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Social Science Information
DOI: 10.1177/05390184040477072004; 43; 609Social Science Information
Jack KatzEveryday lives and extraordinary research methods
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Trends and developments: research on emotions
Courants et tendances: recherche sur les emotions
Commentaries
Commentaires
Jack Katz
Everyday lives and extraordinary researchEveryday lives and extraordinary researchmethodsmethods
It is understandable that a survey questionnaire could seem topsychologists to be a device to study emotions in everyday life.
Surveys take psychological research out of the artificial limitations
of experiments on undergraduate students in university laboratories.
But in the sociological research tradition, survey methods have held
a place analogous to the psychologists laboratory. To sociologists
the study of anything as it exists in everyday life is likely to mean
a move beyond survey methodology.
Scherer et al. ask randomly selected respondents to report in their
own written words on an event experienced yesterday that caused
them to experience an emotion, and also to characterize the fre-
quency (daily, weekly, etc.) of 14 listed emotions. Their survey also
contains questions about respondents social characteristics and
features of emotional situations, setting up correlation analyses.
As a sociologist who has used naturalistic methods to describe and
explain emotions, I find event sampling and the time-sampling,
experience-sampling or diary methods that have become popular
recently (Reis and Gable, 2000) to be intriguing both for their
Social Science Information & 2004 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New
Delhi), 0539-0184
DOI: 10.1177/0539018404047707 Vol 43(4), pp. 609619; 047707
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unique contributions and for a shared indifference to how everyday
life has been studied sociologically.
Within sociologys history, studies of everyday life describe
phenomena in all of four ways: (1) ethnographically, as the phenom-ena occur in their social context; (2) interactionally, as behavior is
shaped by taking into account the response of others, whether co-
present or anticipated; (3) diachronically, as they emerge and decline
over time; and (4) with detailed attention to corporeal practices,
which often can be described by participant observers or found in
repeated inspections of videotapes, even when they escape the sub-
jects awareness. Data-gathering and recording techniques can
vary. In this tradition I have pursued a range of studies of emotionsin everyday life (Katz, 1999), including:
interviews, conducted by undergraduate students in a conver-
sational manner, of Los Angeles drivers over 30 years of age,
about their experiences in getting angry while driving, plus, when
chance allowed, passenger/interviewer observations of angry
driver/interviewees;
videotapes I made of people as they reacted to funhouse mirrors atan amusement park in Paris;
anonymous UCLA undergraduate self-reports and interviews I
conducted over several years of experiences of shame;
videotaped episodes of crying taken from US news shows, live
coverage of awards ceremonies and sports competitions, and
documentary anthropology filming, supplemented by recordings
I made of events I came across in my everyday life in Los Angeles
(at music recitals for 5-year-olds, at elementary school holidayshows, at Little League baseball games, at retirement parties, etc.);
conversational interviews that I conducted, over a period of several
years, of acquaintances experiences in crying, especially joyful
crying; these interviews would usually start when I answered
crying in response to questions about what I was working on;
a police videotape of a six-hour interrogation in New Mexico, in
which a murder suspect cried briefly at two points;
a videotape, taken from a Southern California pre-schools
recordings, of a 3-year-old child whining for 5 minutes.
As compared to surveys of emotional events, my naturalistic
studies give no basis for quantitative generalizations. Naturalistic
data are useful for ruling out rival hypotheses about the causal con-
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ditions of various emotions, but the explanation they serve is of
universals what is true of all instances of joyful crying or road
rage. Differences in the incidence and intensity of emotions as
experienced by different types of people or demographic groupsare appreciated, but as representatives of rival explanations that
are negated. My data-gathering strategies are biased toward describ-
ing emotions that arise and disappear in brief episodes. Unlike time
or experience sampling, emotional episodes speak weakly about
situation-transcending dimensions of experience such as moods
and dispositions.
