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Piety among Tablghwomen
Jan A. Ali
Published online: 1 July 2011
# Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011
Abstract Islamic piety in Muslim women has been on the rise in the last three
decades around the world. Much of it involves formerly nominal Muslim women
becoming observant of Islamic rules, rituals and practices and taking their faith
seriously. For these women, it is a journey of spiritual elevation. It is a new
endeavour of Islamic awakening and self discovery. All this is occurring in an era
characterized by a modernity which claims, among other things, that religion is the
basis for womens oppression in society. Thus, western and western-educated
scholars and feminist theorists have argued for the unveilingof Muslim women as
part of the process of weakening the hold of Islam and allowing women to become
free thinking, liberal and independent. This article is an attempt to explore the
continuous growth of Islamic piety in Muslim women around the world. Using the
Tablgh Jamat in Australia as a case study, the article seeks to understand the role
of Islamic piety in Muslim women. The article argues that Islamic piety in Muslim
women is an attempt by Muslim women to find a religious response to modernity.
Keywords Tablgh Jamat. Women . Australia. Islam . Revivalism . Piety
Introduction
Piety among Muslims in a range of Muslim societies and communities has been on
the rise in the last three decades around the world. Embodied in contemporary
resurgence of Islamic forms of social behaviour as part of a larger project of
reinstating orthodox Islamic virtues or pristine Islamic practices (Mahmood 2005),
piety has become a tool forAl-amr bi-l-marf wa-l-nahy an al-munkar(enjoining
the good and preventing the forbidden) in the lives of many Muslims. Although thisform of Islamic social behaviour is often studied in the context of male practices, this
Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247
DOI 10.1007/s11562-011-0164-9
J. A. Ali (*)
Centre for the Study of Contemporary Muslim Societies, University of Western Sydney, Sydney, Australia
e-mail: [email protected]
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article looks at the less-studied rituals of piety among women, specifically female
members of the Tablgh Jamat1 in Australia.
In the context of the Tablgh Jamat, piety has found a strong hold on its female
members. It involves practices and rituals such as bayn (religious talk), dhkr
(knowledge and remembrance of Allh), khurj (preaching tour), tablgh (a calltowards religion), talm (education), wearing the burq
2 and gender segregation.
Piety among the Tablghs is seen as a necessary component of Islamic virtue or
being a true believer because it both expresses true Islamand is the means through
which knowledge and practices of true Islam are acquired.
The observation of Riaz Hassan (2008) about Muslim piety sheds important light
on the concept. He notes that:
Religion provides the means to create a morally coherent and meaningful
life As religion is the essence of Muslim identity, religious commitment is
both the evidence and the expression of this identity. An analysis of Muslim
religiosity or religious commitment can provide vital insights into the nature
and character of Islamic consciousness and the role it plays in shaping the
political and social organization of Muslim societies (Hassan2008: 62).
In light of this fact, this article is a modest contribution, through a preliminary
investigation into piety among Tablghwomen, to understanding why many Muslim
women are returning to Islam in an era characterized by a modernity which claims,
among other things, that religion is the basis for womens oppression in society. It
will show how contemporary Islamic forms of social behaviour are re-orientatingMuslim women towards maintaining moral standards and transforming the self with
direct and indirect consequences on the broader moral and social milieu.
The article contends that piety among Tablghwomen is part of a larger project of
Islamic revivalism that seeks to return Muslims to orthodox Islamic virtues and
practices of worship and to mount a defence against the Western ideologies of
secularism, liberalism and materialism. The article argues that the acquisition of
piety by the Tablghwomen is motivated by their need to increase their faith (mn)
as a basis for self-fulfilment and happy living. Lavishness and material extravagance
are shunned because they are believed to fail in providing self-fulfilment to the
extent that inwardly directed piety does. Tablgh women find the vocation of
discovering God more fulfilling and rewarding than participating in the consumer
culture of material capitalism.
The interviewees
The study is based on a small sample of four unstructured interviews conducted
between January and March 2009. Each interview was approximately 1 hour and 30
minutes long. All the interviewed women lived in Sydney in the state of New South
Wales in Australia. Their membership of the Tablgh Jamat ranged from a
1 The Tablgh Jamat or group for propagation [of Islam] is an Islamic organisation that originated in
India in the 1920s and is now active in many countries around the world (Sikand 2002; Ali2006).2 A loose outer garment for women, covering the whole body including the head, face and torso.
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minimum of 4 years to a maximum of 25 years. The interviews were conducted in
the Tablghwomens homes by a female researcher.
In this article, I shall refer to the four interviewees as Aiesha Abdullah, Samar El-
Masri, Fatima Ibrahim and Asma Hussein.3 Aiesha Abdullah, the first, is a 41-year-old
homemaker. She is an Australian citizen but was born in England, and her ethnicbackground is Pakistani. She is married, has one child and has been involved with the
Tablgh Jamat since 1990.
Samar El-Masri, whose ethnic background is Egyptian, is 30 years old and
describes herself as a home-schooling educator. She was born in Australia. Samar is
married with children and has been involved with the Tablgh Jamat since she was
7 years old when she started accompanying her parents on various preaching tours,
which are known as khurj.
Fatima Ibrahim is a 20-year-old homemaker. She was born in Australia, and her
ethnic background is Lebanese. She is married, has one child and has been involvedwith the Tablgh Jamat since 2006.
Asma Hussein is a 47-year-old housewife who also attends university part-time.
She is an Australian citizen but was born in Lebanon and, therefore, has Lebanese
ethnicity. Asma Hussein is married with four children and has been involved with the
Tablgh Jamat since 1985.
Before considering some of the material from their interviews, it will be useful to
present some further background to the Tablgh Jamat.
Islamic revivalism in the modern era
Islamic revivalism is a sociologically significant phenomenon in the modern world.
Constituted by a large diversity of revivalist movements, Islamic revivalism is a
complex and heterogeneous reality. As Dekmejian observes, the movement to return
to pristine Islam or the development of Islamic revivalism is at once spiritual,
social, economic, and political in nature (Dekmejian 1985: 7). Though Islamic
revivalism is by no means a monolithic phenomenon, there is a common thread
between these disparate movements that binds them together. For the earlier
movements, it is the Muslims direct experiences of colonialism, while for more
recent movements, it is the consequences of these experiences and the ideology of a
defensive reaction to the crisis of modernity.
The literature on contemporary Islamic revivalism point to the colonial
experiences of the people of the dr al-Islm (abode of Islam)4 as the catalyst for
Muslims returning to their faith with great zeal and enthusiasm. The encounter of the
West with the people of the dr al-Islm was intense, less than amicable and
ultimately led to the downfall of the Muslim world (Esposito1983; Hunter1988).
Thus, in the last 150 years or so, revivalist ideas and motivations have surfaced
essentially in direct response to the challenges and experiences generated by Western
influence and intrusion, particularly European expansion on Islamic life. The
3 All names have been changed for reasons of confidentiality. The interviews took place in the Sydney
suburbs of Blacktown, Auburn and Greenacre between January and March 2009.4 This term refers to regions of the world where Islam was freely practised under Muslim rule.
