Download - Folk Medicine and Biodiversity
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A QUARTERLY NEWSLETTER FROM NATIONAL FOLKLORE SUPPORT CENTREVOLUME 2 ISSUE 4 SERIAL NO. 13 APRIL - JUNE 2003
I ndian I olklife
Folk Medicineand
Biodiversity
BHAISHAJYAGURU,THE BUDDHA OF MEDICINE
INDIAN FOLKLIFE VOLUME 2 SERIAL NO. 13 ISSUE 4 APRIL- JUNE 20032
h t t p : / / w w w . i n d i a n f o l k l o r e . o r g
C O N T E N T SEditorial.....................................................3Dohada (Pregnancy Cravings)........................5Hot / Cold ..................................................6Dreams.......................................................7Indigenous Knowledge Erosion .....................10Medicinal Plants ..........................................12An Introduction to the Tamil Siddhas...............14Folk Medicinal Wisdom ................................19Green Health Boom.......................................21Book Review......................................23Review Books ................................................24
National Folklore Support Centre (NFSC) is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation, registered in Chennaidedicated to the promotion of Indian folklore research, education,training, networking and publications. The aim of the centre is tointegrate scholarship with activism, aesthetic appreciation withcommunity development, comparative folklore studies with culturaldiversities and identities, dissemination of information with multi-disciplinary dialogues, folklore fieldwork with developmental issuesand folklore advocacy with public programming events. Folkloreis a tradition based on any expressive behaviour that brings agroup together, creates a convention and commits it to culturalmemory. NFSC aims to achieve its goals through cooperative andexperimental activities at various levels. NFSC is supported by agrant from the Ford Foundation.
S T A F F
Assistant DirectorsT.R. SivasubramaniamAdministration
Miriam NelkenProgrammes (Volunteer)
Eva GlanzerProgrammes (Volunteer)
Programme Officers (Publications)
M. RamakrishnanGita Jayaraj
Programme AssistantsPrimadonna KhongwirRita Deka
LibrarianR. Murugan
Archival AssistantRanga Ranjan Das
Volunteer (Research Project)Rengin Aktar
Support StaffY. PavitraP.T. DevanK. Kamal AhamedV. ThennarasuC. Kannan
C H A I R P E R S O N
Komal KothariDirector, Rupayan Sansthan, Folklore Institute of Rajasthan, Jodhpur, Rajasthan
T R U S T E E S
Ajay S. MehtaExecutive Director, National Foundation for India, India Habitat Centre,Zone 4-A, UG Floor, Lodhi Road, New Delhi
Ashoke ChatterjeeB-1002, Rushin Tower, Behind Someshwar 2, Satellite Road, Ahmedabad
N. Bhakthavathsala ReddyDean, School of Folk and Tribal Lore, Warangal
Dadi D. PudumjeeManaging Trustee, The Ishara Puppet Theatre Trust,B2/2211 Vasant Kunj, New Delhi
Deborah ThiagarajanPresident, Madras Craft Foundation, Chennai
Jyotindra JainProfessor and Dean, School of Arts and Aesthetics,Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Molly KaushalAssociate Professor, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts,C.V. Mess, Janpath, New Delhi
Munira SenExecutive Director, Madhyam, Bangalore
K. RamadasDeputy Director, Regional Resources Centre for Folk Performing Arts, Udupi
P. SubramaniyamDirector, Centre for Development Research and Training, Chennai
Y. A. Sudhakar ReddyReader, Centre for Folk Culture Studies, S. N. School, Hyderabad
Veenapani ChawlaDirector, Adishakti Laboratory for Theatre Research, Pondicherry
E X E C U T I V E T R U S T E E A N D D I R E C T O R
M.D. Muthukumaraswamy
R E G I O N A LR E S O U R C E P E R S O N SV. JayarajanKuldeep KothariMoji RibaK.V.S.L. NarasamambaNima S. GadhiaParag M. SarmaSanat Kumar MitraSatyabrata GhoshShikha JhinganSusmita PoddarM.N. Venkatesha
I N D I A N F O L K L I F EE D I T O R I A L T E A M
M.D. MuthukumaraswamyEditor
M. RamakrishnanAssociate Editor
K. Kamal AhamedPage Layout & Design
C O V E R I L L U S T R A T I O NFront: Medicine Buddha or Bhaishajyaguru is considered tobe the physician of human passions, the unfailinghealer of the ills of samsara. He is dark blue in colour andholding a myrobalan (arura) plant in his right hand and a bowlof amrita medicine in his left hand. Courtesy: A Hand Book ofTibetan Culture (1993, London, Sydney, Auckland andJohannesburg: Rider)
T H I S I S S U EThe focus of April – June 2003 issue is on Folk Medicine andBiodiversity.Visual motifs courtesy: Sangs-Rgyas Stong: An Introduction to MahayanaIconography (1988, Gangtok (India): Sikkim Research Institute ofTibetology), and A Hand Book of Tibetan Culture (1993).
N E X T I S S U EThe theme of the July - September issue of Indian Folklife isFolklore and Biopolitic. The forthcoming issue proposes to explorehow folklore expresses the rich symbolism of the human bodythat exists as a way for social groups to express about theirrelationship to community, nature and state in a hierarchicalsociety. Closing date for submission of articles is September10, 2003. All communications should be addressed to:The Editor, Indian Folklife, National Folklore Support Centre,7, 5th Cross Street, Rajalakshmi Nagar, Velachery, Chennai -600 042 (India), Tele/Fax: 91-44-22448589/ 22450553, email:[email protected]/ [email protected]. in/[email protected]
B O A R D O F T R U S T E E S
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LIGHTING A YERCUM FIBRE WICK
M.D.Muthukumaraswamy
Editorial
E veryday as I walk to the Centre for work I pass through two folk medicine shops in Velachery, one of the fast growing hi-tech
suburbs of Chennai city. The shops themselves aresemiotic delights as they assemble a wide range ofsacred objects used in worship along with folkmedicine. For the familiar eye the shops represent amindset, a worldview and a luxury fast disappearingin the countryside. The city’s economy and vastnesshave facilitated the business of these shops and theirsheer presence – anachronistic to those who belongto the popular realm - charts out an unstated visionof alternatives.
Let me first of all name some of the herbs sold inthese shops. Arugam grass, basil, climbing brinjal,Indian pennywort, bael, jamoon plum nut, turmeric,gallnut, Malabar nut, lotus stem wick, Yercum fibrewick, dry ginger and neem flower make up commonlist along with items that would ward off evil eyesuch as black twines, pumpkin pictures and yellowtwines. If sacred things varying from basil beadgarlands and holy ash pockets to lamps and wicksform yet another set available, then, traditionalalmanacs, astrological chapbooks and books ofprayer songs complete the picture. Medicine, beliefand worship shape the syntax of these shops andcertain objects like turmeric, basil and Yercumtraverse through all the three realms. Indicators of alarger paradigm basil and turmeric have foundentries in the encyclopedia of South Asian Folklore(2003) edited by Margaret A. Mills, Peter J. Claus andSarah Diamond. Yercum is yet to make its place inany encyclopedia including the Tamil one,Abithanachintamani.
Yercum is a milky plant that grows even in amound of trash all over the Tamil landscape. Yercumsports small white flowers with violet veins along theedges of the petals. Children are often advised not toplay with the milk of Yercum plant, as it is feared tobe poisonous. Although ruthlessly destroyed if it is
found in the backyard of any house, Yercum isbelieved to be the most favourite plant of Ganesh,the remover of all obstacles. During GaneshChadurthi festival there is sudden demand forYercum flowers. Ganesh figurines made out ofYercum stems are considered to be of extraordinarysignificance and auspicious quality. Lighting aYercum fibre wick in front of Ganesh is believed tobring boons unparalleled. Nonetheless no plausibleexplanation exists in the folklore of Ganesh thatwould connect him to Yercum. On the contrary thereis quite a body of negative folklore surroundingYercum. In the recently published ten-volumecollection of Tamilfolksongs (2001) edited byAru. Ramanathan, onefolksong refers to Yercumas one of the herbs thatmay be used to abort anunwanted child. (Volume3, Page 76 Song number412). In fact, Yercum is aTamil cultural sign thatsubscribes to certainincompleteness and so toinfinity of interpretations.
Tying a Yercum fibretwine around the hip of achild is believed to curediarrhoea and ward off anypossible stomach ailments.It is possible that Yercumkills shigella, a highly virulent microbe responsiblefor half of all episodes of bloody diarrhoea in youngchildren. Nobody has ever proved it yet. Yercum’stransference from a sacred/feared plant to amedicinal herb is a path familiar to a hermeneuticthat wraps itself in itself and enters the domain oflanguages. It is this hermeneutics that reveals thecultural processes at work because it shows howcultural signs never cease to implicate themselves. Ifculture were to be seen as a dynamic process wecannot believe that cultural signs exist primarily,originally, actually, as coherent, pertinent andsystematic marks. The ambivalent position of Yercumin Tamil culture exposes this fundamental nature ofcultural signs. Floating they are, they gain meaning,place and purpose in life’s moments.
Lighting a Yercum fibre wick in front of Ganesh ortying a Yercum fibre twine around the hip of a childmay emerge from someone’s moments of despairfacilitated by tradition. Often they cannot and do notstand the test of scientific testimony. Especially whenit comes to the case of folk medicine the mainargument revolves around its scientific verifiability.The domain shift results in several problems.
Yercum Plant
Lord Dhanvantari,the Original Teacher of Ayurveda
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One, when the curativeproperties of some of thefolk medicine do stand thetests of verifiability they areimmediately patented intoday’s context of globaleconomy. The patentingseverely restricts the free,unlimited and creative usesof the said medicines in anygiven culture.
Two, often folkmedicinal herbs arecollected from particularsurrounding only as the‘surrounding’ consisting ofcertain soil condition and
accompanying plants contribute towards theircurative properties. Actually the prescriptions for thesurroundings are the prescriptions for thepreservation of biodiversity as well. When particularherbs are isolated for mass production their necessityof unique habitat is brutally ignored.
Three, folk medicine is embedded in a system(say, Ayurveda, Siddha or Unani-Tibb) that linkscosmos, body and nature. There has been such anerosion of knowledge that often the relation betweenthe cosmic philosophy of these systems and theactual medical practices do not make sense.
These are issues in addition to the conceptualdivide between a single modern, rational, mechanisticand science based medical system and a plurality ofcontext-dependent folk medicines. Thanks to theworks of very fine scholars new respect forindigenous knowledge systems (Barsh 1997; Brush1993; Dharampal 1983; Sen 1992; Shiva and Holla-Bhar1993; Warren et al. 1995) and for the cultural value ofalternative sciences (Nandy 1988; Visvanathan 1997)has diminished confidence in scientism. However,the job of the folklorist in decoding medicinal signs isyet to be done. At the moment only collections listingfolk medicines exist in print.
Let me light a Yercum fibre wick towards theaccomplishment of this goal.Note
I gratefully acknowledge my colleague Mr.Murugan’s help in collecting some of the datarequired for this essay.
Bibliography
Barsh, Russel, 1997. “The Epistemology of TraditionalHealing Systems”. Human Organization. 56 (Spring): 28-37.
Brush, Stephen B., 1993. “Indigenous Knowledge of BiologicalResources and Intellectual Property Rights: The Role ofAnthropology”. American Anthropologist, 95(3): 653-71.
Chaudhuri, B., and S. Chaudhuri, 1986. “Tribal Health,Disease and Treatment: A Review Study”. InB. Chaudhuri, ed., Tribal Health: Socio-CulturalDimensions, New Delhi: Inter-India, pp. 37-52.
Claus, Peter J., 1984. “Medical Anthropology and theEthnography of Spirit Possession”. In E.V. Daniel andJ.E. Pugh, eds., South Asian Systems of Healing, 60-72,Contributions to Asian Studies (Leiden) vol. 18.
Dharampal, ed., 1983 (1971). Indian Science and Technologyin the Eighteenth Century. Hyderabad: Academy ofGandhian Studies.