Like all research methods, conversational interviews, field obser-
vations and even videotape will miss many of the finely shadededges in which emotions emerge and fade away in the course of
personal experience, as well as countless dimensions of the auto-
biographical resonances contained in emotionally provocative life
situations. Chills often run in a bodily background before videotape
can show eyes welling up. These forms of measurement error are
no less disturbing because they are intrinsic to research. However
formalized or flexible, social-psychological research always func-
tions as a surgical courier service for distant intellectual audiences,hastily cutting out and neatly packaging experiences that have
taken subjects a messy lifetime to form.
Yet there are distinctive advantages to the naturalistic approach
to the study of everyday social life. They highlight the limitations
of survey strategies for describing emotions. I find four.
1. First, if the stain of artifice motivates the move out of the
laboratory, questionnaire surveys of everyday life are not a cleansolution. For one thing, respondents, in filling out a questionnaire
about yesterdays emotions, are inevitably aware that they are creat-
ing an image of themselves in the here and now of the research
operation. Scherer et al. ask respondents to report an emotion
they had experienced the day before and to describe the eliciting
event and their reaction patterns. The selection of an emotion to
report is a social act independent in time, place and anticipated
implications of the emotions experienced on the prior day. For
some people the reporting of negative emotions like anger will dis-
play an attractive capacity for self-criticism. For others a gay profile
that helps sustain others optimism may be irresistible. To read the
responses as transparent windows onto what was lived is to deny
the independent reality of personal beliefs about how ones intimate
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experience should be understood. (Scherer et al. cite Robinson and
Clore, 2002 to acknowledge a related criticism.)
To view such reports as a snapshot of the outstanding emotional
event in the 24-hour movie of yesterdays experience is problematicon numerous grounds. Who has the Cartier-Bresson-like skill to
make such images? If the question provokes description of what
comes to mind in the questionnaire-reading situation, why not
respect the unique authenticity of that moment? I have often had
the experience of sitting next to a dear companion who laughs
loudly and repeatedly as a movie runs, only to learn when the
lights come up that she regarded the film as a thoroughly witless
waste of time.Respondents understand that they are not on a therapy couch
or babbling to themselves but are participating in a social-research
project. Because we get to analyze only the questionnaires that are
completed and returned, what we get are reports based on the
honor attributed to the social-research operation. The respondents
may take for granted that Scherer et al. could not be interested
in their night dreams of passionate encounters, the moments of
absurdist fantasies they form while observing others in supermarketlines, the angry tirades that are occasioned by a colleagues reference
to the actions of a political leader. Issues of shame aside, much of
emotional life will be neglected as respondents anticipate the sorts
of things that respectable academics will not be interested in.
The questionnaires request to identify an emotion implies that
emotions are relative rare, as does the first sentence of Scherer et al.s
article: Imagine that fate has ordained you to experience an emo-
tion today. Repeatedly, Scherer et al. urge that the low percentageof returned questionnaires be attributed to an absence of emotion on
the prior day or a lack of sufficiently strong emotional experience on
the part of non-responders. Perhaps the opposite is true.
If emotions are virtually constant in my experience, what I am
likely to appreciate is that these researchers cannot be expecting
me to report on much of my life. I may then toss the questionnaire
aside, as obviously meant for people not like me. Or, if I respond,
I must assume that these researchers cannot be expecting me to
report on the powerful but morally trivial emotions that run through
my dreams, the inconsequential delights and fears in my private
reflections on my public encounters, the ritual emotional displays I
am always doing. In short I must assume the survey is not intended
to occasion a review of the countless eventful points in the deep and
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constant sensual/aesthetic currents of my everyday life. For if I start
that review, how could I stop to complete the questionnaire in
practicable time?
The event-sampling questionnaire effectively transfers the surveyoperation to the respondent, who is asked to survey the experience
of the prior day and pick the best candidate for a representative
emotion. As with survey questionnaires in general, much of the
appeal of the method is as a kind of out-sourcing of research tasks
to an unpaid workforce: researchers do not have to observe subjects
throughout their day; they leave that work to the subjects, who
report their findings in neat, fungible forms. Out-sourcing is often
an appealing way to hide disreputable industrial work. Here thequick and dirty judgments that must be made to pick a representa-
tive emotion from the prior day disappear from the purview of the
research project.