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European conquests of Muslim territories, which began in the sixteenth century,
overwhelmed Muslim societies with new Western technologies, methods of
economic management, political systems and ideology (Bagader 1994). Muslims,
who had reigned supreme for many centuries, quickly came under Western
domination by the nineteenth century, and their societies were confronted with amultiplicity of challenges (Bagader1994). The advent of colonialism broke up the
traditional Islamic political order, especially the Mughal dynasties and the Ottoman
Empire, and challenged its traditional beliefs and norms, causing a major crisis in
Islamic authority and Muslim identity (Bagader1994). Under Western influence and
colonial rule modernity found its way into the dr al-Islm bringing sweeping
changes to the Muslim world (Rahman 1982; Esposito 1983; Hunter 1988). The
processes of secularization, urbanization and modernization undermined and
challenged old myths, doctrines, institutions, social structures and social relation-
ships. Muslim societies underwent radical socio-economic, cultural and politicalchanges (Rahman1982).
The development of contemporary Islamic revivalism as a significant political
phenomenon, according to Sidahmed and Ehteshami (1996), grows out of the
experience of decolonization and continued underdevelopment in much of the
Muslim world. Many Muslims felt a strong sense of being socially, economically
and politically eclipsed and deprived of the benefits of modernization. Islamic
revivalism emerged in response to the perceived failure of secular models of
development on the one hand and a lack of social and political initiatives and
reforms by Muslim authorities and elites on the other.Social dislocation resulting from or accompanying economic development,
rapid urbanization, destruction of traditional institutions, expansion of
education, and social mobility had resulted in the growth of deep social
tensions and discontent. This environment was compounded by the growing
inability of the states to provide necessary services for their subjects as a result
of mounting economic crises (Sidahmed and Ehteshami 1996:7).
As Hunter notes,
the process of modernization has generally been carried out in an unbalancedand unfair manner, with the economic and social benefits of modernization
distributed unevenly among the Muslim populations. In addition, many Islamic
leaders have used the paradigm of modernization to justify and legitimate their
arbitrary rule (Hunter1988: xiii).
Scholars of Islamic revivalism have frequently argued that the revival of Islamic
forms of social behaviour, such as men sporting beards, women donning the burq
orhijb, increased observation of daily ritual prayers, strict observance of gender
and dietary rules and the proliferation of mosques and prayer halls in various
Muslim communities and societies can probably be best explained as an expression
of resistance against the process of westernisation and a response to the negative
consequences of the modernising project undertaken after the end of colonial period
by Muslim regimes (Ali2006; Burgat and Dowell 1997; Esposito1992; Roy1994).
From this perspective, the success of reviving orthodox Islamic practices depends on
mounting a resistance against modernist secular-material teachingsteachings
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whose supporters are thought to be postcolonial secular modernist Muslim political
powers that co-operate with Western hegemonic authorities.
Contemporary Islamic revivalism is, therefore, a struggle against the forces
hostile to religion and aspects of traditional and religious life. The Islamic
revivalists who subscribe to this ideological approach see Islamic revivalism as thelast hope for bringing about Islamically useful and acceptable changes in their
societies. For these revivalists, the return to pristine Islam is the solution to existing
problems. Through personal and social reform and Muslim unity, they seek to
strengthen Islam and present it as the alternative to Western order.
The significant surge in Islamic consciousness and activities among both male
and female Muslims in the last three decades in Muslim countries, as well as in non-
Muslim countries where a considerable number of Muslims live such as in India and
even in the Muslim diaspora, needs to be understood in this complex context.
Contemporary Islamic revivalism as a significant global phenomenon highlights theongoing importance of religion in the modern epoch. It is not only Muslim men who
are devoting themselves to religious convictions and engaging in religious rituals
and practices of worship at an ever increasing rate. Muslim women also, the focus of
this article, are becoming increasingly conscious of their religious identity and are
freely expressing themselves in religious terms. Saba Mahmood, who did an
important ethnographic study of piety among the womens mosque movement in
Egypt, highlights this fact. She says:
According to participants, the mosque movement had emerged in response to
the perception that religious knowledge, as a means of organizing dailyconduct, had become increasingly marginalized under modern structures of
secular governance. The movements participants usually describe the impact
of this trend on Egyptian society as secularization (almana or almniyya)
or westernization (tagharrub), a historical process which they argue has
reduced Islamic knowledge (both as a mode of conduct and a set of principles)
to an abstract system of beliefs that has no direct bearing on the practicalities
of daily living. In response, the womens mosque movement seeks to educate
ordinary Muslims in those virtues, ethical capacities, and forms of reasoning
that participants perceive to have become either unavailable or irrelevant to thelives of ordinary Muslims. Practically, this means instructing Muslims not only
in the proper performance of religious duties and acts of worship but, more
importantly, in how to organize their daily conduct in accord with principles of
Islamic piety and virtuous behaviour (Mahmood 2005: 4).
This brings the claim of secularisation theory that in the face of modernization,
the influence of religion will diminish markedly under intense scrutiny. It raises the
broad sociological question of the compatibility of religion with modernity. In fact, it
raises the sociological question of why religion continues to play a vital role in the
modern epoch. Perhaps this is due to the fact that modernization as a
multidimensional process with its urbanization and state formation, rationalization
of the economy, differentiation of social structure, individualization and disenchant-
ment of the worldview has weakened if not destroyed peoples anchorage and sense
of community. Many people feel fragmented and lost and reverting to religion is
possibly a way of establishing roots and finding the ultimate meaning of life. We will
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see later on in the article that this is precisely what the Tablghwomen are trying to
achieve through their involvement in the Tablgh Jamat.
Origins and growth of the Tablgh Jamat
Founded by Muhammad Ilys in 1927, the Tablgh Jamat emerged in Mwt,
India, in a direct response to the rise of Hindu Arya Samaj sect. From this sect
emerged two proselytizing movements of shuddh (purification) and sangathan
(consolidation). They were engaged in large-scale efforts to win back strayed
Hindus who accepted Islam during Muslim political hegemony in India. The Arya
Samajis claimed to be the new defenders of Hinduism, which they alleged had
become a forgotten faith and slipped into decadence at the hands of the Brahmans.
In order to counter Arya Samaj proselytizing amongst the Meos, the TablghJamat emerged to embark on the mission of Islamic faith renewal and awakening
among the Meos of Mwt and beyond in India. Muhammad Ilys, who died in
1944, had gained his Islamic qualifications from the Dr al-Ulm, the well-known
seminary founded in 1866 in the small town of Deoband in Uttar Pradesh at a time
when the British were at the zenith of their rule in India, which emerged as the
leading force in a reformist movement in British India in the violent context of the
aftermath of 1857 mutiny.5
The Tablgh Jamat argued that the true teachings of Islam had been grossly
neglected by Muslims everywhere and not just in India. It saw the Muslimbourgeoisie as overly comfortable in the lap of luxurious living and had generally
given up their obligation toAllh(God) in totality. It argued that the ulam(Islamic
scholars) were paying too much attention to knowledge construction within the
confines of educational institutions and mosques and not paying enough attention to
encouraging the majority of lay Muslims to practice Islam in their daily living. This
created a gap between the learned and the lay Muslims and consequently led many
ordinary Muslims to question the validity of Qurnic teachings. Such a trend only
threatened further decline of Islam. Based on this, the Tablgh Jamat declared
Muslims to be in crisis and embarked on the mission of faith renewal.
