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ArizonA MArkeT: inTer-eThnic collAborATion in brcko
Not far from the north Bosnian town of Brcko lies one of the most notorious marketplaces in south-eastern Europe: Arizona Market. It has 2,500 stalls on an area covering 40 hectares, receives 3 million visitors a year and employs directly or indirectly an estimated 100,000 people. Apart from these statistics, what distinguishes the market depends on participants’ perspectives and interests, and these can differ considerably. For some, it is a model of a multi-ethnic com-munity, for others it is the largest open-air shopping mall in the Balkans, while still others experience it as hell on earth. The differences in perspective depend upon which of the numerous stages and transformations of what is commonly called Arizona Market one is referring to.
The strip of land occupied by the present Arizona Market is a part of the war zone that was fiercely fought over by Serbian, Croatian and Bosnian Muslim units because of its strategic position after Bosnia-Herzegovina had left the federal state of Yugoslavia in 1991. Besides the entities set out in the Dayton Peace Accords of November 1995, i.e. the Serbian Republic and the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the disputed territory around the town of Brcko, whose future was to be decided in an international arbitra-tion process, was granted special status. It was placed under the direct supervision of a special supervisor from the Office of the High Representative (OHR) of the inter-national community of states for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Along the so-called Arizona Corridor (the north-south link between Bosnia and Croatia, which divides the Serbian Republic into a western and an eastern part), thus named by the IFOR/SFOR troops, an economic hub has established itself whose importance extends far beyond the area occupied by the Special District of Brcko. In 1996, after the checkpoint set up at the interface between the three ethnic groupings had evolved into an informal meet-ing place where cigarettes and cattle were traded and coffee was served at the road-side, the local commander decided to encourage initial encounters between members of the different ethnic communities by establishing a ‘free-trade zone’, with the aim of consolidating peace. SFOR soldiers levelled several hectares of farmland, cleared the mines and supplied building materials. In next to no time, the largest informal market for goods in Southern Europe arose on the opposite side of the road to the checkpoint: with wooden huts, improvised stalls, smuggled goods and bootleg versions of brand-name goods. Textiles, food, electronic products, building materials, cosmetics, car accessories and CDs could all be purchased at favourable prices there. The cheapest goods could be acquired directly from the lorries.
Decisive for the continued development of Arizona Market was the fact that, unlike most other informal markets, it arose on the open fields with the support of the armed forces. In the years that followed, the convergence of economic activities at the site and the self-organization of this grey trade area were extolled as a model for promoting the sustained development of communications and community structures between former wartime enemies. Supplementing the simple market facilities and mobile sales, the first houses soon arose, presaging the emergence of a self-organ-ized urbanization process on the site. As time went by, ever more bars and motels operating in these huts and houses started to accommodate a form of trade that made it increasingly difficult to sell – at an international level – the success story of peace based on the market economy. For at Arizona Market, the real money was made through prostitution and trafficking in human beings: with women and girls who were being brought in from Eastern Europe. According to reports, they were rounded up on the streets and resold like cattle from one bar owner to the next. On 26 October 2000, the international community (OHR, OSCE, UNMIBH and SFOR) announced a package of measures designed to purge Arizona Market of such illegal activities. These measures focused on regulating the issue of licences and tax revenues and relocating the market by June 2001 to a new site that would offer
all the necessary facilities and safety features.1
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of forms, colours, materials and standards. Turbo architecture is one of the uncon-cealable and unrestrainable results of the black market. It is ‘proof that architectural production depends neither on a stable market nor on a stable political system’.5 Turbo architecture is a self-created niche marking out its own field of operation by skilfully manoeuvring through a combination of half-truths, misunderstandings and local reactions; it is the antithesis of the firmly laid-down rules of the master plan. In this sense it counterbalances the design envisaged for the new Arizona Market. Indeed, at Arizona Market, at the interface between the grown settlement and the new developments on allotted plots, ‘Balkanized’ house models respond to a land-scape of instable policies with powerful gestures of invulnerability and success, hyper-materialism and hyper-identifiables.
In contrast to all of these facades, developments on the other side of Arizona Road point to the vital contribution that invisible labour markets have made to Arizona Market’s prosperity. The far-reaching trade contacts find their official expression in the fact that Italproject is developing the Trade City of China on the other side of Arizona Road. The Trade City of China is a theme shopping centre designed to accommodate over 100 businesses that import their goods directly from China and resell them in Brcko to wholesalers and retailers. This splendid future is being made possible by hundreds of Chinese workers who are staying in a bunkhouse in a vacant salesroom that stands in the shadows of advertising hoardings. If one takes Arizona as a model of a market-oriented town-establishment project, then the Trade City of China is Arizona’s Chinatown, and its decorated prefabricated hall a sign of changing trade relations. Arizona, being caught up in the vortex of these diverse enterprises, is also surrounded by a variety of conceptions. In their study on the Arizona Market, Harvard Business School economists, for instance, have concluded that democracy is not necessarily a precondition for launching capitalist economies. The armed forces, they argue, are more efficient than a democratically elected government at triggering economic processes, because they, like their market counterparts, go into operation when states of emergency present themselves.6 Where the Harvard study praises the combination of a military framework and economic self-organization as a model for a perfect market-oriented state structure, others condemn the transformation process as a lost opportunity to urbanize the area from below. This shift in attention to tax rev-enues and ignorance about the potential that self-regulating structures contain have extinguished any hopes of forward-looking models of sustainable urban development. To cite Azra Akšamija: ‘A fundamental reorganization of a situation in the case of a conflict provides the possibility to intuitively come to terms with the economic and political changes that ensue. Using the existing conditions to create new ones would have continually reshaped the market without destroying its original character.’7
In only 10 years, Arizona Market has been transformed from a space of bare survival into a centre of ubiquitous consumption. What was once a mere border guard post has now become a post-metropolitan territory. Hopes that Arizona Market might become a model for a self-organized town were dashed when a market arose whose existence and development were far more extensively tied up with the presence of the international defence force than that formerly generous gesture to bulldoze a few fields seemed to suggest. The UNHCHR attributes the crisis – the dramatic increase in prostitution and trafficking in women – to, among other things, the presence of over 30,000 peacekeepers in BiH.8 Bosnia was not so much a transit country as a destina-tion for women victims of trafficking. The SFOR troops were not only customers, but allegedly also had their share of the profits accruing from smuggling and corruption. The ‘solution’, based on the model of ‘urban renewal’ developed in the US in the 1960s (declaring a district a problem area and thus permitting large- scale expropriation in the name of the ‘public interest’), was fostered by the trans-formation of the legal system in the Brcko district with the help of legal advisers financed by USAID (US Agency
for International Development).9
The most striking thing about this strategy to regain control over Arizona Market – which ultimately culminated in the ceremonial opening of a new shopping centre in the presence of the Principal Deputy High Representative, the US Ambassador, Donald S. Hays, on 11 November 20042 – was the way the international community, which exercised politico-territorial control, and an international investor co-operated in privatizing public space. In February 2001, the supervisor ordered the closure of the existing market.3 In December that year, Italproject, an Italian-Bosnian-Serbian con-sortium, won a tender to establish and operate a new market. The consortium signed a 20-year leasing agreement with the district administration that granted it the right to retain 100 per cent of the rental income for a period of seventeen years in return for developing the infrastructure. The project envisaged investing 120 million euro, under the supervision of the EUFOR (EU), to develop a modern trade infrastructure on an area initially comprising 60,000 square meters. In a later phase of development, a complexly structured economic and trade base for the entire southern European area was to be established, which would include multiplex cinemas, hotels, casinos and
a conference centre. Italproject offered existing traders the opportunity to rent or buy stalls in module-like rooms. Resistance by landowners and traders to this total takeover was met with compulsory disposses-sions. This response was justified with the argument that it was in the public interest to ensure that the dis-trict administration of Brcko complied with the agree-ments concluded with Italproject.4 Demonstrations and road blockades staged to oppose the demolition of the old site were cleared by the police. As most of the landowners affected were Croatians who sought the support of nationalist groups to assert their cause, the maxim of achieving reconciliation by taking economic measures came dangerously close to fomenting an ethnic conflict as a result of what was seen as an arbitrary allocation of economic options.