Mills, Margaret A., Peter J. Claus and Sarah Diamond,eds., 2003. South Asian Folklore: An Encyclopedia. NewYork: Routledge.
Nandy, Ashis, ed., 1988. Science, Hegemony and Violence:A Requiem for Modernity. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Ramanathan, Aru., eds., 2001 Nattupurapadal kalanchiyamVolume 1-10. Chidambaram: Meyyappan Thamizhayvakam.
Sen, Geeti, ed., 1992. Indigenous Vision: Peoples of India,Attitudes to Environment. New Delhi: Sage Publications.
Shiva, Vandana and Radha Holla-Bhar, 1993. “IntellectualPiracy and the Neem Tree”. The Ecologist. 23(6): 223-7.
Visvanathan, Shiv., 1997. A Carnival for Science: Essays onScience, Technology and Development. Delhi: OxfordUniversity Press.
Warren, D. Michael, L. Jan Slikkerveer and DavidBrokensha, eds., 1995. The Cultural Dimensions ofDevelopment: Indigenous Knowledge Systems. London:Intermediate Technology Publications.
Agasthiyar, the patron saint ofSiddha medicine
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D ohada (Sanskrit), dohala (Pali), dohala (Prakrit, Hindi), doladuk (Sinhalese),
“two-heartedness,” is thepregnancy whim, when the will ofthe foetus influences the moodsand desires of the mother. Theword is probably derived fromSanskrit (dvi + hrd), literally“having two hearts”; from Sanskritdaurhrda, “sickness of heart,”“nausea,” or “evil-hearted”; orperhaps from Sanskrit doha + da,“giving milk.” Dohada issometimes a euphemism forpregnancy.
The condition of having asecond heart, causing vicariouscravings in the mother, isdiscussed in Sanskrit treatises onmedicine and love, and inreligious literature, where it isoften interpreted as transfer ofkarmic substance (especially byHindus) or as coordination of twopeople’s karma (especially byJains). In literature, the dohadamotif is used as a stockembellishment. For example,many poetic descriptions of springfeature the pregnancy longings ofblossoming trees. The asoka treelongs for the touch of a maiden’sfoot in order to blossom, and thekadamba tree for the first thunderof the monsoon. Stories ofpregnant humans and animals indohada also abound, especially inthe religious literature of theHindus, Buddhists, and Jains,where they often have a formulaiccharacter, serving, like dreams, toaugur the birth of a hero. Dohadaincidents often serve as a startmotif, or are used ornamentally,
having no obvious influence onthe main events of a story.
Dohada stories usually involvesome direct or indirect danger tothe husband, who must performheroic deeds to satisfy his wife’scravings, ensuring a safe andauspicious birth. Sometimes adangerous dohada is satisfied bytrickery, or dohada may befeigned to trick the husband.Dohada stories usually involveinauspicious, dangerous cravings,but, especially in a Jain context,may involve auspicious cravingsfor pious acts.
Examples of auspicious orgood dohada are the craving of aJain woman to hear continuouslythe Jain teachings, and to spendmoney for religious purposes, orthe craving of a Buddhist womanto entertain the monks.
Cases of inauspicious or evildohada are more numerous. Forexample, in the Thusa Jataka,Prince Ajatasatru’s mother has adohada to drink blood from herhusband King Bimbisara’s knee,which is satisfied; she gives birth,after an unsuccessful attempt atabortion, to a child who isdestined to kill his father and seizehis throne. The Vipaka Sutra (aSvetambara Jain canonical text)contains many especially sinisterdohada stories.
Dohada is often satisfied bydeceit. In the Kathasaritsagara,Queen Mrgavati has a dohada tobathe in a lake of blood, which issatisfied by her husband, whomakes for her a lake of red coloredlac. In the Parisistaparvan, theMachiavellian political theoristCanakya (Kautilya), plotting todestroy the Nanda dynasty,searches for a suitable proxy torule for him. A village chief’sdaughter has a dohada to drinkthe moon, and Canakya promises
Jerome H. Bauer is Lecturer in theDepartment of Religious Studies atWashington University, St.Louis. Theauthor can be contacted [email protected]
to fulfill it if the infant is given tohim to raise. The dohada isfulfilled when the mother drinks areflection of the moon, and herson, the future Mauryan emperor,is named Candragupta, “MoonProtected.”
Many stories involve feigneddohada. In the VidhurapanditaJataka, the queen, wishing to hearthe sage Vidhura discourse on theDharma, feigns dohada. In theNigrodha Jataka, a woman feignspregnancy and dohada in order toimprove her status in thehousehold.
Similar tales are found in theworld’s folk and popular literature.(See MotifT571, “unreasonabledemands of pregnant women”;Thompson 1957: 402-403).
References
Bauer, Jerome H., 1998. Karma andControl: The Prodigious and theAuspicious in Ivetambara JainaCanonical Mythology, ch.5.Ph.D.diss., University ofPennsylvania.
Bloomfield, Maurice, 1920. “TheDohada or Craving of PregnantWomen: A Motif in Hindu Fiction”.Journal of the American OrientalSociety 40 (1): 1-24.
Tawney, C.H., tr., The Ocean of Story,Being C.H. Tawney’s translation ofSomadeva’s Kathasaritsagara (or Oceanof Streams of Story). Delhi: MotilalBanarsidass.
Thompson, Stith, 1957. Motif-Index ofFolk Literature, vol. 5. Bloomington:Indian University Press.
DOHADA (PREGNANCY CRAVINGS)*
Jerome H. Bauer
South Asian Folklore: An EncyclopediaEdited by Margaret A. Mills,Peter J. Claus, and Sarah Diamond2003, pages xxx + 710 New York,London: Routledge.
(This article was originally published inthe encyclopedia of South Asian Folklore(2003), p. 163.)
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D O H A D A
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H ot/cold is a conceptual framework widely adhered to throughout South Asia.
Within Asian medical systems,hot/cold descriptors are used todenote the qualities of people,plants, animals, minerals, places,times, seasons, celestial bodies,foods, medicines, stages ofdevelopment, gender-basedproclivities, and bodily sensationsas well as symptoms and types ofillness. Symptoms are recognisedas signs of internal heat and coldmanifest in myriad forms, relatedto various humoural imbalances.To the lay population, hot/coldreasoning guides behavioursranging from folk dietetic practiceto bathing habits, domestic healthcare to the interpretation of howmedicines work, evaluations of thequalities of soil to deliberationabout the use of various types offertilisers.
Significant intra- as well asinterregional variation exists in theclassification of specific items andphenomena as hot/cold; there ismore of a pattern in the way theframework is employed than inthe specific rules for itsapplication. Consensus is greatestfor items involved in rituals. Forexample, Hindu rituals follow alogic that demands particulartypes of offerings representinghot/cold qualities matching thecharacteristics of a deity or theintent of a particular sequence inthe ritual.
Hot/cold may refer to eitherselective qualities or the overallqualities of an item beingdescribed. A point of comparisonmay be implicit (rice is cool inrelation to wheat) or explicit whenan index object is noted in
conversation. For example,particular colours and tastes arewidely associated with states ofhot/cold (e.g., red: hot, white:cold), but these attributes may beeclipsed by others, such as bodysensation, which are moreimmediate (e.g., burningsensation: hot) as well as subjectto personal interpretation.
Hot/cold reference is oftenrelational, hot-cold constituting acontinuum along which one itemmay be described in relation toothers within a common domain(e.g., milled rice: hot, parboiledrice: cold; beer: cool, rum: hot). Apoint of comparison may beimplicit (rice is cool in relation towheat) or emerge as an anchorpoint in conversation. Items tendto be classified within domains(vegetables, meats, liquor,medicines), each domainanalogous to an octave on amusical scale. Thus, a grain suchas wheat may be classified as hot,as may a meat such as chickenand an oil such as mustard seedoil. Each may be thought of as hotin relation to other members of aclass, but their qualities may notbe seen as identical, although eachmay be described as causing aheating effect on the body ifconsumed in excess.
The hot/cold conceptualframework constitutes an excellentexample of an interpretive “modelof” serving as a “model for”(Geertz 1973) practice. At issue iswhen the model is invoked.Research in South Asia suggeststhat predispositions toward hot/cold reasoning are embodiedthrough a complex of practices,especially those associated withpregnancy and delivery, childcare, and illness. South Asians donot spend their lives strictlyabiding by rules of healthy livingunderlain by hot/coldconceptualisation. They do,however, follow practices
influenced by hot/cold reasoning attimes associated with states ofvulnerability. Hot/cold reasoning isfurther employed to explain newphenomena (e.g., how birthcontrol pills work), and it serves asa guide for experimentation. Aflexible, user-friendly conceptualframework, hot/cold facilitatescommunication between expertdomains of knowledge such asastrology, Ayurveda medicine, andexorcism wherein associationsbetween the hot/cold properties ofstars, spirits, and bodily statesmay be drawn. Hot/cold alsoprovides specialists with a widelyunderstood reference pointenabling communication withlaypersons unable to grasp thecomplex relationships underlyingexpert practice.
References
Beck, Brenda, 1969. “Colour and Heatin a South Indian Ritual”. Man 4:553-572.
Babb, Lawrence, 1973. “Heat andcontrol in Chhattisgarhi ritual”.Eastern Anthropologist, 26: 11-28.
Geertz, Clifford, 1973. TheInterpretation of Cultures. New York:Basic Books.
Nichter, Mark, 1986. “Modes of FoodClassification and the Diet-HealthContingency: A South IndianCase”. In R.S. Khare and M.S. A.Rao, eds., Food, Society and Culture.Durham: Carolina Academic Press.
Wandel, Margareta, et al., 1984.“Heating and cooling foods inrelation to food habits in a southernSri Lanka community”. Ecology ofFood and Nutrition, 14: 93-140.
Mark Nichter is teaching at theDepartment of Anthropology, PrincetonUniversity. The author can be contacted [email protected]
HOT / COLD*
Mark Nichter
South Asian Folklore: An EncyclopediaEdited by Margaret A. Mills,Peter J. Claus, and Sarah Diamond2003, pages xxx + 710 New York,London: Routledge.
(This article was originally published inthe encyclopedia of South Asian Folklore(2003), pp. 289 - 290.)
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D reams are pervasive in South Asian folk literature. Folk beliefs about dreams in South Asia are similar to those found in the classical
traditions of South Asia as well as in other culturesfrom around the world. For example, most peopledistinguish meaningful from meaningless dreams,emphasizing the importance of dreams that occuraround dawn and dreams sent by gods over thosecaused by bodily disorders, such as indigestion.Indeed, most of the dreams in Somadeva’sKathasaritsagara story collection take place at dawnand are sent by the gods. These basic ideas aboutdreams are also found in ancient texts such as theCaraka and Susruta Samhitas (medical texts) and inearly Buddhist works such as the Samantapasadika(I.520-529), Manorathapuraii (V.xx.6), and Milindapanha(IV.75), while the Palija takas are particularly rich inthe dreams of women.
Overshadowing these theories in Hinduism,however, is the well-known idea that we are allparticipating in God’s dream of creation. One version ofthis idea is contained in the Kurma Purana, whichdescribes the beginning of this kalpa (eon), whennothing existed but a vast ocean and Lord Narayana(Brahma; in other versions, Vishnu) sleeping on the coilsof a great snake. As he sleeps, he dreams, and awonderful lotus grows out of his navel from which arisesall that exists; God’s dream is the basis of our reality.Shared DreamsOne type of dream preserved in various stores is theshared dream, a dream that appears on the samenight to more than one person. While examples ofsuch dreams can be found in other cultures, SouthAsia is an especially rich source for them. Examplesfrom the Kathasaritsagara include:
two Brahman cousins who perform austeritiesto Karttikeya and then receive a shared propheticdream telling them where to find a guru (I.12).
three Brahman women, who remain virtuouswives even though they have been abandoned bytheir husbands, share a dream from Siva (I.19-20).
a king and queen worship Siva in order toobtain a son, and he appears in both their dreams,predicting they will have a son. Later the queendreams that Siva gives her a fruit, and this is taken asconfirmation of the first dream (II.136).
