeo log ica l wealth of Israel .
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA PA U L G . MOSCA
350 ANNOUNCEMENTS /ANN ONCES
CALL FOR PAPERS
The Center for Maritime Stud ies a nd Faculty of Human ities of theUniversi ty of Haifa, together with the Cae sarea Anc ient HarbourExcavation Pro jec t are sponsoring a n In ternat ional Symposi um onHarbours, Port Cities, and Coas ta l Topography ent it led :
"Cit ies on the Sea - Pas t and Pr esent, II
to be held in Haifa, Israel, October 1986
Throughout history port cities and mar itime act ivities have beenfrequently affected by polit ical and economic events, by everchang ing technology, and by an unstable land -sea interface. Becauseof close dependence on geomorphological coastal processes as well ason the everchanging characteristic s on both t he foreland andhi nterland, the past, present a nd future of Por t Cities and man affected coastlines are to be studies as an integrated issue.
The rapid growth in demand for land reclamation, coastalconstruction, road building, harbour dredging, marina construction,and other activities which create general pollut ion have g reat lyaffected the physical features of the shorelines as well as thearchaeological relics in the water and on shore.
T he growing concern for the future of our coastlines, itsdelica te equilibrium be ing under imminen t threat from the rising sealevel and human activit ies , necessitates a be tter understand ing offactors and processes and much closer cooperation in studying andplanning. The proposed Symposium aims to encourage suchcooperation and hopefully will be instrumental in initiating the directexchange of ideas and experience gained by scholars from differentcountries and various scientific disciplines.
The Symposium will be div ided into 4 sections, within whichshort papers will be presented. Twen ty minutes wil l be scheduled foreach presentation, 10 additional minutes will be allowed for questionsand d iscussion.
The sections will be on the followin g subjects:1 . Coastal Processes and Man-made Structures.2 . Evidence for Changing Seal Levels and Coastal Topography
during the Holocene.3. The Impact of the Sea on Econ omic and Political Institu-
tions.4. Harbour Engineering in the ancient Medite rranean.5. Ports of the Past - T he Evidence of Ar t and Archaeology.6. Piracy and the Mediterranea n Litoral.In the panel session a series of presentations of a more
comprehensive natu re will be given, within a 30 minute t ime limit.These presentations might be on any of t he following topics:
1. The Harbour and the City - Past and Pr esen t.2. The Historical Geography of Coas tal Regions.3 . The Interrelations between Earth Sciences and
Archaeological Research .4. The History of Coastal Oceanography .5. Cities and the Sea in Antiquity and Middl e Ages.
ANNOUN CEMEN TS /ANN ON CES 351
A v olume wi t h a summar ized ve r sion of all presentations wi l l bep ublished by the da t e of th e sym posium .
I f in t e r este d in participat ing , please send y our name , ad d ress ,ins t i t u t iona l affilia t ion, and t i tle of p roposed pa pe r by 15 November1985 to
Ci ti es of th e SeaCen te r for Maritime St ud iesUn iversity of HaifaHaifa 31999, Israel
CL AS SIC /H. SOC IET Y OF THE AM ER ICAN A CA DEMY IN ROM EA merican A cad emy Summer Sess ion Sc holarsh ip, 1986
T he Class ic al Soci ety of the Ame rican A cad emy in Rome offer s atleast one sc ho larship of $1500 to a st udent or teacher of t he c las s ic a llang uages an d/or cl assical civilizat ion . T he sch olarshi p will beawa r d ed on a co mpetiti ve bas is , and is to be used to ena b le t herecip ient to attend the su mmer session of t he Am er ican Academy inRome. T he A cad emy will also remit $100 of th e tuit ion in t he summersess ion for t he receipient of the CSA A R sc holarsh ip. H ig h sc hoo lstudents an d col lege undergraduates ar e no t eligi b le fo r t he CSAA Rsc ho la rs h ip .