To tackle the threat to Islam and overcome Muslim crisis, Ilys argued that
practical measures were needed. He suggested reviving Islam. He stressed that the
responsibility of reviving and spreading Islam was not confined to the ulam but
was incumbent on every Muslimmen and women alike. He, therefore, founded the
movement whose aim, since its inception, has been to purify Muslims from religious
5 The Deoband movement is a part of SunnIslam and is based on the Hanafjurisprudential school of
Islamic thought. Its members strictly follow Islamic orthodoxy and have always taken inspiration from the
Saudi Arabian based Wahhbi movement, the Muslim revivalist movement founded by Abdl Wahhb in
Saudi Arabia in the eighteenth century. The founders and initial scholars of the Deoband movement werealso vehement opponents of the Mutazilites, a school of Islamic thought that holds that Islamic teachings
are open to rational discussion. The Deoband movements cultural style has been text-based and it is
uncompromising and confrontational towards bida (impermissible innovation). The Deoband movement
emphasizes the importance of the Hadth literature, which it argues is the most important text of Islam
after the Qurn. Its efforts are directed towards re-establishment of true Islam, and it has regularly
clashed with the Barelws, a group who also follow Sunn Islam but have a strong Sf devotional
tradition.
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syncretism and remake them into better Muslims or model citizens of the
world for the rest of humanity to emulate. He developed six foundational
principles, which I will discuss next in detail, to keep his movement together and
operational.
The six principles of the Tablgh Jamat
The activities of the Tablgh Jamat revolve around its six principles, and both men
and women observe them in their pursuit of the Tablghpath of religious living. For
Tablghs, this constitutes the foundation of their piety. These principles are:
Shahdah (article of faith) Like other Muslims, Tablghs accept that there is no god
but Allh and that Prophet Muhammad is His messenger.
Salt (ritual prayer) Again, similarly to most other Muslims, Tablghs believe that
all Muslims should offer their five daily prayers. Tablghs emphasise this practice of
worship very much arguing that five ritual prayers are essential to spiritual elevation,
piety and a life free from the afflictions of the material world.
Ilm and Dhkr (knowledge and remembrance of Allh) Tablghs emphasize that the
knowledge and remembrance of Allh is important for spiritual growth. They,
therefore, regularly conduct sessions in which a congregation listens to the recitationof Qurn and preaching by an mir (leader), and they perform superrogatory
prayers and read Hadth(accounts of the Prophet Muhammads sayings and deeds).
Ikrm i-Muslim (respect for every Muslim) Tablghs place a strong emphasis on
treating fellow Muslims with honour and deference as this builds good solid
personal and social relationships.
Ikhls i-niyt (emendation of intention and sincerity) This principle is to encourage
Muslims or Tablghs specifically to perform every human action for the sake of
Allh leading to self-transformation.
Tafriq i-wqt (sacrifice of spare time) This is the sparing of time to learn dn
(religion) and to impart the knowledge gained to fellow Muslims. For this, Tablghs
are instructed to invest 3 days in a month, 1 month in a year and 3 months in each
life time to exit from the normal everyday rhythm of life to develop and improve
faith, learn the virtues ofdnand Prophetic traditions and take His message door-to-
door for the sake of Allh.
The Tablghworldview and Islamic revivalism
The Tablgh Jamat holds a common orthodox view of the world. For them, the
world has changed in a radical way from the time of the advent, success and
dominance of Islam until the present day. The world has become modern. It is
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characterized by modern mass society. Modern mass society is secular because
religion is not the source of moral order or the basis for the social, economic and
political order. The will of the gods is no longer applied to legitimize power and
personal gain is the norm, requiring no further legitimation. The aim and purpose of
life is not spiritual enlightenment or meeting the demands of a supernatural being fora good life but the material pursuit of present happiness. Modern mass society
functions through the efforts and initiatives of human individuals both individually
and collectively. Through rational purposive actions and the utilisation of science
and technology, efforts and activities find meaning and efficacy thus permitting
human beings to be in control of and shape their own lives. This naturally mitigates
the need to be dependent on any outside force or power and so human beings
become masters of their own world. Wilson puts all this neatly together saying:
All one time functions of religion have declined in significance as human
involvements have ceased to be primarily local, and as human associations
have ceased to be communal. Industrial society needs no local gods, or local
saints; no local nostrums, remedies or points of reference. Personal gain is
the common sense of modern life, needing no further legitimation, whilst
material provision, not spiritual solace, is what society now offers the poor
(1982: 15960).
For the Tablgh Jamat, all this is problematic. First and foremost, it sees the
world as being not in a state of peace and prosperity but in a state of self-service,
bitter rivalry and ungodliness
the state of j
hilyah (ignorance). What Toennies(1955/1889) describes as a positive transformation of the society from Gemeinschaft
to Gesellschaft, and Durkheim (1974) as a transition from mechanical solidarity to
organic solidarity, Tablgh Jamat describes exclusively in negative terms. Tablghs
suggest that such a transformation has produced a modern civilization upon which is
based the entire current organization of the world which no longer represents the
unity of people within society. The development and the spread of nation-states
across the globe is a good example.
Tablghs see the development of nation-states as the epitome of modern civilization.
The modern civilization, Tablghs suggest, is not like the Islam in which sovereignty
rests with God, whom acts as a central unifying force. While this political sovereignty
unified under belief in God existed only for a brief period in Islamic history, it can be
achieved again, since Islamic history has shown that it is possible.
The modern world is ideologically as well as politically fragmentary and divided into
many nation-states. These nation-states are based on differentman-madesets of rules
and regulations and have their own separate socio-cultural, economic and political
structures and separate geographical boundaries with the right to self-determination.
Tablghs claim that, given the fact that human beings are created by Allh and are not
creators themselves, it is then only prudent and logical to base life on an already
prescribed legal frameworksharah (Islamic law)rather than invent one, which
only leads humanity into inventing more rules and regulations which in turn constantly
set people against each other and draw them into disputes and conflicts.
Tablghs argue that while the notion of development is of central concern in the
nation-state, its focus is material improvement, not spiritual development. It is the
absence of connection between spiritual development and material improvement,
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Tablghs argue, that is the key source of all prevailing problems facing humanity.
Tablghs find support for their view in the verse: Verily never will Allah change the
condition of a people until they change it themselves (Quran193813: 11). Thus,
Tablghs suggest that social and material development is Gods work and His reward
for spiritual improvement. Tablghs argue that the spiritual cultivation of the goodside of a person helps to create self-discipline against evil. This has the benefit of
contributing to a persons well being and to the social and material development of
the community of believers (ummah), within which good is pursued and evil is
forbidden.
