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Primitive Theology:God, gods, and priests
By
Kwasi Bempong
Transformations in Akan traditional religious belief and practice have not been
featured prominently in the enormous body of literature on this Western Sudanic
civilization. Attempted here is an assessment of the representation of Akan religion and
religious practitioners in that body of literature. This assessment is divided into two
sections.
In the first section, I lay out the historical contradictions related to Akan religious
beliefs. This is first framed as a debate between so-called Western scholars and
indigenous scholars who both view Akan beliefs in reference to Judeo-Christian beliefs.
The former sees Akan beliefs as divergent, while the latter portray those beliefs as more
or less analogous to Christianity. The most contentious aspect of the Akan belief-system
is the spiritual entity called the ]bosom (pl., abosom) and the priesthood that acts as the
intermediary between the abosom and humanity.
In contemporary Ghanaian society, the priesthood and the abosom are a part of a
modern-primitive, religion-witchcraft dialectic. This is also addressed, briefly, in this
section in conjunction with the representations of the priesthood and abosom in the
literature and the historical changes they have gone through in Akan culture. Earlier
anthropological studies from the twentiesTP1PT, fortiesTP2PT, and fifties TP3PT have shown a marked
increase in the abosommerafo] (executioner priests; sing. ]bosommerafo) and the
ak]mfo] and their so-called witch-catching cults. In fact, they appear to have supplanted
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the more ancient abosomfo], who are (were) priests of theAtanoabosom centered on the
sacred river Tano.
Section two continues this theme with a more detailed explication of the
priesthood or religious practitioners (as]fo]; sing. ]s]fo) and the abosom. Particular
attention is paid to one type of practitioner, the ]bosomfo (pl. abosomfo]), and one type
of abosom, Tano. Drum texts, prayers, archaeological data, historical sources, and
anthropological data are all used to illustrate the antiquity of the abosomfo] and Tano.
This allows for an assessment of the historical changes that have occurred in Akan belief
and practice and, consequently a repudiation of the representation of Akan belief as
static; an image fostered by contemporary literature.
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I. A PRIMITIVE THEOLOGY; ONYAMESOM
(SERVITUDE TO GOD)
The Contradictions Within Contradictions: The Debate Over Akan Religion
The Akan, overall, have been the subject of European writers since the late
fifteenth century4, Arab since the sixteenth5, and the Islamized western Sudanic Mande
probably before the fourteenth century, since the Akan figure in the original 44 tribes that
first populated the world in Mande cosmology.
6
Although there are studies on almost
every aspect of Akan society and culture, the theoretical approach to Akan institutions
have been structuralist and mainly concerned with politics and trade7
often excluding the
Akan ideological perspective.8
Despite the very noble intentions of Rattray9 and others10, Akan religious
ideology either has been ignored or grossly misrepresented as 'fetishism', 'paganism', or
'animism'.11 All of these terms are laden with biases that refuse to grant the Akan belief
system legitimacy on par with the beliefs of the Levantine and Asian religious traditions.
When aspects of the Akan religion, Onyamesom12, as it will be called here, were
encountered that did not figure into the assumptions of some European scholars, those
aspects were dismissed as being derivative indigenous creations borrowed from Muslims
and/or Christian missionaries.13
A complex power struggle has developed within the debate about Akan religious
belief, as within African beliefs in general, between so-called Western scholars and
indigenous scholars. Both groups, very broadly drawn here, have as an ideological
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standard the Judeo-Christian concept of deity and religion at the core of their conceptions
of Akan religion. It is to varying degrees that this concept is accepted or rejected by
either group. The Western group favors a view of Akan beliefs that fosters an image of
polytheism and ancestor worship, while the Indigenous group favors a monotheistic
view.
Captain R. S. Rattray, an anthropologist working for the Gold Coast colonial
government during the 1920's, stands out as one of the few Western anthropologists who
were sympathetic to Asante and, subsequently, Akan culture. He rejected the
dissemination of Islamic and Christian ideas into Akan society as an explanation of the
complexity of their religion and the dissimilarity of their theology from fetishism and its
brethren.14
He was unable, however, to take that final step and accept Onyame as the
Akan equivalent for God. Instead, he was inclined to translate Onyame as 'Supreme Sky
God' throughout his career, a designation that could not be derived from the etymology of
the word grammatically or theologically.15 Onyame, based upon the treatment of this
deity in Akan literature, is quite simply God, the creator of the material world, of time,
destiny, and the human soul, a theological concept not different from Yahweh or Allah.