Shared dreams also occur in Buddhist storiessuch as the Mahavastu, in which the Buddha’s father,wife, and aunt all have dreams portending his
Serinity Young is Research Associate in the Department ofAnthropology at American Museum of Natural History, NewYork. The author can be contacted at [email protected]
departure from home (II.129-131). Another type ofshared dream is one that transcends time, as whenthe Buddha has five dreams said to be the samedreams had by Buddhas of earlier eons recorded inLalitavistara (I.296-297). A second example of this typeis the conception dream of the Buddha’s mother thatis said to have been dreamt by the mother of thepreceding Buddha, Dipamkara, mentioned inMahavastu (I.205). Additional examples of suchtranstemporal shared dreams are contained in theLotus Sutra and the Arya svapna nirdesa namamahayana sutra (bKa’ ‘gyur, vol.25, text 48), whichdescribe the dreams of Bodhisattvas. In theseexamples shared dreams are used to dramatize theessential sameness of all Buddhist heroes; theirprogress along the path leading to enlightenment ismarked by dream signposts. Correspondingly, shareddreams also appear in stories about famous Buddhistreligious figures in Tibet. One group of such dreamscentres on Padmasambhava’s departure from homewhen both his adopted father and his wife havefrightening dreams.
An especially rich text in terms of dreams andfolk beliefs is the popular biography of the Tibetanyogi and poet Milarepa (eleventh through twelfthcentury). This text is actually structured by thedreams that begin and end it, as well as anchor itspivotal centre, when Milarepa passes from being adisciple to becoming a guru himself. It also containsthe shared dreams that Milarepa’s guru, Marpa, andMarpa’s wife, Dakmema, have the night beforeMilarepa arrives to ask Marpa to be his guru. Marpadreams of a vajra (a tantric ritual implement), whileDakmema dreams of a stupa (Buddhist reliquary),religious symbols appropriate to announcing aBuddhist saint.Conception DreamsSome of the dreams presented thus far are alsoexamples of the conception dream, a type of dreamfrequently encountered in the biographical literatureof the Buddhists and Jains. Equally famous are the
DREAMS*
Serinity Young
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dreams of Queen Maya, theBuddha’s mother, and QueenTrisala, the mother of Mahavira,founder of the Jains. In her dream,Queen Maya sees a magnificentwhite elephant, which, by strikingher right side with its trunk, is ableto enter her womb. This dream isunderstood to be a prediction of thebirth of a son who will be a worldruler either through kingship orrenunciation. Many versions ofMaya’s dream are among the earliestimages preserved in Buddhisticonography and texts, andrepresentations of this dream keptup an even pace with the spread ofBuddhism. The Buddhist belief inconception dreams is also well documented in laterTibetan biographies, probably due in equal part to thepopularity of Maya’s dream and earlier indigenousbeliefs.
In the Jain case, on the night that Mahavira entersQueen Trishala’s womb she has fourteen sequentialdreams of a white elephant, a white bull, a lion, thegoddess Sri, a garland, the moon, the sun, a largeflag, a vase, a lake, the milk ocean, a celestial abode,a heap of jewels, and a fire. When Queen Trishalatells her dreams to her husband and asks him tointerpret them, he says they mean that the couplewill have a son who will be a great king. The nextday, however, the king sends for the official dreaminterpreters who, citing dream interpretation books,say the dreams mean the child will be either auniversal emperor or a jina (a Jain hero). Of particularinterest is Trishala’s behaviour after her husbandinterprets her dream. She says, “These, my excellentand preeminent dreams, shall not be counteracted byother bad dreams.” The narration continues,“Accordingly she remained awake to save her dreamsby means of [hearing] good, auspicious, pious,agreeable stories about gods and religious men”(Jacobi, 1968: I.240). Her words and actions arereminiscent of similar ritual activities from the Vedicperiod, though here they are in relation to auspiciousdreams.
Propitiation and DiagnosisSome of the earliest references to dreams arecontained in the Rg Veda, in which several hymnsappeal to various deities to dispel the effects of evildreams (II.28.10, V.82.4-5, VIII.47.14-18, X.36.4, andX.16.4). In the Arthava Veda otherappeals for protection from baddreams are directed towardhealing plants and salves (VI.9,IV.17, and X.3), in part due to arelated belief that dreams canreveal the onset of illness.Ancient Indians also sometimesdreamt of the dead, but forthem, as in many other cultures,contact with the dead is pollutingand such pollution can occur indreams as well as in the waking
state. One of the ways to get rid ofdream pollution is to transfer it toanother object or to associate thedream with something ephemeral.Examples of this kind of thinking arefound in the Taittiriya-Araiyaka,which recommends a particular grassfor removing the effects of baddreams (X.1.7), and in the AtharvaVeda, which states, “We transferevery evil dream upon our enemy”(VI.46).
The medical texts of ancientIndia, the Caraka Samhita and SusrutaSamhita (CS and SS), which are stillin use today as part of the Ayurvedicsystem of healing, use dreams as a
diagnostic tool. Sudhir Kakar’s recent work hasshown the persistence of these ancient ideas and theAyurvedic approach to the whole person, in whichdreams are considered a meaningful part of theperson. This is not an idea unique to ancient India-dreams were used as a diagnostic tool by such well-known ancient Greek doctors as Galen andHippocrates, as well as by ancient Mesopotamiandoctors. Significantly, the CS contains manyexamples of premonitory dreams of disease anddeath that are similar to those seen in the epics andfolktales.
In the SS, dreams seem to be caused by illness aswell as being symptoms of it; certain dreamsappearing to a healthy person indicate the onset ofillness. In other words, a dream may be the firstsymptom. Fortunately, the text also hasrecommendations to avert the influence of dreams,such as reciting the Gayatri, meditating on a holysubject, or sleeping in a temple for three consecutivenights. It also recommends that “an evil dreamshould not be related to another,” although this ischallenged by the evidence of Indian folk and literarytexts, in which the detailed telling of dreams,especially those thought to be inauspicious, is a stockdevice. This does not, however, preclude someonefrom keeping silent about his or her dreams, and therecommendation itself would seem to be connected tothe idea that saying the dream out loud willcontribute to or hasten its dreaded effect. The mainpoint, though, is the notion that dreams have alingering effect that can be avoided by appealing todivine power, an idea that persists from Vedic timesto the present.
As we have seen, thislingering effect may also be asource of pollution (such ascontact with the dead) or it maybe viewed as part of the effluviaof the night that must be purifiedor washed away during morningablutions. The philosophical textstreat dreams as effluvia whenthey assert a negative position,mainly referring to them asuseless illusions or as useful only
Marpa, the founder of the Kagyu Schoolof Tibetian Buddhism
Fourteen Dreams of Queen Trishala
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for signifying how real and powerful a force illusion(maya) is in waking life.
In spite of the lively interest in dreams in theVedas and related texts, few dreams actually occur inthe epics, and then they play a very minor role. Twodreams that do occur in Valmiki’s Ramayana are ofminor characters; however, both announce deaths,using the same images contained in the ancientIndian medical texts, for example, seeing a womandressed in red, dragging someone toward the south.The few dreams in the Mahabharata also belong tosecondary or even liminal characters such as Karnaand Bhisma. Dreams are, however, ubiquitous in theTibetan epic of Gesar (Kesar), in which the herocontinually receives dream visitations from Buddhistdeities who offer him advice which he follows.DivinationBecause they link the internal and subjectiveemotional life of an individual with what appears tobe objective outer events and symbols, dreams arebelieved to be a particularly potent form of
divination. Thedreamer is totallyengaged in thedream activity and,upon awakening,feels compelled todescribe theexperience and toseek aninterpretation thatresolves it. The“objective” qualityof dreams isperhaps mostclearly expressedwhen dreamers saythey “saw” (drs) thedream rather than“had” a dream.
This use of language expresses the idea that dreamsare experienced as given to individuals rather thancreated by them and emphasises the external ratherthan the internal origin of the dream, thereby lendingthem a possibly divine authority. This thinking isexpressed in hymn 4.9 of the Atharva Veda thatappeals to an eye ointment, anana, for protectionfrom troubled dreams, and in the Tibetan Tangyur(vol.25, text 48) that recommends preparing andusing a certain eye ointment when seeking anauspicious dream.
At the same time, dreams are a useful narrativedevice, acting as a deus ex machina to shift theaction, define character, and express the inevitabilityof what follows. Not infrequently, they are thevehicles for divine appearances that reassure theaudience not only of the immanence of divinity, butof the gods’ enduring concern with the affairs ofhumanity. More research needs to be done on allthese aspects of dream life, especially throughinterviewing living people about their dream beliefsand experiences.
References
Bays, Gwendolyn, tr., 1983. The Voice of the Buddha: TheBeauty of Compassion. (Original: Lalitavistara) Berkeley,California: Dharma Publishing.
Bhishagratna, Kaviraj Kunjalal, 1963. Sushruta Samhita.Varanasi, India: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series.(2nd edition).
bKa’ ‘gyur., 1980. Vol. 25, text 48. Oakland, Calif.: Dharma.Bloomfield, Maurice, tr., 1979 (1897). Atharva Veda. Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass.Bolling, G.M., 1913. “Dreams and Sleep (Vedic)”. In James
Hastings, ed., The Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics,vol.5. New York: Charles Scribner.
Esnoul, Anne-Marie, 1959. Les Songes et leur interpretationdans l’Inde. In Les Songes et leur interpretation (Dreams andTheir Interpretation) Paris: Editions du Seuil.
Griffith, Ralph T.H., tr., 1971 (1889). The Hymns of the Rg Veda.Varanasi (India): Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office.
Jacobi, Hermann, 1968 (1884). Jaina Sutras. New York:Dover Publications.
Jones, J.J., tr., 1949-1956. Mahavastu. London: Pali TextSociety.
Kern, H., tr., 1963 (1884). Lotus Sutra, or Saddharmapuidarika(The Lotus of the True Law), 278-279. New York: DoverPublications.
Lhalungpa, Lobsang P., tr., 1984. The Life of Milarepa.Boulder, Colo., and London: Shambhala Publications.
O’Flaherty, Wendy Doniger, 1984. Dreams, Illusion and OtherRealities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sharma, Jadish, and Lee Siegel, 1980. Dream-Symbolism inthe Sramaiic Tradition: Two Psychoanalytical Studies in Jainistand Buddhist Dream Legends. Calcutta: Firma KLM.
Sharma, R.K., and Bhagwan Das, tr., 1977. Caraka Samhita,II.545-550. Varanasi (India): Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series.
Shastri, H.R., tr., 1953-1957. The Ramayana of Valmiki.London: Shantisadan.
Tagore, Ganesh Vasudeo, tr. (n.d.) Kurma Purana. Delhi:Motilal Banarsidass.
Tawney, C.H., tr., 1924. Kathasaritsagara (The Ocean ofStory). London: Chas. J. Sawyer.
Tsogyal, Yeshe, 1978. The Life and Liberation ofPadmasambhava, tr.[Kenneth Douglas and GwendolynBays from the French of Gustave-Charles Toussaint.]Berkeley, Calif.: Dharma Publishing.
Van Buitenen, J.A.B., tr., 1975-1978. The Mahabharata. Vols.2 & 3. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
Young, Serinity, 1999. Dreaming in the Lotus: Buddhist DreamNarrative, Imagery, and Practice. Boston: WisdomPublications.
* We sincerely thank Professors Peter J. Claus,Margaret A. Mills and Sarah Diamond, the Editorsof the South Asian Folklore – An Encyclopedia (2003,New York and London: Routledge) and the authors,Jerome H. Bauer, Mark Nichter and Serinity Youngfor giving us permission to reprint these articles.
South Asian Folklore: An EncyclopediaEdited by Margaret A. Mills,Peter J. Claus, and Sarah Diamond2003, pages xxx + 710 New York,London: Routledge.
D R E A M S
Milarepa, a twelth century poet-saint of Tibet
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(This article was originally published in the encyclopedia ofSouth Asian Folklore (2003), pp. 166 - 169.)
