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Dancing into the Bosom of the Land:
The Cultural Construct of Social Development of the Ambala Aytas in Sitio AlibangBy Angelito B. Meneses
Abstract
In todays era of developmentalism and globalism, the Ambala Aytas still hold the pre-
colonial notion of a good life that is tied to the land. The cultural construction of social
development of the Ambala Aytas in Sitio Alibang which they named kahampatan is a reiteration
of the worldview that land is life.
When Mt. Pinatubo erupted in 1991, development interventions also exploded. Different
development agencies inundated the affected indigenous communities with various
development projects. On the one hand, these development efforts which were driven by the
sense of mission and best of intentions resulted to the assimilation of indigenous people to the
industrial, capitalist and modern living. They were also became target of mission works by
religious organizations that led to their Christianization. On the other hand, development
interventions failed to recognize the indigenous knowledge and spiritual base of development
since the development orientation is patterned from the western intervention philosophy, the
proverbialthe white mans burden.
This paper addresses the issue by engaging the Ambala Aytas to participate in the
process of indigenous research to determine their worldview of development with identity and
culture. The study makes use of the fieldwork-immersion method and other participatory
research approaches. Since development is also about power, the Ambala Aytas were asked to
identify and make an assessment on the different development interventions and projects
provided to them since the Mt. Pinatubo eruption and evaluated them along side with their
notion of a good life they called kahampatan.
In determining the most significant development that occurred in their community, the
Ambala Aytas saw the use of modern technologies like electricity (light) as the most significant. It
is because they considered light as an instrument to come together to socialize and strengthen
their cooperation. The implications of this study especially on community development and social
work practice are enumerated and discussed. It offers a decolonizing approach to development
interventions taking into account the uniqueness of the indigenous communities. The study
suggests and promotes decolonizing methodologies and approaches in working with indigenous
communities.
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Introduction
Take up the White Man's burden--
Send forth the best ye breed--
Go, bind your sons to exile
To serve your captives' need
That above stanza from the poem The White Mans Burden by Rudyard Kipling which was
published in McClures Magazine in 1899, whose subtitle is: The United States and the Philippine
Islands had made a case for the justification of the spread of western civilization. For Frank
(2008), he refers to the White Mans Burden as the perceived duty of Americans and
Europeans to spread their culture onto the other people of the earth.
This intervention philosophy of the Eurocentric culture continues up to this time.
Indigenous peoples have been struggling to liberate themselves from that intervention
philosophy of colonialism implied in that literary work. For instance the Grand Council of
American Indians in 1927 succinctly articulated:
"The white people who are trying to make us over into their image, they want us to be what
they call assimilated, bringing the Indians into the mainstream and destroying our own way
of life and our own cultural patterns. They believe we should be contented like those whose
concept of happiness is materialistic and greedy, which is very different from our way. We
want freedom from the white man rather than to be integrated. We don't want any part of
the establishment; we want to be free to raise our children in our religion, in our ways, to be
able to hunt and fish and to live in peace. We don't want power, we don't want to be
congressmen, bankers; we want to be ourselves. We want to have our heritage, because we
are the owners of this land and because we belong here. The white man says there is
freedom and justice for all. We have had "freedom and justice," and that is why we have
been almost exterminated. We shall not forget this."
The 2009 film Avatar illustrates how development interventions into the indigenous
communities, like education that will help them develop like humans have undermined the life
ways of indigenous people. Chambers (1997) reiterated the same concept in Whose Reality
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Counts? as he quotes Paulo Freire saying: It appears that the act of extension, in whatever
sector it takes place, means that those carrying it out need to go to another part of the world to
normalize it, according to their way of viewing reality: to make it resemble their world.
In the Philippines like in many parts of the world, indigenous peoples suffer from a history
of aggressions brought about by the dominant development that has further pushed them on
the peripheries of the larger society in which they exist. As a result, their distinct cultures were
undermined and their spiritualities and values were diluted as they are being assimilated into
the mainstream development model.
Development does not only cause damages to the land, territories and resources- the very
source of life of the indigenous people but also altered their collective consciousness andcherished values as Corpus (2010) articulated:
These values include equity, reciprocity, solidarity, harmony between us and nature,
collectivity and conservation of natural wealth for the seventh generation, among others.
Our indigenous systems or paths of these and our traditional livelihoods still exist because
we actively or passively resisted development, modernity and the violation of our human
rights. We adapted to the changes which came into our communities and accommodated
some aspects of modernity. But this does not mean that we have totally abandoned our
systems, worldviews and values. Some of our perspectives and values resonate with the
essence of the human rights-based approach to development and the ecosystems approach,
thus we are partial to the use of these framework to promote self-determined development.
We can see, according to Corpus (2010) that development, progress and modernity are
issues indigenous peoples tackle head-on in struggles for survival, identities, basic human rights
and fundamental freedoms. Likewise Robbins (2010) notes that it is widely acknowledged that
the history of development is littered with astounding errors born of the very best of intentions.
