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The1923PopulationExchange,RefugeesandNational
HistoriographiesinGreeceandTurkey.
byOnurYildirim
Whenhistoricalsignificanceisattachedtoanoccurrenceindependentoftheevent,
thefactsofthecaseceasetomatter.Andwheresubsequentaccountsareparasiticon
apriormemory,documentationseemsalmostunnecessary(Amin10).
IntroductionAfternearlytwoandahalfmonthsoftortuousnegotiations,Turksand
GreeksconcludedonJanuary30,1923,thefirstphaseofpeaceconferenceat
LausannebysigningtheConventionconcerningtheExchangeofGreekandTurkish
nationalsinGreeceandTurkey.ThesigningoftheExchangeConventionmarkeda
turningpointinthehistoryofthesecountriesbycausingamajortransformationintheirpopulationandlandscape.NearlyoneyearaftertheconclusionoftheLausanne
Conference,approximately700,000peoplewereremovedbyvirtueoftheExchange
Conventionfromtheirnativesoilandmaderefugeesandthisagreementalso
confirmedtherefugeestatusofanadditionalmorethanonemillionpeopledisplaced
sincetheBalkanWarsof1912-1913.
ForGreeceandTurkey,thedecadeof1923-1933wasaperiodofnational
reconstructionatthecenterofwhichstoodthousandsofhomeless,joblessandhungry
refugees.Thelatterposedamulti-facetednationalchallenge,calledtherefugee
problem,neverabsentfromtheagendasofparliamentarysessionsandgeneralpublic
opinioninbothcountries.Ofallthesechallengesthemostconspicuouswastheintegrationoftherefugeeswiththeexistingnationalfabricwhichinvolved,among
otherthings,thereadingintorespectivenationalnarratives,oftheeventsofthepast
decade,moreparticularlytheTurco-GreekWarof1919-1922andtheresulting
exchangeofpopulations,whichledtothetransformationoftheirstatusfromminority
intorefugee.Thusthe1920ssawtheprecipitationofeffortsonthepartofthepolitical
leadershipinbothGreeceandTurkeytoconstructorreconstructnationalnarratives
withaviewtoremoldingtheseeventsintothecollectivememoryoftheirrespective
societies.Whetherornottheseeffortswouldcultivateasenseofbelongingamongthe
refugeesandhelptheirintegrationwiththeexistingnationalfabricremainedtobe
seen.
Writtenfromthevantagepointofthenationalisticideologicalconcernsoftheruling
elite,theofficialhistoriesinGreeceandTurkeyappropriatedthehistoricalsettingof
theExchangefromtheverybeginningandmoldedalongthewaythelocal
ramificationsoftheLausanneTreatyasawholeintothemasternarrativesoftheir
respectivenations.WhereasGreekofficialhistoriographylookedupontheevents
whichledtoandwereassociatedwithLausanneasacollectivetragedyand
sanctionedthemundertherubricoftheAsiaMinorCatastrophe,Turkishscholarship
viewedtheseeventsasatriumphantrecreationandepitomizedthemastheNational
WarofIndependence.Thesetwoattitudesengendered,inturn,twodiscernibleand
diametricallyopposedpatternsintherepresentationoftheExchange,pointingatbesttotheuseofhistoryasaninstrumentofmanipulatingcollectivememory.
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Accordingly,theepisodeofnearlytwomillionpeople,whoweresubjectedtothe
provisionsoftheExchangeConvention,waseitherrememberedorforgottenina
mannerpertinenttotheideologicalgoalsofthepoliticalleadership.WhereasGreek
historiansfromtheveryoutsetrememberedtheExchangeasaturningpointinthe
consolidationofthecountry'sethnicandnationalhomogeneity,theirTurkish
counterparts,carriedawaybythefoundationofthenewstate,tendedtoforgetbytreatingitashardlymorethanafootnote--despiteitsimmediatelyvisibleeffectson
thesocial,economic,andpoliticalconditionsofthecountry--inthemasternarrative
oftheTurkishnationaliststruggleandthequestforstatehood.Therefore,itwasnot
necessarilytherelativeimpact,whetherquantitativeorqualitative,oftheExchange
uponthecountriesconcerned,thoughitmighthavebeen,butrathertherelative
specificitiesandhistoricalcontingenciesofthepoliticaldiscoursethatconditionedthe
representationofthistopicinGreekandTurkishmainstreamhistoriographies.The
presentarticleattemptstomapoutsomeofthesespecificitiesandcontingenciesas
theyevolvedfromthesigningofthepeacetreatyatLausannetothepresent.
GreekNationalHistoriography
InGreeknationalhistoriography,theTurco-GreekPopulationExchangestandsoutas
thesymbolofanationalfailure,namelytheAsiaMinorDisaster([TEXTNOT
REPRODUCIBLEINASCII]),which,accordingtosomescholars,"ranksin
historicalimportancewiththefallofConstantinoplein1453"(Sbarounis7)andto
someothers"ranksamongnationaldisasterssecondonlytotheCivilWarof1946-9"
(KoliopoulosandVeremis130).TheDisaster,havingderailedtheentirecourseof
GreekhistoryandthereforecloselylinkedwiththefateofHellenism,secureditself
frominceptionadistinguished,ifnotautonomous,placeintheearlyhistoriographyof
modernGreece.Thehistoriographicalconventionalwisdom,which,accordingtoAlexanderKitroeff,washardlyaffectedby"thecollapseofGreekirredentismwith
Greece'smilitarydefeatinAsiaMinorin1922,"(Kitroeff143-144)hadnotroublein
claimingtheensuingtraumaasoneofitsown.AsBenedictAndersonremindsus,
"thedeathsthatstructurethenation'sbiographyareofaspecialkind,"and"...toserve
thenarrativepurpose,theymustberemembered/forgotten(myitalics)as'ourown'"
(Anderson205-206).Inthisverygoal,thehistoricalnarrativeleftlittletobe
accomplishedbythemonumentof"unknown-soldier"(LeGoff89).Insofarasthe
survivorsofthedisasterareconcerned,theBritishhistorianDouglasDakin,writingin
thelate1960s,becamethemouthpieceofthethenprevalentrhetoric(Dakin268),
ButGreece,asonalloccasions,borehercrossbravely.Shegatheredinherchildren,notbyconqueringthesoilonwhichtheyhadlabouredforcenturies,butby
receivingthem--amillionormore--withintheexistingGreekhomeland.Nonationhas
achievedsomuchasGreeceonthisoccasion.