"A p p l icat ion form s (d ue February 15, 1986) are av ai lab le f r om:Professor Sheil a K . Dickison , Depa r t ment of Cl ass ics3-C A r t s s Science Building, Uni ve rs ity of Fl or id aGainesvi l le, FL . 32611
9th ANN UAL A.C.L./ N.J. C.L. NA T IONA L LAT I N EX A M
The 1986 A C L/ NJ C L Nationa l Latin Exam u nde r t he jo in t spons or sh ip of th e Amer ican C lassi cal League . Mor e tha n 57,00 0 Lat inst udents ac r oss t he U.S. A., Canada, and Jap an took th e 1985National Latin Ex am and derived great en jo y men t and benefit from it.
There ar e 40 question s on eac h level and there are sepa ra teexa ms for Latin I , I I, III - IV pros e , III -IV poetry and Latin V . Thef ormat of the 1986 exa m lev el s I-I V, is si mi la r t o previous exa ms ,i . e. , 20 gramma r, 15 mythology, life , hi st ory, and d erivativeq ues tions, and 5 qu es t ion s based on a short passage in Lati n. TheLat in V Ex am consis t s of seve ra l Lat in passages with mul tipl e choiceq ues tions on hi storical backgrou nd, c las sical l iterature, literar yde vices , g r ammar and comp re he ns ion. The ex am t akes forty min u testo ad min is te r .
To en t er the 1986 exa m, please write for ap p l ication fo rm toP.O . Box 95, Mount V ernon, VA 22121 . The · cost i s $2 .00 perst ud en t entering . A st ud en t may en ter onl y th e level in whic h he iscu r re n tl y en r ol led and may tak e only one exa m. Ch eck or mon eyorder must accompan y t he appl ic ation. Pu rc has e or d ers ca nnot beaccepted in l ieu of check or money order. Up on re ceipt of ap p l ica t ionand payment, an acknowl edgement wi ll be sen t to y ou .
352 ANNOUNCEMENT S/ANNON CES
All communi cations requ iring a r ep ly (ot he r tha n t he appli cationitself) mu st be accompan ied by a self- addressed st amped envelope.
A packet containing t he four prev ious exa ms (1982 -1985, all fourlevels included) and a syllabus may b e or der ed by sending a $5.00cheque or money order (no purchase or de rs , p lease), payable toNational Lati n Ex am, t o Linda Sharrard Mon t r oss , James Madison HighSchool, 2500 James Madison Drive , Vienna, VA 22180.
Results of the 1986 National Lati n Exam will be sent to theprincipal on April 21, 1986. Gold med als and summa cum laudecertificates are awarded to the top score rs . Si lver medals and maximacum laude certificates are awarded to the nex t highest scor er s .Third place magna cum laude certificates an d fou rth pla ce cum laudecertificates are also awarded . A scholarship app li cat ion will~to 1986 gold medal winners in La tin III, IV or V who are high schoolseniors and plan to take at least one y ear of col leg e Latin or Gree k .Last year eight $1,000 scholarships were awarded.
All entry applications must be po stm arked by Friday , January10, 1986.
1986 ACL INSTITUTE AND WORKSHOPSPrel iminary Call for Papers and Workshops
The thirty-ninth Annual American Classical League Institute andWorkshops will be held at Miami University, Oxford, Ohio , June25-28, 1986. Individual papers and p r esen t at ion s in workshop formatare solicited in the following area s:
Medieval Latin prose and verseLatin programs in private school s : curriculum development ,
promotion, etc.Latin declamation and compo sitionClassical art, archaeology, mythologyClassical heritage and influence in po st - cla ssi cal au t ho r s and
artistsPlanning museum trips and trips abroad for studentsAdvanced Placement Latin: prepar at ion for, sy ll abus developmentComputers in the Latin c lassroomReducing the attrition rate in Lat in 2 and beyondGreek in the high school
Proposals on other topics will be consider ed . Proposals areinvited from teachers at all levels, from el ementary school throughuniversity. Please submit a 100- to 300- wo r d descript ion with titlefor a workshop or paper to Pr of. Judith Ly nn Sebesta, ACL VicePresident, Dept. of Class ics, Univ . of South Dakota, SouthVermillion, SD 57069; indicate audio-v isual equipment requi red, ifany. Unless otherwise proposed, work sh ops will be assumed to beone hour in length, papers twenty minu t es in length.