The transformation of the informal market into a shopping centre, which was intended to prevent illegal activities and, at the same time, preserve its economic vitality, signalled a critical turning point, revealing the limits of translating between formal and informal systems. The ‘spontaneous’ evolution of a public-urban space in the shape of an informal market surrounded by transporters and huts was replaced by enclosed fee-charging parking spaces. The coming together of diverse cultures was now regulated by fixed opening hours and private security guards. In summer 2006, there was little sign of the original Arizona Market (Arizona 1) with its thousands of wooden huts standing around a tarpaulin and metal-roofed bazaar. All that was left after the site had been cleared were a few levelled-off fallow fields – an uncanny reminder of that moment, a decade earlier, when the bulldozers started work. The present Arizona Market contains the market halls operated by Italproject and Arizona 2, a hybrid urban entity whose gravel roads and wooden verandas not only make it look like a Wild West town – a rudimentary social and economic frontier – but also conjure up images of an embryonic self-organized town where people can live and trade. A new type of local structure is emerging here which is composed of the remains of the former ‘rampant’ developments and the newly partitioned plots of the master plan whose module structures are being appropriated through individual aesthetics. A residential settlement has evolved polymorphously above two clearly arranged sales floors, inspired by urban models. At the same time, the wide variety of roof extensions, window apertures, balustrades and other forms of decoration signal the advent of individual inhabitation of the large-scale structures of strategic investments. The site’s remarkable form reflects the struggle of official planners to control the dynamics of the black market. In this segment of the market, the conver-gence of the two systems has led to the proliferating parallel existence of cultural claims and practices. Here, the tension between informally and formally regulated organizational forms has enhanced the aesthetics of spatial use which Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss describes as ‘turbo architecture’ – a kind of aesthetics that takes
its orientation from self-made truths about national tradition, rules and architec-tural style and invents new typologies from a combination of diffuse repertoires
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Nowadays, Arizona Market is characterized by two things that are ultimately related to each other. Although – or because – the international community has intervened massively in the regulation of the market, the purging of the market by means of centralized controls has been an extremely nebulous affair: on the one hand, for example, Italproject’s Italian lenders are persistently not named and, on the other hand, Italproject refuses to ask where the buyers of new market properties obtain the money they need to make their purchases. Rumours range from assertions of lucrative deals being made by organized veterans of paramilitary associations and the employment of suspected war criminals, to allegations of deals being struck with former brothel-owners who are not content to rent one stall only, but invest in ‘turbo penthouses’ occupying several floors. The convoluted flows of international money and goods at Arizona Market may have now entered a new phase, yet the form of capitalism that prevails there now is no less ‘rampant’ than it used to be. Its attrac-tion lies in an all-pervading motivation to gain some form of control – ranging from the need to survive, at one end of the scale, to international relations at the other – by seizing anything that is not yet subject to controls. All these many different levels of exchange have created the countless trade situations that one finds at Arizona Market, which promise everyone an opportunity to exploit the market to their own ends, even if this only means purchasing a cheap T-shirt.
isTAnbul ToPkAPi: TrAnsienT TrAffic
In July 2005, one of the lead-ing forums for international architecture – the 22nd World Congress of Architecture – was held in Istanbul under the motto ‘Grand bazaar of architectureS’. The central theme of the congress was the utopian idea of a plural-istic world in which cultural differences are not a source of animosity and atrocities, but a resource to help people find a way to live together in harmony.10 The leading lights in contemporary architectural design presented their models and discussed them in the context of Istanbul’s struggle for recognition as a cosmo-politan city. Outstanding engineering achievements, sustainable planning and cul-tural heritage formed part of a well-orchestrated protocol of declarations of intent to participate in the exclusive
set of global cities. The allegorical motto of the congress as well as its point of refer-ence – the legendary oriental bazaar that leaves no desires unfulfilled – transfigure the socio-spatial challenge posed by a rapidly expanding megacity and its hope that it will be saved by quick responses from architects and town planners.
Outside the tourist centres and escaping international attention lies a very different type of bazaar. It is composed of a vast network of provisional, informal street markets that establish themselves right alongside building sites where urban renewal plans are being realized, beneath terraces of city motorways and next to newly constructed
tramway lines. These markets disappear as quickly as they materialize, only to reappear elsewhere. This bazaar is not so much a location for trading goods as
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a space under negotiation. It is a threatening and threatened space which winds its way through the city from site to site and temporarily uses (as the intermediary user of the newly planned infrastructure) the wastelands along the development axes of the planned city.
Both the ambivalent form of the ‘bazaar’ and the schizophrenic manner in which it produces space are symptomatic of the way modern Istanbul’s entire spatial development has proceeded up to now. Its present largely stems from its having developed outside the regular planning channels. Istanbul’s explosive growth has seen the number of residents rise from 1 million in 1950 to 9 million in 1995 and finally to an estimated 15 million in 2005. These millions of domestic migrants from Eastern Anatolia have primarily found accommodation in illegally built dwellings, in Gecekondus built ‘over night’. They make up countless villages, based on local relationships, on the outskirts of the multi-million metropolis and account for up to 65 per cent of all buildings there. There has been an influx of the rural and the dirty, from which the pro-Western middle class feels increasingly overrun. Urban researcher Orhan Esen believes that this development has resulted in Istanbul more and more losing sight of its own urban reality during the twentieth century.11 The dominant con-ceptual model of the city of modernity, one based on planned intervention, has failed here. And in the rejection of the autonomously and collectively, self-built environ-ment typical of Gecekondu culture, as well as its suppression from discourse on the contemporary city, open debate with this city has given way to shame and encour-aged denial and a tendency to withdraw. It has come to the point where Istanbul is frequently portrayed as an agglomerate that cannot be represented and is doomed to decline. The result is a city without a language, in other words: a city unable to reflect upon itself in any other terms than in those of the failure, the worthless and the abject. Over the past two decades, as the number of residents and developed areas has risen, a conspicuous shrinking process has occurred that is typical of the globalized city. An increasingly large and ‘invisible’ city confronts a small core of globally usable infrastructural spaces. This infrastructure does not cater for a local environment, but for global processes centred on the lifestyles of the global elites, which meet face-to-face in an increasingly generic city.12 As the city shrinks, it increasingly isolates all that lies outside the loops of global networks. In Istanbul, for example, there is a widely spread myth that the millions of residents in the undersupplied periphery have never made it as far as the Bosphorus, let alone the urban hubs of public-political activity such as Taksim Square or Istiklal Caddesi in Beyoglu.
The merging of urban production with the circulation of state planning agents and the informal economy has created countless hybrid spaces in Istanbul. One of these arose in 2005 before the gates of the Byzantine city wall in the district of Topkapı, where the building sites of two of the main enterprises that took on the job of tidying up the city in the 1980s converge. On the one hand, a traffic network of urban motorways has been created there in the style of modernist US urbanism. On the other hand, the 1,500-year-old Byzantine city fortifications have been reinstated there in their original condition. In nationalist literature, their continual decline and the living conditions in the wretched areas bordering the fortifications had come to symbolize both the impoverishment of Istanbul and the stronghold of true Turkish values.13 Between newly delivered and unused building materials, impassable heaps of crushed stone and 8-lane motorways, a swarm-like mass fills a black market covering several kilo-metres. Piles of second-hand goods and fabrics are mixed up on bare ground with new TV sets, refrigerators, pieces of furniture and computers. On days when visitors turn out in strength, several thousand people can been seen negotiating this construc-tion site of the new Istanbul.
The informal market evokes an archaic model of a city that arises organically as trading centre at the junction of transport and trading routes. In the case of Topkapı, however, it is also moving in the shadows of official town planning, which it tempo-
rarily turns into a vehicle serving informality. This market makes use of the semi-finished building structures in a way that has less to do with their intended uses Tr
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Cherkizovsky Market (often referred to as Izmailovo Market) in the northeast of Moscow, is one of the largest informal markets in the city, with connections to all parts of the Russian Federation and beyond. On an area three times the size of that occupied by the Kremlin in Moscow, 15 specialized trading areas form a rampantly growing bazaar structure that com-pletely surrounds Izmailovo Stadium and includes all sorts of attractions: from Eurasia markets to the Izmailovo Kremlin (with a Vodka Museum), which
was specially erected for tourists, the sale of arts and crafts, and a reconstruction of Tsar Alexander’s wooden palace. The market’s ‘owners’ are among Russia’s new millionaires. Telman Ismailov, for instance, developed the AST group (one of Russia’s largest developers) with an estimated half a billion US dollars in annual rent taken from Cherkizovsky Market. A birthday song sung by Jennifer Lopez for a rumoured 1 million dollars established him in the media as one of Moscow’s new oligarchs. At the lower end of the new market-economy scale, there are thousands of migrants from Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, China and an extended Southeast Asia, who have come to seek work at the market as stall-minders, carriers and tea-sellers seven days a week. They sleep in the metal storage containers (above the stalls or on the periphery of the market) or in the cellars of the stadium. In this state of modern slavery, they are not only at the mercy of exploitative employers, but also of arbitrary police behaviour and gangs of young thugs. As a result, many of them never dare to go more than a few hundred metres from the market.