EnmeshedinthetraditionalrhetoricofhistoricalHellenism,manypoliticiansand
historianssetouttoreadthesetraumaticeventsintotheexistingbiographyofthe
GreeknationinthewakeoftheExchange.Asthevisibletestimonytothese
developments,theincomingrefugeesprovidedpoliticiansandhistoriansalikewith"a
forcefultoolwithwhichtodecrythepersecutionsofGreeksingeneral"(Karakasidou
147).(1)Thisattitudewashardlyareflectionofthepublicopinionconcerningthe
refugeessincethelatterwerenotwelcomeunequivocallybythenativepopulations.Tothecontrary,thespecificitiesandcontingenciesofthenationaldiscourseonthe
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refugeesweredeterminedfromtheverybeginningbythepolarizedstructureofthe
Greekpolitics;theVenizelistsontheonesideandtheAntivenizelistsontheother
([TEXTNOTREPRODUCIBLEINASCII]/NationalSchism)(Mavrogordatos1996;
Mihalopoulos).(2)Therefugeeswhoharboredthebittermemoriesofforced
expulsionfromtheirnativesoil,adevelopmentthattheyassociatedwiththe
Antivenizelistgovernmenttheninpower,rankedalmostsolidlywiththeVenizelistcamp(Mavrogordatos1983).(3)AsMavrogordatosargues,"theindividious
distinctionbetweenrefugeesandnatives[rootedinethnicityratherthanclass]
providedthebasisforthemostsalientcleavageininter-warGreeksociety,which
trulydominatedthepoliticsoftheperiod"(Mavrogordatos1983,182).
Correspondingly,thepoliticiansontheVenizelist(Liberal)sideoftheballotdeclared
theensuingrefugeeproblemtobenotsimply"[TEXTNOTREPRODUCIBLEIN
ASCII]"(aNationalQuestion)but"to[TEXTNOTREPRODUCIBLEINASCII]"
(themostNationaloftheQuestions)(Tounta-Fergadi).(4)Ontheoppositeside,the
tendencyonthepartoftheAntivenizeliststoviewtheincomingrefugeesasthe
harbingerofdisruptionintheGreeknationalunitystemmedfromthehostileattitudeofthenativepopulationstowardstherefugees.Thus,aprominentspokesmanofthe
Antivenizelistcamp,namelyG.Vlachos,publiclyattackedtherefugees"asacaptive
electoratewhich,broughtthroughitsnumbersandthroughfraudulentmeans
(gerrymandering,multipleregistrationandvoting,etc.),haddeprivedthenative
majorityofitslegitimatepoliticalpowerandhasmadeVenizelistusurpationpossible"
(QuotedbyMavrogordatos1983,204).Inthepoliticalarena,thefirstdecadeof
refugeepresenceinGreecewascharacterizedbyanintensivedebatebetweenthe
VenizelistsandtheAntivenizelistsovertheparticipationoftherefugeesintheGreek
politicallife.Astheresultsofseveralnation-wideelections(1923,1926and1928)
hadshown,thisdebatewasresolved,atleastforthetimeperiodconcerned,infavor
oftheformer.
Thewaysinwhichtherefugeeswererepresentedinthehistoricalwritingsreflected
forthemostpartthepoliticalclimateofthecountryatthetime.Thus,itwasnotthe
anti-refugeeovertoneoftheRoyalistpoliticaldiscoursebuttheconciliatoryrhetoric
oftheLiberalsthatbecamemorepopularlyrepresented.Manyscholars,knownfor
theiraffinitytowardsVenizelism,anonymouslyembracedtherefugeesasthevictims
of"thetriumphofthebrutalforceovertheLaw"(Kiosseoglou201)andsetoutto
recastthemasthepropersubjectofpoliticallife.Inthisrespect,abodyofscholarship
quicklyflourishedwithaviewtoremovingthehistoricalbasisoftheever-growing
cleavage--ponderedbytheAntivenizelists--betweenthenativesandtherefugeesbymoldingthelatterintothetheoreticalframeworkofthehistoricalcontinuityof
Hellenism(Kitroeff,Herzfeld).(5)Needlesstosay,thisemergentscholarlyattitude
tendedtospeaknotsomuchoftheactualmanifestationsoftherefugeeplightperse
butofthebroadnationalideologicalaspectsoftherefugeepresenceinthecountry.
Tothiseffect,manyscholars,playinguponcertitudeoffactsandmakingacascading
setofselections,embarkedontheconstructionofapervasiveGreeknationalideology
inordertoaccommodatethenewlyintroducedelementsofparticularityand
difference,representedbytherefugees,inthenationalfabric.Thiswasintandem
withtheattemptsoftheGreekpoliticianswhoweretryingtodiverttheattentionaway
fromtherationalizationsforthetwopillarsoftheGreeknationalistideology,namely
MegaliIdea,totheconsolidationofthecountry'sterritorialintegrityandthefulfillmentoftheinternalgoalsthathadbeenlargelyneglectedduringtheprevious
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decade.Scholars,betheyhistoriansornon-historians,adoptedanutterlynationalistic
discoursetolegitimatetheideologicalgoalsoftherulingelite,amongwhichthe
nationalandsocialhomogeneityofthecountrywasdeemedtohaveprimary
importance.Thus,whatEftihiaVoutiratermstheexilicbias(Voutira),combinedwith
anti-TurkishsentimentandasenseofdeceptionbytheWest,cametodominatethe
approachofGreekscholarstotheeventsoftherecentpast.Tothisend,thenegationoftheOttoman/TurkishpastandthecondemnationofforeigninterferenceinGreek
affairswerefusedtoconstitutethehistoricalparameters,wherebymanyscholarsand
politicianssetouttoproclaimthecohesivenessoftheGreeknationinwhichthe
incomingrefugeeswereaccordedaplace.
Notsurprisingly,manyofthestudiesontheExchangeandtherefugeeproblemwere
producedbyindividuals,whowerecloselyaffiliatedwiththeGreekstate.Someof
thesepeoplewereclearlyofrefugeebackgroundwhilesomeotherswereactive
membersofVenizelistgovernments.Theaffiliationsofalistofindividualsillustrate
thispoint.Forinstance,EmmanuelTsouderos,whoproducedthemostcomprehensive
accountontherefugeeloanprogramoftheGreekgovernment,wastheGovernoroftheCentralBankofGreece,whileC.G.Tenekides,whoauthoredthefirststudyina
foreignlanguage(inFrench)ontheExchangeofPopulations,wasthelegaladvisorto
thediplomaticteamofVenizelosatLausanne.AndreasAndreades,whowrote
extensivelyonthesocialandeconomiceffectsoftheWWIandtheTurco-GreekWar
onGreece,wastheGreekrepresentativesenttoGenevatonegotiatewiththeLeague
ofNationsovertherefugeeloan.ApostolosDoxiades,whowrotethepamphlet"Ca
QuestiondesRefugiesenGrece"wastheMinisterofSocialHealthinthefirst
Venizelosgovernment.Th.P.Kiosseoglou,whoauthoredoneoftheclassicworkson
theExchange,wasthecousinoftheConstantinopolitanbusinessmanAlexandreCh.