This conception of deity seems consistent with Akan proverbial expressions and drum
texts. Some common bynames, of which there may be one hundred, are:
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1 }domankoma eternally abundant; fecund creator of all; infinite; absolute;
boundless; limitless
2 Onyankop]n supreme embodiment of the shining expanse of the sky;
solitary; alone in grandeur
3 Otweaduamp]ng the almighty overseer; the watching one; the dependable one
4 Otumfuo the omnipotent one; the possessor of visionary insight
5 B]reb]re creator; inventor; builder; architect of all
6 }b]ade[ the creator
7 Totorubonsu progenitor and bringer of rain
8 Atoap[m final; unsurpassable; beyond which one cannot go
9 }beannye[ uncreated; without beginning
10 T[t[kwaframua enduring forever (outside of time)
11 Br[kyerehunnyade[ knowing all; omniscient.TP16PT
The debate is further extended by the bifurcation of the Indigenous group into a
comparable monotheism, as represented by J.B. Danquah and a discrete theism as
represented by Kwesi Wiredu. Both brands of theism adopt the position that the Akan do
possess a religion and the beginning and end of that religion is God and all other practices
and beliefs of the Akan (ancestor cults, worship of lesser deities) fall outside of their
respective definitions of Akan religion. TP17PT
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This position becomes untenable when one considers what motivates ordinary
Akan when they are engaged in those other practices that are, supposedly, outside of
religion. Further, even within the position of discrete monotheism, there is a
contradiction; Onyame is both a universal god and the exclusive god of the Akan. Wiredu
disagrees with Danquahs attempts to rationalize Onyamesom in terms of Greek
philosophy and Christianity, which Danquah did without compunction. Essentially,
Wiredu asks, do Akan modes of theological thought have to be comparable to Western
ones?18 Although both forms of indigenously theorized theisms agree that Onyamesom is
a legitimate religion, the discrete position asserts, it is not an institutional religion.
19
Within Contradictions pt. 2: The agitation of the little gods.
Both the comparable and discrete models of Akan theism agree upon the
legitimacy ofOnyamesom. Western scholars accept the Akan have a religious system but,
overall, in Western scholarship the abosom, lesser gods or deities figure very
prominently in that view, while indigenous scholars have been noticeably dismissive of
any form of deity defined as a god without a capital g.
Therefore, one can speak of two types of contradictions: local and global. The
local contradiction stems from the debate amongst Akan scholars about the degree to
which Onyamesom should be compared to Christianity or other Western modes of
thought. The global contradiction arises from the prominence of lesser gods in Western
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scholarship and the dismissal of such spiritual beings in indigenous theories of
Onyamesom.
Both the western and indigenous groups have been deeply agitated by the little
gods (abosom). How these scholars have come to terms with the abosom and the
ubiquitous worship ofOnyame has been outlined above. The worship of lesser deities as
attested by Western scholarship and the monotheistic theology as insisted by indigenous
intellectuals is a contradiction in the literature that has yet to be reconciled.
Praxis versus ideology: the lesser gods and the possessed priests
Onyamesom has nearly become synonymous with practice (good and bad). One
will find numerous texts describing at great length what the priests and priestesses do but
ignoring the theological structure in which their actions are suspended. Would it ever be
enough to describe the Catholic act of Communion; that the wafer and wine represented
the body and blood of Christ; without elucidating the theological assumptions that such
an act entails?
The difficulties traditionalists, as the practitioners ofOnyamesom are known in
Ghana, face in todays society are numerous and will only be highlighted here. In popular
media: newspapers, television, music videos, etc., they are the subject of denigration and
derision. The representation of traditionalists in Ghana today bear striking parallels with
nineteenth and late twentieth century European discourses on African cultures. Among
everyday folk Onyamesom is associated with backwardness; it is an aspect of Akan
culture that is anti-modern. Most profess that they do not practice it because they believe
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it to be the work of the devil and therefore witchcraft. There is a great deal of talk of
(blood) sacrifices and suman (magic charms) in association with Onyamesom. In casual
conversations about Akan culture there was a great reluctance to discuss Onyamesom
positively. When the speakers were alone with me, they were often somewhat
apprehensive to even talk about the abosom, let alone point out an individual who might
be a traditionalist. It is very likely that current attitudes towards Onyamesom have made
it difficult to assess who its followers are and how many are currently practicing in
Ghana. As the Akan increasingly convert to Christianity, Onyamesom, as their unique
cultural heritage is threatened with extinction.
The theological knowledge possessed by religious practitioners (as]fo];
sing. ]s]fo), as an institution that maintains the theological/ideological structures of
ancient Akan civilization, has not been the subject of thorough investigation. Instead,
scholars have opted for in-depth descriptions and surface analysis of the public actions of
the priests: the world of action and material. Matter and energy are more prominent in the
literature than the mind and spirit of the Akan people. Describing the priesthood, what it
does, and the structure of Akan cosmology has been the easy path to follow as regards
Akan religious beliefs. It has also been the least insightful as far as deep theological
beliefs are concerned because the meaning of those actions and speech has been very
rarely contextualized.
This surface analysis has homogenized the distinct categories of religious
practitioners that exist in the language and in the society of the Akan people, and
therefore has obscured an understanding of the progression of religious thought and the
ability to trace it over the historical terrain of Akan civilization.