I should note that I use metaphors in this writing not to mock the
researchers but to make a sociological point along the lines that
Bruno Latour (1987) has developed. As a social institution, the
social forms in which research is practiced are likely to make sense
to researchers as efficient, logical, systematically disciplined, etc.,much as these values make sense to people managing other impor-
tant contemporary social institutions.
It is important to note that such survey operations are themselves
part of everyday social life for large parts of the population. At
many dinner tables, household members use folk practices to select
narratively worthy, emotionally compelling experiences from the
days stock of events to tell and relive. In this respect Scherer
et al.s methods are problematic precisely because they are notartificial: they invite a reporting operation that is analogous to a
naturally occurring, socially formed ritual practice. Put another
way, their emotion-event survey yields a valuable form of data,
one that captures part of the naturally occurring everyday life of
subjects, but it is not the product envisioned by Scherer et al.
The questionnaires list of 14 emotions conveys the researchers
ontology of emotions, that emotions are such that they are graspable
quickly and in standard language. Even the survey request to self-
report an emotion in ones own words conveys that presumptive
ontology. Cased in the format of a social survey, emotions become
things analogous to other things that are surveyed, like political
opinions and consumer preferences. Just as elections and public
opinion polls tend to reduce life to choices instantly made among
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limited alternatives, just as markets encourage people to narrow
their wild desires and crystallize them into purchase transactions,
so emotions become things that can be identified quickly and trans-
formed into standardized conventions.Consider the pragmatics of answering an emotion survey, whether
an event or time sample. While videotape and open-ended interviews
facilitate revisits and multiple, collaborative revisions of efforts to
get descriptions right, the practice of responding to event or experi-
ence sampling assumes a brief time in which to answer. If the
accurate description of emotion requires poets to struggle endlessly
to invent a form of expression that will not distort the thing
expressed . . . well, that cant be the kind of emotion the surveyorsexpect a respondent to record.
Ontological assumptions matter. Naturalistic methods for des-
cribing emotions seek to preserve their corporeal being as inevitably
idiosyncratic phenomena. No two laughs are alike; the very point of
laughter is, in effect, to live a moment both within and outside of a
conventional form. What laughs (and tears and anger and shame)
say is that something is being experienced that words cannot
fully grasp. This is not a philosophical point, it is an empirical realitycritical to the causal explanation of important patterns in social life.
Thus the process through which rage rises and leads to murderous
assaults has within it a process of struggling with the realization
that language, even the most vicious curses, cannot capture and
extinguish stinging humiliation (Katz, 1988: ch. 2). By overriding
the personal distinctiveness of emotional experience, a research
practice that invites standardized characterizations loses contact
with the phenomenon it sets out to study.Survey methods, whether event or time focused, also presume a
competency to fill out forms. We lose the emotional life of young
children and some of the infirm. More subtly we also fail to reach
vast areas of social life in which competing attentions overwhelm
subjects competency to respond. Emotions experienced in high-
pressure situations, at work, when making love, while drinking
and heavy partying, are likely to fall out of the picture. In presuming
that their subjects lived a prior day in which it is sensible to believe
that an emotion may not have occurred, and in which, if emotions
had occurred, they could be recalled, are Scherer et al. relying on
personality stereotypes about the German and French Swiss? Put
another way, a promising use of emotion-event sampling is to
discover its differential sensibility to different populations.
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2. Alfred Schutzs phenomenology is foundational to the socio-
logical study of everyday life. Of particular value is his insistence
that the analysts conceptions, theories and explanations are
second-order phenomena which address the conceptions, theoriesand explanations that members of society constantly use to create
social life. Applied to the study of emotions, this means that a
persons production of an emotion is an act performed with sensi-
tivity to its recognition in situational time and place.