Kiosseoglou,whowasevictedfromtheCityandhispropertieswereconfiscatedby
theTurkishauthoritiesduringtheExchange.AthanasiosB.Protonotarioswasserving
theGreekstateasaninspectoroftheExchangewhenhepublishedhisbook.A.
Bakalbashiswhodealtwiththerefugeeproblemsduringtheperiod1914-1922wasa
deputyandalsoactedasministerinthegovernmentofPapanastasiou(1924).Mihail
NotarawastheheadofadepartmentintheGreekAgriculturalBank.A.I.Aigidis
wasamemberofoneofthesub-commissionsoftheMixedCommissioninKozani.
StelioSeferiades,whowasaprofessorofinternationallawintheFacultyofLawin
theUniversityofAthens,hadbeenworkingcloselywithvariousgovernmentson
minorityissuessincetheearlymonthsof1922.AndlastlyGeorgeStreit,whowasto
takepartintheMixedCommission,hadbeeninvolvedinthereliefofrefugeesfrom
thelastphasesoftheTurco-Greekwar.
Variouspublicationsproducedbytheseindividualsduringthe1920sandearly1930s
ontheExchangeandtheensuingdevelopments,namelytheresettlementand
assistancepoliciesoftheGreekstatesoughttoillustrate,oftenthroughselective
quotation,thequalityofGreekstatecraftinabsorbingoveramilliondisplaced
individualsaswellasthecontributionsofthelattertotheeconomicandcultural
developmentofGreece(Seferiades,Devedji,Kiossdoglou,Tenekides,Gounaraki,
Protonotariou).Inthispicture,refugeeswereportrayedmerelyasfiguresdefinedin
theirrelationtospecificessentialtasksoftheGreekstatesuchassecurity,stability,
andwelfare.Somescholars,lookingattheeconomicaspectsofthesubject,produced
morescholarlyevocationsofthesamethemes(Notara,Petsali,Tsouderos,Andreades).Byandlarge,theimmediateshockofthedefeatandtheExchange,thus
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therefugeepresence,wasaccommodatedrathersuccessfullybythepoliticaland
intellectualdiscourse,largelyofVenizelistorientation,overnationalunitywithinthe
firstdecadeoftheExchange.
Fromtheearly1920son,anotherstrandofscholarshipalongnationalistlines
developedamongtherefugeesthemselveswhotriedtohighlighttheircontributionstotheeconomicandculturaldevelopmentofGreece.Duringthefirstdecadeoftheir
arrival,therefugeeswereconsciousoftheirarbiterroleintheGreekelectoralprocess
andproducedmanypoliticalwritingstoenhancetheirparticipationinthepolitical
system.Inoneoftherefugeepapersoftheperiod,itwasstatedthat"itisan
incontestablefactthattherefugeefactorwillplayasignificantroleinthepoliticallife
ofthecountry.Norcanitbedisputedthattherefugeeworldistheone,whichfora
seriesofdecadeswillgivebyitscompactblocthefinalvictorytooneortheother
sideofvariouspoliticalbattles"(Pentzopoulos169;Mavrogordatos1983,184).As
wasanticipatedbythisstatement,therefugeeswhovotedheavilyfortheabolitionof
Monarchyinthe1924referendum(Clogg108),alsoplayedacrucialroleinthe
triumphofVenizelosinthenationalelectionsof1926and1928.Itwasonlyduringtheearly1930sthatthesupportofrefugeesfortheLiberalPartydeclineddue
primarilytotherapprochementofVenizeloswithTurkey.IntheAnkaraAgreement
of1930,Venizelosagreedtoadocumentthatendedthehopesofrefugeestoreceive
compensationfromtheTurkishgovernmentfortheirpropertiesinTurkey.This
agreementalienatedtherefugeesnotonlyfromVenizelismbutalsofromthepolitical
system.Thenceforward,therefugeesincreasinglygavetheirsupporttothe
CommunistPartyorturnedtheirattentiontolesspoliticalissues.Inthe1931by-
electionsinSalonica,wheretherefugeesconstitutednearlyhalfofthepopulation,
only38percentofthevotersvoted(comparedto69percentthreeyearsearlier)for
thecandidateoftheLiberalPartywhiletheCommunistsdoubledtheirvotes
(KoliopoulosandVeremis,133).Inthenationalelectionsof1932,theCommunists
almosttripledtheirvotesincertainrefugeedominatedlocationssuchasMytilene
(Mazower1992,122).
Thechangeinthepoliticalorientationoftherefugeeswasalsoreflectedintheir
intellectualpursuitswhichclearlysawanoutburstintheearly1930s.Intheir
endeavors,therefugeestriedtomarktheirstoriesforlife,tothepurposeofwhich
they"madeeveryefforttorecordandpreservetheirpreciouslocalheritagefor
posterity"(Herzfeld140).Accordingly,theynostalgicallyponderedonthefolkloric
aspectsofthepastinordertokeepthehistoricalmemoryalive.Inashortperiodof
time,asizableliteratureoflocalhistoricalandethnographicstudiesontheGreekpresenceinAsiaMinor,EasternThrace,andthecoastsoftheBlackSeacameinto
being.Thistrendhassincethenremainedunchanged.Abibliographicalsurvey
conductedin1981containsthetitlesofsome45journalsspecializinginAsiaMinor
andothercentersofHellenismandnearly2258entriesofbooksandarticleson
relatedtopicsforthe1919-1978period(Hatzimoises).
Inadditiontothetwostrandsofscholarshiprecountedabove,therewasanother
scholarlytraditiondevelopedduringthe1920s,whichconcerneditselfwiththe
Exchangeandtherefugees.Thisone,withitspoliticallyandmethodologically
distinctfeatures,emergedandgrewwithinthewomboftheGreekCommunistParty.