BOOKS RECEIVED/L1VR ES R E~US
Not e : Les I ivres r ecen ses n e so n t pas pas mcnt io nn es . / Book sre viewed a r e not in clud ed here.
353
ALLEN, R. E. (tran s.). Th e D ial ogues of _~, V olume 1. NewHav en, Connecticut: Y al e University Press, 198 5 . Pp. x iv , 350 .C loth, U.S. $30 .00. 03000 32269 .
BU RGER , Ronna. The Ph aed o : A Pla to n ic Labyr inth. New Hav en : Yal eUnive r sity Pr ess, 1985. Pp.i x , 288. C lo t h , U .S. $25.00 . 0300031637 .
CA RNE - ROS S, D . S . . Pindar. New Ha ve n : Yal e Univer si ty Pre ss(H ermes Boo ks ) , 198 5 . ~x, 195. C lo t h, U. S . $25 .00, 03000 33844 .Pap er , U. S . $7 . 95, 03000 33931.
DI ET Z, Soren . Li nd os IV, 1 Excavat ions an d Survey in So u t hernRh od es : Th e Mycen aean Period. Res u lts of the Carl sb erg Fou nda t io nExca va t io ns in Rh od es 1902-1 914 . Publ ica t io ns of th e Nation al Mu seum,A r ch aeol ogi cal Hi st ori cal Se ries V o l . X X II: I . Th e Nation al Mu seum ofDenm ark, 1984. pp.1 20, i llustra tions. Paper, Dk r. 188. 50 .8748004871 .
FULEP , Ferenc. Sopia nae: The Hi s to r y of Pees d ur ing th e RomanEra , and t he p ro brernoT" t he co n t in uit y o f th e lat e Roman popul at ion .Budap est : Akademla i Ki ad o , 1984. D is t r ib. in US by Humanit iesPr ess, In c . Pp. 392 , 115 fi g s . , 72 pla tes , and 7 su p p le men ts. C lo t h,U.S . $56 . 50. 9630530 171.
GODMA N , Pet e r (Editor) . Poe try o f th e Ca ro l ing ian Rena issance .Norman , Ok la homa: Un i v er s i t y of Okl ah oma Pr ess, 1985 . Pp. xviii,384. C loth , U . S . $39.50. 080 611 939X .
HAY ES , Joh n W. . Gree k an d I ta lian B lack -G loss Wares and Rel at edWa r es in th e Roya l On tari o Mu seu m. T oronto : Roy al Ontari o Mu seumPubli cation Servi ces, 1984. $45.00 . 0888543026.
LAMB ERT ON, Rob e r t D . and RO TROFF, Susan I. Bi rds of th eA t he n ian Ag ora. Pr ince ton: A mer ican Sc hoo l of C lassica l Studi es atA th en s, 1985 . Pp. 32; 56 Illus trat ion s. Paper, U.S. $2. 00 . 8766 16279.
MERRI FI ELD , Ralph. London: City of t he Rornan s , Be r ke ley:Un ive rsity of Ca li fornia Press, 1983 . Pp.xxi , 288 , 60 pla tes, 40map s , pl an s and d iagrams. U.S. $30.00. 0520049225.
T HALMAN N, Will iam G . . Convention s of Form and !hough t in Ea r lyG ree k Epic Poe t r y. Ba l t imore Md.: I he Joh n s Hopkins Un iversityPr ess , 1984 . Pp .xxv, 262. C loth, U.S. $27 .50. 0801 831954.
354 BOOKS RECE I VED /L1VR ES REyUS
TOMLI NSON , R. A. . Ep idauros . Au stin : Un iv ersi ty of T ex as Pres s,1983. Pp.98. U.S . $12 .50. 0292 72044 0.
WALKER, Ian. ( In tro . and Note s) . Plat o' s Euthyph ro. Chico : Scho la r sPr ess, 1984. Pp. x, 136 . Pap er, U .S. $11.75 (members $9.95) .0891 305718.