People routinely laugh, show deference through displays of shy-
ness, and express righteous indignation with an eye to how others
will conceptualize their behavior and use their characterization as
a contingency for responsive action. My laugh will be received asproof I am with chuckling others in spirit; my display of shyness
will sustain my profile as respectful; my angry gestures against the
political leader will bond me to my like-minded colleagues. I can
feign anger, hide my superiority behind humble displays, and,
even when I dont get the joke, start and stop laughing with just
the right timing. As a prospective respondent, I would not know if
Scherer et al. want me to report on such emotions. It is not simply
a matter of distinguishing superficial and authentic emotions; thedialectical ambiguity over just that issue is part and parcel of my
intimate manner of participating in social life. Again we reach the
ontology of emotions. I dont have emotions independent of my
being a participant in social life.
Now, creating the social conditions for shaping experience into
collectively patterned emotions is not only a matter of quotidian
interaction ritual; it is a huge industry that structures a vast part
of everyday life. I refer not only to the funhouses that familiesvisit on special vacation days but to the newspaper columns and
cartoons, the TV and radio shows, even the political and sexual
emails that increasingly form the landscape of our everyday lives.
The ubiquitous exposure to stories packaged in the ancient cate-
gories tragedy and comedy is evidence that much of western
culture routinely operates by structuring audience emotions. Do
Scherer et al. expect me to report the tears that fell when Lassie
came home on TV last night? Or should I take it for granted that
they have in mind an emotional life that I experience somehow out-
side the culture that constantly surrounds me?
And if my work is to work on emotions, what then? I refer here not
only to therapists paid to empathize and lawyers paid as surrogate
carriers of outrage, and not only to the happy disposition-displays
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required by the service work that sociologists have been studying for
25 years (Hochschild, 1979). Many occupations consist essentially of
managing emotions: keeping a class of university students interested
as opposed to bored, making suspects cry so that they will confess,keeping small children from crying so that a pre-school will not
collapse into chaos.
Historical changes have brought emotions to the core of occu-
pational practices that were once relatively indifferent to emotions.
Before student evaluations became a routine part of academic pro-
motion reviews, the professor had less reason to care about student
affections. When the police could beat confessions out of subjects,
they needed posture neither as Mutt nor as Jeff. When fewerwomen worked out of the house, more children could be left to
cry out their tears alone. Can we assume that the historical explosion
of work on emotions has not affected the ongoing stream of the
workers emotions? An appreciation of how far emotions have
become part of the occupational order raises doubts about the pro-
ject of asking a representative sample of the general population to
identify an emotion from yesterdays experience.
3. From Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty, the sociological study of
everyday life takes the understanding that emotions are meta-
morphoses, processes of emerging from and sinking back into rela-
tively unreflective ways of being in the world. (For two short works
showing how this tradition can orient social research strategies, see
Leder, 1990 and Ostrow, 1990.) This means that a first-order
requirement for studying emotions is that data be diachronic in
form, or at least attentive to diachronic structure. The very essenceof emotions as metamorphoses, that is as processes of changing the
bodily form in which life is experienced, drops off the research
agenda when data are snapshot and synchronic.
It seems unlikely that any survey can train subjects to do more
than give snapshot labels to their emotional experiences and the
situations in which they arose. The emergence and desistance pro-
cess is lost from surveys not only because most subjects wont per-
form reliably as poets but because the beginnings and endings of
emotional experience are ontologically lost to self-reflective subjects.
That subjects will not be reliable guides to the phases of their emo-
tional experiences does not mean that the temporal dimensions of
emotional experience are outside the reach of social research. Video-
tape, participant observations and probing conversational inter-
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views can reveal much that will escape standardized self-reports.