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McCaskie addressed the belief surrounding one category of religious practitioner,
the ak]mfo] and their relationship with the spiritual entities called the abosom as
constructed by the Asante state. His reading of belief, however, did not directly explore
the ideology of Akan religious thought as much as it delineated the role of an
interventionist Asante state as sole hermeneus of Asante history and, consequently,
belief; he states, belief is an historical phenomenon in Asante culture.TP20
PT Therefore, in
his view:
in order to anatomize Asante beliefs, religious
expressions, ritual enactments and the rest, they need to be
articulated as ideas in direct relation to the historical record
concerning the world of state, society, and individual.TP21PT
McCaskie has deftly appraised the value of an understanding of belief as a
product of the historical record. There is in his assessment, however, an understanding
predicated on the isolation of Asante culture from the processual unfolding and evolution
of Akan culture, history, and belief. There is no dispute that the Asante state was distinct
in degree and in some respect, kind from other Akan polities, nevertheless, it is situated
in Akan history and even as it cast itself in the role as the exclusive hermeneus, it was
engaged in the hermeneutics of a received religious ideology that preceded it by
centuries.
The scope of this study, unfortunately, is too narrow to focus, satisfactorily, on
the as]fo]s maintenance of the deep theological structures of Akan civilization.
However, the as]fo] are treated as an institution embedded in Akan history (cultural and
political); their specific categories are defined and an attempt has been made to elucidate
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the meaning of the as]fo] and the spiritual forces they interact with, within the
structuring of Akan belief.
In addition, I will attempt to draw attention to how the specific categories of the
as]fo], themselves, if read as a series of semiotic codes within the text of Akan culture,
speak to a devolution of theological knowledge and practice. From the late nineteenth
century, there appeared increasing dissent against the orthodox vision of religiosity
posited by the priests of the ancient Atanoabosom from younger generations of priests
(and worshippers) who wanted new gods who would aggressively assuage the distress
of living in uncertain times. They eschewed long novitiates, the solemnity of the
Atanoists, and the benevolence ofAtano. Cults of new killing deities brought from
the north sprang forth profusely throughout Akanland and were lead by the charismatic
dancing priests, the ak]mfo]. These priests, once subordinate to theAtanoists, have seen
their numbers and influence increase since the inception of the Asante state, which was
co-founded by an ]k]mfo.
II.As]fo]: The Priesthood and the gods
The as]fo] (religious practitioners) can be divided into three general categories:
abosomfo], abosommerafo], and ak]mfo], representing the first, second, and third class
of the priesthood, respectively. TP22PT The as]fo]mediate for three broad divisions of spiritual
entities(abosom; sing. ]bosom) within Onyamesom: Atano, Ewim, and Abo: water, sky,
and earth, respectively.TP23
PT Each group, however, does not mediate for every group of
abosom.
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The abosomfo], the first order of the priesthood, are those who act as mediums for
the spiritual entities that originate from water, especially rivers, called Atano abosom,
while the abosommerafo] and the ak]mfo], the second and third orders, respectively, are
mediums for the Ewim and Abo abosom, which manifest themselves as abrafo]-abosom
or executioner abosom. The term abrafo] (sing. ]brafo), is often translated as
executioner, though they were [in fact] those who saw that laws (mmara) were carried
out.TP24
PT The executioners were actually a group called the adumfo] (sing. ]dumfo), the
extinguishers, from adum, which means to extinguish. In the dialect of the coastal
Akan, the Fante, ]brafo refers to the ]k]mfos assistant.TP25PT Punishment and death were
meted out by the abrafo]-abosom, while the older group of abosom, the Atano, were
deliverers of blessings. Field notes:
It is not strictly true that the old gods were regarded as unable to
kill, rather [they were] regarded as preoccupied with blessing. The idea
that the wages of sin is death and the reward of goodness in long life
belongs to all the ancient cults, but in the new shrine cults [it] is thecentral emphasis.
TP
26PT
Tano; First Son of God
Atano abosom is a plural designation for the abosom that derive from the
ancient ]bosomTano. These abosom are conceptualized as Tanos children. There are
references to Tanos (and his childrens) ability to kill in certain prayers to him but they
are historical references to the political opponents of Akan kings, who were known to
have carried out the actual killing themselves. This is in line with the belief that in the
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old days death-sentences were executed by human beings (usually kings).27
The
following prayer is an example:
A prayer to Ta Kora (the first son of God embodied by the sacred river Tano)
The stream crosses the path,
The path crosses the stream;
Which of them is the elder?
Did we not cut a path to go and meet this stream?
The stream had its origin long, long ago,
It had its origin in the Creator,
He created things,
Pure, pure, Tano
Whom we serve upon Monday.
Spirit of the Creator,
who sees even though he is not present
Nkadomako (a title) who seizes strong men,
Guardian spirit of King Ame Yaw i
Guardian spirit of the king of Asante,ii
You battled and slew the nation of Nkoranzaiii
Guardian spirit who emerges from within the rock,iv
You who slew Adinkira,v
King, whom we bathe with white eggs.
You, the one who is the crossroads to the dwelling that is a fearful placevi
He who would see you in order to destroy you,
With that destruction be not destroyed.
Guardian spirit of the Truth,
When you speak there is truth in what you say.