Tablghs argue that when peoples or societies and states do not fit as one
community guided by and governed under a single source of rules and regulations
like the sharah, development is hampered and there emerges a potential crisis and
challenge to the unity of the nation-state. The Tablghs argue that the boundaries
of the nation-state and the monopoly of force within it have been challenged overthe years by sub-nationalist movements seeking self-determination. They oppose
nationalism, which they see as evil and a cause of division amongst people.
The social solidarity of the ummah, not of the nation-state, is the Tablghs
central focus. The ummah is analogous to internationalism, not nationalism, where
the sense of identity is an important aspect but equally important for the preservation
of theummahare aspiration, loyalty and devotion. Thus, for Tablghs, nationalism is
perceived as a man-made and parasitic ideology because it is often difficult, even
impossible, to identify a single characteristic common to all members of national
society.All this implies that the idea of religion has changed and people can make their
own religion, which instead of reflecting the community spirit, reflects the
individuals own private quest for reality. The things that have replaced religion
are now focused on the individual, on the self and the modern mass society has
become a self-absorbed entity.
To change the situation and save the world from drifting further into the state of
jhilyah, the Tablgh Jamat suggests that Islam has to be revived and re-
established as a dominant global belief system. For the Tablgh Jamat, this is a
desirable yet practically distant prospect. What is immediately achievable is the
Islamic awakening among the Muslims themselves. With a return to the basics of
Islam approach, the Tablgh Jamat sees an immediate impact made on the process
of reviving Islam. The philosophy that resonates with the Tablgh Jamat here is that
of saving oneself before saving others. Salvation can only reach others if one first
saves oneself. Therefore, Muslims themselves need to first and foremost enter totally
into the fold of Islam and base their entire life on the Qurn and the sunnah
(sayings and practices of Prophet Muhammad).
But what does the Tablgh Jamat exactly mean by this? Does this mean an
abandonment of the material world in what has been described as world-rejecting
new religion(Wallis1984) or does it mean what I would like to call inner-worldly
focus? Inner-worldly focus refers to the notion of inward concerns for the
purpose of improving, reforming and developing oneself internally in terms of
Islamic practices and rituals. It draws on Webers concept of inner-worldly
asceticism (1966) and Walliss concept of a world-accommodating new religion
(1984). The Tablgh Jamat as a movement is neither inner-worldly asceticism nor a
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world-accommodating new religion, but an inner-worldliness sect, because it
encourages living as part of the general community, not outside of it, but at the
same time, it emphasizes a cautionary approach to terrestrial and materialistic affairs.
Total entry into the fold of Islam, in Tablgh Jamat parlance, does not denote
adopting a world-rejecting new religion but rather an inner-worldly focus. Allhcreated the world so the Tablgh Jamat sees it as always deserving of human
attention and respect, despite its current jhil (pre-Islamic) state brought about by
none other than human beings themselves. Allh created the world for human living
and use, and by the virtue of this fact, the material world remains essential for the
pursuit of human living. The inner-worldly focus in terms of total entry into the fold
of Islam in the context of the Tablgh Jamat denotes a cultivation and re-infusion of
Islamic values and cultures in individual living and in ones immediate (domestic
and familial) environment. The broader outside world is not rejected, but a
cautionary approach to it is taken because it still remains part of the totalembodiment of life.
Gender relations
Tablghwomen observe strict gender rules, and unlike mainstream Muslim women,
who generally exercise only limited restrictions in their interactions with men, their
conservatism generally leads them to avoid interacting with men beyond their
mah
rim.
6
As Metcalf notes,
Women are encouraged to engage in Tabl
gh and to goout, so long as they do not mix with unrelated men. They are expected to engage in
Dawa within their own sphere of women and family members (2000: 50).
Similarly, Sikand observes:
Only married women may go out on a jamat, and they must always be
accompanied by a male relative. This should preferably be the husband. If, for
some reason, the husband is unable to accompany a woman, she must have her
son, brother, father, grandfather or some such mihramrelative with her (1999: 43).
This distance between the two genders is further enhanced by the practice on the
part of the majority of Tablghwomen of wearing the burq. Tablghwomen avoid
interaction with non-mah
rim and clad themselves in burq. They see these
practices as part oftaqw(piety) and often as linked to ibdt(worship). Of course,
these practices alone do not epitomise the model Islamic womanhood, but
nonetheless, from the Tablgh womens perspective, they reinforce the image of
proper Islamic womanhood in a very potent and important way.
However, from the perspective of mainstream Muslims, and from certain
academic positions, such strict observation of gender rules and the wearing of the
burqdo not necessarily translate to piety and worship. For Yoginder Sikand (1999),
for example, Tablghgender rules and the practice of donning the burqis part and
parcel of traditional Islamic understandings of the role of women as wives and
mothers(1999: 46) in Muslim communities and perhaps has little, if anything, to do
6 Mahrim (singularmih
rm) are close male kin, before whom one can appear without observing h
ijb
(veil), and whom one cannot marry.
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with piety and worship. He sees that the Tablgh discourse surrounding womans
agency places her within the confinement of the four walls of her home (Sikand
1999: 46). Thus, Domestic work alone is the proper sphere for women (Sikand
1999: 47).
Such an interpretation of Tablgh womens bodily behaviour is derived fromlooking at these women and their movement from outside in. Whilst there is nothing
inappropriate about such an approach, it is important to realise that if we wish to
give the subjects, in this study, the Tablghwomen, their own voice, it is absolutely
critical to better understand their agency and subjectivity and how they go about the
routines of everyday life. Also, it is imperative that we appreciate the subjective
meanings the Tablgh women assign, as we will see below, to their natural
environment of daily life and real social processes. This kind of appreciation of
Tablghwomens bodily behaviour and their engagement with reality construction is
undoubtedly rich sociologically.The debate surrounding the legitimacy of burq, gender segregation and other
Islamic virtues in the context of the Tablgh Jamat is only a minor part of the
much larger argument raging today not only in the Muslim world but also wherever
Muslims live, including in the countries of the West, amongst traditionalists,
modernists and secularists regarding ritual performative behaviour articulated in
the tradition of contemporary Islamic revivalism. Whilst this is a complex and long
discussion, I want to argue that Tablghwomens own interpretation of their bodily
behaviour is absolutely critical. Their rituals of piety are not just about how they
are enacted but explain the way they are embodied and expressed experientially inan attempt to construct a new religious-oriented identity. Hence, Tablghwomens
commitment to various Tablgh amls (good deeds) is part of the bodily
behaviour that is at the very centre of their proper realisation of true Islam.
Mahmood reinforces this point in her exploration of the relationship between what
she calls body learning and body sense (2005: 158). She argues that:
in this program of self-cultivation is that bodily actslike wearing the veil or
conducting oneself modestly in interactions with people (especially men)do
not serve as manipulable masks in a game of public presentation,
detachable from an essential interiorized self. Rather they are the criticalmarkersof piety as well as the ineluctable meansby which one trains oneself
to be pious (2005: 158).