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PriortotheLausanneConference,theGreeksocialists,whofirstorganizedaroundthe
SocialistLaborParty([TEXTNOTREPRODUCIBLEINASCII],1918)andthenthe
CommunistParty([TEXTNOTREPRODUCIBLEINASCII],KKE,1920),had
publiclydenouncedtheinvolvementofGreecewiththeimperialistprojectsofthe
WestandhadmobilizedtheirfollowersagainsttheAsiaMinorCampaign.Having
characterizedthisprojectasabourgeoisventure,theyviewedtheGreekpresenceinAsiaMinorwithconcern,asdidtheBolsheviks,andsetouttoconductanti-war
propagandainGreeceandatthefront.Thewar-timeactivitiesoftheGreek
CommunistParty,certainleadingmembers(e.g.SerafimMaksimosandNikos
Zaharyadis)ofwhichwereofAsiaMinororigin,havealreadybeencoveredby
variouspublications(Carabott,Zapantis)anditsroleintheAsiaMinorDisasterasa
sourceofdemoralizationanddefeatismamongsttheGreeksoldiersstillconstitutesa
subjectofcontroversyamongGreekscholars.Whatisofimmediaterelevancetothe
purposeofthecurrentdiscussionisthatpriortotheLausanneConference,theGreek
scholars,associatedcloselywiththeCommunistParty,becameamouthpieceofthe
viewsoftheComintern(theCommunistInternational)ontheWesternimperialist
designspursuedintheregion(Clogg106).OncethepeacesettlementwassignedatLausanne,GreekCommunistssetouttoconducttheirpropagandaeffortsamongthe
incomingrefugeeswithaviewtoshowingthattheordealofExchangewasinflicted
uponthemastheoutcomeofimperialistprojectspursuedbyWesternimperialistsin
cooperationwiththeirindigenousallies,namelythelocalbourgeoisie.Andthelatter
wereresponsibleformostofthepredicamentswhichensuedduringandalterthe
implementationoftheExchangeConvention.Thesepropagandaeffortsboretheir
earlyfruitsinsporadicsocialmovementsamongtheagriculturalworkers,largelyof
refugeebackground,whoweresettledprimarilyintheruralsectionsofNorthern
Greece.ButasAngelosElefantispointsout,theCommunistsfailedtoattractalarger
groupofadherents,especiallyamongtherefugees,totheircauseatthebeginningdue
largelytotheinternaldissensionwithintheParty(Elefantis55).Ontheotherhand,as
adistinguishedstudentoftheperiodpointsout,"Venizelos'enormouspopularityleft
noroomforamoderatesocialistalternative"todevelop(Mazower1992,122).Even
then,theK.K.E.tookadvantageofthepoliticalvacuumandcontinuedtopresenta
majorsourceofchallengetotheLiberalandPopulistpartiesalike.Iteventually
enteredtheParliamentinthenationalelectionsof1926,whichwereheldundera
proportionalsystemofrepresentation.
ThegrowingleverageoftheCommunistsintheGreekpoliticallifebroughtwithitan
influentialinter-warMarxisthistoriography.Withtheiremphasisonsocialissues,
MarxistscholarssuchasThomasApostolides,E.StavridesandmorenotablyYannisGordatos,allofwhomwereformallyaffiliatedwithK.K.E.'sadministration,wrote
extensivelyonthesocialandeconomicconditionsofthecountryduringthe1920s.
Theireffortsto"tear[therefugees]awayfromBourgeoisinfluence,"represented
chieflybyVenizelismandLiberalPartyinthepoliticalarena,foundtheirexpression
intheirscholarlypursuits(Mavrogordatos218).Thesescholarsfromthebeginning
focusedonthesocial,economicandpoliticaldevelopmentsoftherecentpastwitha
viewtohighlightingthewrong-doingsoftheGreekgovernmentsandpinpointingthe
deficienciesofthenationalistic-mindedhistoriographyinitsapproachtonational
development.Althoughthecriticalstanceofthesescholarshasnotdirectlyaffected
thestudyoftheGreco-TurkishPopulationExchange,ithasbenefitedtheGreek
historiographybydemonstratingthatthestudyofthefoundationofthecountryrequiresamorepervasivecoverageofthesocialandeconomicdevelopmentsand
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actors.Moreover,theyshowedthatthesocialandnationalhomogeneity,whichhas
beentheprincipaldrivingforcebehindtheaccountsofnationalistic-minded
historians,isnotonlycouchedinthevaguestandmostgeneraltermsbutalsorests
upontheflimsiestbasisinfact.
ThetriumphoftheMetaxasregimeinthemid-1930sdealtasignificantblowtotheCommunists.Withanti-Communismasoneofitsprincipaltenetsthedictatorialrule
ofMetaxasoutlawedcommunistactivitiesandpurgedMarxistintellectualsfromthe
academicestablishment,twodevelopmentsthatcombinedtoenhancethepositionof
thenationalistic-mindedhistoriansintherealmofGreekhistoriography.Fornearly
fourdecades,theMarxistscholarshipremainedawayfromtheGreekacademic
establishment.Itwasonlyafter1974,whenthemilitarydictatorshipcollapsed,
democracywasreinstatedandallthepoliticalparties,includingtheCommunists,
werelegalizedthatmanyMarxistscholarsreturnedhomefromexileandgained
accesstotheacademicestablishment(Kitroeff146).But,asinmanyotherdeveloping
countriesoftheworld,theresearcheffortsofthesescholarsfocusedlargelyonthe
broaderquestionsofcapitalistdevelopmentandunderdevelopment.Tofindtheanswersforthesequestions,mostoftheMarxistscholarsturnedtheirattentiontothe
eventsoftheremotepastinsteadofhistoricaldevelopmentsofthecontemporary
period.
Unliketheperiodfromtheearly1920stothemid-1930swhentheExchangeandthe
refugeesoccupiedthecommandingheightsoftheGreekscholarlyagenda,theperiod
fromthemid-1930stotheearly1970ssawnosystematicattempttostudythese
topics.Veryfewstudiesthatappearedduringthe1960skeptthesubjectinthe
scholarlyagenda(Pentzopoulos,Zampata).However,Turkishmilitaryinterventionin
Cyprusinthesummerof1974,causingyetanotherrefugeecrisisbetweenGreeceand
Turkey(Loizos1981),actedasacatalystfortheproliferationofacademicand
popularstudies(sometimesthroughthereprintofearlystudies)onthesetopicsalong
mostferventnationalisticlines(Tsouloufi,Lampsidi,Svolopoulou).Thetraditional
double-edgedtendencytofittheExchangewithintheneatlywovenpatternof
nationalistnarrativebecameonceagainacommonfeatureofGreekhistoricalwritings
anddominatedthestudiesofvariousGreekscholars,establishedinGreeceorliving
intheDiaspora.Theirindispensablecontributionsintothedocumentationand
reconstructionoftheExchangeforGreecenotwithstanding,thesestandardaccounts
havenotonlyrenderedtheTurkishsideofthestorynearlyobsoletebuthavealso
reducedthewholediscussioninanutterlynationalisticdiscoursetoaone-sided
appraisalforGreece.Moreover,thesestudiestendedtooverlookonthewholetheproblemsoftherefugeeswiththenativepopulationsandoperatedthroughthe
assumptionthatsincetheincomingrefugeeswereethnicallyofacommonorigin,they
werequicklyaccommodatedintotheexistingsocialandnationalframework.Several
studiesfulfilledthesametaskfromtherefugees'pointofview(Pelagides,1994;
Pelagides1997).NearlyeightyyearsaftertheExchange,thistraditionaltendency
amongmanyhistorians,especiallywithintheGreekacademicestablishment,
continuestocharacterizethestudyoftheExchangeandtherefugees.