Statement of the Problem
One of the highlights of the Focus Group discussion between UNDP and representatives of
the indigenous peoples expert group on development with culture and identity held in New
York in 2010 states that the question on human development and the review of 20 years can be
turned around to reflect about the losses on: how much has been lost due to development
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projects?; how much land has been lost?; how many languages have disappeared?; how many
forests have been destroyed and how much natural resources depleted (UNDP,2010)?
It means that there has been a growing consciousness among the indigenous people on
the effects of development introduced to them. Corpus (2010) argues that from colonization to
the present, indigenous peoples in various parts of the world have struggled against the
dominant development paradigm and the policies and projects enforced to pursue it. The
awareness has led the indigenous people to devise strategies for ending colonial pattern. With
that situation in mind, this study has looked into the worldview of the Ambala Aytas on
development with identity and culture. Worldview means as cognitive, perceptual, and affective
maps that people continuously use to make sense of the social landscape and to find their ways
to whatever goals they seek. Thus, this study is about the Ambala Aytas worldview ofdevelopment towards decolonizing development interventions among the indigenous people. It
sought to answer the following questions:
1. What is the Ambala Ayta notion of development with identity and culture?2. What development interventions were conducted for the Ambala Aytas since the
eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991 up to the present?
3. How do they view about the outcomes of these development interventions in relationto the indigenous concept of development with identity and culture?
4. What are the most significant developments to have happened in their community inline with their view of development?
Research Objectives
Another highlight of the focus group discussion (2010) reiterates the importance of
putting into the center of any discourses the indigenous worldviews especially if these have
something to do with their life as indigenous people. In the document they assert their right to
self-determination by way of self- definition:
From an indigenous perspective, human development should be defined by indigenous
peoples, from indigenous peoples, and for indigenous peoples. This is the essence of self-
determination, its collective dimension and the recognition as peoples by the UN General
Assembly
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This study is anchored on that above assertion and therefore seeks to contribute to the
process of centering (Smith, 1999) the Ambala Aytas worldview of development with identity
and culture. Specifically it sought to:
1. Describe the Ambala Ayta notion of development with identity and culture.2. Identify the different development interventions brought in to their community since
the Mt. Pinatubo eruption in 1991 up to the present and examine the outcomes of
these development interventions in relation to the indigenous concept of development
with identity and culture.
3. Determine the most significant development to have occurred in their community inrelation to their view of development.
4.
Develop a decolonizing development framework that is based on the Ambala Aytasworldviews.
Research Methodology
The research methodologies of this study were greatly influenced by the idea put forward by Smith
(2011) on decolonizing the methodologies of research projects being conducted in the indigenous
communities. According to Smith decolonizing methodologies is not so much with the actual technique of
selecting a method but much more with the context in which research problems are conceptualized and
designed, and with the implications of research for its participants and their communities (Smith, 2011).
The process of decolonization is about centering the indigenous peoples concepts and
worldviews and coming to know and understand theory and research from their own
perspectives and for their own purposes. The selection of methodologies in this study is also based in
the context of indigenous research. Indigenous research as it differs from research on, with and about
indigenous peoples means research done by scholars who develop indigenous theorizing, identify
and use indigenous concepts, and build their projects on an indigenous research paradigm
(Posanger, 2010).
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The study focused on defining development with identity and culture among the Ambala Aytas and
on the analysis of development interventions being brought in to their community. Sitio Alibang, Subic,
Zambales was selected as a site of the study because of the intention of the Extension Service Center of the
College of Arts and Sciences of St. Josephs College of Quezon City to establish partnership with indigenous
communities. It is primarily chosen because the Ambala Aytas have been beneficiaries of the development
interventions of St. Francis Learning Center, Inc., which is managed by the SFIC sisters.
This research made use of several approaches in doing qualitative research to ensure the centering
of the indigenous peoples worldviews. The first approach is doingfieldwork-immersion. Fieldwork and
immersion go hand in hand with doing indigenous research. Yin (2012) noted that working in the field
requires establishing and maintaining genuine relationships with other people and being able to converse
comfortably with them. The fieldwork first approach was done for the purpose of definingthe researchproblems. The researcher started the immersing himself with the Aytas of Sitio Alibang since 2012. During
the fieldwork-immersion, relevant bits of information gathered from the qualitative interview were
recorded in the researchers field notes, sketches and drawings and in a Sony digital voice recorder.
The second approach is qualitative interviews. Qualitative interviews are conversations in which a
researcher gently guides a conversational partner in an extended discussion. The researcher elicits depth
and details about the research topic by following up on answers given by the interviewee during the
discussion. In qualitative interview the researcher learns from the people rather studying them. Thus the
researcher follows the hints provided by Yin in doing qualitative interviewing such as: 1. Speaking in modest
amount, 2. Being non-directive, 3. Staying neutral, 4. Maintaining rapport, 5. Using an interview protocol, 6.
Analyzing when interviewing (Yin, 2012). In qualitative interviews each conversation is unique, as the
researcher match the questions to what each interviewee knows and willing to share (Rubin and Rubin,
2005).