This can be seen more clearly at an experiential level in Tablghwomen when we
turn to our interview material. Thus, Aiesha Abdullah, who has been a Tablghfor
10 years, illustrates:
I prefer segregated gathering. I am more confident and relaxed in these
gatherings. [As for wearing burq orhijb] I wear only a scarf and modest
clothing. I feel proud of those women who can wear the abay [a robe-like
dress] andnqb[a veil which covers the face] because they have so much love
for the first women of Islam. They are the ultimate feminists. They emulate the
best women. I choose not to wear these garments because I dont have the
degree of taqw[piety] in me that was present in those women. The garments
would definitely make me feel more pious.
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Samar El-Masri, who has been with the movement since she was 7 years old, says:
With men of the family there is no difference. However, with other men I have
always been courteous but not over friendly. I will not befriend anyone and invite
him to a cup of tea between the ages of 10 years and 60 years. Levels of piety I
believe change and goes up and down as time goes on. But again this is not
something I would consider no matter how low my pietyno male friends. I have
been around for a while as have been my parents and have lived through so much
with friends and even strangers who ask for advice. Most of the time the problems
have come about, I believe, because of mixing between the genders too freely.
Therefore, veil helps maintain the separation between men and women. It
doesnt stop the communication. I wear the face veil and to me it is a step
closer to Allh. There are many things I am unable to do but others can. This is
the area in religion I am able to do for Allh.
Fatima Ibrahim, who joined the Tablgh Jamat in 2006, says that:
The way I am dressed makes a man lower his gaze; makes a man respect a
woman more. This is because I wear the burq. The burq is a part of me.
Wearing it is ibdt[worship]. I really love it and I cant imagine leaving the
house without it. I really felt humble and peaceful when I first wore it. Yes, I do
feel more pious because I wear theburqand I think men respect me more and
I feel like an example for younger girls.
Through the exploration of Tablghwomens bodily behaviourtheir rituals of
pietywe are able to gain a more precise understanding of the operational functions
of the Tablgh Jamat and by extension the phenomenon of contemporary Islamic
revivalism. In new migrant urban settings or modern urban spaces such as Sydney,
Tablgh Jamat offers Muslim women occasions for new prospects of selfhood to be
discovered, modelled and projected. As we saw above, the Tablghwomen model
new selves which are seen to be in line with Islam and an important and visibly
potent way in which the self manifests itself is in attire. Tablgh Jamat promotes
and encourages the adoption of visible symbols of piety in everyday living, which
for women are strict observance of gender segregation and the donning ofburq. The
practice of donning what may be construed as Islamic attire is a product of the
teachings of Muhammad Ilyas, which began initially in Mwt with his program of
Tablgh. Ilyas introduced this practice, not necessarily as a new approach but as a
practical measure, to respond religiously to the Hindu accretion that had seeped into the
everyday practices of the Mwtis. He encouraged and taught Muslims the importance
of outer appearance, which was in concordance with Islamic clothing rules, and many
Muslims took to this in earnest (Ali 2006). Wherever Tablghis live in the world
today, this practice of wearing identifiable Islamic attire is clearly prevalent
revealing the potency of the teachings of the founder of the movement in matters of
Muslim inner and outer bodily comportments. For Muslims, both males and
females, living in modern urban spaces, the adoption of distinct and ostensibly
identifiable appearances are through which a newly constructed selfhood is
projected. For many Muslims living in Sydney, for instance, Islamic attire or
even ethnic clothing does not constitute normative bodily practice. In fact, many
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Muslims outer bodily appearances conform to modern contemporary styles such
as the wearing of jeans and t-shirts.
For those influenced by the Tablgh Jamat, the situation is different. For Tablghis,
wearing identifiably Islamic attire, such as jub for men and burq for women, in
particularly modern spaces can be easily construed as proselytisation. Such clothing self-consciously identifies oneself as pious, as we have seen above, and functions as a selfhood.
However, not all Tablgh women wear burq. There is a small percentage of
women in the Tablgh Jamat who do not wear the burqand who interact with men
comparatively less conservatively. Some of these women are new to the movement
whilst others are mere sympathisers of the movement who engage in the rituals and
practices of the movement in a haphazard manner.
In the broader context of everyday living, Tablghs argue that strict observance of
gender rules and gender segregation neither restrict Tablgh womens physical
movements nor confine them to the domestic sphere, as some academic literaturemay have us believe. They say that after all Tablghwomen do frequent the market
place, travel to places, visit family and friends, drive and generally participate in the
ordinary everyday processes. Asma Hussein explains: Not mixing with men doesnt
stop me from doing all the things I need to do. I drive myself to shops and to
university. Samar El-Masri echoes Asmas point and says:
For me wearing the face veil and being particular about gender rules sets me apart
as an individual who is judged first for her behaviour and brain rather than her
appearance. I feel safe, secure and so independent as someone who wears the face
veil and observes gender rules. I am me, and I am free as an individual.
Of course, there are always difficult and complex situations in which Tablghwomen
find themselves, and gender relations and rules have to be then meticulously negotiated
and executed. For example, women and children eat first followed by men when a Tablgh
family honours a dinner invitation to a friends house. In a more complex situation, such as
going through visa clearance at the airport when travelling overseas, a Tablghwoman
would reveal her face even to the male attending officer by removing her face cover which
is normally attached to theburqand then putting it back on. In this case, because it is a
legal requirement by the apparatus of the state for security purposes, Tablghs accept
that women revealing their faces to and interacting with a male attending officer does
not constitute a breach of gender rules or the sharah (Islamic law). Tablghethos is
mindful of the fact that avoiding male and female interaction in certain social situations
may prove to be a practical impossibility and permits it as long as vigilance is exercised.
From all this, we can readily see that the Tablghi women demonstrate the need to
bring the outcomes of personal development ofpositive bodily behaviour back into
their membership of a larger ummah. Since the shift in global culture in the last
100 years, where change away from communal living, from Toennies Gemeinschaft7
or Durkheims mechanical solidarity,8 has accelerated remarkably, there is an
awakening for a renewed sense of belonging. For many centuries before the advent
7 A close-knit group of people with the same or similar values and cultural traditions who identify closely
with each other.8 A term referring to a situation where the behaviour and conduct of a small population are governed by
religion and individualism is absent.
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of modernity in which this change took place, human beings belonged to a community
and did not need to askwho am I? People were born in a community and were for
the community. They had an unambiguous sense of belonging.
Of course, this shift in world culture, this remarkable change, has produced significant
development in individual awareness. It has given rise to individualism resulting infreedomand the ability to do away with religion and the familial bond. However, this
compartmentalisation and disconnecting of parts, which is a very West-centred way of
making sense of the life-world, has produced a particular kind of cognition, eventuating
in a particular kind of self-awareness and self-understanding. Thus, the loss of
community of the sacred space, in this case, Muslim communal milieu, has resulted
in isolation, hopelessness and anger. The Tablghi women demonstrate the unprecedent-
ed task of discovering ways to re-enter the sacred space, to establish clear membership to
the whole, that is, to theummah, and to be distinctively themselves within it.