WALSH, George B . The Varieties of Encha n t men t: Early Greek Viewsof the Nature and Function of Poetry. Ch apel Hill: Un iv ersity ofNorth Carolina Pr ess, 1984. Pp. ix, 170. Cloth, U.S. $18.0 0.0807 815764.
WILSON, R.J.A . Piazza Armer ina . A ustin : Univers ity of T ex as Pres s,1983. Pp.124. Paper , U.S. $12. 50. 029 2764723 .
NEW EDITIONS/NOUVELLES ED IT IONS
CUN LI FFE, Ba r ry. Roman Bath discovered. Lon don : Routl edge andKegan Paul, re vised edition- --1984 . Di stributed in Canada by OxfordUniversity Press. Pp . xvii, 232. C lot h $37.50. 0710 201966 .
HAWTHORN, J . R. Sal lust : Rome an d Jugurt..~~. Bristol : BristolClassical Press and ChI cag o: Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 1984.(orig. 1969). Pp.l xiii, 148 . Paper , U.S . $11.00. UK 0906515 335. USA0865160384.
L EE, A. G. Ovid : Metamorphoses I. Bristol: Bri stol Cl assic al Pressand Chi cag o, Bolchazy-Carducci, 1984 (orig . 1953). Pp.vi ii , 162.Paper, U.S. $8.00. UK 0862921 449 . USA 08651 60406.
MARCHANT, E. C. Thucydides: Book II, with new in trod uc tion by T.Wied emann. Bristol : Bristol C las si cal Pr ess and Ch icag o :Bolcha zy -C arducci, 1984 (orig. 1891). Pp. xxx ix , 239. Pape r, U. S.$13 .00. UK 0906515203. USA 086516041 4.
PLATNAUER , M. Euripides : Iphigenia in T auris. B ri st o l : B ristolCl assi cal Pr ess, and Chicag o : Bolc ha zy - Ca r d ucci , 1984 ( o rig . 1938 ).Pp.xix,186. Pap er, U.S. $13.00. UK 086292 038 8. USA 086 5160600 .
RUDD, Ni all and COURTN EY, Ed ward . Juvena l : Sat ires, I, III , X.Bris tol: Bristol Cl assical Pr ess, and Chicag o: Bol ch azy -Carducc l,second ed. 198 2 (orig. 1977 ) . Pp .i x , 91. Paper, U.S. $8 .00 . UK0906515033. USA 0865160 392 .
WILLIAMS, Gordon . T echnique and Id eas in th e A eneid. New Haven,Conn. : Yale University Press, 1985. Pp .x , 301. Paper, U .S . $11.9 5 .0300 034296.
c. ~~ II. WILLL\l\IS. PLATE I:Mytilcnc: ll'~l trench lrom south
c. ~~ II. WILLlAi\IS. PLATE 2:
Myulcnc: xhcrds III "Tc Il L' d ll ~ w.irc"
C. & H. WILLIAMS, PLATE 3:Mytilcne: erotic symplcgma.
C. & H. WILLIAMS, PLATE 4:Mytilcnc: Ephcsos lamp .
r---- - _
H. FRACCHIA, PLATE I:Forti fication Wall at Tcmpa Cortaglia.
H. FRACCHIA, PLATE 2:Middle Bronze Age-Early Iron Agc material from Tcmpa Cortaglia.
GUALTIERI. PLATE I:
GUALTIERI. PLATE 2:E corner of portico (from cast). with blocked duur~ F55 and 1-'56.
GUALTIERI, PLATE J:Close-up of Wall B (cast face) showing cant ilevered construction and later re-bui lding .
GUALTIERI. PLATE 4:North section of Wall B abutt ing onto terracing/perimeter wall of " industrial"' area .
JENTEL, PLATE 1:Wa shin gton , Corc ora n Ga llery (photo du Musco).
JENTEL, PLATE 2:Bucarcst , Co li. Herovanu (daprcs Canarache p.52) .
.JENTEL. PLATE 7:EriangL: ll. Arch. lnst (photo du 1\111 s ~ L: )
.JENTEL. PLATE H:Amsterdam , Alla rd Pierson Museum (photo RII'O ).
1 -