ThedeficienciesinthetraditionalinterpretationsoftheExchangementionedabove
haveprovidedthedeparturepointfortherecentapproachestothesubject.Onthe
Greeksideoftheevent,scholarscomingfromthedisciplinesofauthropologyandsociologyproduced,onthebasisoforalhistorymaterial,pioneeringstudiesregarding
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thecultural,socialandeconomicaspectsoftheExchange.Undertheleadershipof
suchprominentfiguresasMichaelHerzfeld(1985,1991a,1991b),ReneeHirschon
(1992),MariaVergeti(1992)andmorerecentlyAnastasiaKarakasidou(1997),the
anthropologicalapproachtotherelationsbetweentherefugeesandGreeknationalism
hasmodifiedquiteafewofthewidely-heldopinionsonthesubjectandbrought
attentiontothevoiceofrefugees(Loizos1999;Voutira).Thesestudieshaveunpinnedthemultipleramificationsoftherefugeeidentityanddemonstratedthatthe
Greeknationalistideologyhasplayedfromthebeginningavitalroleinthe
suppressionofthedistinctidentityrepresentedbythesepeople.Inthesamecritical
tradition,afewpoliticalscientistsandeconomichistorianshaveconcerned
themselvesrespectivelywiththeparticipationoftherefugeesinmasspoliticsand
theirintegrationwiththeeconomiclife(Mavrogordatos1983;Mazower1991;
Mazower1992;Kostis).Theytrackedtheimpedimentsexperiencedbytherefugeesin
politicalandeconomicrealmsandtheircontinuedgrievancesofsocialandeconomic
naturewiththenativepopulationsduringthefirstyearsofarrival.Thesestudieshave
beenparticularlycriticalinordertodebunkasetofscholarlyattitudessuchasthe
"twinmythsofethnicandnationalhomogeneity"thathadbeenpromotedthroughthecombinedeffortsofpoliticiansandscholarsduringthepost-Lausanneerawithaview
todemotingtheeffectsofthemilitarydefeatinAsiaMinor.
SufficeittosaythatwherethestudyoftheExchangeandtheaccompanying
developmentsareconcerned,thetraditionaltendencyamonghistorians,especially
withintheGreekacademicestablishment,tofittheeventwithintheneatlywoven
patternofnationalistnarrativeremainsforthemostpartunchanged.Inthisregard,
scholars,especiallyprofessionalhistorians,writingonthesubject,continueto
practicetheircraftbytakingtheinformationintheexistingsourcesforgrantedand
persistentlyusingthemtocatalogthehorrorsandsufferingsofthepastwithinan
utterlynationalistframework.Stilltoday,thistraditionaltendencycontinuesto
dominatetheorientationofthemainstreamhistoriographyonthehistoryofthe
ExchangeandrefugeesinGreece.
TurkishNationalHistoriography
InTurkey,thenationalists,whoemergedtriumphantfromthestrugglefor
independence,adoptedatendencyoppositetothatoftheirGreekcounterpartsand
subduedspecificoccurrencessuchastheExchangetothesuccessstoryoftheWarof
IndependenceandthemakingoftheTurkishnation-state.Theemergentattitudeinthe
TurkishnationalisthistoriographytendedtoportraytheTurco-GreekWarasaneventthatmarkedtheunificationandindependenceoftheTurkishnationwhileviewingall
therestastrivia.Buteventhetriviaisinseparablefromthesuccessstoryandthus
shouldbemolded,preserved,anddefended.Thus,duringtheformativephaseof
Turkishnationalhistory,theTurco-GreekPopulationExchangeamongmanyother
topicsoftheperiodwassuppressedundertheshadeofthepreordainedliteratureof
"theTurkishRevolution"andeventuallydeniedaplaceinthehistoricalnarrativeof
thenation.Thus,itcanbearguedthatinasmuchasGreekhistoriographyembraced
"remembrance"astheessenceofitspursuit,Turkishmainstreamhistoriography
adopted"forgetting"astheguidinglineintailoringabrandnewhistoryforthe
Turkishnation.Intermsofitsultimategoal,however,inclosesemblancetoits
counterpart,ittriedtofosterthemythofaunifiednation.Tothiseffect,itlaboredvigorouslytocutitstieswiththeimperialpastcharacterizedbythereconciliationof
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ThegeneralneglectofthiscrucialperiodwithinTurkishhistoriographyhastodowith
thecloseinvolvementoftheTurkishstatewiththewritingofhistoryfromthe
beginning.Asearlyasthelate1920s,havingsettledsomeofitsdomesticandforeign
problems,thenewstateturneditsattentiontothequestionofnationalidentity.It
begantosponsorhistoricalandethnographicresearchandorganizenationalfestivals
ofvariouskindstorecastnationalidentity.Earlyin1927,theOttomaninstitutionofTarih-iOsmaniEncumeniwasreorganizedviaastatedirectiveundertheleadership
ofFuadKopruluintoTurkTarihEncumeni.However,forprovidingintellectual
reinforcementforthepoliticalprocessofnation-building,therevolutionaryleadership
tookitsmostdecisivestepin1930andestablishedtheTurkishHistoryResearch
CommissionaspartoftheTurkishHearths(TurkOcagiTurkTarihiTetkikHeyeti)
(Ustel,Landau),whichwastransformedin1931intotheTurkishHistoricalResearch
Commission(TurkTarihiTetkikCemiyeti)(Igdemir,Copeaux).Thisinstitution,four
yearslater,wasrenamedtheTurkishHistoricalSociety(TurkTarihKurumu),and
continuedthemissionofitsantecedentsinfashioningabrandnewhistoryofthe
Turks.Inpursuitofthisgoal,itputtheemphasisnotonpan-Turkistidealsbuton
culturalcontinuityandgeographicallocus,namelyAnatoliaproper(Lewis).Inthisrespect,nationalhistorians,folkloristsandotherscholarscampaignedtoprovethe
TurkishheritageofAnatolia'spopulation,thusdemonstratingconclusivelythatthe
territorybelongstothenewnation-state.Therulinggovernmenttookthemeasures
necessarytodisseminatetheseideasthroughtheinstitutionalchannelsofnational
enculturation,namelytheschools(Ersanh-Behar,Landau,Copeaux).