The third is the Focus Group interviewing. The groups are focused on two generations, the older
which is composed ofkalalakihan and kababaihan or adults and the kabataan or youth. In these focused
groups, the participatory analysis as capability approach (Sen, 2009) was also applied. The capability
approach in examining the different development interventions vis--vis development with
identity and culture determined by the indigenous people have elicited confidence on their part
to define what is and what is not development for them. Participatory analysis is a process of giving
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the people the opportunity to see what is important to each member and enabling the community to draw
its own conclusions. For convenience, the researcher would like to propose the term Participatory
Interventions Analysis or PIA to provide specific name for the participatory analysis of the
capability approach. PIA is a systematic process that engages the indigenous people in an in-
depth assessment of development interventions offered, brought and conducted by non-
indigenous, they may be individuals, groups, organizations, agencies, institutions and
corporations to the indigenous communities. The overall aim of PIA is to assert the indigenous
peoples concept of development with identity and culture or self-determined development. PIA
is a qualitative way of analyzing development interventions which involves participation of the
indigenous people themselves. The analysis helps the indigenous people to understand
development processes, ideologies and methodologies and to articulate their own path to
development.
The PIA approach will then be supplemented with the use of a combination of data gathering
methods. The first method- a culture-sensitive tool for local people is the Participatory Rural Appraisalor
PRA. PRA is described as growing body of methods to enable local people to share, enhance, and analyze
their knowledge of life and the conditions to plan, act, monitor and evaluate (Kumar, 2002). The use of PRA
tools is meant to facilitate guided interaction (Calub, 2004) between the indigenous people and the
researcher and it requires a change in attitudes and behaviors between and among the participants. The
essence of PRA is changes and reversals of role, behavior, relationship and learning. Outsiders do not
dominate and lecture; they facilitate, sit down, listen and learn (Chambers, 2003). In the study, the
community will be asked to draw a map of different development interventions showing what types of
interventions, who provided the interventions, what are the methodologies and what are the outcomes.
The second method used is a modified Most Significant Change or MSC technique. The most
significant change (MSC) technique is a form of participatory monitoring and evaluation. It is
participatory because many project stakeholders are involved both in deciding the sorts of
change to be recorded and in analyzing the data (Davies and Dart, 2005). MSC is a process of
collecting significant change (SC) stories emanating from beneficiaries and then panels of
designated stakeholders or staff systematically select the most significant change story. In this
study the most significant development will be used. The participants tell their stories of most
significant development they consider to have happened in their community and then
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collectively analyze using the identity and culture tool of analysis and select three most
significant and rank them according to most cherished development. The most significant
development must be linked to the indigenous people concept of self-determined development.
Since this study is a qualitative research, protocol was preferred over the classic research
instrument. Protocol according to Yin (2012) is a broad set of behaviors the researcher is to undertake,
rather than any tightly scripted interaction between the researcher and any source of evidence, such as field
participant.
For the analysis of data, the researcher followed the five phases of analysis of
qualitative data as presented by Yin (2012). Analysis means the process of breaking down
something into components parts, which can then be addressed. Analysis started by compilingand sorting field notes amassed from the researchers fieldwork, qualitative interviews of key
informants, focus group interviews and workshops. The data then were disassembled or broken
down into smaller fragments and assigning labels or codes. It was followed by using themes. The
themes were interpreted to create new narratives with accompanying tables and illustrations.
Then the researcher drew conclusions and implications from the entire study.
Discussions
The Notion of Development with Identity and Culture
The researcher has noted during fieldwork the term hana guminhawa as the local term
that describes the Ambala Aytas notion of development with identity and culture. The term then
was used as a springboard for discussion during the Focus Group Interviews (FGI). However, the
participants started to question the term hana guminhawa for its appropriateness to their
notion of development. The Ambala Aytas, after exchanges of opinions during the FGI almost
unanimously agreed that the right Ambala term to describe their notion of development is
Kahampatan.
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It was observed during the discussion that the notion hana guminhawa is more related
to the individual or the clans aspiration of development while kahampatan is articulated as a
notion for the collective or the communitys development.
Kahampatan is an Ambala Ayta word which can be translated in Filipino as mabuting
buhayand in the English language as a good life. There is parallelism in the Ambala Ayta notion
of kahampatan to the notion of development with identity and culture among the indigenous
people in Latin America. For instance Cunningham (2010) mentioned sumak kawsayin Qhichwa,
suma qamaa in Aymara, sumak andereco in Guarani, laman laka in Miskitu and Buen Vivir
Bien in Spanish. These are summed up in the concept that living well does not merely refer to
per capita income or economic growth (Cunningham, 2010), which is almost exactly the same
concept of a good life for the Ambala Aytas.
It is articulated that kahampatan is not a result of a planned change or an envisioned
future but a series of phases showing the interlocking and interdependence of three elements
namely kasaganaan (abundance), kagalingan (well being), and kaginhawaan (Freedom). The
three elements are essential constituents of a good life, so kahampatan is further understood as
pagtuloy-tuloy (continuity) and pagpapatagal (sustainability). Continuity is linked with their
survival as people who are highly dependent on land and natural resources; and sustainability is
associated with their relationship with the source of their continuity. Thus the ways of life of the
Ambala Aytas like other indigenous peoples are rooted in the earth and their survival is rooted
to land since land is the primary source of resources.