In September 2006, one month after the bombing, the vice-speaker of Moscow City Council announced that the market would be closing at the end of 2006. A few weeks later, the head of the Department of the Consumer Market of Moscow announced that most of the trading places on the site of the Russian State University of Physical Education (RGUFK) would be taken down by 1 July 2007, and the remainder by the end of 2007. This, it was said, would allow the site to be returned to its proper use, as a space where people could devote themselves to physical culture. But how is it pos-sible to determine the ‘proper’ use of a space, especially in an age of global restruc-turing? Does its use as a venue for sports events really do justice to the original plans? Or isn’t it simply a by-product, a parasitical use of its potential?
During the XXII Olympic Summer Games in 1980, the RGUFK site served as one of the locations of the Moscow Games. For the weight-lifting events, a new indoor arena, the Izmailovo Sports Palace, was erected. At the southern end of the site, next to Izmailovo Park underground station, the Olympic village was constructed in the form of a four-tower hotel complex with 8,000 beds. The stadium itself, which stands in the middle of the grounds, was built during the 1930s. It is a fragment of the envisaged ‘Central Stadium of the Soviet Union’ planned by Stalin to accommodate 120,000 spectators. Never completed, it also served to camouflage the ‘Reserve Command Centre of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army, I.V. Stalin’. Ultimately, the construction of the stadium was inspired by more than purely sporting considera-tions. Not only was the stadium intended to be bigger than Berlin’s Olympic Stadium, and its peculiar asymmetrical form designed to hold grandiose military parades at which the columns of tanks could roll into the stadium unhindered from the parade ground to the east. It was also conceived as part of a vast military infrastructure covering the entire Soviet Union. Situated 17 kilometres to the east of the Kremlin, a bunker beneath the stadium was designed as an intermediary stop-over point in case Hitler should launch a surprise attack on Moscow and the Soviet Command have to be evacuated to Samara, 1,000 kilometres away in the Urals. Consequently, sports events in Izmailovo have always been part of a far greater system of deceptions and com-pensatory gestures. Cultural events are just as important as strategically embedded building structures for preserving this system. Events such as these helped to sustain policies that were imitated with ever greater rapidity when the RGUFK site was con-verted into one of the largest informal trading centres in the Russian Federation.
Cherkizovsky Market was a product of the politics of individual initiatives pro moted by perestroika. Under its banner, members of the state sports
or with any conceptions or images of modern urban planning than with unplanned utilization and the economic situation of the rural population that has migrated to the city. Land has been occupied here on an improvised basis, bypassing the plan-ners. This approach is not based on how things will look after the plans have been realized, but seeks instead to realize alternatives to this process. The innovatory power of this informal economy is evident not only in its sheer size, but also in its far-reaching ramifications, with all the emerging services systems such as shuttle buses, street kitchens, middlemen, suppliers, livestock selling, the attendant forms of cultural entertainment and ad hoc shooting ranges. With its bizarre combination of modern transport systems, its symbolic sites of a national renaissance, spontan-eously arising market activities, rich visual display of the intricacies of legally author-ized work, its third market and informal trading, Topkapı represents more than just a coincidental clash of diverse forces. The growing perviousness of official and informal structures, the rampant appropriation of urban space and the accelerated disinte-gration of cultural territories are typical moments in the evolution of a city structure dictated by the new world economy, in which full control over a territory is no longer a relevant issue. In contrast to the territorially based economic forms, large and small spatial structures are evolving which circumvent the functional separation of space and embed themselves in the prevailing geography as a mesh of networks.
These observations raise the central question about the current status of planning as the once great hope of modernity. The self-organized economies of Istanbul’s poor defy the goals of official planning while being inextricably tied up with them at the same time. To the authorities, these economies are undesirable developments that must be eradicated by urban planning schemes. Proceeding from this logic, modern planning projects in Istanbul are not simply endeavours to find solutions to prob-lems linked with the city’s enormous growth, but also schemes that simultaneously trigger further conflicts. A street market like Topkapı clearly demonstrates the increas-ing energy with which Third World cycles encounter those of the First World – yet without the spatial shields or the mediatization once considered a matter of course. The essential point here is that there is absolutely no distinct dividing line nor – more importantly – is there any set of binding rules that could serve as an operational basis for an exchange between the systems. We only know that the minibus we try to stop by waving it down really is going to stop once we are inside it. Hence, participation in socio-spatial processes, for which the informal market situated amidst the hustle and bustle of Istanbul stands, echoes the performance – used as a metaphor by Ernesto Laclau – at which we always arrive too late. We live as bricoleurs in a world of imper-fect systems whose rules we co-determine and transform by retracing them. It is in this very moment, according to Laclau, that we find the key to (acts of) emancipation: in the middle of a performance that has started unexpectedly, we search for myth ical and impossible origins but are unable to rise above the impossible task facing us. What counts, however, is that we struggle and strive to arrive at decisions that have to be made because there is no superordinate monitoring or control system. Running counter to the radical foundation of a democratic society and operational structures sketched out in the great narrations of modernity, a model of political praxis is taking shape that is continuing to develop through a plurality of acts of democratization.14
Moscow izMAilovo: visiTing sTAlin
Thirteen dead and 53 badly wounded: this is the result of the bomb that exploded at Moscow’s Cherkizovsky Market on 21 August 2006. The dead included six Tajiks, three Uzbekis, two Russians, one White Russian and one Chinese. Among the badly wounded were many Chinese and Vietnamese. The suspects are three young Russian skin-heads, who are accused of ‘premeditated murder of two or more persons committed out of national hatred’. Immediately after the attack, the Moscow Public Prosecutor was still convinced that it was related to internal disputes between criminal associations of local traders, as had been assumed in the case of repeated explosions and arson attacks on Moscow markets in the past. Earlier, on 26 March 2005, the 10,000-square-metre Russian Court, the pseudo-historical wooden exhibition complex at Vernizash
souvenir market, had also been the target of one such ‘explosive’ conflict.
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institute began to use the grounds and buildings commercially. In June 1989, Sergei Korniyenko and a ‘collective of enthusiasts’ leased the stadium buildings. Under the terms of the contract, the spectators stands and the sports fields are to be available for events such as Spartakiade 2000 (‘For a United and Healthy Russia in the 21st Century’). The remaining spaces, like those beneath the stands, can be used commer-cially. FOP, the Sports Health Enterprise founded in 1989, proved to be extremely inno-vative. Nowadays, in conjunction with the New Historical Cultural Centre Izmailovo (NIC Izmailovo, founded in 1995), it operates enterprises as diverse as an arbalest shooting range, the Aero Fitness Club, various bars, the Lux Sauna, the Alain Beauty Salon (up to ‘European standard’) and the Preobrazheniye (Transformation) School for the Spiritual Development of Man, which is run by a cosmic artist-healer.
Furthermore, FOP played a vital role in the ‘rediscovery’ of Stalin’s old bunker. In 1994, the Iron Division club helped to organize a museum exhibition which was taken over from the Central Museum of the Armed Forces and opened as a branch on 1 September 1999. Adjacent to the bunker rooms, FOP operates a Georgian-style restaurant called Visiting Stalin, as well as a concert hall (holding 200 people) used for performances by the Prince Sergei Korniyenko Orchestra. Even though the bunker was apparently never used by Stalin himself – just as the stadium never performed the function originally anticipated – one can now book a bunker tour for a little over 100 US dollars. The price includes a visit to the reconstructed conference hall of the Supreme Command of the Red Army, as well as to Stalin’s study and recreational and leisure areas, plus a dinner at ‘Stalin’.