TheprogramandactivitiesoftheTurkishHistoricalSocietyinpropagatingthetwin
mythsofethnichomogeneityandnationalunityhavealreadybeenthesubjectof
severaldissertationsandbooks(Ersanh-Behar).Thereiswidespreadconsensusthat
thisinstitutioncontributedgreatlytothespreadofscientifichistoricalresearch,
especiallyonthepre-OttomanandOttomanpastoftheTurks(Ortayli77-79).
However,wherethestudyoftherecentpastisconcerned,withthisorgan,thestate
notonlyinstitutionalizeditsofficialnarrativeofeventsbutalsolegitimizedits
supremacyandcontrolinthedomainofhistoryasadiscipline.Thiswasattestedby
themandatoryinstructionofthehistoryofTurkishRevolutionbythestandard
textbookspreparedbytheMinistryofEducation.Incourseofthenextsixtyyearsof
theRepublic,severalmilitarycoupgovernmentstookextrameasurestorestoreand
furtherenhancethestatedirectiveinresearching,writing,andteachinghistory.Oddly
enough,sincethe1930's,historiansinTurkey,includingthoserepresentingtheleftof
thespectrum,haveingeneralbeenreluctanttocriticizethestateforitsstronggrip
overhistory.ThosewhoareinterestedintheearlyhistoryoftheRepublichavetraditionallybeenmostsilentinthisrespect.Injustificationoftheirunwillingnessto
getinvolvedwiththestudyoftheperiod,thesescholarshaveeitherturnedtheir
attentiontoOttomanhistoryorsimplyadoptedasilentattitudetowardsthestandard
narrativeoftheperiod.Yetothershavetakenrefugeintechnicalexplanationsin
preferencetoanythingthatmaybeconsideredcritical.Inthisrespect,thelackof
archivalsourcesforthisperiod,duetothestronggripoftheTurkishState,hasbeen
oneofthemostquotedreasons(Ortayh79;Zurcher5).
TheassumptionthatsourcesinTurkeyforthisspecificperiodarenotpresently
availableoraccessibletotheresearchershaslongbeenquotedasamajorhandicapfor
thelimitedinterestinthisperiod.Anoverviewoftheexistingsourcesrevealshoweverthattheavailabilityofsourcesislessofaconstraintthanitappearsatfirst
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sight.WiththeexceptionoftheMinistryofForeignAffairsarchives,whichremain
closedtodatetoresearchersapartfromaselectgroupofvery"trusted"peoplewho
generallyshownointenttochallengetheestablishedhistoricalversion,thearchival
sourcesforthestudyoftheperiodingeneralandtheExchangeofPopulations
betweenTurkeyandGreeceinparticularcanbeconsideredparadoxicallyand
relativelyabundantandeasilyaccessibletotheresearchers.Forexample,thecollectionsoftheCumhuriyetArsivi(RepublicArchives)inAnkaracontain
catalogueddocumentsandmanuscriptsincludingtheresolutionsofthegovernment
andtheindividualarchivesofvariousinstitutions,i.e.ministries,municipalitiesetc.
(6)AsforthearchivalmaterialpertainingspecificallytotheExchange,manylocal
archivalcollectionssuchasthoseoftheBureausoftheVillageAffairs(KoyIsleri)
areknowntohaveexistedforalongtime,buttheyhaveonlyrecentlyattractedthe
attentionofresearchers(Alim-Baran).Theselocalsourcescontainvaluable
informationforthedocumentationofthespecificaspectsoftheExchangesuchasthe
compositionoftherefugeepopulation,propertystructureoftheurbanareas,the
settlementpoliciesofthestate,themethodsdevisedinthepropertyliquidation,etc.
ThusfromtheforegoingitcanbeinferredinlinewiththeremarkofaprominentOttomanistthat"whenthescholarlyconcernisthere,historianscanbequiteinventive
inlocatingtherequisitesources,whilemountainsofprimarymaterialwillremain
neglectedwheninterestislacking"(Faroqhi).
AsfortheinterestoftheTurkishrefugeesintheirownhistories,unliketheirGreek
counterparts,theyhavenotengaged,atleastnotuntilveryrecently,inanyattemptto
produceaccountsoftheirexperiences.Norhastherebeenanyeffortonthepartof
scholarstoinserttherefugeeexperienceintothehistoricalnarrativeofthenation.The
onlyaccountsatmydisposalwhichbeartherefugeetagarethepublicationsof
variousRefugee(muhacir)AssociationsofRumelia,whichweresponsored
respectivelybyOttomanandTurkishgovernments.Thesearedetailedreports,
coveringlistsofGreekatrocities,andofficialdocumentsthatwereaimedprincipally
atrevealingtheruthlessnessofGreekpolicyinRumeliaandAnatolia.Newspaper
articlesweresometimescompiledtoproducesuchmaterial.Withitspropaganda-
orientednature,thisliteratureremainedawartimeproductionandresurfacedonlyin
timeswhenthetensionwithGreeceincreased.Onlyrecentlythegrowingnumberof
memoirs(Kosova,Tesal,Ozyurek)andsomeoralhistorystudies(Koker,Kaplanoglu,
Yorulmaz,Ozsoy)givesomecluesastosocial,economicandculturaleffectsofthe
ExchangeontheTurkishrefugees.Otherwise,thelatter,onthewhole,remain,usinga
slightlydifferentreadingofEricWolf'sfamousdictum,"peoplewithouthistory"
(Wolf).