Kahampatan can be illustrated by the use of an indigenous symbol of continuity and
sustainability like the pako (fern) (see figure 1). This symbol of a good life for Ambala Aytas
marks commonalities with other indigenous people symbols for instance that of the Mori of
New Zealand called the koru. The koru is a spiral shape based on the shape of a new unfurling
fern frond and symbolizing new life, growth, strength and peace.
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The Three Fronds of Kahampatan
1. Kasaganaan as Abundance
It was observed from the descriptions and articulations of the Ambala Aytas that the
first frond to unfurl to have a good life is abundance. Interestingly, abundance for them refers to
as the source rather than the resource. The source is the land where it naturally produces the
forest and the forest becomes the lifeblood which provides the necessary resources for their
survival. For them, land guarantees kasaganaan which is a requisite for a good life. It reflects
what Macliing Dulag, a Kalinga pangat leader forcefully articulated the worldview that land is
sacred and land is life (Bennagen, 1998). As it was also observed by Shimizu (2001) he said that
the first step for the Aytas toward restoring their self-sufficient way of life with their ethnic
dignity and cultural heritage starts, by all means, with the secured land. For land to be the
producer of abundance the two notions about it as sacredand securedare to be sustained. For
abundance to unfold the indigenous culture should be affirmed and strengthened. For instance,
there is a need to sustain, in their consciousness as indigenous people, the worldview that land
is sacred to deter them from doing abusive and destructive activities that destroy the source. At
the same time, there is a need to secure their land from outside influences to maintain its
Figure 1. The sketch of pako as a symbol for kahampatan and as a decolonized development framework
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primary purpose in providing their needs and sustenance. Cultural development should be
focused on the land since it has material, cultural and spiritual dimensions for the Ambala Aytas.
For them kasaganaan can be attained through the paggagasak (fixed cultivation) and
pangangalap (gathering). There are cultural meanings and dynamics attached to these.
Paggagasak does not only mean the productive work they employ on the land but it is a
symbolic expression of the relationships among them, and, between them and the land. For
instance, when asked about how they do the paggagasak, they explained Tulong tulong kami sa
paglilinis, halimbawa magpapagasak ako, tatawagin ko ang mga kasama ko para tulungan ako
sa paglilinis ng bahagi ng lupa. Walang bayad iyon, pakakainin ko lang sila kasi kung sila naman
ang may kailangan, tutulong din ako ng buong puso. (We help each other in the cleaning, for
example I want to have my swidden, I will call my comrades to help me clean parts of the land. Iwill not pay them; I will only serve them with food because the moment they are also in need, I
will also help them with all my heart.) Reciprocity and collectivity are the reinforced values in
paggagasak.
The pangangalap is the harvesting of wild products in the forest such as boho (type of
bamboo) cogon grass, orchids etcwhich are supplied naturally by land. Fascinatingly, they
recognize the role of other creatures in producing the resources such as the bees for honeys and
the birds for banana blossoms. For instance, they owe the birds a sense of gratitude for planting
wild bananas in the mountains. The birds greatly contribute to their livelihood. They explained it
more succinctly Ang mga maliliit na ibon ang natatanim ng mga saging. Kinakain nila iyong
bunga at itinatae nila yong buto, at iyong buto tumutubo kaya maraming saging sa bundok na
pinagkukunan namin ng puso (The little birds plant the bananas. They eat the fruits then poop
the seeds and the seeds grow that is why there are many bananas in the mountain where we
gather banana blossoms). As a reciprocal way to show their respect and gratitude, they do not
trap or harm these birds. However, they have expressed the need to educate their children so to
appreciate the symbiotic connection between them and the birds because the birds became a
fun target of some of the Ayta boys with their slingshots.
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2. Kagalingan as Wellbeing
Kagalingan as the second frond of a good life centers on the processes of economic
development. The cultural development that is taking place in kasaganaan is meant to re-affirm
the indigenous worldviews on the source- the land. It is the same concept of resource
management articulated by the Tbolis that without land the culture will not survive (Awed,
2010). It is observed that kagalingan for the Ambala Ayta is all about the re-production and
management of resources the yields from the land. The stable and sustainable flow of
resources ensure their welfare such as food for daily life and surplus to sell to buy for other food
necessities like salt, coffee, sugar. The Ambala Ayta economic development is not geared
towards absorbing them into the cash and throw-away economies but on re-affirming
subsistence economy. Subsistence economy is best for the land (source) as a counterbalance tothe effects of over exploitation and consumption of resources. Kagalingan can be attained if the
kasaganaaan is well in place. Kagalingan is further conceptualized into four economic activities
namely, pagtatanim (planting) of different root crops, fruit bearing trees, pangangalap
(gathering) of wild crops such as pulot(honey) andpuso ng saging (banana blossoms) andpag-
aalaga ng hayop (animal husbandry) like kalabaw (water buffalo), kambing (goat), native
chickens and pigs, andpag-uuling (charcoal making).