INDIAN FOLKLIFE VOLUME 2 SERIAL NO. 13 ISSUE 4 APRIL- JUNE 200310
T he indigenous communities in India are the original inhabitants of the natural region and they have been maintaining a historical
continuity with pre-industrial societies by followingtraditional patterns of life. Scattered all over thecountry, they constitute around 8.8 per cent of thetotal population and with a few exceptions, themajority of them are forest dwellers. Their socio-cultural identity has remained unaffected by forces ofcolonisation, modernisation, and globalisation. Theyhave preserved their culture through their indigenousknowledge systems, which authenticate the presenceof their rich socio-cultural and medical heritage. Thesacred rituals and healing practices are very muchvisible in their culture. Erosion of indigenousknowledge has been taking place in India for the pasttwo hundred years and there is no effort by thegovernment to promote and protect theseanonymous but unique knowledge holders of thesociety. The contribution of indigenous knowledge inthe modern systems of medicine has beenunderestimated and it is ironical that the scientificcommunity has treated the ‘foundation of scientificmedicine’ as ‘unscientific’.
This article emphasises on the revival of folkmedicine tradition that is happening with the help ofpharmaceutical companies, voluntary organisations.Folk knowledge about pharmaceutical diversity is asold as civilisation itself. The first historical evidenceof traditional knowledge about medicinal plants hasbeen found in Rg Veda. In fact, the Atharva Veda, atreatise on folk medicine traditions, explains variousherbal formulations that are still in use. Even in themedieval period there was an exchange of traditionalmedical wisdom between Arabs, Chinese, andIndians. However, it was during the British rule thatthe exploitation of natural resources and unfriendlyforest laws adversely affected the indigenouscommunities’ access to medicinal plants and heraldedan era of gradual knowledge erosion. The colonisers’ideological principle of ‘scientific forestry’ was basedon the conception that all traditional practices ofconservation were wasteful and they would destroythe forest wealth. The conservators of the post-colonial period also promoted the same legacyfurther.
In fact, the allopathic system of medicine waspromoted and legitimised during the British rule,
whereas the traditional systems of medicine receiveda major setback. Deforestation during this period ledto the disappearance and extinction of severalmedicinal plants and the reduced access to naturalresources further aggravated the situation. Variousdevelopment projects taken up in the post-independence period have displaced thousands oflocal and tribal communities. When indigenouspeople are forced to displacement, the unrecordedtraditional knowledge they carry with them willbecome completely useless in view of new ecosystem.And, the forced resettlement of indigenous and tribalpeople in a different ecological zone poses a greatthreat to the existence of their indigenous knowledgesystem and intellectual property rights. In addition,the communities tend to lose vast amount ofunrecorded traditional knowledge because of theageing of the elders and maintenance of secrecy
about medicinal plants and forest products. There isan urgent need to collect, document and preservethis medicinal knowledge keeping in view of thefuture generations and this needs to be doneimmediately with the help of individuals,government agencies, and non-governmentalorganisations.
The gradual erosion of traditional knowledge hasserious repercussions on the subsistence patterns,that is, it reduces the self-sufficiency of indigenouspeople by making them depend on urban societies.In the absence of basic healthcare facilities in villages,the traditional medicine practices provide analternative health security to millions of people. TheWorld Health Organisation (WHO) estimates thataround 80 per cent of the world population dependon traditional medicine for some aspects of primaryhealth care. However, there is a need for an objectiveevaluation to get maximum benefit of the traditional
Jyoti Kumari is a freelance researcher and doctoral candidateresearching ‘Environmental History of Colonial Punjab’ at theRajiv Gandhi Foundation in New Delhi. The author can becontacted at [email protected]
INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE EROSION
Jyoti Kumari
Kani people and TBGRI scientists after the first transferof licence fees and royalties in 1999
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medicine system. The indigenous and modernsystems of medicine are not mutually exclusive butrather complementary, and a combination of themcan render development more cost effective, equitableas well as more sustainable. The traditional literatureand folklore of indigenous medicine and medicinalpractices have positively contributed to thediscoveries of many allopathic medicines, such as,Morphine, Digoxin, Ephedrine and Reserpine. TheRaulfia, a pharmaceutical product for lowering bloodpressure, is manufactured from the extract ofsnakeroot plant, which has been used by indigenouscommunities for centuries. The folk knowledge aboutcinchona bark led to the discovery of Quinine forcuring malarial diseases.
A number of research institutions and non-governmental organisations working on herbalmedicines and indigenous systems of curing havebeen exploring and promoting the value of traditionalmedicines. Jagran, a not-for-profit organisation inRajasthan, is promoting indigenous healers; the useof Banjauri plant (Vivoa indica) as an oralcontraceptive by the Bihar tribals has been confirmedby scientists of the Indian Institute of Science and theGeorgetown University Medical Centre, Washington;the Catholic Health Association of India in AndhraPradesh has successfully developed a medicine basedon tribal formulations to cure kala-azar (the CentralDrug Research Institute has confirmed itseffectiveness). The Foundation for Revitalisation ofLocal Health Traditions in Bangalore has been doingcommendable work in documenting and encouragingthe cultivation of medicinal plants. The revival oftraditional medicine is extremely difficult under thecurrent system of intellectual property rights. Thedeveloping countries are unable to institute their ownlaws on such rights since they are under the pressureof national and multinational companies which havebeen exploiting this knowledge for their own profit.As far as patent laws are concerned, it is mandatoryfor the patent holder to disclose the source or originof information regarding the property. There is noprovision for providing compensation or recognitionto the original knowledge holders and it has resultedin disproportionate sharing of benefits.
The nexus between pharmaceutical companiesand policy makers highlights the implications ofknowledge exploitation and they promote each otherat the cost of traditional knowledge of the localpopulation. Thecontroversybetween the Ongetribe of Andamanand the IndianCouncil of MedicalResearch (ICMR)over the discoveryof herb that curescerebral malaria is acase in point. InDarjeeling, thepharmaceutical and
I N D I G E N O U S K N O W L E D G E E R O S I O N
herbal companies arecommercialising thecultivation of medicinal plantsand in the process, manyspecies have been lost evenbefore their true value wasrecognised. The alreadyexplored knowledge ofindigenous people must beprotected through national orinternational laws and theymust be recognised as uniqueor the only possessors of this
knowledge. There should be a fair arrangement ofprofit sharing between indigenous communities andpharmaceutical companies. But this would requirerecognition of intellectual property rights of tribalcommunities by the government and corporations,which disagree with the notion that indigenouspeople should be paid for their knowledge. However,one example of such profit sharing arrangement isthat the local Kani tribe in Kerala is given recognitionas discoverer and knowledge holders of the medicinalplant, Trichopus zeylanicus travancoricius, which givesthe drug called Jeevani, by the Tropical BotanicalGarden and Research Institute (TBGRI). After givinglicense to a local drug manufacturer, the TBGRIshared fifty percent of the license fee and royalty onthe drug with the Kani tribe. Though the wholearrangement is not free from controversy, it is stillthe first and only example of giving recognition to theintellectual property rights of an indigenous tribe. Formeeting the future needs of rare medicinal herbs, thedocumentation of traditional medicinal knowledgehas long been suggested by national andinternational organisations. The Indian governmenthas set up a Traditional Knowledge Digital Library tofacilitate wider access to this knowledge and to saveit from bio-piracy. However, there are no provisionsfor any compensation for the communities whoseknowledge has been stored in it and will now befreely available at global level without giving the localcommunities their rightful due. Access to thisknowledge should have had enough safeguards toprotect the interests of indigenous people. If newdiscoveries are made on the basis of this knowledge,then there should be a proportionate benefit sharingamong the patent holders and knowledge holders.The whole process would become successful onlywhen it is legally controlled.
References
Gosling, David L., 2001. Religion and Ecology in India andSoutheast Asia. Routledge, London.
UNDP, 2001. Human Development Report 2001: Making NewTechnologies Work for Human Development. OxfordUniversity Press, New York.
Sharma, Devinder, 2002. “Digital Library on IndianMedicine Systems: Another Tool for Biopiracy”. Economicand Political Weekly, June 22.
Shukla, R. S., 2000. Forestry for Tribal Development. NewDelhi: Wheeler Publications.
Jeevani
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and
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145
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146
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wso
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Hen
naM
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honr
i15
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pidi
um S
ativ
umC
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154
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157
Mat
ricar
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Todr
i Saf
eed
159
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ia A
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sa P
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flora
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fron
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162
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Pudi
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urin
gi16
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udam
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164
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--
166
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167
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172
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ica
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Pat
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173
Myr
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a Fr
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phyl
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176
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all F
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179
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Tiru
niru
Pac
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182
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San
ctum
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sil
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Two-
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ian
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der
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am18
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nujm
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acte
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auzh
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185
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Maj
oran
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ild M
arjo
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u18
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ular
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i18
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i18
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Mut
ti18
9Pe
daliu
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190
Peda
lium
Mur
eyPa
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1Pe
ganu
m H
arm
ala
Syria
n R
ueSh
imai
-Azh
a-Va
nai-V
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192
Perm
ina
Inte
grifo
lia-
Mun
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193
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selin
um S
atiu
cmPa
rsle
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194
Peuc
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um G
rave
olen
sD
illSa
daku
ppi
195
Phas
eolu
s R
oybu
rghi
Blac
k G
ram
Ulu
ndu
196
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nix
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tylif
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Edib
le D
ate
Peric
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ngay
i19
7Ph
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nthu
s N
iruri
-Ki
zhka
y N
elli
198
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alis
Min
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Cap
e G
oose
berry
Siru
thak
kali
199
Picr
orrh
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Kurro
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Katu
karo
gani
200
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pine
lla A
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mAn
ise,
Sw
eet F
enne
l, An
isee
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ombu
201
Pipe
r Alu
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hite
Pep
per
Vella
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gu20
2Pi
per C
haba
-C
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am
203
Pipe
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-Pep
per
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plee
204
Pipe
r Nig
rum
Blac
k Pe
pper
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gu20
5Pi
stac
ia L
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cus
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umi M
asta
ki20
6Pi
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Stra
note
sTr
opic
al D
uck
Wee
dAk
asa
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arai
207
Plan
tago
Ispa
gula
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ghul
a, Is
apgo
l See
dsIs
happ
ukol
vira
i20
8Pl
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e C
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am20
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ia G
labr
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aram
210
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na H
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211
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us M
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212
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ava
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vaG
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pazh
am21
3Ps
oral
ea C
oryi
folia
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hi S
eeds
Karp
okar
ishi
214
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hotis
Ajo
wan
Bish
op’s
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mam
215
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aria
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nica
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natu
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mog
rani
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adul
am21
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iva
Rox
burg
hi-
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pali
218
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s C
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i21
9Q
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us In
fect
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l, M
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i22
0R
andi
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kalla
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ulla
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222
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wol
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andh
aC
hiva
n M
elpo
di22
3R
heum
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odi
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an o
r Ind
ian
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barb
Variy
attu
224
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s Su
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225
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Com
mun
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Plan
tAm
anak
ku22
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osa
Dam
asce
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amas
k or
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ojap
pu, G
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pu22
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ubia
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difo
liaIn
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der
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ditta
, Man
jitti
228
Rut
a G
rave
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arde
n R
ueAr
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229
Sala
cia
Ret
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-Ko
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i23
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mec
arpu
s An
acar
dium
Mar
king
Nut
Tre
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enko
ttai
231
Smila
x C
hina
Chi
na R
oot
Parn
agic
hekk
ai23
2So
lanu
m J
acqu
inii
Wild
Egg
s Pl
ant,
Bitte
r Sw
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Kand
an K
atta
ri23
3So
lanu
m N
igru
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Man
atha
kkal
i23
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lanu
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vulla
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erm
acoc
e H
ispi
daSh
aggy
Put
ton
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utti
Cho
orie
, Nar
rai-C
huri
236
Spha
eran
thus
Hirt
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stin
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Glo
be K
Vish
ukria
nthi
237
Spila
nthe
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8St
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Pena
i Mav
um23
9St
rax
Benz
oin
-Sa
mbi
rani
240
Stry
chno
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uake
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Chi
rata
-N
ilave
mbu
244
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sata
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tu24
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mpl
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emos
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ree
Lodh
rapa
ttai
246
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rnae
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tana
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vatta
n24
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rakt
ogen
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urzi
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Nira
dim
uthu
248
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s Ba
ccat
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imal
ayan
Yew
Talis
patri
249
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inal
ia B
eler
ica
Bele
ric M
yrob
alan
sTa
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-Kay
250
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inal
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hebu
laM
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alan
Kadu
kay
251
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spor
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indi
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ddal
ia A
cule
ata
-M
ilaga
rana
i25
3To
ddal
ia B
ilocu
laris
-D
evad
aru
254
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hydi
um L
ehm
anni
-Sh
ekak
ul25
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icho
sant
hes
Cuc
umer
ina
-Pu
del,
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p-Pe
puda
l25
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igon
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mFe
nugr
eek
Vend
ayam
257
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riana
Offi
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ue V
aler
ian
Asar
oon
258
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ria In
dica
Whi
te D
amm
er T
ree
Vella
i-Kun
giliy
am25
9Ve
rnon
ia A
nthe
lmin
tica
Purp
le F
leab
ane
Kattu
Shi
raga
m26
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chne
ra R
osea
Ahar
anth
us R
oseu
sN
ithia
Kal
yani
261
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a O
dora
taW
ild V
iole
tVa
yile
the,
Vay
ilettu
262
Viol
a Se
rpen
s-
Bana
fsha
263
Vitie
x N
egun
doFi
ve L
eave
d C
harti
Tre
eN
ochi
264
Vitis
Vin
ifera
Gra
pes
Dra
ksha
265
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anis
Som
nife
traW
inte
r Che
rryAm
ukku
ram
266
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dfor
dia
Flor
ibun
da-
Dha
thiri
poo
267
Wrig
htia
Tin
ctor
iaSw
eet I
ndra
jao
Vepp
al A
risi
268
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iber
Offi
cina
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ry G
inge
rSu
kku
269
Zizy
phus
Vul
garis
Juju
b Be
rries
Unn
ab27
0M
yris
tica
Frag
rans
Nut
mac
eJa
thip
athr
iC
ourt
esy:
R.N
. R
ajan
& C
o.,
Expo
rter
, Im
port
er a
nd P
harm
aceu
tical
Sup
plie
r of
Her
bs
#1,
Kum
arap
pa M
aist
ry S
tree
t, C
henn
ai -
1
M E D I C I N A L P L A N T S
Sl.N
O.