Conventional forms of academic psychological research can get at
these metamorphoses as well, although ingenious creativity may
be necessary. I think here of Norbert Schwarz and Gerald Clores(1983) phone surveys, which showed subjects reporting different dis-
positions based on their local weather and also based on whether
they first were asked about their local weather. In a way that recalls
Heisenbergs uncertainty principle, the very process of asking
subjects to reflect on their emotional life is likely to change the
phenomena they remember.
In studies of laughter, crying, shame and anger in everyday life,
I have found something that is not unfamiliar in psychologicalresearch, although I use a vocabulary closer to the terms of peoples
mundane experiences. What I find is that these emotions emerge in
response to a kind of fall from an unreflective being-in-the-world
(Katz, 1996). Indeed a literal, physical fall can lead as quickly and
compellingly to shame, to crying, to laughter or, with the addition
of a belief that one has been pushed, to anger. The process of con-
structing each of these emotions is radically different. The emotion
path is usually taken with lightning speed. But the origin is the recur-rent existential dilemma of having to make sense immediately of
having been thrown out of a taken-for-granted, relatively unreflec-
tive embrace by social life.
I am thus encouraged that further development of the emotion-
event survey may lead to knowledge about the kinds of people,
the kinds of social engagements and the kinds of provocations
that may guide people onto one or the other of these paths. But
the pursuit of this knowledge is unlikely to take on speed withouta prior appreciation of an irony in the ontology of emotions. In con-
trast to the common notion that emotions are opposed to reflection,
socially recognizable emotions, at least the four situationally erupt-
ing and declining emotions I have studied, routinely are movements
from a relatively non-reflective state of being merged with the
immediate contextual grounds of behavior to a self-examining,
self-probing effort to make sense of a break and to re-establish
non-reflective grounds for further action. In an effort to restore a
confident grasp of what had been unreflectively used as a secure
base for the self, these emotions bring something out of the body
shouts, laughs, tears, blushes and cringing mannerisms. These
behavioral specifics recognize that one has been at least momentarily
thrown out of respectable communal clothing or that holding onto a
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sense of a naturally grounded being requires an immediate, extra-
ordinary effort to locate and express a typically hidden part of
ones corporeal being.
4. As I find limitations in the methodology proposed by Scherer et
al., I maintain a vivid awareness of the limits of my own studies and
a more general awareness of the absurd logic of social science in
general. Any form of research will have limits that can sensibly be
taken as indicating that one should not go on with the endeavor.
If a naturalistic study of emotions in everyday life cannot con-
ceivably lead to knowledge about more than a statistically unrepre-
sentative fragment of human experience, why bother? If laboratoryand survey methods proceed on assumptions that betray the ontol-
ogy of emotions, using them may ritually serve the gods of science,
but at the cost of losing contact with the sacred target. It is
diplomatic to plead universal limitations and to speak of multiple
methods that triangulate or take cumulative, independent
approaches to the phenomena we try to describe and explain. Some-
how it seems compelling to believe that, by using a variety of
research strategies, we learn more. This belief helps, even though itis based on the questionable mathematical methodo-logic of multi-
plying our limitations in order to diminish them.
The final point about emotions is that we do not have to come up
with a rational answer to this dilemma: our emotions ensure that we
will go on. As researchers working in different traditions, we
respond differently to the shock of finding that others methods
throw us out of taken-for-granted assumptions about our own
research ways. Reading Scherer et al., I respond not with tears orshame but with what I hope is understood as some humor and,
above all, with an increasingly fierce conviction to continue natura-
listic studies of everyday life. At the very least I now know I produce
a basis for critiquing a significant body of estimable work. I trust
Scherer et al. will respond in kind, finding a new awareness of the
limitations of naturalistic sociology to inspire their own further
work. As each of us wonders how the other can go on, we all go
on together, happily locked in the agonistic bonds of intellectual
community.
Authors address: Department of Sociology, University of California at Los
Angeles, 264 Haines Hall, Los Angeles, CA 951551, USA. [email: jackkatz@
soc.ucla.edu]
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