Another interesting concept among the Ambala Aytas economic activities is their notion
of pag-iimpok (savings). Raising domesticated animals like goat, chicken, carabaos are in
themselves could be considered savings. According to them, during emergencies like in case of
illness that requires hospitalization, they can always withdraw the animals. They sell whatever
available raised animals to have cash to cover the hospitalization expenses.
The frond of kagalingan in their notion of kahampatan can be said to have taking place
when their economic activities are sustained and remained consistent to their cultural ways that
will bring wellbeing described as happiness, peace of mind and prosperity.
Table 1 shows the economic-related activities of the Ambala Aytas from gathering,
planting, animal raising, manufacturing, and the products they buy from the market. According
to them, if only these needs become sustainably available in their community, then the general
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wellbeing characterized by contented state of being happy, healthy and prosperous will be
attained.
Gathering Planting Animal Raising Manufacturing Products boughtfrom the market
Pulot
Puso ng saging
Boho
Kawayan
kugon
Isda
Taro
Ube
Talong
Kamoteng kahoy
Kamoteng baging
Papaya
Langka
Mangga
Kasoy
Kambing
Manok
Kalabaw
Uling salt
coffee
sugar
spices
cooking condiments
mantika, suka, patis
tinapay
bigas
3. Kaginhawaan as Freedom
Kaginhawaan as the third frond of kahampatan is social development characterized as
freedom. It was explicitly articulated by Opener Ayson: Para sa akin maginhawa ang buhay
kapag malaya kang nakakapaghanapbuhay, may kalinisan sa kapaligiran at nagkakaunawaan
kami dito (For me there is good life if you are free to work for livelihood; there is cleanliness in
the environment; and we understand each other here). Kaginhawaan reflects the state of
freedom where the emphasis is on both an individual and the social nature of humans. When an
individual promotes his or her own development properly he or she cannot help but promote
the development of the society to which he or she belong;, conversely, when a society develops
itself properly it cannot help but contribute to the development of the individuals who comprise
it (Montemayor,1980). And for the Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen (2000) this is development as
freedom -the ability to do and to be.
This part of the frond to complete the picture of kahampatan focuses on harmonious
relationship with fellow indigenous and non-indigenous people. Their concept of peace and
justice for instance reveals that the Ambala Aytas are peace loving and they value peaceful co-
existence. It has been noted that lowlanders have encroached their territories. Currently, 18
families of lowlanders have settled in Sentro ng Allibang. Sentro ng Alibang as the name
connotes means the center of the village and yet the lowlanders dominantly occupied the place.
Table 1. Economic-related activities of the Ambala Aytas
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The reason why they allow this to happen, at first, was that the lowlanders have developed
friendship with them. And so out of friendship and pity (based on understanding the lowlanders
situation) they allow the lowlanders to build their houses inside their village until more and
more lowland families continue to arrive and settled in Sentro ng Alibang. The Aytas gave up the
area and moved to the other side of the mountain they called Alibang Bugaw which literally
means to drive away. They have been driven away from their own territory yet they maintain
peaceful relationship with the lowlanders. The processing of their claim of ancestral domain
made them aware of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act or IPRA law and their rights as
indigenous people. Susan Cohig, the present chieftain, explained that they are not going to drive
the lowlanders out of their village but have warned them to stop from where they are and never
attempt to encroach on the ancestral lands. They made a similar decision of not taking back the
vast parcel of land which was taken by a lowlander for his mango and dragon fruits plantation. Itis because they aspire to havepakikipagkapwa tao (good human relation) and to live without
away(trouble), nagkakaisa (united) and nagkaka-unawaan (there is understanding).
Analysis of Development Interventions
The eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991 had displaced the Aytas in Zambales. The ethnic
lifestyles were also affected. Followed by the eruption was the outbreak of development
interventions by individuals, groups, organizations, agencies and institutions in the form of
outreach programs, extension services, mission works etc which were intended to help the
Aytas of Central Luzon recover from the ashes of the disastrous event. More than two decades
passed, the Ambala Aytas in reminiscing the past recounted that in the past there was
kahampatan. The Mt. Pinatubo eruption in 1991 brought hardship because kahampatan was
disrupted and became elusive after then.
During the focus group interviewing, they were asked to identify the different
development institutions, what projects they have provided and what were the outcomes of
these development projects. They identified several major organizations or agencies which
provided development interventions. The KAPISU (which they are not certain about the
meaning) then later became Saint Francis Learning Center, Inc. brought in development projects
such as housing, livelihood and school. The DSWD, a government agency has provided them
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with relief goods and the 4Ps or known to them aspantawid. The NCIP, another government
agency mandated by the state to look into the concerns of indigenous people has assisted them
in the application of their ancestral domain claim. A Korean missionary constructed water tank,
day care center, toilets and church. The municipal mayor of Subic provided water hose and set
up the hanging bridge. ZAMECO, the electric company in the province of Zambales installed
electricity in the area.