BOTA
NICA
L NA
MES
ENG
LISH
NA
MES
TAM
IL N
AMES
Sl.N
O.
BOTA
NICA
L NA
MES
ENG
LISH
NA
MES
TAM
IL N
AMES
INDIAN FOLKLIFE VOLUME 2 SERIAL NO. 13 ISSUE 4 APRIL- JUNE 200314
P rint culture and oral temple tales of the past century have largely been responsible for shifting the Siddhas from the most peripheral
crevices of Tamil religious imagination into thelimelight of a nationalistic religious awareness.1
Local television programming offers the convenienceof a daily consultation with Tamil Siddha doctors inthe comfort of one’s living room. A growing numberof temples now seem to have taken on their tokenSiddha tomb to celebrate the ever-imminent return ofthe deathless ones. In the modern imagination theSiddhas offer an ancient spiritual science for amodern secular world, a technology of the ancestorsto surpass that offered on the neo-colonial globalmarket. But is there some coherent theocraticintegration beyond the vogue of pop-parlor speechand name-dropping the words “Tamil Siddha” as akind of magic invocation of cultural authenticity?
The Tamil Siddhas have no central authority orunifying doctrine. Though there are innumerabletexts claiming to represent some nebulous TamilSiddha “tradition,” there is no single philosophicalorientation propounded in their works. Rather,innumerable philosophical threads are stretched,interwoven and unwoven again in a phantasmagorictapestry of subjectivities, as all the while tantralooms large in the background as the loom on whichthe tapestry is woven. So while frustrating allattempts to attribute to them a cogent cosmologicaltheory, there is a kind of buoyant, free-floatingquality to their processes of relating to life and thegreater universe. This takes the form of anunapologetic celebration of the immediacy ofsubjective experience and the fluid application of avariety of mutually exclusive philosophicalviewpoints all simultaneously arrayed before thereader.
This brief introduction presents, an albeit,simplistic survey of some of the major thematicelements that the Tamil Siddhas emphasise andinvariably reinscribe with their own unique visionaryexegesis. It is in this context that this paper touchesupon the irreconcilable social conflict that has ragedoutside the Tamil Siddhas and the perpetual roletheir imaginative process takes in reconciling theconflict the rages within.
The Tamil Siddhas remain an ill-defined,incongruous body of religious specialists found inthe southern part of India whose origins can be onlytenuously traced back to the seventh or eighthcentury. Here they form a distinctive part of a larger
movement that spread throughout South Asia, fromSri Lanka in the South to Tibet in the north, betweenthe seventh and eleventh centuries. Hindu,Buddhist, and Jain Siddhas everywhere share certaincommonalties mostly in the realm of “(subtle) bodyimage,” transmutational wonder tales, and physicaland mental manipulations of yogic savvy. All ofthem are part of a “pan-Indian tantric yogamovement” which Eliade described as formulatingover a five hundred year period (between seventhand eleventh centuries), but fully flowering onlyafter twelfth century.2
Within the South Asian literary context the nameSiddha originally denoted one of the eighteencategories of celestial beings. These beings of semi-divine status were said to be of great purity and theirdwelling was thought to be in the sky between theearth and the sun. Later they became associated witha class of more adept human being, often anaccomplished yogi. The term had been derived fromthe Sanskrit root sidh meaning “fulfilment” or“achievement,” so the noun came to refer to onewho had attained perfection. Because the Tamil
language lacks the aspirated consonants of Sanskritso the word has been written and pronounced bythe Tamils as cittar. This has led the Tamils toassociate the word more with the Sanskrit term cit,meaning “consciousness.”3
This appellation is evident even in the Shaivitedevotionals known as the Tevaram hymns of the sixthand seventh centuries that would later become partof the Saiva Siddhanta canon. Here the term isapplied not only to one of the 18 categories of divinebeings but also to God Shiva himself, who is a“cittar” because the very nature of God isconsciousness. Likewise, it describes the devotee asalso being a “cittar” since his consciousness is alwaysimmersed in the divine presence. By the twelfth tothirteenth century the term has taken on new
Layne Little is a Fulbright scholar and doctoral candidate in theSouth Asian Studies Department at the University of California,Berkeley. The author can be contacted at [email protected]
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE TAMIL SIDDHAS:TANTRA, ALCHEMY, POETICS AND HERESYWITHIN THE CONTEXT OF WIDER TAMIL SHAIVA WORLD
Layne Little
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meaning as we learn from the writings ofPerumparrapuliyar Nambi who describes the GodShiva as the cittar alchemist who is working strangemiracles in the city of Madurai.4
Essentially though, the term “siddha” or “cittar”has the same connotations as it does when referringto the 84 Siddhas of Vajrayana Buddhism, the NathaSiddhas of North India, or the medieval alchemistsknown as the Rasa Siddhas. It is a movement bornof a synthesis of Vajrayana Buddhism, ShaiviteTantrism, Indian Alchemy, magic, and the HathaYoga and Pranayama disciplines expounded by theascetic saint Goraknath. Although, in the presentera, the term is often applied to any form ofunorthodox mystic or saint. And certainly the termhas a newfound currency amongst (usually non-Brahmin) Tamil religious organisations and templeinstitutions, as well as the pop-culture yogainstitutions flourishing in the west.
A perplexing aspect of the Tamil Siddha cult isthat the text which is identified as the root text of itstradition had been also amended to the orthodoxSaiva Siddhanta canon (Tirumurai) to give theSiddhantins a philosophical orientation that couldhold up against the Sri Vaisnavas’ Vashishtadvaitadoctrine of Ramanuja. Though difficult to measurethe full extent of interpolation that the text hasundergone to make it more form-fitting for theconservative sectarian context, the Tirumantiram (7 -8
th century AD) maintains a significant number of
references that are unmistakably well rooted in thiswider South Asian Tantra/Siddha complex.
Both sectarian groups emphasized differentaspects of the teaching and could spin a theologicalline that became more and more widely divergent.The Siddhas would be scoffing at temple worship,reliance upon Brahminical authority, andproclaiming the injustice of caste; while the SaivaSiddhantins would berate the Siddhas much asM. Srinivasa Iyangar did in 1914 when he wrote thatthe Siddhas are “mostly plagiarists and impostors”and in addition, “Being eaters of opium & dwellersin the land of dreams, their conceit knew nobounds”. At times the Siddhantins have evenengaged in an organised effort to eliminate theSiddhar faction. For example, one movement,observed in the latter half of the nineteenth century,systematically sought out any copy of the writings ofthe heretical Siddha-poet Sivavakkiyar, and promptlydestroyed them.
The rift between the two orders may have beenrooted in the Saiva/Shakta dichotomy that conflatedgender conflict to cosmic proportions. Many of theSiddhas propitiate Shakti or the creative potency ofthe primordial essence while Shiva is elevated to a(“no-where”) position of absolute abstraction, as heis worshipped as vetta veli or “vast space.” Thegoddess alone is envisioned in her manifestations5
hidden both within the shifting tides of externalforms as well as abiding within the body itself. Hereshe can be coaxed and subdued, manipulated anddirected. As the serpent power Kundalini, flowingthrough the subtle body, she can propel theconsciousness of the Siddhar into union with theAbsolute. Though the orthodox Saiva Siddhantinmay content himself with the worship of Shiva in the
temple through the rituals of the priest, the Siddhaplacates the goddess to intercede on his behalf andexpand the consciousness of the Siddha beyond alllimitation, where he may become Shiva himself.Notions, such as this, being fundamental to theTamil Siddha, may have struck the Shaiviteorthodoxy as heretical. But one should not overlookcaste conflict and more terrestrial political dynamics.
Many of the Tamil Siddha compositions whetherdefining philosophical viewpoints, yogic practices, orpresenting alchemical recipes for herbal tinctures and
base metal amalgams areriddled with tantricimagery, references toKundalini, and clues tocontrol the dangerousfeminine power throughbreath manipulation or therecitation of the Goddess’ssecret names. Because ofthe enigmatic nature of theSiddha imagery, and theirphilosophy often beingstructured in directdefiance of human logic,few scholars have venturedto address the TamilSiddhas and then only asmere curiosities. But itseems that the stylistic
inconsistencies of the Siddha authors may also havesteered scholars away from these works. There arevibrant jewels shining in the rough but even themore popular siddha works are riddled with endlessrepetition, nonsense words that clumsily maintainthe rhyme scheme, and jarring incongruities in thenarrative portions of the texts.
One of the most basic characteristics of Tamilcomposition, and one that is also relevant to Siddhapoetry, is the tendency to layer the work so thateach word or image builds upon the last. Becauseeach component image is presented so as to beviewed autonomously and in relationship bothsequentially and to the totality of the verse, theimages of the poem may appear to some as beingslightly disjointed and contradictory. Though thisseems to undermine the aesthetic quality and over-complicate the simple act of enjoying poetry, theTamil Siddha compositions pattern this imagery toexpound the subtle complexity of their shiftingviewpoint or to map out the terrain of the innerlandscape which is dominated by the dormantserpent energy.
While much of the recent explosion of interest inthe Siddhas centres around modern inventedtraditions offering tenuous ties to the olderestablished Siddha orders, many of these groups didnot come into their own until the 12
th century. And
though the image of a unified succession of TamilSiddha sages is particularly tenuous, Tirumular ispervasively revered in the diverse literary world ofthe Tamil Siddhas. The Saiva Siddhantins hadincluded him as one of the 63 canonised saints ornayanmars, and his work, the Tirumantiram wasposthumously represented by them as fully definingthe Tamil Saiva tradition of the time. This text also
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became the 10th book of the Saiva Siddhanta canon,
the Tirumurai. Though it was the one work outliningthe philosophy of the Siddhantins, the sect hasalways had a difficult time fully integrating the manypassages which discuss the worship of the Goddessand the Kundalini Yoga practices so characteristic ofTantrism. On the other hand, the Siddhas haveviewed these same passages as the most critical informulating their esoteric doctrines on the arousal ofthe serpent energy.