Allinall,wheretheTurkishhistoriographyoftheExchangeisconcerned,itwouldbe
fairtoinferfromtheaboveobservationsthattheprevailingpoliticalclimateandthe
strictagendaofnationalhistoriographyontherecentpasthavecategorically
preventedthetopicofExchangefromenteringthescholarlycalendarsincethe
beginningoftheTurkishRepublic.Thedisruptiveeffectsofthesefactorsuponthe
writingofearlyRepublicanhistorywerecoupledbythereluctanceofhistorianstoget
involvedwiththestudyoftheperiodunderconcern.Thisintellectualdilemma
benefitedOttomanhistorybypromotingadecidedlyliberalandempiricallyoriented
historiographyoftheOttomanpast.Butwheretherecentpastisconcerned,itwas
reflectedrathernegativelyinboththequantityandthequalityofpublicationsthathaveappearedoverthecourseofthelastseventyyearsinTurkey.Wherethespecific
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subjectoftheExchangeisconcerned,whileGreekintelligentsia,bothathomeandin
theDiaspora,putoutnumerouspublicationsspecializinginthistopicasearlyasthe
firstdecadeofthistragicevent,itscounterpartinTurkeywasabletoproduceonly
twospecificstudiesoverthecourseoffivelongdecades.Bothofthesestudiesare
actuallygovernment-sponsoredpublications.Whilethefirstoneisacompilationof
theofficialdocumentsconcerningtheactivitiesoftheMixedCommission(Altuner),theother,producedbyananonymousauthor,isavolumeabouttheresettlement
policiesofthegovernment.Bothwerepublishedinthe1930sandsincethenhave
remainedstandardreferencebooksontheTurco-GreekExchangeofPopulations.
Inthe1990s,thecriticaltrendsinsocialsciences,especiallyinregardtotheroleof
thenation-state,werecombinedwiththepoliticaldevelopmentsunfoldinginthe
BalkansandrisingcriticalvoicesinTurkeyandabroadovertheissuesof
democratization,minorityrightsandthelargerquestionofhumanrightstowield
significantbearingsonmanyscholarsestablishedinTurkeyorabroadandwhoare
specializedintheearlyRepublicanperiodofTurkishhistory.Inthiscontext,many
scholarsandjournalistsproducedalargebodyofpublicationsonaselectivelistoftopicsconcerningtheinstitutionsandpoliciesoftheearlyTurkishRepublic,largely
asabackground"tounderstandthepresentsituation"(Kaplan,Ustel,Yesilkaya,
Ozturkmen,Demirel,Alpkaya,Bali,Zurcher1993;Zurcher2000).Thediscoveryof
theExchangeasapropersubjectofhistoricalresearchtookplaceaspartofthese
revolutionarytrendswhenthepowerofthenation-statebegantobequestionedin
Turkey.ThenseveralstudiescroppeduptoprobeintothefoundationsoftheRepublic
withreferencetospecificoccurrencessuchastheExchangeinordertohighlightthe
processofthemakingoftheTurkishstate.However,whiletheplethoraof
publicationsinGreekhistoriographyhasbeguntochallengevariousthesesof
nationalistichistoriographyconcerningtheExchangefromalldirections,Turkish
domestichistoriography,perhapsduetothefactthatithadjustdiscoveredthesubject,
hasbecomehometotwocontradictorytendencies.Ontheonehand,agroupof
scholarsundertookoriginalarchivalresearchwithaviewtofittingtheExchangeinto
themastersagaoftheTurkishRevolution(Ari,Alim-Baran,Ipek).Ontheotherhand,
severalscholarsattemptedtorereadtheexistingsecondarysourceswiththeobjective
ofportrayingtheExchangeasanindependenteventwithallitsopportunitiesand
constraintsuponTurkey,payingdueattentiontothepredicamentsexperiencedbythe
refugees(Aktar,Adamr,Gokacti).
Theformertendencyisofapiecewiththestate-centricapproachthathaslong
crippledGreeknationalhistoriographyontheroleofExchangeandtherefugeesinGreekhistory.Thisviewcanbesummarizedassuch:Whilethestatebenefitedgreatly
fromtheExchangeintermsofprovidingtheethnichomogeneityofthecountryand
thenationalizationofthecountry'sphysicalandhumangeographies,nottomention
theeconomy,ontheonehand,theincomingrefugeescametocontributeagreatdeal
totheeconomicandculturaldevelopmentofthecountryontheother.Itispossibleto
argueinthissensethatthefirstcategoryofrecentlydevelopingTurkishscholarship
ontheExchangerepresentsamodeofthinkingthathaslongbeenphasedoutor
marginalizedinGreekscholarship.
Asforthelattertrend,itisrepresentedbyscholarswhoarewellgroundedinthemost
recentscholarlycurrentsandmethodologiesinsocialsciencesandawareoftheongoingscholarlyresearchofrevisionistovertonesonthesubjectinGreeceand
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abroad.Unlikethoserepresentingthefirstmodeofscholarship,thescholarsinthis
categorytendtoadoptacriticalapproachtotheformationofthenation-statein
Turkey,underpinningthesocial,culturalandeconomicconsequencesofthe
Exchangeforthecountryasawhole.Inthiscontext,thesignificanceoftheExchange
isattributednotsomuchtoitsroleintheeradicationofanallegedlypotentially
dangerousminority,thusthehomogenizationofthecountry'spopulation,astoitstransformatoryimpactuponthephysicalandhumangeographyofthecountryby
restructuringitspropertymapaswellasbyreshapingitscompositionofthehuman
capitalandclassstructure(e.g.,theformationofaMuslim-Turkishbourgeoisie,etc.).
Sufficeittopointoutherethatregardlessoftheirorientations,boththesescholarly
trendsshouldbeappraisedforhavingplayedanimportantroleinbringingthetopicof
theExchangetothepublicattentioninTurkey.
Conclusions
Severalmajorconclusionscanbedrawnfromtheforegoingdiscussion.Asfarasthe
representationoftheExchangeintheGreekscholarshipisconcerned,thiseventhas
beenthesubjectofadouble-edgedinterpretation.Whileitssheeroccurrencewas
consideredasatragedytobeenduredbytheGreeksociety,thesuccessfulhandlingof
thisdraconianchallengebytheGreekstatewasregardedasatestimonytothevitality
ofGreekstatecraft.Thetragicdimensionofthestorywaseffectivelyincorporated
intothepoliticalrhetoricandhistoricaldiscoursewithaviewtobeing"remembered"
inpertinencetotheideologicalgoalsofpoliticalleadership.Moreoftenthannot,it
wasthesuccessparadigmattributedtotheroleoftheGreekstateinthehandlingof
suchahugeinfluxofrefugeesinashortperiodoftimethatbecamelargelyidentified
withtheExchangeinhistoricalwritings.Althoughrefugeessufferednumerous
predicamentsduringtheimplementationoftheConvention,thelong-termadvantagesofsuchanarrangementwerepraisedtohavefaroutweigheditsshort-term
disadvantages.Sincesuchanarrangementbroughtinitswakethesafetyofthe
northernbordersofthecountry,ontheonehand,andaccountedforitsethnicand
nationalhomogenization,ontheother.Furthermore,therefugeeinputintotheGreek
economyintheformofindustrialworkforceandtheexpansionofdomesticmarket
wascoupledwithforeignloansfloatedatthetimetoboostthecountry'seconomy.