You, whose sacred bell sounds even to Mecca.vii
If you have gone elsewhere, come hither.
Kwampiri (a title), upon whom, when the waters are in flood, we call.
Shooting stars, that abide within God
You weave a thread (as it were in a loom) across a path stretching afar.
Today is a Fofie (sacred Friday) and we desire your presence,
So come and listen to what we have to tell you.28
i Ruler of the ancient Akan kingdom of Bono MansoiiKing of the Asanteman ( the Asante nation)
iiiA rival Akan kingdom that bordered both Bono Manso and Asanteman
iv the rock is a sandstone range in the town Tano Oboase (Tano beneath the rock) about 100 to 300 feet
high that lies at a crossroads that leads to the sacred river and to a sacred cave Ame Yaw used for
contemplation. This area is the source of the river.v
Ruler of the Akan Kingdom of Gyaman in what is now Cote dIvoire, who was slain by the Asantehene in
1819; a vassal of Asanteman.vi The crossroads in Tekyiman (the successor state of Bono Manso) that lead to the sacred river Tano and
the sacred cave where religious rites are performed.vii
In Akan, Mecca is Nyamefrebere, the (enclosed) place where God is called.
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TheAtanoabosom derive their name from the sacred river Tano that flows from
the town Tano Oboase in the Bono region of Akanland, which has been called the
home of the gods.TP
29PT
Tano is considered the first son ofOnyame and, therefore, is one
of Onyame's primary and most ancient intermediaries on earth. He is believed to be
benevolent and protectiveTP30
PT and is called, among other things, TaKora and TaKese[';
Ta is a shortened version of Tano, while Kora means the mender or the one who
repairs, while Kese[ means big. Ta is also used to designate Tanos children, i.e. Ta
Mensa, TaKwesi, TaKofi. It was noted above that from, at least, the fourteenth century,
Akan culture emerged from the BonoManso region and expanded into the forests and
down to the coasts of Ghana and Cote DIvoire. The classification ofTano as the senior
]bosom adds further support to the seniority of Northern Akan culture. Tano is a
manifestation of spiritual power directly from Onyame. No other ]bosom actively
worshipped today has direct divine origins. Tano, itself, has begat numerous
manifestations/ children throughout Akanland.
Although, the structure of worship centered on Tano, and his numerous
manifestations, is similar to the structure centered on other abosom, there are significant
differences in the furnishings of his temples, temple administration, and the attitudes of
his priests towards talismans (asuman; sing. nsuman) and magic (bayi). These differences
allude to a type of schism in Akan religious attitudes. Dissent against the orthodoxy of
the Atano abosomfo] grew considerably during the course of the late nineteenth and
twentieth century. They emphasized the uniqueness and superiority of Tanos
relationship with Onyame over that of other (foreign) abosom. They were also
disapproving ofas]fo] using talismans (asuman) and placing them in the abosomfie; but,
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in the insecurity of the nineteenth century, ordinary folk wanted more than benevolence
from their abosom.
One of the most often quoted texts is the short stanza that begins the prayer above.
It refers not only to the antiquity and the divine purity ofTano as Ta Kora(Tano the
mender) but also to humanitys initial and continued search for the path to God. It is
often added to texts that are played for adae and other ceremonies. It was verbally quoted
to me just outside the Asantehenes palace by a young apprentice drummer named Atta
Oppong during my fieldwork. It was later played as a part of another text by the young
apprentice flutist Yaw Adae. The core of it remains the same with small adjunct phrases
at the beginning or on the end. The version below includes both Akan and English
translations taken from Rattrays rendering of the drum text in 1921 on a Wukudae in
Tekyiman. Interestingly, the core stanza he recorded was repeated to me verbatim on
separate occasions by the apprentice musicians.
Asuo atware kwan,
Okwan atware asuo yi;
Opanyin ne hwane?
Ye bo kwan ko to asuo yi?
Asuo yi firi tete.
Asuo yi firi Odomankoma.
Oboo adie.
Konkon Tano.
Birifia Tano.
Wo ko babi a, bra,Na ye [h]we wo kwan.
The stream crosses the path,
The path crosses the stream;
Which of them is the elder?Did we not cut a path to go and meet this stream?
The stream had its origin long, long ago,
It had its origin in the Creator,
He created things,
Pure, pure, Tano.
Birifia Tano.