As we can see in verse 730, the Siddhantins wereconfronted with the tantric orientation of theirphilosopher Tirumular, when he relates that it is thehuman body itself that is the temple of the GoddessShakti...In Shakti’s templeif you controlthe left and the rightyou can hear a lutein the centre of your face.And Shiva will come outdancing sweetly.I swear upon Sada Nandiwe have spoken the truth.
Here Tirumular discusses the basis of KundaliniYoga whereby the breath, carrying one of the vitalairs known as prana, flows into the solar and lunarcurrents which run from the right and left nostrilsdown to the base of the spine and are there broughtinto union. The point of this union is at the rootchakra Muladhara, the first of six chakras or nerveplexuses through which the Kundalini energy willflow. This energy is moved by the union of thesesolar and lunar streams of vital breath that haveentered the central current at Muladhara and willascend upwards through the six chakras, eachcorresponding to a higher and more expansive stateof consciousness. The individual awareness issublimated into divine union at the crown of thehead. It is a kind of inner journey towards theinfinitude of the Divine, but begins only after thetwo streams flow into the central current as we learnfrom verse 801 of the Tirumantiram...Left handRight handBoth hands...Change!He who eatswith the hand of worshipneed not be depleted.The conscious onescapable of abandoning sleepneed not die...
they can live forever.
The term usedto denote the‘hand of worship’is Tutikkai. Tuti is averb meaning “toworship,” kai isthe noun meaning“hand”. Together,as Tutikkai, theexpression alsomeans the“elephant’s trunk.”This interpretation
is equally viable in that Ganesha, the elephant-headed god of gateways and new beginnings, is saidto reside in the body at the base of the spine, at theroot chakra Muladhara where the two currents flowtogether and enter central current Shashumna.Shashumna is sometimes envisioned as the trunk ofGanesha raised aloft and holding the full-blown lotusof enlightenment, Sahasrara, at the crown of thehead. What is eaten is amrita, conceived of as boththe nectar of spiritual ecstasy and the elixir ofimmortality.
Tantra appears in its more seminal form aroundthe 4
th century, but its real beginnings seem to reach
back much earlier.6 Elements of tantric thought hadalready pervaded the south by the time of Tirumular,as they had seeped into yogic theory and practice atsome antecedent time and even impacted templeritual and the budding bhakti cults. Tantra was moredeeply rooted in a fluid set of symbolic constructsthan a static enunciation of doctrine. It represents aprofound refinement of the symbol systems ofHindu-Buddhist South Asia. It’s emphasis on theexperiential aspects of the individual’s religiousexperience collided with the Shaivite orthodoxy likethe Gnostic heresy did with the early ChristianChurch as it sought to establish an internal self-policing system of sanctioning only those subjectiveexperiences that towed the orthodox line.
In an effort to demonstrate that the macrocosm isreflected within the microcosm, Tantra began toemphasise that the universe, in all its totality, iscontained within the body of the individual. Itsuperimposed universal symbols over the humanbody to help demonstrate this relationship. Thespine, along which the shashumna or centralchannel ran, became the cosmic axis. All the Godsthat oversaw the mechanism that is this universewere hidden in the lotus centres of the body’schakras, like blossoms flowering on the vine of thespine. But it was the portly god Ganesha, whoguarded the gate to the inner world. He became apatron of Kundalini yoga in the South and wasinvoked by the female Siddha mendicant Auvaiyar,in this excerpt from her 14
th century work Vinayagar
Agaval. Here she relates how the elephant-headedgod has reconciled the dualistic nature of theuniverse as the various manifestations of Shiva were
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taught to be part of her inner savouring.He has concentrated my mind,clarified my intellect,and said,“Light and Darknessshare a common place.”He presses me downinto the grace giving ecstasy.In my earhe renders limitless bliss.He has revealed Sada Shivawithin the sound.He has revealed the Shiva Lingamwithin the mind.And he has revealed that...The smaller than the smallest,The larger that the largest,stands within...like ripe sugarcane.
In about 1661, as Aurangzeb set about to expandhis kingdom throughout the subcontinent and freethe land of heretics, he was at the same timeextending his protection to an obscure Hindumonastery in the Punjab. At the time in questionAnand Nath, the abbot of the monastery and aNatha Siddha alchemist, was providing “the greatest
Mogal persecutor ofHinduism in history” aregular supply of treatedmercury which promisedto confer longevity.7
Simultaneously in thedeep south the TamilSiddha alchemist Bhogar,who had supposedlymigrated from China8
along with his guruKalangi Nathar, waspurportedly establishing ashrine to the GodMurugan on the top ofPalani Hill.9 It was herethat he is thought to havecomposed his 7000 verseson Kundalini Yoga,alchemy, and Siddha
medicine. By medieval times Indian alchemy hadcome into vogue much like tantra had done almost amillennium earlier. And though the Indianalchemists also sought to develop the chemicalprocesses of transforming base metals into gold as inEurope and the Middle East, they often emphasisedthe pursuit of bodily perfection and the preparationof the elixir of immortality as the Chinese alchemistshad sought. They often viewed their experience ofthe inner processes of Kundalini Yoga as mirroringthe chemical process of the alchemical work.
Nearly a thousand years after Tirumular, Bhogaris still wrestling with the serpent energy, even in themidst of his alchemical operations. Though now, theKundalini is personified as the consort of Ganesha,the Goddess Vallabai...9The green-hued Vallabaiwill become subservientand bow down.She’ll tell youthe appropriate time
for the appropriate chakra.If the basis of Muladharais perfected...You can go anywhere,wandering freelythroughout the three worlds.The dull-hued bodywill mellowand shine.All impuritieswill be removedand the six chakraswill become visibleto the eye.The gold-coloured alchemywill heed your every word.In the Sleepless Sleepall subtletycan be perceived.Look and see.
In a particularly odd verse of Bhogar, we findhim describing a visionary experience involving theingestion of an unidentified substance and thewearing of mercurial amalgams.80 Bhogar’s Leap Into the UniverseAs the Principle of Intelligence itselfI leapt into the cosmos.Shiva clearly elucidatedthe nature of this universe.For the sake of all beingsthere is a paththat becomes a vehiclefor the five senses.The universe that appeared before mewas arranged in layers.Grandfather (Tirumular) said,“Enter the tenth one.”I took what was given me10
and put it in my mouth.And a bunchof mercurial amalgamsI tied onto my wrist.Off I went.Entering the universeof fire and light.
Consciousness was seen to ride the vehicle ofbreath into union with the absolute in the SahasraraChakra at the top of the head. The Siddha could,through the intercession of the Goddess, placated bymanipulation of the breath, expand consciousness tothe point where it becomes what is called the MahaCitta or “Great Awareness” which is the God Shivahimself. Here is one of the closing verses of Bhogar’sdiscussion of Kundalini Yoga…94Invite the breath,the outer space,to come within your house.If you are unwavering,placing it thereas though you wereputting oil in a lamp,...They shall meet.Breath and Godbecoming one.Like wind becoming breaththere is no individual intelligence.The Great Awareness becomes Siva.He and breathmerge into one.
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It is this light becoming breaththat redeems the soul.Surely this is the truthof Siva Yoga!
In the last century the poet-saint Ramaligar hadmuch to do with bridging the Siddha-Saiva gap andmaking the Siddhas more palatable to themainstream Tamil religious world.11 Ramalingar wasborn in 1823 near Chidambaram, arguably thegreatest of all Saivite temples. Naturally, theheretical nature of his teaching and the growingnumber of his disciples caused the protest of templeofficials and a variety of Saiva Siddhanta institutionsthroughout the region. Eventually they were forcedto call in Arumuga Navalar from Jaffna to put an endto Ramalingar. As a Tamil scholar and Saivite
authority, theorthodox religiousleaders throughoutthe area, wereconfident that hecould expose thefallacy ofRamalingar’s teachingand defrock theheretical saint.Arumuga quickly setabout organisingpublic meetings toprovide a platform onwhich to abuseRamalingar and a
horde of pamphlets were circulated issuing publicwarning about this dangerous little man. Eventuallythough, Arumuga was forced to take legal action andfiled a suit against the saint. The gentle Ramalingarwas dragged into court, but eloquently speaking inhis own defense, easily won the case.
The nature of Ramalingar’s heresy is found to beall the more insidious when we learn that he alsocherished and called his own the devotional hymnsof Saiva Siddhanta saints other than Tirumular. Oneof these, sometimes hailed as the 64th nayanmar, wasManikkavasagar, who had a profound influence onRamalingar and Siddha devotionalism in general.Manikkavasagar’s name means “He who’s utterancesare rubies” and in the 9
th century he beautifully
wrote this mini creation myth in flowing verse...Becoming sky and earth,Wind and light…Becoming flesh and spirit,All that truly isand all that which is notBecoming the Lord…He makes those who say,“I” and “mine”Dance in the show.Becoming sky,and standing there...How can Ipraise Him?
In this final work of Ramalingar, we see adifferent side of the heretical Siddhas. Not theenigmatic ramblings or harsh riddles of the ascetic,but a tender ode, that views the Siddha’s experienceof union as the distilled essence of life’s sweetness.
In this poem Ramalingar praises Manikkavasagar andweaves his verse with a complex echoing of sound ashe speaks again and again of the sweetness of hismystic absorption experienced when hearing thepoetry of the saint. This fervent merging, savouredby the ecstatic Ramalingar is described with theadverbial participle kalantha, from the verb root kalameaning “to flow together”, “to make as one”, as italso denotes a sexual union.One with sky Manikkavasagar,your words...One with me when I singNectar of sugarcaneOne with honeyOne with milkand one with the sweetnessof the fertile fruitOne with my fleshOne with my soulInsatiableis that sweetness!
Although Ramalingar’s hymns were penned inpraise of the God Siva, they were often addressed toa feminine audience with unqualified personaldesignations such as ‘Amma’ or ‘Akka’, ‘Mother’ or‘Sister’. Perhaps indicating that the hymn was meantfor an internal, intimate and distinctly feminine forcethat could propel the invocation along the properchannels of the inner cosmos, towards Siva’s secretabode.
The fact that his songs began to be sung in theschools, villages and even the temples of 19th centuryChennai, began to outrage the orthodox SaivaSiddhantins in the area. He, as with manyoutspoken Tamil Siddhas, was somewhaticonoclastic, not adequately deferential to temple orBrahminical tradition. He did not perpetuate thetraditional modes of linga worship. Forgoing theobjectified image by capturing the subjective gazeitself, he perpetrated the greatest of heresies byblatantly revealing the true face of God veiled withinvolumes of tantric lore. At the shrine he establishedat Vadalur, behind the curtain that housed the holyof holies, he established a single flame’s light toilluminate a mirror that would reflect the image ofthe worshipper as the secret face of god and finalmystery of the Tamil Siddhas.
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Notes
1. This introduction to the Tamil Siddhas was writtennearly ten years ago and reflects many of themisconceptions surrounding the siddhas that were popularat the time. Also its circulation on the internet surelyadded to over simplifying the subject with faults that areentirely my own. I’ve tried to briefly rectify the overtlyerroneous statements that I had made and have attemptedto elaborate on some of the more reductionistic portions ofthis work.
2. Most of the Tamil Siddha works popular today werewritten only in the last two centuries. A significantpercentage of works purported to be “rediscovered” aremodern forgeries.
3. R. Venkataraman, 1990: 1, 2.4. Ibid.: 3. See the Tiruvilaiyadal sections 13, 42 & 45.5. As Manonmani, Valai, Vallabai, Parai, Parapparai, etc.6. Some see the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as containing
enough of the key elements of tantric cosmology to representthe earliest strain of a definitive Tantric tradition completewith the hitta functioning as a proto- shashumna nadi,anticipating the more elaborate kundalini system to come.