Alexander Ushakov, the General Director of Vernizash in Izmailovo, another com-pany operating on the site, was also a member of the State University of Physical Education. He was an active combat sambo wrestler, before he became a sports trainer. Ushakov took over the flea-market site to the south of the stadium from the RGUFK. He started to construct the Vernisazh Complex, which, not unlike Disneyland, accommodates countless imitations and set pieces from Russian architecture on an area covering 20,000 square metres. Here, a mixture of Russian arts and crafts is sold alongside Soviet souvenirs such as fur hats and Matroschka dolls, amidst the folklorist scenery of an old Russian village with a fort-like Wild West touch. The Vernisazh tourist market, initiated under perestroika, highlights the great expectations placed on the Western market. The far greater part of Cherkizovsky Market confronts these expecta-tions with the informal economy created by the new market systems in the deregu-lated transformation societies in the East.
Whereas the stadium was originally supposed to provide an arena for mass perform-ances demonstrating the superiority of the political order of the Soviet Union, it has now become the archaeological site testifying to the inner emptiness of a Babylonian city-within-a-city into the cracks of which the ants of globalization have now moved. No longer do revolutionary tanks roll or patriotic armies march on the parade ground, which has disappeared beneath the Eurasia Market. Instead, thousands of carriers and tea-sellers swarm out around the endless labyrinth of its kilometres-long halls to keep this rough trading organism alive. As a central trading place for the sheer necessities of life, the Cherkizovsky Market has become the contested scene of cultural identities where attempts to reconstruct a Russian national identity encounter the complex real-ities of a globalized migration-economy. The progressive commercialization of even the tiniest of niches has generated a large number of unforeseen spaces for micro-cultural negotiations, like the one for the 3,000 Mountain Jews from the Caucasus, for whom a 20-square-metre room – laid out with carpets and located between the shoe storerooms and the sportsmen’s and women’s toilets in the caverns of the stadium stands – serves as a synagogue. Like the majority of the hundreds of thousands of people whose existences are inextricably tied up with the market, they, too, are both marginalized and transformed into targets of a global tug-of-war over cultural identity. To some, they are ‘blacks’, to some they are not orthodox enough, while some doubt whether they are Jews at all.
Whereas the owners’ good contacts with the government and the mayor have led to repeated delays in implementing the plans to close the markets, a ruling to restrict the share of foreign workers at markets to 40 per cent, which came V
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is less a disciplinary organ than an expedient instrument for regulating ‘informal’ arrangements. Driven by new imperatives of social mobility and the expansion of transnational spaces brought about by the unequal movements of tourism, migration and flight, informal market types have come into being that have created, from local opportunities, novel and extreme physical configurations very different from the old centre-periphery model. These spatial structures are intermediate zones that are seized by diverse interest groups, no matter whether they are local or global, formal or informal, and own much or little capital.
Operating against centre-periphery logic, economic processes are currently spawning spatial network structures at whose intersections poles of economic development are being created that stand out against their immediate surroundings. As the economist Pierre Veltz shows in his model of the archipelago economy, the globally oriented homogenization of production finds itself repeatedly challenged by a dynamic net-work of bottom-up associations. The countless interstices in the archipelago, where people operate with social capital, trust, a shared culture and unspoken knowledge, contain a new zone characterized by the development of self-organized, small-scale social relations rich in endogenous development.16 Within this archipelago-like overall distribution of economic power, a new type of efficiency is emerging with corres-ponding spatial imperatives: unlike Fordism, the efficiency of an archipelago economy does not stem from specific forms of the division of labour, but from the quality of its communications and co-ordination processes, which, due to the specific spatial distribution of actors, can only be standardized to a certain extent.17 Informal relation-ship structures are needed so that these processes can spontaneously connect things outside the framework of unwieldy systems of rules. The processes that stimulate the self-organization of informal markets and direct the transactions create a lively
imbroglio of actors. It is because of family ties, the prospects of a quick sale and the opportunity to sell items at other markets, and because of friendships, dependencies, liabilities and debts to suppliers, as well as unexpected twists in people’s lives and the development of new relationships that people come together in an environment where they can benefit from worlds different from their own. It is not the constitution of leakage points – points where overflows are allowed to occur and the commodification of things is partially suspended – but a far more generous and inconspicuous opening up of many different worlds to each other that generates the vigorous dynamics and maximizes the turnover of the informal market.
One of the most striking features of the boom in informal markets in Europe over the past two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union has been the increas-ingly rapid development of external networks. This process has intensified exchange relations with markets outside Europe and, above all, with China. Operating in such extensive informal market structures means having to rely on network connections with special qualities. Relationships of trust, loyalties, favours and personal agree-ments determine what is known among cohesive transnational Chinese communities as ‘quanxi’ (relationships) between different people: exchange structures – based on personal contacts – that extend beyond formal agreements and are easy to mobilize.18 The Russian term ‘blat’ stands for a similar form of transforming social into finance capital. ‘Blat’ relationships are dynamic, long-term, and informal in nature: from black-market deals and party contacts to the exchange of services and reciprocal assistance in everyday life. The smooth transition from social exchange to profitable business deals encourages the extensive and increasing interweaving of economic, economical-ly caused and extra-economic phenomena. The increasingly refined channels through which goods and commodities are transported are an important instrument in this con-text. As labour conditions become increasingly precarious, the transport of goods and commodities becomes increasingly individualized, spreading across a large number of smaller towns and localities where finely meshed networks participate in informal trading structures. In this way, informal markets are part of a simultaneous process of geo-cultural fragmentation and expanded reproduction. They serve as models for
the materialization of a new spatial order of social strata, cultures, regions and associations from which new structures of civil-societal cohesion emerge.
into effect on 1 April 2007, really did have a widespread impact. From Moscow to Vladivostok, there are reports of markets collapsing completely. This has not only affected immigrants working at the market, but also all those impoverished sections of the Russian population who are dependent on the cheap products available at these markets. These policies (Russia for the Russians), which are propagated by Putin, are frequently seen as a tactically motivated response to the increase in racially inspired attacks. Consequently, the bombers of 12 August 2006, who felt that there were ‘too many Asians at the market’, ultimately did not only kill thirteen people and wound 53 others, but also affected, with their actions, the existence(s) of an estimated five million illegal immigrants in Russia.
MArkeT coMMuniTies
The complex transformations of the three sites dealt with here reveal how markets function as a dynamic force that generates new forms of collective exchange, and how this process relates to the aesthetics of establishing new social orders. Despite the very different ways in which historical developments and local micro- processes converge, there are similarities between the informal trading areas along the Byzantine city wall in Istanbul, the establishment of an economy in the district of Brcko and the never-ending transformation of a cultural site of national importance in Moscow. All three markets arose and expanded in a hybrid situation, meandering between informality and planning, and in a close dialogue with strategically important typologies of modern urban planning: sports and training centres, traffic buildings and facilities, and military complexes: in the stadium area of Moscow’s Cherkizovsky Market; between the newly constructed rapid transport systems and the historical fortifications in Istanbul; and at a checkpoint controlled by international troops in a Bosnian war zone. These three markets are now being demolished (Moscow), or transformed into legal structures (Brcko) or forced to move to new locations (Istanbul). The fate of these three junctions of self-organized trade is similar to that of other informal markets, following, for example, the pattern of the slow dismantlement of the Jarmark Europa at the Dziesięciolecia Stadium in Warsaw and the removal of the Polish market near Potsdamer Platz in Berlin around the time the Wall opened in 1989. These markets are able to survive for a short while as platforms for an experimental urbanity at the micro-level of everyday life; they then give way to the political pressure to create a new architectural order, which is supposed to restore some form of normative urbanity; later, they reappear somewhere else. Although these experimental structures repeatedly disappear from the face of the earth, they leave their mark on the fabric of the city. They transport images, ideas and values between different worlds. And with their improvised technologies, infrastructures and spatial pol-icies, they create openings for new urban situations and new links between the local and the global levels.