Strict observance of gender rules and gender segregation or the bodily acts needto be understood in this way. Tablghwomen see these as acts of ibdt. However,
these are not the only way Tablgh women acquire piety. In fact, rituals of piety
extend beyond strict observance of gender rules and women avoiding interaction
with non-mahrim. This is demonstrated in the following discussion.
Tablghwomen and the rituals of piety
Tablghwomen can engage in all the rituals of piety of the movement as long asgender rules are observed when performing them. These rituals have both individual
as well as social dimensions, and they all revolve around the Six Principles of the
movement. The Tablghrituals of piety are as follows:
Bayn (religious talk or speech), whether long or short, always revolves around the
six fundamental principles of the TablghJamat:
Dhkr (remembrance of Allh) involves reciting the Qurn, reading hadths
(accounts of the Prophet Muhammads sayings and deeds), offering numerous unitsofnafl(supererogatory) prayers in the day and doing tasbh (human observance of
extolling God's praise) which involves softly repeating Subhn Allh (glorious is
Allh),Al-hamdu lillhi(praise be to Allh) and Allhu Akbar (Allh is greatest) for
a period of time. Also, it involves making a special effort to perform Tahajjd(night
vigil spent in prayer). Yoginder Sikand claims that these efforts appear to encourage
most regular attendees to remain in the movement (Sikand 2002).
Khurj (preaching tour) is the engine that drives the Tablgh Jamat. Women
undertake this in the company of their mah
rim. Bayn, jol (preaching mission,
which women undertake in each others company), and talm are the three key
activities that punctuate khurj. In the context of the movement, khurj is an
institutionalized form of worship in which efforts are harnessed to experience Allh
through spiritual enlightenment and abandoning material pursuit of peace and
happiness. Khurjhelps in the reformation process of oneself as well as others.
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Khurjgenerally involves forming a group and embarking on a preaching tour, for a
set time3 or 40 days or 4 monthsto learn dn (religion of Islam) in order to
reform oneself and then help others embrace dn in their lives. At a time when
human living is globally dictated by the imperatives of material capitalism, it is
therefore particularly important to exit9
from this form of living for a short while andengage in pure spiritual behaviour.10
Tablgh (to communicate or call towards religion) is viewed by Tablgh Jamat as an
obligatory duty incumbent on all Muslims and an act of virtue. Muslims, by virtue of their
declaration of the oneness of Allh, are naturally obliged not only to submit themselves to
the Will of Allh but invite others to submit to the Will of Allh. As one of the tenets of
Islam,tablgh in the context of the TablghJamat acts as a tool for proselytization.
Talm (education or teaching) is undertaken to arouse a desire for righteousness and good
deeds. It focuses on reading theFazail-e-Amal(Tablghtext), a talk revolving around
the six points and tajwd, the practice of reciting the Qurn with proper intonation.
Piety as an inner-worldly focus
Tablgh womens piety is inwardly directed; it has an inner-worldly focus. This
resonates with all Tabl
gh
s, men and women alike. Such piety does not require therenunciation of life or the world but rather the renunciation of worldly desires and
attachment to worldly actions. The approach to the broader outside world within piety of
inner-worldly focus is cautionary and this is because the Tablgh Jamat sees the
contemporary world as one that has departed remarkably from Gods directions. It
believes that human beings have abandoned God and spiritual living and, in search of
material satisfaction, have successfully polluted the world. The world, it claims, has
become a site for human conflict in which greed, exploitation, mistrust and despair
abound. Vice-ridden societies have emerged in which individuals treat one another with
a deep sense of use and as means rather than as ends. The urban modern secular societies
and their values, particularly the idea of individual success which is measured by
material possessions, wealth and the ability to actively participate in the consumer
culture, it views as overly materialistic and essentially devoid of meaningful humanism
and spirituality. In this connection, Samar El-Masri, one of our interviewees, says:
I believe it is of paramount importance to be pious in todays society. The
reason being that there is so much uncertainty and lack of morality in society
today, a person needs a personal moral code to follow. To know that whatever
one does their creator can see them. Therefore before any action a person must
stop and think. It brings back a central focal point to ones purpose in life whichis earning through ones actions the pleasure of Allh. So whatever I am doing
in life should be in line with the moral code of Islam.
9 Suspend worldly engagements.10 Time devoted to the service of Allh and His true religion.
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Another interviewee, Aiesha Abdullah, notes that:
The only way to be successful in this world as well as the afterlife is through
practising dn [religion]. It is more important than money, property, school,
jobs etc. It is the most important thing. How much of this world and all it
contains am I willing to give up is a measure of piety. The real success is not
hoarding wealth but when you can see what is unseen clearly.
Seeing the world in crisis, the Tablghwomen take upon themselves as an act of
piety to rid the world of its problems. They see it as their obligation to transform the
world in accordance with the Islamic ideals and, therefore, assume the role of
rational reformers. But social transformation is never actively and consciously
sought. It is merely expected. After all, a typical Tablghwoman is never someone
of conspicuous social engagement. She is never driven to re-build the world.
Wherever Tablgh (a call towards religion) work has produced communal action orsocial change, it has come about not by conscious design but largely as a
consequence of inspirational dawah (preaching) work. Samar El-Masri explains:
As women who try to propagate Islam to non-practicing Muslim women,
Tablghwomen need to be role models and therefore, yes, they need to train
themselves to be more pious. Otherwise they are no good as role models.
Again it depends on the individual way of coming across to others. Some
women are very influential across all sectors of the Muslim community.
Asma Hussein explains this further and says:I personally think that the Tablghwomens role is a great and majestic role
preaching, teaching, role modelling, etc. I also think that being pious and at the
same time getting to meet other women in the modern society is also majestic
and necessary. We get to know each other and make some difference.
Fatima makes a similar observation, saying that Tablgh women are d:
[preachers]. Yes, theyinfluence other people by their behaviour, their words and
their actions. We influence other women and our own menfolk.
The idea of members of a religious group participating in rituals together and from
which emerges, rather naturally, some form of communal action or solidarity can be seen
happening in other religions and is not something unique to Islam. However, albeit
unintended, the social consequences produced by group rituals and practices are
inevitable. Weber makes this point in his analysis of the mystical notion of the Eastern
Christian church:
[the] Christian brotherly love, when sufficiently strong and pure, must necessarily
lead to unity in all things, even in dogmatic beliefsmen who sufficiently love
one anotherwill also think alike and, because of the very irrationality of their
common feeling, act in a solidarity fashion which is pleasing to God (1966: 176).