7. David Gordon White, 1996: 1, 9.8. Bhogar’s 7000 tells of his repeated visits to China but
does not provide even a single cultural detail thatdemonstrates he has any first hand knowledge of theregion, it’s customs, etc. Now in popular secondarysources on the Tamil Siddhas the China origin of Bhogar isstrongly refuted with the characteristic nationalistic fervourof the present day.
9. Bhogar makes no mention of Palani in his 7000 andhas always been associated in the Tamil Siddha literaturewith Sathuragiri mountain. Further, the Palanitalapuranam(the Mythic History of Palani) makes no mention of itssupposed founder (though it does make passing referenceto Gorakhnath).
10. Presumably he is referring to one of his gulikais, apill often made of treaded mercury in solid form.
11. Another notable entry into the modern literarysphere comes when freedom-fighting poet, SubramaniyaBharathi, called himself a “cittar,” invoking a religious-revolutionary persona that was intrinsically “Tamil.”
References
Eliade, Mircea, 1969. Yoga: Immortality and Freedom.Princeton: Bollingen.
Francis, T. Dayanandan, 1990. The Mission and Message ofRamalinga Swamy. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
Little, Layne, 1994. Shaking the Tree: Kundalini Yoga,Spiritual Alchemy, and the Mysteries of the Breath inBhogar’s 7000. Available also at http://www.levity.com/alchemy/...
Venkataraman, R., 1990. A History of the Tamil Siddha Cult.Madurai: Ennes Publications.
White, David Gordon, 1996.The Alchemical Body: SiddhaTraditions in Medieval India. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.
Zvelebil, Kamil V., 1973. The Poets of the Powers. London:Rider.
——1975. Tamil Literature. Leiden: E.J. Brill.
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S.Vedavathy is President of Herbal Folklore Research Centre atTirupati. The author can be contacted at [email protected]
FOLK MEDICINAL WISDOM OFCHITTOOR DISTRICT, ANDHRA PRADESH
S. Vedavathy
S ome of the folk medicinal treasures found in Chittoor district in Andhra Pradhesh are given here:
Tagubothulaku Natu Mandu (Psidium gujava) -Myrtaceae (Medicine for alcohol addicts)Leaf juice is secretly added with alcohol and given to theperson who is addicted to alcohol. The person starts vomitingand feels irritation. If the therapy is repeated two or threetimes, the person develops a sort of aversion towards alcohol.(For willing patients who want to give up alcohol differenttherapy is administered )
Vavili (Vitex negundo) and Allamu (Zingeberoficinale) (Onti Talanoppi - Migraine)Juice extracted from the leaves of vavili and rhizome ofallamu is mixed in equal proportions and few drops of thejuice are instilled into the nostrils to cure migraine.
Kanuga (Pongamia pinnata) – Fabaceae(Keella noppulu & Ollu noppulu - Arthritis and Body Pains)The root bark boiled in gingely oil is stored in earthen potand given to patients suffering from chronic body pain andarthritis. The oil is given both internally and applied on
the affected parts also. This therapy is called as mandhunoone and the Gesthampalli village is famous for it.
Medicine for Emukalu virigithe - Bone fractureEvery village in the Chittoor district has one medicine manwho knows the treatment for dislocated and broken bones.The two centres in the district, one at Puttur and anotherat Kalluru, have become famous because of the devotedfamilies. The people in these centres are service orientedand they do not accept money for their service.
Jatamansi - (Nardostachys jatamansi) -Valerianaceae(Gundello nemmu -Pneumonia)Decoction of the root powderis given two or three times aday and it is continued untilthe fever subsides. Wheatpowder mixed in Calotropisleaf juice is applied on thechest to prevent pleurisy
Saraswathi aku (Centellaasiatica) - Apiaceae(Teliviki - Brain Tonic)Dried plant is powdered alongwith Piper nigrum seeds in 10:1ratio and a mixture of 2 to 3
Saramma, an expert in curingdog bite & snake bite
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spoons of the powder and a glass of cow’s milk is given inthe early morning. The Somala village is famous for thistherapy.
Seeds of Sompu (Foeniculum vulgare), leaves ofTamala paku (Piper betel) and Honey(Recheekati - Night blindness)All the plant parts in equal proportions are added withhoney to make paste. The paste is keptin a clean bottle and the paste is appliedon the eyes daily.
Cotyledons of Gacchakai(Caesalpinia crista), roots ofReppala (Wrightia tinctoria) andseeds of Pokalu (Areca catechu)(Moorcha - Epilepsy)The plant parts in equal proportion aremixed with old jaggery and made intopaste with water. A soap nut size pasteis given daily for a fortnight.
Leaves of Veduru (Bambusa arundinacea) - Graminae(To remove a dead child from the womb)Leaf paste mixed with water is given to women for whomdelivery becomes difficult leading to the death of the childin the womb.
Adavimalathi (Aganosma dichotoma) - Apocynaceae(Mutrasayamlo rallu - Stones in the urinary tract and bladder)Root powder is given with milk in the early morning for aperiod of two weeks.
Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum) - Lamiaceae(Chali jwaram - Malaria)A glass of root decoction is given twice a day to subside themalarial fever in 4 or 5 days.
Gurivinda (Abrus precatorius) - Fabaceae(Pandu rogam - Leucoderma)Leaf juice is applied on the white patches and exposed tothe sun for an hour. Within two to three months the whitepatches will disappear and turn into the colour of the skin.
Ravi (Ficus religiosa) - Moraceae(Nallamanduku virugudu - drug addicts (Bhang and Opium)Decoction of stem bark is given for relief.
Vayuvidangalu (Embelia ribes), fruits of Terminaliachebula, Terminalia bellerica, Emblica officinalis andlatex of Calotropis gigantea(Sanna jeevalu rakunda - To drive away rats, scorpions andmosquitoes)The plant parts are dried and powdered when the powder isburned its fume drives away mosquitoes, rats and scorpions.
Kalluru, bone setting
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An Yanadi woman with‘Madana Kameswari‘ plant
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Yanadi people on the way toplant and animal collection
Root bark of Kasinatha (Cassia occidentalis) -CaesalpiniaceaeEnugukalu (Filariosis)A spoonful of paste made with ghee is given twice a dayand Mimosa pudica leaf paste is applied on the affected feetuntil relief is achieved.
Fruit rind of Dhanimma (Punica granatum),Punicacease, Alum and Camphor(Rommulu gattipadataniki - Large, Hard breast)The fruit rind is made into paste with alum and camphor in8:2 proportion. The paste is applied over the breast late inthe evening and bandaged. The bandage is removed in themorning. This is repeated for a period of two weeks.
Nelausiri (Phyllanthus amarus) - EuphorbiaceaePasiricalaku (Jaundice)A spoonful of paste is given early in the morning on anempty stomach along with buttermilk. This is repeated,depending upon the condition of the patient, for a week or
a fortnight.
Stem bark of Tellamadhi (Terminaliaarjuna) - Combretaceae(Rakthapotuku -Hypertension)Bark decoction with milk is given to thepatient in the early morning.
Leaves of Saraswathi aku (Centellaasiatica), dried rhizome of Allamu(Zingeber officinale) and fruits ofPipallu (Piper longum) (Clear Voice)
The plant parts mixed in equalproportions are dried in shade and powdered. Half aspoonful of powder with honey is given for forty days.
Leaves of Banyan (Ficus bhengalensis)(Healing wounds and binding damaged tissues)The tender leaves are warmed in fire and wrapped aroundthe wound or any deep cut and then the wound or deepcut is bandaged.
Latex of Banyan (Ficus bhengalensis) and fruitdecoction of Myrobalan (Terminalia chebula)(Healing wounds)
The wound is washed with the Myrobalan fruitdecoction and the entire wound is drenched with thelatex obtained by cutting the new branches of Banyantree. The fresh latex is poured on the wound byholding the cut branches on the wound. For noothi orchronic ulcer, the latex is taken internally daily in aprescribed quantity.
21
T he words of a tribal song say: “I love the forests, they keep me, my animals and my fields healthy . . .” Biodiversity and health are
intrinsically linked. This link can be clearly seen,firstly, if we understand the basics of biodiversityitself. A variety of life forms exist and flourish acrossdiverse ecosystems: mountains, coasts, seas, forests,lakes and rivers, and so on. Millions of species ofplants, animals and micro-organisms exist in a“healthy” way in their own natural habitats. Health istherefore implied in the very “existence” ofbiodiversity.
From this simple yet powerful principle, flows anunderstanding of the relationship of biodiversity tohuman health.Biodiversity-based health traditionsFrom 1986 to 1996, an All India Coordinated ResearchProject on Ethnobiology was carried out by theDepartment of Environment of the Indiangovernment. This project concluded that tribalcommunities alone (who constitute only a smallpercentage of our population) use over 9,000 speciesof wild plants, of which the single largest usecategory - medicinal plants - number over 7,500species. Besides this, 3,900 are for edible use, 700 formaterial and cultural requirements, 525 for fibre andcordage, 400 as fodder, 300 as pesticides, 300 as gumsand dyes, and 100 as incense and perfume.
There is a verse in the Ayurveda classic CharakaSamhita that explains how local communitiesunderstood and explored nature’s gift of medicinalplants: “Yasmin deshe tu yo jaatah tasmin tajjoshadhamhitam”. “Nature is so (benevolently) organised that ithas provided every micro-environment, the naturalresources (in the form of plants, animals andminerals) necessary for the typical health needs of thepeople living in that environment.”
Another tale from ancient texts is even morepowerful. Punarvasu Atreya, the distinguishedAyurvedic Aachaarya had six disciples, namely,Agnivesha, Bhela, Jatukarna, Parasara, Haritha andKsarapani. It is said that on one occasion, theAachaarya assembled all his disciples and bid them toset forth in various different directions. Their taskwas to return with all the plants they encountered,that had no medicinal use. While five disciples cameback with several plants, Agnivesha returned emptyhanded. He said that every single plant that heexamined had some medicinal use. Agnivesha wasthus considered the foremost disciple of Atreya.
While each of the six disciples prepared acompendium of Ayurveda, Agnivesha’s work is themost outstanding. It has been redacted by Charakaand then by Drdhabala, and is known today as theCharaka Samhita.
At the folk level, in every ecosystem from thetrans-Himalayas to the coast, local communities havekeenly studied the medicinal plants found in theirlocality. Every 100 km or so, throughout the country,one can observe variation in ethnic names and use oflocal species, indicating the intimate and independentappraisal that local communities have made of theirlocal resources. Striking illustrations of ecosystemknowledge include the Thakur tribals of coastalMaharashtra, who use over 500 species of plants,including 168 trees, 207 shrubs and herbs, 105climbers and creepers, 13 grasses and 16 lowerplants. Even in this day of increasing spread ofallopathic medicines, there are hundreds of millions
of people in India who are dependent on biodiversityfor their health needs (see Table). Indeed, the WorldHealth Organisation estimates that four-fifths of theworld’s population uses nature for a substantial partof its medicinal and health requirements.
The distinctive health traditions of diversecommunities in India, are partly based on the distinctecological niches that different medicinal plantsoccupy. So for instance, plants like Aconitum violaceumand Rheum spiciforme, are found in the trans-Himalayan areas; Acacia senegal and Capparis decidua in
Gra
phic
s by
the
Aut
hors
Note: The outer box represents the total folk (e.g. tribal)usage, which is not necessarily codified into formalsystems; the inner circles are of the formal systems.