If you have gone elsewhere, come,
[for, we seek your path].31
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TheAbosomfo] and theAbosommerafo]
The abosommerafo] (the priests of the executioner abosom), the second order of
as]fo], are those who are mediums for theEwim and Abo abosom that originate from the
sky and the forest (kwae), respectively. The Ewim (der.? (a)wia, sky + m(u), inside of)
abosom were held to be judgemental and merciless forces and often spoken of as
executioners ( abrafo] or adumfo]).TP32PT The abrafo]abosom posed the greatest challenge
to the Atano abosom but not in the employ of the abosommerafo], who were often
cooperative but from the third order of the priesthood, the ak]mfo], that would usurp
them both by the beginning of the twentieth century. The Abo (]bo, stone) abosom,
though associated with medicine (duru), nevertheless, represented the realm of the
uncivilized, chaotic, a place where dangerous and fatal forces resided, against which
humankind must be ever vigilant.TP
33PT
The abosomfo] and the abosommerafo] are both matrilineally derived orders
vested in families that were chosen by various forms of the Atano, Ewim, or Abo
abosom as mediums. The as]fo] usually work out of a temple (]bosomfie) where the
shrine (yowa) is kept with its residing ]bosom. As a general rule, each ]bosomfie
possesses a central organization which includes the founder or owner of the shrine or
cult [who may or may not be the head priest], elders, the chief priest and his officers. TP34
PT
The owner or founder of the temple, if it is not the obosomfo], may be a relative who
invested in the construction of the building. The origins of temple building are obscure
but abosomfie built in the twentieth century were usually privately owned and profit-
making. TP35PTPrior to this time abosomfie were corporately owned. They received gifts from
supplicants but did not impose a profit-making fee schedule on its patrons.
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The ]bosomfo can only be male, though he does have a female counterpart from
the same, matrilineal, bloodline called an ]k]mfo baa (baa female/ woman; pl mmaa).
The ]bosom, after choosing a family (abusua), is placed within a brass shrine called a
yowa, whichresembles a basin. The ]bosomfo places the shrine on his head in order to
initiate communion or the ak]m-state with the ]bosom.Ak]m refers to the communion
between the priest and the ]bosom. Over the course of the last three centuries it
increasingly came to mean the possession dance performed by the ak]mfo]. The ak]m
and the ak]mfo] will be addressed presently.
The ]bosomfo's female counterpart, the ]k]mfo baa, may not touch the yowa, for
there are strict prohibitions against blood, especially menstrual blood, polluting the
]bosom; however, the ]k]mfo] baa does enter the ak]m-state without contacting the
yowa, though only within the confines of the abosomfie or its courtyard, as is the case
with the ]bosomfo. Should her male counterpart die the ]k]mfo baa 'inherits' the yowa
and the ]bosom. She and the temple administrators will choose a replacement ]bosomfo
from her maternal family. The ak]mfo] are able to enter into the ak]m-state anywhere;
they are not confined to the abosomfie nor are they restricted by the lack of a yowa. This
is another distinction between the abosomfo] and the ak]mfo].
The organization of the abosommerafo] is along the same lines as the abosomfo]
with the exception of theyowa, which among the abosommerafo] is replaced in function
by a shrine of leather. The title 'abosommerafo]', roughly translates into 'the priest of the
executioner spiritual entities. These killer deities are usually of foreign origin, often
procured by ak]mfo] from Ghanas Northern Territories. Their violent proclivities are in
stark contrast to TaKora munificence. He does not kill or nor is asked to hate anyone; he
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punishes by withholding his beneficence. TP36
PT A line included in a prayer to him says: wo
nno bi, ntan bi, nyina nkwaso. you, who do not love someone and hate another, [give]
life to all.TP
37PT
The Atano obosom that chooses an abusua to vest its power in does so only to
empower mankind (adesamma). If the ]bosomfo, as a priest of a higher class, wishes to
employ an ]bosom that can entrap those who consciously or consistently harm others or
do evil (witches/social deviants), then he will enlist the services of one of the
abosommerafo], who serves as a medium of an ]bosom that can punish or kill an
offender.
The abosommerafo] represent a priestly class that is junior, distinct, and often
times complimentary to the Atano abosomfo] class, which is more ancient and most
likely responsible for the basic structure of the priesthood. This class of priests and their
abosom appear to be an innovation in Akan religious practice. Though their abosom were
usually foreign entities with attributes antithetical to the nature of Ta Kora, they were
incorporated into an institution that remained conservative in its basic structure and
approach to abosom. The abosommerafo] became a vested class as the Atano
abosomfo] were. They also inherited the Atano abosomfo]s burdensome ak]m-state
restrictions of having to be in the abosomfie, or in the confines of its courtyard, with the
shrine on their heads to achieve the ak]m-state.
Private and corporate worship is available to each adherent (]somfo). Certain days
within the adaduanan traditional time-keeping system are set aside by the ]bosomf] for
individuals to visit him for private interviews inside the sanctuary within the temple. TP38
PT
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The dab]ne are reserved for corporate worshipTP39PT, which, in some cases, means an ak]m
will be performed.
Ak]mfo]
The third order of the as]f] is comprised of the ak]mfo]. The ak]mfo] mmaa and
ak]mfo] mmarima (female and male ak]mfo], respectively) were essentially attendants
(asomfo]) of the abosomfo] and abosommerafo]. They are not members of an abusua
chosen to act as mediums for a particular ]bosom and so may enter into the akom-state at
any time and at any place, with or without the yowa placed on their heads. They can be
fairly independent of an ]bosomfo/]bosommerafo, his temple, and the shrine that houses
the ]bosom for whom he is the custodian. Their mobility probably accounts for the
ak]mfo] being more widespread than the abosomfo] and abosommerafo].