Development
Projects
Who provided Description Process and Outcome
Pabahay KAPISU 16 na sementado na bahay na yero
ang bubong
Nasira na sa kalumaan at di makabili ng
yero
Hanapbuhay KAPISU 2 kalabaw na aalagaan Hindi napaunlad kasi matatanda na ang
kalabaw
Kambing Namili ng mga buho sa halagang 4.00 piso
bawat isa at ang piso ay kinakaltas paramaka-ipon ng pambili ng kambing. Kaya ang
pondo na pinambili ng kambing ay galing
din sa amin.
Mga puno ng mangga Tumubo pero hindi namumunga dahil
walang pampa-spray.
Palaisdaan Nagawa pero hindi naman tumakbo
Araro Di nagamit dahil di angkop ang araro sa
bundok. Nawala ang mga araro.
Pag-aalaga ng baboy na hybrid Hindi nagtagumpay kasi mahirap isustine
ang pagkain.
Pag-aalaga ng 45 days namanok Di rin nagtagumpay kasi mahal ang kinakain
na commercial feeds.
Pagtatahi Nagsanay manahi ng basahan atpagpapahiram ng 2 makina pero ibinalik din
kasi mahina ang kita.
Patubig KAPISU Paggawa ng tangke Sinira ng mga Bisaya na nakatira sa bundok
Pastor Paggawa ng tangke Di na gumana simula noong umalis ang
pastor
Mayor Pagbibigay ng hose Nagagamit kaya lang kulang
Lupaing Ninuno NCIP Pagsusukat sa nasasakupan ng
lupaing ninuno na may sukat na 42
ektarya
Hindi pa tapos
4 Ps
Relief goods
DSWD Pagkakaloob ng tulong pinansiyal
sa pamilya
Pagbibigay ng mga relief goods
Sa 25 pamilya na mga katutubo, 10 lamang
ang napiling grantees ng 4Ps. Pinili ang 10
pamilya na ito sa pamamagitan ng raffle sa
computer.
Paaralan St. Francis Learning
Center
Paaralan pang matanda
Paaralan pambata na mula unang
baiting hanggang ika-anim na
baitang
Ibinigay ito noong pagkatapos pumutok ang
Pinatubo
Nagpapatuloy ang paaralan sa Sentro ng
Alibang at nag-aaral ang mga anak namin.
Ilaw ZAMECO Pagkakabit ng kuryente sa Sitio
Alibang
Masaya kapag may ilaw nagkaka-ipun-ipon
kaming mga katutubo
Table 2. Development interventions as viewed by the older generation
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Development
projects
Who provided Description Process and Outcome
Simbahan Pastor Pamanila Nagpatayo ng simbahan ng
Born Again sa Alibang Bugaw
Tinuturuan kami ng magandang asal.
Kaya lang natigil na noong umalis na si
pastor.School
Day Care Center
SFLC
Pastor Cho
Nagpatayo ng paaralan mula
grade 1 hanggang grade 6 sa
Sentro ng Alibang
Nagpatayo ng day care center
sa Alibang Bugaw katabi ng
simbahan
Nagpapatuloy
Di na nagagamit ang day care center
simula noong umalis sina pastor.
Hanging bridge Mayor Pagpapagawa ng hanging
bridge sa ilog ng Alibang
Nagagamit pag tumatawid sa ilog
papunta sa bayan
In terms of analyzing the outcomes in relation to kahampatan, the participants said that
projects such as kalabaw, kambing, mangga, patubig are very much in line with their notion
development with identity and culture. However, they raised the question in terms of the
process and the quantity and quality of the project. For instance, they were provided with just a
pair of carabao, as far as their analysis is concern, the carabaos were already old and incapable
of reproducing offspring. If they were only consulted, they said, they would have preferred
younger ones and at least more than one pair. The projects they perceived to be not at all
aligned to their kahampatan were the raising of 45-day broiler chickens and hybrid swine, and
sewing of pot holders. The raising of hybrid animals required commercial foods, things that
cannot be produced by land. According to them, in raising hybrid chickens expenses spent for
their food and vitamins have exceeded the expected profit. The outcome of the sewing project
was not successful because only two sewing machines were lent to them and the income from
sewing pot holders is lesser than they go for gathering banana blossoms and manufacture
charcoals. For the adults, the school provided them the opportunity to learn how to write, read
and compute which are skills they needed in their transactions with the lowlanders. For the
kabataan (younger generation) they consider the school as an escape to the economic poverty
being experienced by their family. According to them when they finish school they will easily get
a job and the job provides them with the means (salary) to buy what they want like stereo,
television sets, mobile phone and even motorcycle. However, they opt to do thepangangalap
(gathering ) over schooling because in gathering boho for instance they can earn money faster
than in attending school.