The term ‘informal market’ is a collective noun referring to widely scattered trading phenomena whose dynamics and forms of spatial materialization differ greatly in character, even though they are generally tied to political and economic transfor-mations. At the economic level, the term applies to incomes whose generation is ‘unregulated by the institutions of society, in a legal and social environment in which similar activities are regulated.’15 Informal markets refer to uncontrolled activities by travelling enterprises operating over large areas, such as the East European ‘suitcase traders’ and the mobile and border-crossing networks of the kiosk trade, as well as the rampant agglomerations of temporary grey and black markets that are provi-sionally occupying vacated plots everywhere. The globally distributed nodes of the informal economy are usually the product of political upheavals, global economic deregulation and related migration patterns, and new working and production situ-
ations. Nowadays, they arise at the interface marking the transition from nation states to a globally oriented, neo-liberal, control society, in which the state
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coMPliciTies
Informal markets are places of transition in more ways than one. They serve, on the one hand, as places for brief stays and are themselves often seen as mere ‘ transitional effects’: as adapters between unregulated relationships and order. This perspective views transition as a foreseeable process whose conclusion – as the result of a series of measures – is certain from the very start. It assumes the existence of a central intention that controls change, the existence of both an order-generating plan and the latter’s ability to capture a development in its totality. The concept of transi-tion that we are referring to here sees in this process a transition to a different, as yet unknown state, whose spatial form only reveals itself later. Initially, this transition is not physical. Even so, it still generates an accelerated space which, in the case of informal markets, is saturated with a surfeit of conflicting symbols and practices of signification. Transition, at the spatial level, characterizes ambiguously formed places where the transformation and novel organization of subjectivities are possible. Thus considered, informal markets are unstable and vulnerable places that do not appear in the matrix of territorial and ideological affiliation of individuals and cultures. They are channels through which cultures outside the designated places of encounter interact directly with the forces of globalization, creating another feature of liberalized global capital markets: a flexible shadow system, whose relationship to the homogeniz-ing forces of neo-liberal globalization is characterized, above all, by its paradoxical production of culturally heterogeneous micro-locations. Here the cultural paradoxes of globalization become evident. The traditions of self-appropriation of space and the self-organization of markets combine with the dynamics of neo-liberal globalization to create a contradictory process in which networks are formed at ever greater and asynchronous speeds, spaces are generated on a trans-territorial basis and cultural experiences are transformed.
When examining these scenarios, one cannot ignore the way neo-liberal policies are co-opting survival strategies in the Global South nor can one overlook the related expedient myths of informality that serve as an expression of emancipated individua-tion. Mobile and fleeting accumulation are just as attractive for the functioning of neo-liberal capital markets as they are for the organization of black markets. It is, therefore, necessary to ascertain which structural link lies behind these shared interests. Elmar Altvater and Brigitte Mahnkopf draw attention to this when they describe informality as the ‘shock absorber of globalization’ outside the framework of the welfare state and assistance programmes, and demand that it be understood as ‘an expression of structural transformations in the relationship between global, national and local economies under the dictate of global competitiveness.’19 This complex relationship between neo-liberal government techniques and forms of self-organization, as well as the spread of the market mentality20 to the organization of creative processes and critical practices has led to a multiply encumbered starting point – to take up the ques-tion of how cultural experience can be organized in a way that generates space for modes of expression whose outline is yet to be defined.
Both the global art market and the ever-growing market of the creative industries determine the patterns through which the aesthetics of resistance are able to perpetu-ate themselves intentionally, as it were, in a spectacularized world of consumption and to become profitable in the process. Faced with the extended boundaries of the neo-liberal market, the battle – initiated within the extended field of art and archi-tecture in the 1990s – to radicalize culture by fusing art and life is now in danger of degenerating into a commissioned parody of itself. In a climate marked by the neo-liberal ‘appropriation of forms of appropriation’, the control of critiques of control and the abstraction of the senses by the sensualization of abstraction, it seems wrong, at first sight, to take informal markets, of all things, as a point of departure for reflecting upon models of alternative economies in which new horizons of cultural experience can be organized outside both central controls and profit-oriented frames of refer-ence. According to Saskia Sassen, informal markets are the low-cost equivalent of global deregulation and serve, first and foremost, as the suppliers of advanced urban economies, with the sole difference that, at the lower end of the scale, the risks and
costs have to be borne by the actors themselves.21 With her argumentation, she finds herself in the same boat as Mike Davis, who, in Planet of Slums (2006), C
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In these analyses of informal markets, it is not a question of establishing what the markets represent in themselves or are supposed to achieve, but of ascertaining what they can help to realize at a different level. Informal markets create a conflict-ridden terrain of accesses without explaining the principles behind accessibility. They are not a concept of space, but an expression of social praxis. We are particularly interested in the point at which transformations occur when informal market realities connect up with their specific field of application: the place where they take root, crystallize into new forms, and trigger effects that extend the field of social perception and activity. In exploring scenes such as these, we are interested, in other words, in how alternative involvement is possible – with the spontaneously emerging spaces of informal market activities and their physical and visual properties – that will enhance that logic of resistance which affects not only concrete experiences themselves, but also the hori-zons and modalities that organize these experiences. What we associate with this kind of commitment is certainly not the production of a map that assigns a specific activity to a specific location and represents a geography of ‘sites of informal trade’. Nor are we concerned with a comprehensive typology of informal markets or a typology of the spaces in which informal trade takes place. Our interest in the complexity of local situations is mainly concerned with examining those perspectives from which the many fleeting flows of convergence, aggregation and atomization, which are charac-teristic of informal exchange, are themselves considered. The local space is the terrain on which the dynamic movements of countless actors are recorded, strip by strip, in scattered visual allusions, physical signs, spontaneous scenes and small organi za-tional changes that trigger the growth of a network of ‘trans-localities’.
boundAry econoMies
One of the most virulent sites of conflict in recent times has been the transition from governance centred on the nation state to an ensemble of forms of governing and regulation that is increasingly attuned to the mentalities of networks and markets. As forms of cohesion change, temporary geographies with unequally saturated power constellations emerge that are particularly dependent on one parameter: mobile and short-term accumulation. Within global market realities, the spread of market techniques to all areas of life, which Foucault characterized as the main principle of neo-liberal governmentality, has created new relationships between the world and the subject. Governmentality thus works on a liberalized economy of the ontological. Each ‘governmental measure’, in other words, each measure aiming to direct, control and manage individuals and collectives that wants to seize some space within this structure, must first, according to Foucault, pass the ‘market test’. One important aspect of the economization of the social level is the extension and naturalization of governmental activities, whose product is homo oeconomicus: a social actor commit-ted to maximizing his or her personal gain.25 Foucault also points out, however, that people never exclusively play the role of homo oeconomicus. The arts of government also allow the subjects to act in accordance with their own will, to deviate, and to com-mit misdemeanours intentionally, which might be directed against the goals of the government, because they establish markets, for instance, which allow people to gain social experiences outside the designated categories. In this sense, then, they permit activities that involve resistance and block old categories, thereby allowing new avenues for self-constitution to open up. In this way, markets can serve as settings for exposing social normalization and negotiating resistance.