Unlike the vested orders of the abosomfo] and the abosommerafo], who must
serve for life, the ak]mfo] can leave the priesthood and cease being as]fo] if they so
chose. Their novitiate used to last about seven years in which time the priests of the first
order gave them religious and limited medicinal training.TP
40PT
This is no longer the case;
many have little or no training. TP41
PT Prior to the twentieth century, it was enjoined upon
most novices that they must remain celibate and observe all of the behavioral and dietary
restrictions of the particular ]bosom they attended. A novice could not drink any alcohol,
gossip, quarrel or fight, pray to his ]bosom to kill anyone (if it was an Atanoabosom),
attend the chiefs court (meddle in politics) unless summoned nor go out at night and join
other young men. TP42PT
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Ak]m; The Revelation
Ak]m is popularly associated with possession and the possession dance done
by the ak]mfo]. This association is so common that it overshadows what is probably its
more fundamental meaning derived from the word nk]m meaning a prophecy, a
revelation. TP43PT Although the abosomfo]s style of worship never took the form of drama
as did the services of the ak]mfo],TP44PT whose trademark was the dance, they were
prophesiers of the first order. The abosomfo] only entered this state within the temple
(]bosomfie) or the confines of its courtyard.
While much of the literature portrays the Akan priest [as] a dancing priest TP45PT,
this disregards the historical depth of the abosomfo] and shows how the ak]mfo]
dominate contemporary knowledge about Akan priests. Although the ]bosomfo does not
do the possession dance that has become the characteristic behavior of the ]k]mfo, his
demeanor while in the ak]m state provides an example of what the ak]mfo] enlarged to
produce the fervent ak]m dance. The ak]m is not a possession dance; it had not been a
dance at all; it is communion with an abosom; it is a priests revelation given by an
]bosom. The dance is a recent descriptive historically speaking. In fact, a priest ofTa
Kora, a common by-name for Tano, was seated on his dwa inside the temple during his
entire ak]m-state:TP46PT
Rattray observed he began to quiver, every muscle of his body seemed to
twitch: his heels worked spasmodically upon the carpetall the while [he was] slapping
the side of the brass pan. TP47PT Ta Kora then spoke through the ]bosomfo:
The man who loves me comes to me, and when he goes
away I shall stand behind him and accompany him on a good
path that he may go his way. And this one who has come
(Rattray), grant him permission to go to my rock [Tano Oboase,
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headwaters of the Tano River] should he wish to go. Let him go
and behold the place where I reside [the sacred cave of Ame
Yaw and Ta Koras abode when hes not supplicated in the
temple]. Should he wish to go to the [River Tano], allow him to
go and sprinkle himself with water.
Many of my children [followers] say they will go to
school, and I do not stand in their path, and say they must notserve [Onyame]. In my own being I am the son of God, and if
my grandchildren say that the [white foreigner] loves me and has
drawn nigh to me, I shall also stand behind him.TP48
PT
The priest, very soon afterwards, emerged from the ak]m dazed for a few
moments passing his hands over his eyes like a man awakening from a sleep or
trance. TP49PT
The description of that ak]m would be unfamiliar to anyone accustomed to the
ak]m of an ]k]mfo. Without drums, singers, and dancing, the ak]m of the Atano
abosomfo] compared to that of the ak]mfo] is like Catholic Mass to that of a Baptist
Revival. The differences in both action and text are striking and beg for a more thorough
examination of the changes that have occurred in Akan worship and the forces that have
brought about such changes.
Another distinguishing characteristic of the Ta Kora abosomfo] was their
avoidance of magic charms (asuman) both on their persons and in their temples. One of
Rattrays informants told him:
Ta Kora came from Nyameand needs no help from
ordinary suman, said the old priest when I remarked on the lack
of these, and he added: Suman spoil the gods, but I cannot stop
most priests using them.TP
50PT
What the old priest meant by spoil the gods was never clearly explained by
Rattray but it is clear the reliance upon magic charms was not a practice the old ]bosomfo
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thought was appropriate. By the twenties ak]mfo] of executioner abosom and their use of
magic charms were widespread and appear to have been posing a threat to the Atano
abosomfo]. By enlisting the services of the abosommerafo], theAtanoabosomfo] sought
to combat the growing influence of not only the executioner abosom but, also, the
ubiquitous ak]mfo], and the rise of witch-catching cults they were beginning to establish.
The abosom employed as executioners and later witch-catchers were usually non-Akan in
origin but were incorporated into the pre-existing ecclesiastical structure.