Among Tablghs, the concept of piety is very important. It manifests ones
commitment to Islam and devotion to Allh. It embodies all actions that are
sanctioned by the sharah and are part of Islamic culture. Hence, according to the
Tablgh teaching, performing five daily salt (Islamic prayers) is an act of piety as
well as removing an obstacle from the path of an elderly person. Saba Mahmood
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(2005) explains that these acts cultivate piety. She argues that cultivation of piety
occurs not only when Muslims carry out their religious obligations (al-farid) but
also when they testify to their faith by incessantly engaging in good activities (al-aml
al-sliha) and practising virtues (fadil). Mahmood further argues that acts of
worship and virtuous deeds that cultivate piety are not natural but created out of aseries of disciplinary acts. In other words, desire is not the basis for doing good and
engaging in moral actions but is a product of this experience. She explains that:
The techniques through which pious desires are cultivated include practices
such as avoiding seeing, hearing, or speaking about things that make faith
(imn) weaker, and engaging in those acts that strengthen the ability to enact
obedience to Gods will. The repeated practice of orienting all acts toward
securing Gods pleasure is a cumulative process, the net result of which is, on
one level, the ability to [engage in acts of worship] and, on another level, the
creation of a pious self (Mahmood2005: 126).
All acts of piety, therefore, have personal benefits or rewards some of which
Tablghs claim can be felt and enjoyed in this world and some or most of it is
reserved for the life in the Hereafter. Take the benefits of performing ritual salts, for
example, which Tablghs purport makes livelihood easy here and secures a place in
heaven in the Hereafter. However, some acts of piety have both personal and social
benefits, for instance,dhkr(knowledge and remembrance of Allh). The performer
ofdhkr11 gets the benefit or reward as well as those listening to it, albeit the doer of
dhkr is entitled to greater portion of the benefit or reward because of his or her
literal effort. In this case, doing dhkrand listening to it both become acts of piety.
Hence, dhkras an act of piety has both personal as well as social benefits.
Aiesha Abdullah sheds some light on the concept of piety based on personal
experience when she says:
I have a strong theoretical piety but my struggle is always putting it into
practice. I want and intend to put it into practice and sometimes succeed but
not as well as I know that I can. Hijb and modest clothing, yes. Sending my
husband forkhurj, yes. Praying, fasting, yes. Charity, yes. However, I see the
world and all that it contains clearer than the unseen.
Also, socialising with pious people has affected my own piety. Over time the
peace and tranquillity these people have in their lives and self became obvious
to me and it became desirable.
That is why I choose to associate mostly with pious women. I also strive to
increase my knowledge and have spiritual goals that I struggle towards albeit
slowly. I attend weekly talm [education] meetings and having to prepare the
six points for a discussion helps to cement the things I read. Having to explainto other people helps me to understand things better and clearer.
11 According to the Tablgh Jamat,dhkris an act of piety and the benefits or rewards may not be seen or
felt, like many other acts of piety, either by the performer or the receiver of the dhkr. Nevertheless, both
the parties are entitled to a reward or rewards, if not here then definitely in the Hereafter.
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Piety immediately brings peace into the home and into relationships. It protects
family members from harmful worldly excesses, habits and harmful activities.
It gives a feeling of belonging to a big family. It provides a strong social
support network. It gives you an anticipation of success. It makes you feel
complete as a person. There is a sense of security, being protected by Allh,and a sense of independence from other people.
Similarly Samar El-Masri offers her own experience and understanding of piety:
I believe for each person it would be different. For myself I feel contentment
with piety. I believe an essential aspect of piety is surrendering to Allh. So
when something good happens I am happy and thankful and when something
doesnt go my way, or a calamity happens I have someone to turn to for help.
I maintain my piety by having weekly gatherings (talm) [education] where
we read Hadthssayings of the Prophet, someone gives a talk, meeting up
with other Tablgh women regularly to revise and pass on any new
information and stories we have heard. This constant networking helps to
keep one strong, or pull you up when you are down on piety. Doing Islamic
research and being active in dawah[preaching] reminds us to change for the
better and that there is always more that can be done.
The goal of the Tablgh Jamat as a whole is to reform Muslims at the personal
level and encourage spiritual development, not a systematic transformation of themundane order. It is due to this teaching that the women seek self-purification, inner
struggle and individualistic ascetic trance as a way of discovering God. The pursuit
of reordering the social system is neither desired nor forms the objective of Tablgh
women. The attitude of rejection towards the mundane world and its material
attractions seem to create a sense of deep asceticism.
Samar El-Masri explains:
I believe the TablghJamat focuses on changing ourselves and those around us as
the first step to bettering humanity as a whole. The main change is in bettering ourdegree of worship and connection with Allhwhich translates eventually into piety.
I believe, therefore, that piety is the degree of awareness you have of your creator.
Once a person has the true understanding of the qualities of our creator and his
ever watchfulness, this prevents a degree of wrongdoing which becomes piety: to
have hope in His great mercy and keep away from actions that would displease
Him as much as possible; to worship Allh as if you see Him because even though
you may not be able to physically see him, He sees you.
Hence, it follows that transforming society is dependent on reproducing reformed or
better Muslims. The source of personal and social problems and sufferings, the Tablgh
Jamat claims, lies within oneself and not in the social structure. Therefore, the
individual should take responsibility for social ills that pervade society and for
transforming it. The Tablghphilosophy teaches that the responsibility lies with the
individual. Hence, adopting the Tablghlifestyle, which is simple and non-materialistic,
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is the best way of making a direct contribution towards social and environmental
improvements. For instance, Tablghs use resources very scrupulously such as food,
shelter and clothing and duringkhurjlive on meagre provisions so that a disciplined
consumption pattern can be achieved and subsequently incorporated into everyday
living. In this regard, Metcalf (1994: 715) comments:
Most important, the impact of self-financing shapes relations by eliminating the
bonds of patron and dependent, minimizing the reciprocity and exchange true of
so many dimensions of everyday social interaction. If Tablighis stay in a mosque,
they are scrupulous about not using resources that are not theirs. They implicitly
stand apart from all the elaborate transactional arrangements that organize so
much of [contemporary] societies. This scrupulosity in material goods is a central
theme of one pattern of guidance given those leaving on a tour.
The underlying assumption, here, seems to be that once a large number ofMuslims adopt the Tablgh lifestyle and when they start to lead the populace by
example, that a more simple, humane and spiritual social order will emerge. The
basis of this assumption is in the Tablghbelief that the world is ameliorable and the
evidence of this is in the expectation of the arrival of the Mahd(messiah). Ills and
problems can be overcome, therefore, the Tablghwomen do not cut themselves off
from the world, which is in contrast with Sf mystics who do. The Tablgh
womens response to the world is one of inner-worldly focus, that is, that society can
be transformed from withinnot through social and institutional reforms but rather
through individual self-improvement and moral and spiritual renewal.Asma Hussein sheds some light on this point by saying:
My life is very much affected by Tablghwomen and the Tablghwork. I call
myself a Tablghand I am so proud. Our work is adawahcall Muslims to
practice the Islamic faith according to the way of Prophet Muhammad. We
dont try to fix the world. Insh Allh [God permitting] our world will slowly
become a good place with all thedawah. The aim is to remind Muslims about
some rules about religious practices. It is to remind ourselves and our Muslim
brothers and sisters to become good Muslims. Improve our mn [faith].
Similarly, Aiesha Abdullah notes:
Every Sunday I spend two hours with Tablgh women during our weekly
talm sessions. Some are very good friends while others are simply sisters in
Islam to respect, help and socialise with on occasions when we meet. I have
hosted ajamat[group] of women at my home and it was a good experience.