In neo-liberal economics, the role of homo oeconomicus can be considered only as a utopian nucleus that serves to limit governmental power to those domains in which there is no risk of conflicts with the practice of social life. In this sense, it is an expe-dient ‘interface between government and individual’.26 As a result of both the ever greater influence of economic knowledge on social organization nowadays and the dominance of socially accepted knowledge structures that endeavour to make capital out of the most remote spheres of cultural production, conflict areas multiply when-ever economic requirements and social network structures merge. The question as to how, in such a situation, economic calculation divorces social behaviour from its
context and networks lies behind the Actor-Network Theory (ANT) developed by Bruno Latour, Michel Callon and John Law in the 1990s. In Actor Network Theory
presents an ensemble of epistemological fallacies on informality in order to expose the strategic nature of the ideology of informal organization. From the myriad of concealed forms of exploitation and seduction to the fanatic obsession with quasi-magic ways of acquiring money (gambling, pyramid schemes, etc.) to the diminution of social capital as a result of increasing competition within the informal sector, Davis lists all the erroneous beliefs held by the advocates, such as the Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto, of an ‘invisible revolution’ of informal capital.22 Instead of fulfilling the promise of greater upward mobility, the boom that began in the informal sector in the 1980s led to greater ethno-religious differentiation, as well as to increased exploitation of the poor and urban violence. Davis’s notion of a counter-offensive to the neo-liberal version of informality involves strengthening trade union structures and radical political parties and, last but not least, reviving a community based on worldwide solidarity within the framework of a militant refusal to accept the assigned marginal role within global capitalism.23
The wealth of arguments and evi-dence, as well as all the statistics, maps and diagrams that have been presented, seem to demand a condemnation of the state of informality – a condemnation that can draw on well-documented material on the dynamics of pov-erty, exploitation and oppression. The roles of power seem to be too clearly allocated and consoli-dated to imagine how – through the way they function – they can allow alternative social formations to develop. But what if we refuse to accept this logic for a moment and take a look at an entire series of shortcomings in the apparatus of global economic control that we have just criticized – short-comings that can create space for social experiences outside the boundaries within which this apparatus exercises control? If one looks beyond the boundar-ies imposed on the world by the economic regime, one sees the manifestation of the boundary
as a political space that cannot be controlled through the workings of the economy alone and which therefore creates a space for re-structuring social order. Attempts to explain informal activities from the standpoint of the totality usually ignore the way in which local spaces are changed by a large number of actors and spontaneously co-ordinated modes of behaviour that cannot be determined by knowing the overall situation. Hence, the type of habitable formation and the potential for change offered by networks of informal organizations are often overlooked. Although power circu-lates in such networks, people are not merely the consenting targets of those who exercise power, but, as Michel Foucault argues in his lectures at the Collège de France in 1975-1976, the relays of power. Power is a kind of arrangement: people submit to power and exercise power. Power flows through them, which means that it can be seized and redirected.24 Hence, one of the ways of carrying out artistic interventions and thinking architecturally is, therefore, to search – beyond the world of hackneyed concepts such as slum culture, chaos economy, social mobility and transitional societies – for ideas, impressions, images and experiences that help to show ways of making local co-ordination work in these spaces of self-organized exchange, and to demonstrate how the forces of change are not appropriated or passed on in the same
way as property and commodities, but are, instead, directed through networks with differentiated structures.
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– The Market Test’27 Callon argues that markets are not embedded in networks – not even when they use their flows and intensities to generate trade. If this were not the case, the argument continues, they would be unable to produce calculating actors who settle conflicts by fixing prices. Homo oeconomicus and homo sociologicus are not, in Callon’s view, opposing forces, but individual actors with perfectly stable spheres of competence.28 Whereas in Mark Granovetter’s much-cited theory of ‘weak ties’, social networks represent the milieu that configures markets,29 Callon believes that it is precisely those establishments and elements (catalogues of goods, anonymity processes, financial controls, etc.) which reject networks and create space for calculability within the framework of transactions and by creating an arena that breaks down the constituents of an unregulated assemblage into its individual com-ponents. The calculability thus achieved (in Callon’s theory) is based on processes of disentanglement, separation and dissolution affecting parts of a network, and on the destabilization of old relationship patterns in favour of a superior market inter-est. Amidst all the radically vague and flowing communication, fixations and frames are thus established which are able to act at a distance to weak social bonds. In brief: frames are placed on a fabric of fluid relationships to create a basis for economic co-ordination and transparent calculation. This necessary process of alienation, on which the market is based (according to ANT), generates a wide range of frames and configurations in parallel to the crea-tion of the social, psychological and communicative horizons of life. This process is advanced by a multiplicity of different interests that are equilibrated with the aid of economic calculation. As it is impossible to equilibrate everything, strategies are needed to deal with overflows. Relationships are created that do not appear in a calculated frame: as externalities that can be internalized to a certain degree, but also produce new externalities. Each transaction concluded on the market produces, in other words, business sidelines that escape the control of the central actors. For this reason, elements are also needed with which the externalities can be used to fine-tune calculated processes locally. Susan Leigh Star and James Griesemer coined the term ‘boundary objects’ for these elements. Boundary objects serve, on the one hand, to stabilize activities in a shared market environment and, on the other hand, to open up a market to other worlds. They have ‘different meanings in different social worlds but their structure is common enough to more than one world to make them recognizable means of translation. The creation and management of boundary objects is the key to developing and maintaining coherence across intersecting social worlds’. 30 They facilitate the production of space for overflows.
If the neo-liberal drive to cheat the regulated market affects ever more people who are excluded from the rules, pressure will grow to create a different kind of exchange in which a series of agreements is annulled. As the informal market cannot obey the official rules, it can only rely on them to a certain degree. In order to maintain this trade structure, a network of informers, mediators, black marketeers, and middlemen is necessary. These networks, which are essential if an informal market is to function, form highly efficient boundary economies that can absorb the vast overflow produced by informal trade. A network generated by this collective involvement in business sidelines changes the rules by refusing to implement them. Overflowing is also a procedure used by contemporary artists and architects to manipulate the frame for explor-ing geo-cultural processes in order to establish new connections. Working in a variety of different projects, they play a game with the sensory horizons against which we perceive, and enter into contact with flows of human beings, goods and capital. Through acts of networking, aesthetic and political practises change the frames in our perception: whether it be to manu-facture a ‘third space’ for congregating, or to explore hidden phenomena, to sketch out alternative forms of exchange or to discuss the use of a certain space.
A trading place altered in this way generates other by-products, a different set of encounters
outside the customary conventions. If the creation of overflow points is both a means of artistic destabilization and an instrument of control for regulating niches, then the question arises of how the two forces operate in relation to one another. Does this make it easier to finely adjust the way dominant market relations are configured, or to create a loose network of creative mergers whose activities may spawn new centres of activity and trade? To avoid espousing a model of polar opposition, we should, from the very start, view existing forces not as opposing movements, or as the clear opposition of two sides, but as a continual reciprocal play of vague figures and shadows that employs the moments of framing and overflowing as means of creating ensembles and controlling horizons without laying down rigid goals. The network-generating processes in experimental artistic and architectural activi-ties demonstrate just how useful frames are for staking out relationship structures and co-ordinating co-operation, as, for example, in the joint production and distribution of knowledge. Drawing on analyses by the Swiss sociolo-gists Urs Bruegger and Karin Knorr Cetina, Brian Holmes has pointed out how markets can be described as know-ledge constructs. They act as epistemic objects within a sphere of technological and institutional frames. They are highly instable and variable in their nature as they always remain incomplete and changeable. This variability makes them seem alive and unpredictable. Holmes writes: ‘What is at stake in the new art are framing decisions which set boundaries around productive groups (by constituting relational structures with unique parameters) and at the same time provoke displacements (by engaging processes of self-reflection and intervention on those constitutive structures).’31 The point of this discussion on the inter-action between economic controls and creative network production is not the question of frames as such, but that of using frames. In brief: the politics of their deployment.
Whether in social or in political terms, the new subjectivi-ties emerging in the current flows of migration, displace-ment and resettlement become a nexus of contacts between conflicting worlds. They remain entangled but rework their entanglement within themselves, creating the subject as a fragmented battleground, as a potent and contested mobile arena. Informal markets come into conflict with the official social order because the economic system operates with different frames from those the victims of globalization need in order to sur-vive. Owing to the pressure to exclude their sociality in different ways, the migratory economies that are linked informally with one another, also come into conflict with one another. The way in which the compensations produced by trade overflows can help to negotiate this conflict shapes the forms and realities of our coexist-ence. Does the establishment of such frames permit the emergence of a fruitful and shared terrain or does it signify the violent end of all differences? Does over-flow result in one-sided profits or does it allow for the redistribution of shares – i.e. a self-determined reor-ganization of our subjectivities? A key moment in this discussion centres on operating outside existing polit-ical taxonomies. Many of the traditional taxonomies employed to gauge the dynamics of market activities are based on a conception of network structures as spatially linked
phenomena with clear goals. The exact opposite applies, however, when we con-sider, say, the spatial reality of global network migration, where abrupt mobility,
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no logical operational structure, but only a contingent operating mechanism – a social fabric geared to opportunities, one that continually obeys the principles of reciprocity instead of being subject to the dictates of rational calculation. If they are to attract fur-ther transactions, AbdouMaliq Simone argues that forms of urban sociality arising in the shadows of the informal economy need to be able to shield themselves from the public eye, scrutiny and comparison. He writes: ‘This process of assembling proceeds not by a specific logic shared by the participants but rather can be seen as a recombi-nation of contingency. In other words, a coincidence of perspectives, interpretations, engagements, and practices that enable different residents in different positions to either incrementally or radically, converge and/or diverge from one another and, in the process of doing so, remake what is considered possible to do.’32 One reason why framing processes are never completed when it comes to informal markets is rooted in the very nature of informal organization itself. Out of concern that such types of organization will become known, their frames are always provisional and mobile, so that they cannot be identified as having a tangible form or be assigned a familiar taxonomy. The movement of endless transfers is the dominant image of these global microstructures. Objects are transported ever further afield instead of being unloaded once at the ‘right’ place. The process of becoming of this particular place is rooted in the paths of movement themselves. Consequently, the process of transport is endless.