Table 3. Development interventions as viewed by the younger generations
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The Most Significant Development
Table 4 presents a summary of the most significant changes to have occurred in Sitio
Alibang. After telling their stories about the most significant development that occurred in their
community, the older generation selected the time when they became literate that is learning
to read and write so that they can read and write their lives, and when they learned to
communicate with others, first in the rank of the most significant development. They see their
being together now in one place as the second significant development and by having light
generated by electricity in their place as the third most significant. The lighting project according
to them made them come together for socialization in the evening.
For the youth, they identified the court (playground) where they can play basketball andother ball games as the first significant development to have occurred in their community. The
second most significant is having electricity that resulted in coming together in one place.
Pangangalap or gathering of boho is the third significant development for the youth.
The most significant development when compared as perceived by the older and
younger generation shows more similarities than differences. For instance, the two generations
are well oriented on the importance of coming together for socialization and they both mention
like light for older and electricity for the younger as significant means to socialize. The
purpose of becoming literate for the older generation and having a court for the younger is also
to socialize, for instance the term pakikipagkapwa tao and to play ballgames are ways of
socialization.
Older Generation Younger Generation
1. Natutong sumulat at bumasa at makihalubilosa kapwa
2. Nagka-ipon-ipon ang mga katutubo sa baryona dati ay kalat-kalat
3. Pagkakaroon ng ilaw
1. Pagkakaroon ng court para sa libangan2. Pagkakaroon ng kuryente na dahilan ng
pagkakalapit-lapit ng bahay3. Kahalagahan ng pangangalap
Table 4. Responses on the Most SignificantDevelopment among the Ambala Aytas
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Conclusion and Implications
Kahampatan is the path of development with identity and culture among the Ambala Aytas.
As described, kahampatan covers the holistic dimensions of human development. It is
symbolized as a fern in its continuous unfurling. This notion of development includes three
fronds - the kasaganaan (abundance), kagalingan (wellbeing) and kaginhawaan (freedom).
These fronds can be interpreted as the cultural, economic and social aspect of their self-
determined development. The study suggests that from the Ambala Ayta perspective the path
to development with identity and culture should be defined bythem, from them, and for them.
The results of the study have implications to community development practice and social
work practice with indigenous people. Interventions can be helpful or undermine the culturalidentities of indigenous people.
The findings imply the following:
Good intentions for interventions should be coupled with capability approach . Thecapability approach developed by Amartya Sen views development as a process of
expanding peoples human capabilities or their ability to achieve things they have
reason to value. Sen highlights the need to refocus development on people and points
out the necessity of viewing human beings as ends in themselves and never as only
means to other ends (Sen, 1990). Do fieldwork first for the purposes of knowing their
condition before intervening by bringing in pre-packaged development projects and
assistance. In this study for instance, the profiling process was done by the Ambala
Aytas with the participation of the researcher. Community participation in indigenous
research means that the researcher should participate in the indigenous peoples
activities. This is one way to decolonize the methodology of research by breaking away
from the usual approach of making a profile of a community for instance where the
people participate in information giving and the outsider -researcher analyzes and
interprets the data. Research done in the indigenous communities such profiling should
be initiated by the indigenous people so that they will take pride in discovering that they
can do research through indigenous methods like drawing and storytelling. We all have
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the good intentions but we should always be circumspect that our good intention brings
with it the extension of our own prejudices and ways of knowing and looking at the
world. The danger of this might be that the transfer of outsiders ways of life would
result to further colonization and enculturation of the indigenous consciousness.
Development should be defined together with the indigenous people. It is very evidentthat indigenous people have their own way of defining the concept of development
based on their identity and culture. In the case of the Ambala Aytas, development is
good life which they called kahampatan. There is no way for us, outsiders to appreciate
and understand their worldview of development if we keep on imposing what we know
is good for them. The development initiatives that we are bringing in to indigenous
communities are rather counterproductive and counterintuitive because with theoutsiders development framework instead placed the Aytas in socio-economically
disadvantaged position. For an Ayta to live like the unat or lowlanders way of life would
mean poverty. An Ayta starts to look at himself/herself as poor when he cannot afford
to buy a television, a radio which can be owned only through transaction by the use of
money. Economic development for the indigenous people differs in contents and values
from the economic development perspective of the outsiders. For instance, economic
development for many outsiders generally aims at getting the indigenous people to be
converted from subsistence to cash economies and thus to increase their participation
in the capitalist economy. This is very evident in the outsiders wishes for the Aytas to be
educated. Educated for what? To improve their future through education is a capitalist
driven economic idea. When the Aytas expressed the desire to become literate
especially after the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo, they mean they want to read and write
their own life. Education here means to expand their capabilities to communicate into
the text world that they find significant in their socialization with other people. But
outsiders define education for them as just enrolling in a formal school and study
subjects like English, math, science etcoffered by the mainstream curriculum. So they
become schooled not educated.