The abosomfo] sought to address the growing insecurity brought on by the
collapse of the Asante state, the imposition of colonial rule, and the cocoa boomTP
51PT
by
extending TaKoras power over punishment and death through the employment of the
abrafo (executioner) abosom. Akan society became preoccupied with punishing and
killing social deviance, which was, in fact, antithetical to the very nature ofTaKora and
his priesthood, and essentially, the nature of ]bosom in early Akan theology. In the late
thirties and forties, Field observed the abosomfo],
were not, as a rule, akomfo practising spirit-possession,
but offered dignified prayer and other rites, not only on behalf of
the tribe at annual festivals but also on behalf of individual who
sought help in sickness or trouble. These old benign gods still
exist alongside the new obosom-brafo shrines, but are considered
inadequate for modern needs.TP52
PT
Their perceived inadequacy has nearly driven the abosomfo] to extinction. Since
the first quarter of the twentieth century, the ever-diminishing priesthood began to be
dominated by the ak]mfo] and the non-Akan abrafo] and witch-catching abosom. One of
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Fields informants extolling the virtues of the then new abrafo]-]bosom,Mframa, stated,
Mframa is greater than the old ones [Atanoabosom], becauseMframa can kill.TP53PT
TheAtanoabosomfo]s loss of prestige lead to a change in religious practice and
a commensurate loss of theological knowledge. The priesthood deprived of its seven-
year novitiate and stocked with priests with little or no training could not preserve nor
transmit the amount of knowledge the old abosomfo] once possessed.
This is most likely the primary reason the religious discourse about traditional
religion is so densely packed with allusions to witch-craft, possession, and sacrifice. In
general, the Akan are now distanced from the texts of earlier Akan theology and are,
therefore, unaware of how their ancestors actually conceptualized belief prior to the
political and social unrest that gave rise to abrafo]abosom and witch-catching cults.
Conclusion
Section One reviewed the contradicting representations of Akan traditional
religion that began to emerge in twentieth century anthropological literature. In very
general terms, I sketched two competing groups: the Western and the Indigenous. Both
groups operating on Judeo-Christian assumptions strove to define Akan traditional
religion. The Western group constructed a belief system that fostered an image of
polytheism and ancestor worship, while the Indigenous group, defensively, fashioned
a view that was decidedly monotheistic.
The division of the Indigenous group into comparable monotheism and discrete
theism factions further complicated the contradictions. These local contradictions stem
from the degree to which Akan scholars believe Onyamesom should be compared to
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Christianity or other Western modes of thought. One of the most contentious aspects of
Onyamesom is the worship centered on the abosom (spiritual entities/intermediaries).The
Western group presents the abosom and the priesthood seemingly structured around them
as primary focus of traditional religion. The Indigenous group, for the most part,
dismisses the abosom.
Section Two shows that the abosom and their priests, would have indeed
commanded a great of attention from both worshipper and researcher during twentieth
century and diverted attention from the theistic ideological undercurrent of practice as the
Indigenous group so earnestly emphasizes. However, I illustrate how the anthropological
homogenization of the religious functionaries masked the historical shift in prestige and
in influence on public practice and knowledge. The ak]mfo] dominated traditional
religion during the period when anthropological literature on the Akan was burgeoning.
For this reason, they were characterized as the prototypical religious practitioners and
their related cults and practices as archetypal traditional religion. Indigenous scholars
disputed this presentation of Akan belief on shaky philosophical ground and not upon a
deconstruction of the archetypes based upon a multidisciplinary and multi-textual reading
of the historical record.
Tracing the changes within the institution of as]fo], Section Two revealed that it
was only the visibility of the ak]mfo] in the field and in the literature that made them
seem timeless. Further, this same visibility, coupled with an inappropriate rebuttal, made
the Indigenous groups insistence upon theism seem more defensive than it was. The
literature, both Western and Indigenous, presented dichotomies that did not exist in
Akan traditional religion historically. Danquah posited Onyame is the irreducible
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minimum of the Deity ideathe foundation of Akan Deism TP54
PT but the Akan spiritual
world is also populated by His/Her children. Equally, the ak]mfo] are an integral part of
worship in traditional religion but they are not the sole or even the typical practitioners,
historically.
The history of this belief system, its practitioners, and its changes as borne out by
the archaeological, anthropological, and historical data in conjunction with indigenous
texts, clarify the contradictions and reveal Onyamesom to be highly nuanced and
multifaceted.
TP
1PT R.S. Rattray,Religion and Art in Ashanti, (1927, London), 29-34. One of Rattrays informants
told him, regarding witches, that the abosom would never reveal witches or uncover witchcraft
because they were afraid of bayi (witchcraft) which was more powerful than they(31).
TP
2PT Field, M.J., Akim-Kotoku: An Oman of the Gold Coast, (Accra, 1948), 172.
TP
3PT
Field, M.J., Search For Security: An Ethno-Psychiatric Study of Rural Ghana,(London, 1960),
passim.
TP
4PT Ivor Wilks, A Medieval Trade-Route From the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea in Journal of
African History, III, (1962),339.
TP
5PT Ibid, 337.
TP
6PT
Wilks, Ivor, 'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, I, The
Matter of Bitu in The Journal of African History,1982, 23, 343. They are known as the Tonawa(Tonouwa) by the Mande.