These sites of mobile and transient production, the deferral, obfuscation and active fragmentation of archival composition account for many of the activities that define informal trade as well as for the spatial emergence, dispersal and re-aggregation of informal markets: the lack of price tags, the false trade descriptions, the improvised trading places, the mutability of constellations, the devalued spaces filled with cultural hybridities, the abundance of strange objects that can be used for almost anything. They allow us to consider the potential of cultural encounters outside the formal mar-ket prerequisites of clarity, transparent calculation and disentanglement. The market, with all its hustling and bustling, creates a cacophony of sounds, voices and accents which finds its own social audience despite the fact that it does not resound in an ‘ideal speech situation’. Scattered informal arrangements of stalls, trailers, trucks and tent cities arise that do not constitute what modernist planning would consider a rich form of cultural co-habitation, but as places that always exist outside the conceptual framework of urban planning. Irregularities appear that characterize the ‘mosaic universe’ of diasporic movements where things and beings don’t converge on a totality, but assert their mutual relatedness by ‘inventing junctions and disjunctions that construct combinations that are always singular, contingent and not totalizing.’33 One could argue that the organizing principles of informal markets are not ideal blueprints for sustainable alternative economies, open community projects and new bonds of worldwide solidarity. They may, however, destabilize processes occurring within larger institutional and non-institutional ecologies that have been taken for granted for quite some time. This destabilization does not represent the transition from one system to another, but the slow and conflict-ridden process of multiply-ing systems in an amalgam of synchronicities that are mutually dependent and use one another. The alliance between informal and formal exchange systems spreads not through a strict process of creating frames but through never-ending entangle-ments in which overflows are not side-effects, but a mode of spontaneous operation, disguise, expansion and change. It is not despite, but because of this entanglement these structures transform themselves into something novel: they become amphib-ian forms. They multiply instead of disentangling themselves, producing a volatile body of knowledge which passes between informal global structures and the subject emerging from them.
extreme uncertainty and radical openness are the defining parameters of this kind of social and economic structure. This also raises the question as to how, in the absence of stable and reliable prognoses, it is possible to calculate activities within this sphere. What is the ‘market’ and cognitive value of frames circulating in the informal sphere?
In a certain sense, informality veils the epistemological dimensions of trading places. Informality filters knowledge, so that only some of the activities on the market remain intelligible, while murky segments, dubious contacts and risky transactions are supposed to go undiscovered. Precisely this aspect of knowledge production – the displacement, blacking out and the active suppression of knowledge – is respon-sible for a great deal of those activities that define not only informal trade, but also
the spatial appearance, dissolution and reconstitution of informal markets. The informal market is an instrument of concealed trade. In this sense, then, there is
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1 Office of the High Representative (OHR) and EU
Special Representative (EUSR) in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, ‘International Community to clean up
trade at the Arizona Market, Brcko’, Press Release
(26 October 2000).
Online: http://www.ohr.int/ohr-dept/presso/
pressr/default.asp?content_id=4092
2 Office of the High Representative (OHR) and EU
Special Representative (EUSR) in Bosnia and Herze-
govina, ‘PDHR to attend the formal opening of the
Arizona Market’, Press Release (10 November 2004).
Online: http://www.ohr.int/ohr-dept/presso/pressb/
default.asp?content_id=33492
3 Office of the High Representative (OHR) and EU
Special Representative (EUSR) in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, ‘Supervisory Order on the Use of
Land in Arizona Market’, Press Release (17 February
2001). Online: http://www.ohr.int/ohr-offices/
brcko/bc-so/default.asp?content_id=5323
4 Office of the High Representative (OHR) and EU
Special Representative (EUSR) in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, ‘Opening Remarks of Brcko Supervisor
on land expropriation in Arizona Market at a press
conference in Brcko on 25 July 2002’, Press Release
(25 July 2002).
Online: http://www.ohr.int/ohr-dept/presso/
presssp/default.asp?content_id=27536
5 Srdjan Jovanovic Weiss, ‘What Was Turbo
Architecture?’, in Almost Architecture (Stutt gart:
edition kuda.nao, merz&solitude, 2006), 28.
6 Bruce Scott and William Nash, ‘Global Poverty:
Business Solutions and Approaches’, paper given
at the Harvard Business School conference ‘Brcko
and the Arizona Market’ (1-3 December 2005).
Online: http://www.hbs.edu/socialenterprise/
globalpoverty.html
7 Azra Akšamija, ‘Arizona Road’, in Designs für
die wirkliche Welt. Designs for the Real World, ed.
Sabine Breitwieser, Generali Foundation (Vienna
and Cologne: Verlag der Buchhandlung Walther
König, 2002), 74.
8 Madeleine Rees (UNHCR Sarajevo), ‘Markets,
Migration and Forced Prostitution’, Humanitarian
Exchange Magazine, no. 14 (June 1999). Online:
http://www.odihpn.org/report.asp?id=1054
9 US Agency for International Development (USAID),
‘Bosnia and Herzegovina. ACTIVITY DATA SHEET.
FY 2002’. Online: http://www.usaid.gov/pubs/
cbj2002/ee/ba/168-031.html
10 Suha Özkan, ‘The welcoming speech of the
President of the 22nd UIA, World Congress of
Architecture’, Programme (Istanbul: UIA 2005), 10f.
11 Orhan Esen, ‘Learning from Istanbul – Die Stadt
Istanbul: Materielle Produktion und Produktion
des Diskurses’, in Self Service City: Istanbul, ed.
Stephan Lanz (Berlin: b_books, 2005), 33.
12 Scott Lash, Critique of Information (London: Sage,
2001), 4f.
13 Orhan Pamuk, Istanbul. Memories and the City
(New York: Alfred Knopf, 2005), 245f.
14 Ernesto Laclau, Emancipation(s) (London and
New York: Verso, 1996), 79-82.
15 Alejandro Portes and William Haller, ‘The Informal
Economy’, in Handbook of Economic Sociology,
2nd edition, eds. N. Smelser and R. Swedberg
(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2005).
16 Pierre Veltz, Mondialisation, Villes et Territoires.
L’Économie d’Archipel (Paris: Presses universitaires
de France, 1996).
17 Pierre Veltz, ‘The resurgent city’, paper delivered
to the Leverhulme International Symposium ‘The
Resurgent City’ (London School of Economics,
19 April 2004). See also idem, Le nouveau monde
industriel (Paris: Gallimard, 2000).
18 Anita Pozna, ‘Guanxi: A safety net of personal
relations in the transnational Chinese community’,
in Re:Orient. Migrating Architectures, ed. Attila
Nemes (Kunsthalle Budapest, 2006), 20.
19 Elmar Altvater and Birgit Mahnkopf, ‘Die
Informalisierung des urbanen Raums’, in
Learning from* - Städte von Welt, Phantasmen
der Zivilgesellschaft, informelle Organisation, ed.
Jochen Becker et al. (Berlin: NGBK, 2003), 24-25.
20 Karl Polanyi, ‘Our Obsolete Market Mentality:
Civilization must find a New Thought Pattern’,
Commentary, vol. 3 (February 1947), 109-117
[reprinted in Primitive, Archaic and Modern
Economies: Essays of Karl Polanyi, ed. G. Dalton
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor, 1968)].
21 Saskia Sassen, ‘Why Cities Matter’, in Cities.
Architecture and Society, vol.1, ed. La Biennale
di Venezia (Venice: Marsilio Editori, 2006), 47-48.
22 Mike Davis, Planet of Slums (London and New York:
Verso, 2006), 178-185.
23 lbid., 202.
24 Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended –
Lectures at the Collège de France 1975-76
(London: Penguin Books, 2004 [1975]), 29.