We should start on what the indigenous people have and build on what they know. Ifwe really want to help the indigenous people as our sense of mission directs us to do,
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then enter with just an exit plan on hand. The indigenous people know how to analyze
their issues and problems as they also know how to articulate their needs and the
solutions to their problems. In this study for instance, the Aytas know what they want
to do with their life to have a good life i.e. kahampatan by simply ensuring good
relationship with the source (land) that yield for resources they need for survival and
sustainability. Most often they are left at the sidelines and mere recipients in the
development process. Starting from where they are and building on what they know are
strategies to decolonize development interventions. By this approach in development
work, we are centering the indigenous articulations of what it means to have a good life.
And we should even be honest to accept that we are learning a lot from them.
Indigenous people do not oppose development as long as development is deeplyrooted in their social context as people with distinct mindset and lifestyle . It is
contrary to the perception of outsiders that indigenous people tend to be resistant to
innovation which they even attached a name they called tribalism. As discussed by Kling
and Schulz (2012) for instance that people in isolated villages view new productive
techniques as threats. In part, this is because innovations are associated with outsiders.
Moreover, innovations threaten to disrupt local traditions that have sustained
community cohesion for many generations. This study reveals the sentiments of the
Ambala Aytas with regards to the approach and outcomes of development
interventions. What they had been articulating about kahampatan was not being
addressed because outsiders already have prior beliefs that what they have brought in,
are what the indigenous people need to take them out from poverty to prosperity.
In decolonizing development interventions, organizations, agencies and institutions whoare called to serve (because most often intentions to help the indigenous people are
driven by religious, ideological or nationalistic persuasions) in the indigenous
communities should not just intervene armed with the models of modernization or
evangelization and act like the white people who are trying to make the indigenous
people over into their image, they want the indigenous to be what they call assimilated,
bringing them into the mainstream and destroying their own way of life and their own
cultural patterns. In decolonization, we have to rewrite and reright (Smith, 2012)
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history. By doing this we remove the status attached to the indigenous people as
specimen as what Merata Mita being quoted by Smith (2012) pointed out: We have a
history of people putting Maori under a microscope in the same way a scientist looks at
an insect. The ones doing the looking are giving themselves the power to define. For
faith-driven development interventions, the new evangelization framework proposed by
Leonardo Boff will make sense in decolonization. According to Boff (1991),
evangelization that occurred among the indigenous communities entailed the
transposition of the institutions, symbols, concepts, and oral habits of European
Christian culture. In decolonization process, new evangelization should bring the good
news which is good only if transformations occur in these miserable social realities: if
instead of unfair they become humane, instead of being unjust they become social
relations productive of justice and participation (Boff, 1991). Finally, in decolonizingdevelopment interventions, we must use the indigenous capabilities, strengths and
talents to address issues and concerns that they deem relevant, so that they will own
the whole development process. In this case we are getting off the grip of the colonial
history of development.
Implications to the Social Work Practice with Indigenous People
Non Directive Approach: Social workers work for the development of people. Thedevelopment process should also be the realization of social justice in itself.
Development is very vague and general term which every person will interpret
according to his or her own ideas of what is good. Thus what the social worker regards
as development for the people with whom he works they may not regard as betterment
for themselves. As what was found out when the Ambala Aytas evaluated the different
development interventions. The non-directive approach goes along with the concept of
cultural competency. Cultural competency describes the set of knowledge and skills that
a social worker must develop in order to be effective with multicultural clients
(Lum,1999). Social workers working with indigenous people should not try to guide or
persuade them to accept his values or ideas, but focus on helping them to find their own
values for themselves.
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Entervention Strategy: For purposes of this study, it makes sense to use the termentervention to illustrate a strategy of the non-directive approach in working with
indigenous people. It is contrary to the intervention model of social work in casework,
family and groupwork. Entervention strategy should not start with a pre-packaged with
pre-determined goals development projects. How much our intervention becomes
undermining in working with indigenous people? In entervention strategy social
workers should not work for further assimilation of indigenous people to the
mainstream development paradigm, instead journey with them to know and
understand the idea of betterment or a good life by the indigenous people and from
there start to work with them. This strategy emphasizes the participation-in-
development rather than participatory development. Kumar (2002) explains it as a
bottom-up form of participation in the sense that the local people have full control overthe process and the project provides for necessary flexibility.
Searchers not Planners: Among the indigenous people, the context a good life is not aunilinear progress. Social workers should consider the disempowering implications of
the traditional approach as planners, so to change the role as searchers especially in the
context of working with indigenous people. As planners we have good intentions to help
but dont motivate the people to help themselves. As searchers we find things that work
(Easterly, 2006) because we start from what they have and what they want to do with
their lives. Indigenous people have the capacity to determine their own path to
development and all we have to do is to search this path and journey with them. And we
stop acting out the white mans burden.
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Internet
The Whites Man Burden by Rudyard Kipling McClure's Magazine 12, Feb. 1899. Wikipedia.
http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/photograph/2422/the-koru
Film
Avatar.2009 written and directed by James Cameron.
Agno. Produced by Cordillera Peoples Alliance and ST-Exposure
http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/photograph/2422/the-koruhttp://www.teara.govt.nz/en/photograph/2422/the-koruhttp://www.teara.govt.nz/en/photograph/2422/the-koru