Thus,inthefinalanalysis,thestandardGreekexplanationontheconsequencesofthe
Exchangeemphasizedtheadvantagesofthiseventforthecountrywhileitsdramatic
effectsupontherefugeeswereforthemostpartoverlooked.
Needlesstosay,theTurkishdimensionoftheExchangehasbeenrenderednearlyobsoleteinthisnarrative.Suchamonolithictendencywasbuttressedfromthevery
outsetbytheindifferentapproachoftheTurkishnationalhistoriographytothe
subject.LikemanyhistoricaldevelopmentsbehindthemakingoftheTurkishnation-
state,theExchangecouldnotsecureitselfaplaceinthenewlywrittenbiographyof
theTurkishnation.Thenewpoliticalleadershiptendedto"forget"manyhistorical
occurrencesthattheyconsideredirrelevantorpotentiallythreateningtotheirnational
project.TheadoptionofreligionastheprincipalcriterionfortheExchangemight
havebeenconsideredquiteincompatiblewiththesecularvisionofthepolitical
leadership.Inaddition,thedifferencesoftheincomingrefugeesfromthenative
populationswerenotsoeasilyreconcilablegiventhefactthatreligion--upheldasa
unifyingdeviceduringthewar--wasdiscreditedasabaselinefornationalunity.Perhapsmoreimportantly,therevolutionaryleadershipadoptedacommanding
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attitudeonthe'imagination'andimpositionofanationalidentitythatwouldunifythe
populationsonthebasisofcommonethnicityandterritorialbelonging.Suchconcerns
figuredprominentlyintheidentitypoliticsoftherulingeliteandunderscoredthe
templateofnationalhistory.Needlesstosay,thoseconcernsbroughtaboutthe
exclusionofhistoricaloccurrences,suchastheExchange,fromthenewly
reconstructed"HistoryoftheTurkishRevolution."ThesilenceoftheTurkishhistoriographyontheExchangehasinturnresultedintherootingoftheunbalanced
representationofthiseventrecountedabove,inwhichtheTurkishroleinthedecision
makingprocessaswellastheimplementationoftheExchangeConvention,more
particularlytheresettlementoftheincomingrefugees,havebeensubjectedtoovert
generalizationsandunfoundedassumptions(Yildirim).
Inthefinalanalysis,itisthecontentionofthepresentauthorthatthestudyofthe
Turco-GreekExchangeofPopulationsasahistoricaloccurrencehasbeenthesubject
ofmuchdistortioninthehistoriographicaltraditionsofnationalistloreinGreeceand
Turkey.TherepresentationoftheLausannerefugeeshasthusbeendictatedbythe
orientationofthesetendencies.ItismycontentionthatonlywhentheExchangeisnottreatedasanabstractionbutasaconcretehistoricalphenomenonthattheLausanne
refugees--withtheirenormoussufferingincludingthelossofhomesandlivelihoods
andthedisruptionofsocial,culturalandeconomicties--willemergeasactiveagents
ofhistory,moreactorsthanactedupon.
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Notes
(1.)Karakasidounotesthat"therefugeesarestillenshrinedinmuchGreek
historiographyasexemplaryvictimsofthepersecutionsufferedbytheGreeknation
atthehandsofitseternalenemy,theTurks."(Karakasidou150)
(2.)TheNationalSchismaroseovertheissueofGreece'spositionintheWW1.
VenizelosandhisLiberalPartyadvocatedapro-Ententeposition,urgingthecountry
tojointhewaronthesideoftheEntentewhichwouldenableGreecetofulfillits
irredentistdreams.KingConstantineandhissupportersadoptedapro-German
positionoutofrespectforthelatter'smilitarystrength.Thisdisputegenerateda
constitutionalcrisis,leadingtoavirtualcivilwarin1916-1917betweenthe
provisionalgovernmentwhichVenizelossetupinSalonicaandtheofficial
governmentinAthens.Thedisputecontinuedtodividepoliticiansduringmuchofthe
interwarera.
(3.)AccordingtoDimitriKitsikis,themassiverefugeesupporttoVenizelosinthe
politicalarenawasthereflectionofa"collectivemasochism"onthepartofthe
refugeessinceVenizeloswastheprincipalfigureresponsiblefortheiruprootingfrom
AsiaMinor(Kitsikis214)
(4.)FromthespeechoftheDeputy,M.KurkosintheGreekParliamentonJuly7,
1924.(QuotedbyTounta-Fergadi,24).
(5.)Thisparadigmcontinuestobethebackboneofthepoliticalrhetoric.In1984,the
Greekpresident,ConstantineKaramanlis,whomadetheopeningspeechina
conferenceorganizedbytheInstituteforBalkanStudiestocelebratetheeightiethanniversaryoftheMacedonianStruggle,pointedoutthat"thecourseofanationis
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alwaysrelatedtothepurityandthedepthofitsmemory.Thismemoryisasourceof
knowledgeoftheachievementsandtheshortcomingsofthepast,andalsoasourceof
principlesthatwilldeterminethenation'sfuturemission.MemoryfortheGreeksis
identifiedwiththeconsciousnessoftheunbrokencontinuityofGreeklifefrom
Homertothepresentday."(TranslatedandcitedbyGounaris237).
(6.)ThecataloguedmaterialconcerningtheExchangeinthearchivalcollectionsof
theRepublicArchives(CumhuriyetArsivi)inAnkaraiscurrentlylimitedtothe
governmentaldecreesandresolutionsonthesubject.Itisknowntothepresentauthor
thatthisparticularrepositorycontainsmanyotherdocumentarycollectionsrelevantto
theExchange.Amongthesesourcesaretheliquidationcertificatesoftherefugees
(tasfiyetalebnamesi),thetranscriptionsofthediscussionsintheMixedCommission
(MuhtelitMubadeleKomisyonu),thefilesoncasesbetweentheGreekrefugeesand
TurkeyaccordingtotheAthensAccordof1926.TheRepublicArchiveshaslong
beenpursuingapolicytoretainthearchivesofallthestateinstitutions.
QuestiaMediaAmerica,Inc.www.questia.com
PublicationInformation:ArticleTitle:The1923PopulationExchange,Refugeesand
NationalHistoriographiesinGreeceandTurkey.Contributors:OnurYildirim-
author.JournalTitle:EastEuropeanQuarterly.Volume:40.Issue:1.Publication
Year:2006.PageNumber:45+.COPYRIGHT2006EastEuropeanQuarterly;
COPYRIGHT2006GaleGroup