The ladies were from Sri Lanka and I learnt a great deal from them. It made me
realise and I continue to reflect on it every time that we have to become good
Muslims and improve our faith by learning more and more about our dn
[religion]. I think the state of our society is the way it is because of our weakfaith and our poor efforts. I think if we continue to improve ourselves and our
faith then Insh Allh [God permitting] our surroundings will be so good and
we all can enjoy good life. I think we have to first focus on ourselves.
Although the Tablgh Jamat places strong emphasis on the individual rather than
society, in relation to piety, most of its activities (which the movement considers to
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be acts of piety) are socially oriented. As noted earlier,talmsessions involve group
reading of the Fazail-e-Amal, talks revolving around the six points and tajwdor
Qurnic recitation. Other such group activities are salt, dhkr, tablgh, khurj,
bayn, jol and mushwara (discussion or consultation). These could be described
as social piety, and these are important because they attract greater reward thanpersonal piety. Hence, the Tablghs encourage the performance of rituals and
practices of worship such assaltand dhkrin a group because they argue that these
attract far greater reward being performed in a group than individually.
According to Tablgh teaching, piety is a genuine moral virtue and a very
powerful path to discovering God or being close to Him. Tablghwomen, in pursuit
of discovering God, therefore, believe that they have to acquire piety by performing
those particular acts of worship which are obligatory such as saltas well as doing
virtuous deeds such asdhkr. They seem to believe that obligatory duties (al-farid)
as well as virtuous deeds (fadil) are particularly important in securing Gods
pleasure. This kind of conceptualisation of piety is not unique to the Tablgh Jamat
and resonates with other Islamic piety groups and movements. For example, Saba
Mahmood (2005) notes this to be true among the womens mosque movement in
Egypt. She notes that:
The women I worked with described the condition of piety as the quality of
being close to God: a manner of being and acting that suffuses all of ones
acts, both religious and worldly in character. a pious comportment entails a
complex disciplinary program, at a fundamental level it requires that the
individual perform those acts of worship made incumbent upon Muslims byGod as well as Islamic virtues and acts of beneficence that secure Gods
pleasure (Mahmood2005:123).
Piety not only means renunciation of sins but also consists of possessing an
internal energy and power of self-restraint, which are achieved by undertaking
continuous rigorous self-discipline and making one obedient to God's Command-
ments. The self acquires such strength that it shows resistance and steadfastness
against unlawful whims and passions. Every act of abstaining from sinning is pious
as well as an act of doing a virtuous deed.
Hence, the Tablghwomens push is always towards adopting piety because it is
seen as the safest way to salvation and the best support for Islam. Being pious is a
position of honour and pious pursuits bring peace and contentment.
Tablghwomen consider piety to be one of the best and most effective factors of
insight, enlightenment and conscientiousness. It is responsible for enhancing the
sense of insightthe practical aspects of reason and ability to diagnose duties. The
most important effect of piety, considered by Tablghs, is that it overcomes the
difficulties of daily life. A pious person, according to Tablgh women, is familiar
with and confident about God and the Hereafter. Therefore, the calamities and
hardships of day-to-day life do not disturb their state of ease and tranquillity. These
hardships, calamities and tragedies in essence are not painful. Instead, it is the
anxiety and intolerance of the self which makes them uncomfortable.
Thus, Tablghwomen suggest, most of the severe problems and catastrophes in
life are the result of moral indecencies, self-whims, passions and the domination of
satanic desires. For example, Tablgh women believe that family problems are
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created because of a failure on the part of the husband, wife, or both, in controlling
their passions. Moral vices such as jealousy, vengefulness, stubbornness, prejudice,
egotism, greed, lust, extravagance and arrogance are responsible for causing
problems and hardships for human beings. The best and most effective thing that
could prevent such catastrophes is piety. Tablghwomen claim that with tranquillityof the heart and enlightenment, a pious Muslim lives a peaceful life. Love for the
world is seen by them as the root of all evils, and whilst some Muslims easily
succumb to earthly temptations, the pious Muslim resists becoming infatuated with
such allurements and charms.
Piety is seen as the key solution for all human problems and the rescuer
from disasters and destruction. It is the most formidable shelter for human
beings. Therefore, piety does not deprive or create limitations, rather it revives
human personality and frees a human being from the imprisonment of carnal
desires, vengefulness, prejudices, stubbornness, greed, egotism, gluttony anddesire for fame and publicity which is perceived to epitomise the contemporary
secular world.
Conclusion
The growth of the Tablgh Jamat is part of a larger project of contemporary
Islamic revivalism, which in essence is a response to the crisis of modernity.12
Tabl
gh
womens piety finds its trajectory from this context and is not related toidentity or rights per se, although these are important. Rather, it is about the
practice of ones belief and its orientation towards maintaining ethical moral
standards and transforming self to reorder directly or indirectly the moral and
social milieu.
First and foremost, Tablghwomen who seek piety are motivated by the need to
increase their mn (faith) through Tablghamls (good deeds). For them, donning
burq and avoiding interaction with non-mahrim, for instance, does not reproduce
their subordination to men or gender inequality. Their struggle is inwardly directed. It
is a process of self-cultivation linked to self-improvement. From the outside, this may
seem to be an instance of internalising certain standards of gender-specific female
behaviour, but this barely helps us to understand agency as experienced by Tablgh
women. However, instead of conceptualising agency as a struggle against social
norms, we are here concerned with how action is formed and acted out. This kind of
understanding of agency raises some important questions about the type of
relationship created between the subject and the norm, and most importantly between
action and inner nature. What is critical here is to appreciate that instead of inner
nature or inner desire drawing out outward appearance of performative behaviour, it is
the chain of rituals and performances, as I discussed above, with which an individual
engages that gives meaning to ones feelings and desires. Thus, for Tablghwomen,
agency is expressed through engaging with the various Tablgh rituals of piety
12 By the crisis of modernity I do not just mean people suffering from the failure of the promises of
modernityunemployment, poverty, inequality, injustice, discrimination, etc.but also the failure of
modern luxurious living to provide real happiness and a genuine sense of satisfaction.
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bayn, dhkr, khurj, tablgh, talm, and of course donning burq and avoiding
interaction with non-mahrim. To put this in another way, the various Tablgh
rituals of piety as a collection of behavioural actions do not emanate from desires
and emotions but in fact produce them. It is by engaging in recurring rituals and
practices that Tablgh women train themselves or their desires, emotions andminds to be able to operate within the boundaries of established standards of
Tablghcomportment.13
In examining the prominent role that Tablghrituals of piety play, their effects on
the self, particularly the female self, and different structures of moralethical action
which contribute to the creation of particular Muslims or in this case Tablgh
women, we have been able to see how Tablghembodied actions are achieved. Our
analysis of rituals of piety and Islamic virtues has revealed the social and cultural
effects that Islamic revivalist movements generate amongst Muslim women and
enhanced our understanding of inner-worldly focus piety as part of the broaderproject of Islamic revivalisms response to the crisis of modernity.
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