Darshan Shankar is Director, Foundation for Revitalisation ofLocal Health Traditions, Bangalore. The author can be contactedat [email protected]
A.V. Balasubramanian is Director, Centre for Indian KnowledgeSystems, Chennai. The author can be contacted at [email protected]
GREEN HEALTH BOOM
Darshan ShankarA. V. Balasubramanian
G R E E N H E A L T H B O O M
Gra
phic
s by
the
Aut
hors
Folk medicine: a continuing tradition
Traditional Carrier Subject/Usage Number of users*
Housewives and elders Home remedies MillionsFood and nutrition
Traditional birth attendants Normal deliveries 7 lakhs
Herbal healers Common ailments 3 lakhs
Bone-setters Orthopaedics 60,000
Visha Vaidyas Natural poisons 60,000(Snake, scorpion, dog)
Specialists Eyes, Skin, 1000 in each areaRespiratory, Dental,Arthritis, Liver,Mental Diseases,GIT, Wounds,Fistula, Piles
INDIAN FOLKLIFE VOLUME 2 SERIAL NO. 13 ISSUE 4 APRIL- JUNE 200322
the desert regions of Rajasthan; water plants likeIpomoea aquatica in the Konkan areas of Maharashtra;Cassia fistula and Anogeissus latifolia in the deciduousforests of the Deccan; Capparis aphylla and Balanitesroxburgii in the scrub jungles of Karnataka; Myristicamalabarica and Vateria indica in the swamps of thewestern coast; Pandanus tectorius and Thespesiapopulnea in the coasts of Kerala; and so on.
Nature has also situated bio-resources almost as ifknowing what humans needed. To illustrate, Neem(Azadarichta indica), occurring in dry, arid and hothabitats, has cooling properties, ideally suited tocorrect the health imbalances that could occur in suchenvironments. The plant Epedera vulgaris, occurringonly in high altitudes, has a broncho-dilatoryproperty, very useful in rarefied atmospheres.
Traditional communities have used biodiversitynot only to deal with the health needs of humans,but also those of livestock and for needs of cropplants in agriculture. And if one were to take a lesshuman-centred attitude, one would realise that thediversity of life itself is a major component of thehealth of natural ecosystems, and in turn healthyecosystems provide the conditions for plant andanimal species to flourish.
Though not very systematically documented,there is a clear relationship between biologicallydiverse agriculture, and human/livestock health. Themost obvious link is nutrition; ask elders in anyvillage, and they will tell you how their traditionaldiversity of food was so much more nutritious thanwhat is available from the markets now. Across largeparts of India (though there were also traditionalpockets of malnutrition and under-nutrition),traditional agriculture provided a range of crops,livestock-related products, semi-wild species (such asshrimps and frogs in paddy fields), and other inputs(see article on Agricultural Biodiversity, in this issue).Various nutritional inputs needed by the humanbody, were provided by such a diversity of produce.With the change in agricultural systems tomonocultural plantations, this diversity and therelated nutrition are lost, and the replacements fromthe market do not necessarily make up for this. Ontop of this loss, the use of chemicals creates otherhealth problems!Biodiversity loss, health and cultureWhen biodiversity is destroyed or eroded, as ishappening with alarming rapidity across the world,the health of ecosystems as a whole and of theirindividual members is affected. Health andbiodiversity links are a sub-set of the largerrelationship between biodiversity and culturaldiversity, so the loss of cultural diversity in the faceof the increasing spread of “modern” monoculturalsystems, also leads to a direct loss of people’sknowledge that relates biodiversity with health. Thespread of the lure of allopathic medicine is so strong,that even in remote areas, villagers are beginning toprefer the pill and the injection over plant-basedmedicine. A cheap and locally available input is beingreplaced by an expensive, externally controlled one.This is not to say that all health problems can betackled by local traditional health systems, or thatbiodiversity has the answer for all diseases, butsimply that haphazard replacement of such systemsby allopathic ones creates serious imbalances and lossof control.
Unfortunately, whereas there are many studieson the specific bio-resources used by ecosystempeople for health needs, there are hardly any studiesthat have shown the epidemological effects onhumans and other species, due to loss or disturbanceof natural habitats. The economic value of suchfunctions, and of medicinal plants, to human healthand welfare, have also not been estimated. Take theexample of just one use of one plant, the neem. Halfa billion people still use neem branchlets as atoothbrush. To replace this with a commerciallyavailable toothbrush and toothpaste, they would haveto spend about Re.1 each, per day per person. Thismeans that the value of neem datuns alone is a billionrupees per day. Add to this the hundreds of otheruses of neem, and its value would be magnitudesmore than the medicinal exports of India.
It is to be hoped that the new-found enthusiasmof the Indian government, illustrated in the settingup of a National Medicinal Plants Board, wouldencompass such studies and related action, thoughthis is not yet clear from the mandate of the Board.
It is in this context, that the ongoing NationalBiodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP)process (see Introductory essay) is attempting tobring back focus on the above issues. A specialistThematic Working Group is drafting a national levelaction plan on Biodiversity and Health. At many ofthe State and substate levels at which the NBSAPprocess is being carried out, medicinal plants andhealth traditions, are a key focus. At Vidarbha,Maharashtra, for instance, a people’s healthorganisation is doing a series of consultations withvillagers, government officials and NGOs, to preparea plan to conserve the biodiversity of the region andthereby secure the livelihoods, health, and security oflakhs of villagers.Biodiversity, nutrition and healthThe link between biodiversity-based nutrition andhealth in dramatically illustrated in two examples. Inthe mid 1990s, the area Melghat region in easternMaharashtra was rocked by a few hundred deaths oftribal children, caused by malnutrition duringdrought seasons. It was soon found that childreninside the forests of the Melghat Tiger Reserve had amuch smaller incidence of this than those outside,and that this was because they still had access to adiversity of forest foods (tubers, fruits, etc.) evenwhen agriculture had failed.
In the lush Biligiri Hills of Karnataka, doctorshave found that Soliga tribals inside the BilligiriRanganaswamy Temple Sanctuary have a much betterhealth profile than their counterparts in the adjacentvillages and towns, despite having much less accessto “modern” health facilities. for instance, there wasno instance of appendicitis, colonic cancers, sexualdiseases, and other stress-induced illnesses. Thereason, again, was access to a diversity of wild andsemi-wild foods, and the natural surrounds in whichthey lived. The Soligas also use over 300 herbs formedicinal purposes.
This article was originally published in The HinduSunday Folio dated May 20, 2001.
We sincerely thank the Editor of The Hindu forgiving us permission to print this article.
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23
EmergentStructure. In orderto understand themoment ofarticulationbetween medicaland musicaldomainsexemplified byhealingceremonies,Roseman has integrated theories from interpretativeanthropology and performance theory withethnomedicine and ethnomusicology. Theethnomedical approach, which studies how particulargroups of people conceptualise and deal with theconcept of health and illness, facilitated Roseman tosay that ‘illness experiences, practicener-patienttransaction and the healing process are socioculturalphenomena, constituting the health care system, acultural system integrating interrelated with localpatterns of meaning, power, and social interaction.’
For the Temiars, the relationshipbetween the detachable souls amonghumans (head and heart souls), plants(leaf and root souls), animals (upperand lower souls), and landforms (suchas summit and underground souls ofmountains) ‘enables dream and tranceencounters, promoting songcomposition and precipitating illness.’A major technique of healing involvessinging/ trance-dancing ceremonies inwhich mediums sing tunes and textsgiven to them during dream byspiritguides. They conceptualise theconcept of illness in terms of the pathin the jungle, that is, a lost or waylaiddetached head soul can cause illness issimilar to getting lost or losing paths
can be fatal for a person. During the ceremonialsinging as a treatment, the lost soul should be shownthe ‘right’ path and led it back home. This symbolicpower of the image of the path arises from their dailytravel along land and river routes running throughthe jungle and settlement. It is believed that the soulsof other entities can meet the detachable soul of thedreamer and can express their desire to become thedreamer’s spiritguide. This is confirmed through thebestowal of a song from thespiritguide to the dreamer.The ceremonial performancelinks the person andspiritguide, which transformsthe dreamer into a medium forthe spirits to diagnose andtreat illness. The Temiar songsare considered ‘paths’ thatlink mediums, female chorusmembers, trance-dancers, andpatients with the spirits of thejungle and the settlement.Even the treatment of lessserious cases, which occursoutside the ceremonialcontext, involves singing bythe medium.
M. Ramakrishnan is Programme Officer forPublications at the National Folklore Support Centre.
T his thought provoking ethnomusicological research of Marina Roseman, Professor of Music and of Anthropology at the University
of Pennsylvania, delineates the role of sound in thehealing performances of Temiar, an ethnic communityliving in the Malaysian rainforest. This study is anoutcome of Roseman’s twenty-month field researchamong the Temiars of Ulu Kelantan between 1981 and1982. During her stay in the field she hasobserved, recorded and participated innumerous singing and trance-dancingceremonies. The Temiar communitybelongs to the Senoi ethnic division of theAboriginal Orang Asli of peninsularMalaysia. The Temiars speak theAustroasiatic, Mon-Khmer language ofCentral Aslian stock. Living in smallsettlements of 25 to 150 inhabitants alongthe five major rivers, they are basicallyhorticulturalists who cultivate tapioca, hillrice, maize, millet, and other crops. Theyalso hunt, fish, gather jungle products fortheir own use and also for exchange. Therelatively egalitarian Temiars live in theagamous type of villages, that is, theinhabitants are allowed to marry within or outsidethe village group. Marriage or kinship links thevillages that consist of extended families with a coresibling group. Generally, the elders of the core siblinggroup play a major role as village leaders. Rosemanpoints out that some of them even today receiveadditional sanction as headman from the Departmentof Orang Asli Affairs.
The economic system practised by the Temiarsallows for generalised reciprocity in which food,manufactured implements, and labour are given toothers with the expectation that other members willbe equally generous in the future.
Through her research Roseman has explored notonly the articulation between the Temiar concept ofillness and their strategies of diagnosis and treatmentbut also the indigenous ideas about musicalcomposition, performance. For her, the healingperformances provided an entry point into thedomain of Temiar illness and well-being, lettingperformance acts and native exegesis. It also helpedher to understand the relations between humans andthe rainforest environment, as well as therelationship of the self with society and cosmos.
Roseman has analysed the ceremonialperformances of Temiars in terms of SymbolicStructure, Value Structure, Role Structure, and
A view of Temiar settlement
A Temiar man stands as medium
Book Review
Healing Sounds from the Malaysian Rainforest: Temiar Music andMedicine by Marina Roseman (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London:University of California Press, 1993. pages xviii + 234)
M U S I C A N D M E D I C I N E
THE OVERLAPPINGDOMAINS OF MUSICAND MEDICINE
INDIAN FOLKLIFE VOLUME 2 SERIAL NO. 13 ISSUE 4 APRIL- JUNE 200324
Published by M.D. Muthukumaraswamy for National Folklore Support Centre, No.7, Fifth Cross Street, Rajalakshmi Nagar,Velachery, Chennai - 600 042 (India), and printed by M.S. Raju Seshadrinathan at Nagaraj and Company Pvt. Ltd., # 22 (153-A),Kalki Krishnamurthy Salai, Thiruvanmiyur, Chennai 600 041, (For free private circulation only). Editor: M.D. Muthukumaraswamy
Indian Folklife Regd. No. R.N. TNENG / 2001 / 5251ISSN 0972-6470
The Kalevala and the World’sTraditional EpicsEdited by Lauri HonkoHelsinki: Finnish Literature Society2002, Pages 488ISBN 951-746- 422-3
Tamil NattuppuraviyalAyvin Varalaru(History of Tamil Folklore Research)A. PitchaiChennai: IITS2003, Pages viii + 200
The Performance of HealingEdited by Carol Laderman &Marina RosemanNew York, London: Routledge1996, Pages vi + 330ISBN 0-415-91200-8
Changing Tribal LifeEdited by Padmaja SenNew Delhi:Concept Publishers2003, Pages xiv + 142ISBN 81-8069-023-7
The Tantra: Its Origin,Theories, Art and Diffusion...Victor M. FicNew Delhi: Abhinav Publications2003, Pages 144ISBN 81-7017-424-4
From Majapahit and Sukuh toMegawati SukarnoputriVictor M. FicNew Delhi: Abhinav Publications2003, Pages 360ISBN 81-7017-404-X
Chanted Narratives: The Living‘Katha-Vachana’ TraditionEdited by Molly KaushalNew Delhi: IGNCA &D.K. Printworld (P) Ltd2001, Pages 290ISBN 81-246-0182-8
Ploughshares of Gods:Ladakh... (Vol. 1)Sanyukta KoshalNew Delhi: Om Publications2001, Pages xxiv +644ISBN 81-86867-46-5
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To review the above titles the potential reviewers may contact the Editor