TP
7PT Wilks, Ivor The Northern Factor in Ashanti History: Begho and the Mande in, Journal of
African History, II (1961), 25-34;
A Medieval Trade-Route From the Niger to the Gulf of Guinea in Journal of African History,
III, (1962), 337-341;
'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, I, The Matter of Bitu,
The Journal of African History, 23, (1982), 333-349;
'Wangara, Akan and Portuguese in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, II, The Struggle for
Trade', (1982, The Journal of African History, 23), 463-472;
Asante in the Nineteenth Century, (Cambridge, 1989).
TP8PT McCaskie, Komfo Anokye of Asante: Meaning, History and Philosophy inan African Society, (1986,Journal of African History, 27), 315-339.
TP
9PTReligion and Art in Ashanti, (London, 1954). Originally published in 1927.
Ashanti Law and Constitution, (London, 1956) Originally published in 1929.Ashanti, (London,
1969)Originally published in 1923.
TP
10PT Gyekye, Kwame.An Essay On African Philosophical Thought, (Cambridge, 1987); McCaskie,
Komfo Anokye of Asante: Meaning, History and Philosophy in
an African Society, (1986,Journal of African History, 27), 315-339.
Meyerowitz, The Akan of Ghana, (London, 1958);
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25
Wilks, Ivor, Asante in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge: (Cambridge, 1989);
Ray Kea, But I Know What I Shall Do: Agency, Belief, and Social Imaginary
in Eighteenth-century Gold Coast Towns,Africas Urban Past, (Oxford, 2000).
TP
11PT William Bosman,A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea, (London, 1705); T.
Edward Bowdich,Mission From Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, (London, 1819);
An Essay on the Superstitions, Customs and Arts, of Ancient Egyptians, Abyssinians, andAsantees, (Paris, 1821);
A.B. Ellis, The Land of Fetish, (London, 1883);
Kofi, A.Busia, The Ashanti, (London,1954).TP
12PT
The term Onyamesom is, among other names, used to denote Christianity also. It is made up of two
words Onyame the name of the Akan supreme deity, and som, which carries the meaning of servitude
or worship. Therefore, Onyamesom simply means the worship or servitude to God. Another term for
traditional Akan religion that is more commonly used by the Akan themselves isAk]m. This term is
commonly used in reference to spirit possession dances performed by a particular type of priests called
ak]mfo]. Ak]m, however, means prophecy or revelation and this definition makes more sense when one
considers that some priests entered theAk]m-state without dancing the dance of spirit possession.
Therefore,Ak]m could be translated to mean The Revelation or The Prophecy.
TP
13PT
Ellis, The Land of Fetish, (London, 1883).TP
14PT Rattray,Ashanti, (London, 1969), 140.
TP
15PT Rattray,Ashanti, (Oxford, 1969), 140; Danquah, The Akan Doctrine of God, (38-40.
TP
16PT McCaskie, State and Society in Pre-Colonial Asante, (Cambridge, 1995), 140.
TP
17PT Kwasi, Wiredu, The Decolonization of African Philosophy and Religion, (2000), 21;
Danquah, The Akan Doctrine of GodSecond Edition (London, 1968), 39.
TP
18PT Wiredu, The Decolonization of African Philosophy and Religion, (2000), 21.
TP
19PT Ibid.
TP
20PT McCaskie, State and Society,107,143.
TP
21PT
Ibid 103.TP
22PT Dennis M. Warren, TheTechiman-Bono of Ghana: An Ethnography of an Akan Society, (Dubuque,
Iowa,1975). Unless noted otherwise, this section and its description of the various religious parishioners
follows Warren.TP
23PT McCaskie, State and Society, 109-110.
TP
24PT Ibid, 277.
TP
25PT Ibid.
TP
26PT
M.J. Field, SearchFor Security: An Ethno-Psychiatric Study of Rural Ghana,
(London,1960), 89n.
TP
27PT Ibid, 88.
TP
28PT Rattray,Ashanti, 178-179
TP
29PT Rattray,Ashanti 172.
TP
30PT
McCaskie, StateandSociety, 110, Rattray,Ashanti, 185n.
TP
31PT Rattray,Ashanti 182,208-209; Nketia,Drumming, 47.
TP
32PT McCaskie, StateandSociety, 109.
TP
33PT
Ibid 111.TP
34PT Nketia,Drumming, 91.
TP
35PT Field, Search, 87.
TP
36PT Rattray,Ashanti 185 n.
TP
37PT Ibid, 185.
TP
38PT
Nketia,Drumming, 96.
TP
39PT Ibid, 97.
TP
40PT McCaskie, StateandSociety, 113.
TP
41PT Rattray,ReligionandArt, 29.
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Rattray,ReligionandArt, 4343 McCaskie, StateandSociety, 290.44 Nketia,Drumming, 97.45 Nketia,Drumming, 9446
Rattray,Ashanti 177, 180.47 Rattray,Ashanti 18048 Rattray,Ashanti 181.49 Ibid,181-182.50
Rattray,Ashanti, 182.51
Field, Search, 88.52
Field, Search, 88.53 Ibid.54 Danquah, The Akan Doctrine, 41.