25 Michel Foucault, Security, Territory, Population
– Lectures at the Collège de France 1977-78
(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 [1977]),
349-354.
26 Ibid., 355.
27 Title of the essay is a reference to Foucault’s market
test of liberal governance.
28 Michel Callon‚ ‘Actor-Network Theory – The Market
Test’, in Actor Network Theory and after, ed. John
Law and John Hassard (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999),
181–195.
29 Mark S. Granovetter, ‘The Strength of Weak Ties’,
American Journal of Sociology, vol. 78, 6 (1973),
1360-1380.
30 Susan Leigh Star and James R. Griesemer,
‘Institutional ecology, “translations” and boundary
objects: Amateurs and professionals in Berkeley’s
Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, 1907-39’, in The
Science Studies Reader, ed. M. Biagioli (New York
and London: Routledge, 1999 [1989]), 503-524.
31 Brian Holmes, ‘The Artistic Device – Or, the
articulation of collective speech’. Online: Meteors
(Université Tangente, 2006) http://ut.yt.t0.or.at/site/
index.html
32 AbdouMaliq Simone, For the City Yet to Come.
Changing Life in Four African Cities (Durham, NC
and London: Duke University Press, 2004), 14.
33 Maurizio Lazzarato, ‘To See and Be Seen:
A Micropolitics of the Image’, in B-Zone:
Becoming Europe and Beyond, ed. Anselm
Franke (Barcelona: Actar, 2006), 296.
Ari
zon
a M
arke
tFi
rst s
ign
s o
f urb
aniz
atio
n: s
o-c
alle
d A
rizo
na
2B
rcko
, Bo
snia
an
d H
erze
go
vin
a, 2
001
164
165
Ariz
ona
Mar
ket
brc
ko
Ari
zon
a M
arke
tA
fter
th
e re
dev
elo
pm
ent b
y It
alp
roje
ct
Brc
ko, B
osn
ia a
nd
Her
zeg
ovi
na,
200
6
170
171
CD
sh
op
and
car
was
h al
on
g th
e ro
ad t
o A
rizo
na
Mar
ket
Bo
snia
an
d H
erze
go
vin
a, 2
006
Mo
bile
CD
sel
ling
alo
ng
the
road
to
Ari
zon
a M
arke
t B
osn
ia a
nd
Her
zeg
ovi
na,
200
6
172
173
Ari
zon
a M
arke
tFi
rst p
has
e o
f th
e m
arke
t: s
o-c
alle
d A
rizo
na
1, n
ow
dem
olis
hed
B
rcko
, Bo
snia
an
d H
erze
go
vin
a, 2
001
174
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
175
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
nev
er u
se th
at a
pp
roac
h n
ow
bec
ause
it
was
so
spec
ific
to th
at m
om
ent;
it
was
so
anti
-Th
atch
er a
nd
bas
ed in
the
idea
ls o
f th
e le
ft a
t th
at ti
me,
that
that
’s
imp
oss
ible
no
w, b
ecau
se th
at s
ort
of
fig
ure
is n
o lo
ng
er th
ere,
an
d th
ere
isn
’t th
e d
istin
ctio
n at
all.
It’s
neo
lib-
eral
po
licie
s in
act
ion
no
w, a
nd
that
’s
wh
ere
cult
ure
is v
ery
use
ful a
s a
kin
d
of o
utl
et, s
om
eho
w.
We
wer
e ju
st s
o in
tere
sted
in th
at
hist
ory
an
d th
e w
ay th
at L
orr
ain
e an
d
Pete
r w
ork
ed s
o p
reci
sely
wit
h co
m-
mun
ity
gro
up
s, a
nd
thei
r re
latio
nsh
ips
to th
e lo
cal c
oun
cil.
Bu
t it w
as s
o m
uch
d
irec
tly
init
iate
d b
y th
e co
mm
unit
y w
ith
them
, rat
her
than
by
an a
gen
cy
or
by
a co
unci
l inv
itin
g th
em in
(w
hich
is
ho
w s
uch
pro
ject
s m
igh
t hap
pen
to
day
), a
nd
so w
e ju
st w
ante
d to
use
th
at a
s a
real
ly im
po
rtan
t exa
mp
le o
f as
kin
g, w
hen
so
met
hin
g is
n’t
fun
ded
, o
r o
ffici
al in
that
cap
acit
y, w
hat
the
po
ten
tial o
f it i
s.
No
wad
ays,
the
pro
ject
wo
uld
be
fun
ded
by
the
do
ckla
nd
s co
rpo
ratio
n
(th
e d
evel
op
men
t bo
dy
the
com
mu
-n
ity
acti
vist
s w
ere
wo
rkin
g ag
ain
st),
so
that
wo
uld
be
the
dif
fere
nce
. An
d
they
wo
uld
clai
m th
at c
ultu
re w
as
real
ly c
on
trib
utin
g to
the
chan
ge,
that
it
was
imp
rovi
ng
the
resi
den
ts’ l
ives
–
wh
erea
s Lo
rrai
ne
was
usi
ng
her
ro
le
to s
ay, ‘
loo
k: th
ese
peo
ple
are
rea
lly
ang
ry; w
e n
eed
to le
t eve
ryo
ne
kno
w
abo
ut h
ow
an
gry
we
are,
an
d h
ow
can
I h
elp
you
do
that
?’, r
ath
er th
an k
ind
of
hav
ing
a b
rief
fro
m a
n ag
ency
that
was
ab
ou
t to
affe
ct c
om
mun
itie
s’ li
ves
in a
d
etri
men
tal w
ay.
so
ph
ie h
op
e: Y
este
rday
I w
ent t
o
see
a p
roje
ct a
frie
nd
is w
ork
ing
on
in
Far
nb
oro
ug
h, a
s p
art o
f Slo
ug
h
Est
ates
’ big
dev
elo
pm
ent p
roje
ct o
f th
e o
ld M
inis
try
of D
efen
ce a
irfi
eld
s th
ere
and
turn
ing
it in
to a
big
bu
sin
ess
and
le
isur
e p
ark.
Am
y P
lan
t is
the
arti
st a
nd
sh
e se
t up
a Fr
ien
ds
sch
eme
of l
oca
l re
sid
ents
to d
ecid
e w
hat
to d
o w
ith
a ce
rtai
n so
-cal
led
‘pu
blic
’ pat
ch o
f lan
d
wit
hin
this
dev
elo
pm
ent.
I w
as t
alki
ng
to
on
e o
f th
e lo
cal r
esid
ents
wh
o w
as
on
that
Fri
end
s sc
hem
e th
at s
he
set
up,
an
d hi
s m
oti
vatio
n fo
r b
ein
g o
n it
is
bec
ause
he’
s w
orr
ied
abo
ut h
is h
ou
se
pri
ce; h
e’s
wo
rrie
d th
at h
is h
ou
se p
rice
w
ill g
o d
ow
n b
ecau
se o
f th
e b
usi
nes
s p
ark,
so
bei
ng
invo
lved
in th
e Fr
ien
ds
sch
eme
is a
way
of h
im h
avin
g a
say
on
th
e p
rop
ose
d d
evel
op
men
t. T
his
ra
ises
th
e q
ues
tio
n, h
ow
is a
n a
rtis
t im
plic
ated
in s
up
po
rtin
g v
alu
es,
po
l itic
s o
r p
rin
cip
les
they
mig
ht n
ot
nec
essa
rily
en
do
rse
or
that
co
uld
ev
en b
e at
od
ds
wit
h t
he
po
int o
f th
e p
roje
ct. A
pla
tfo
rm s
uch
as
the
Frie
nd
s sc
hem
e is
a m
ech
anis
m f
or
peo
ple
wit
h d
iffe
ren
t vie
ws
and
co
n-
cern
s to
mak
e d
ecis
ion
s ab
ou
t a p
atch
of ‘
pu
blic
sp
ace’
; it i
s n
ot j
ud
gin
g
peo
ple
’s m
oti
vati
on
s fo
r g
etti
ng
in
volv
ed. F
or
exam
ple
, in
th
e p
ro-
cess
of r
aisi
ng
aw
aren
ess
of s
har
ed,
com
mu
nal
sp
ace
the
art p
roje
ct m
igh
t en
able
peo
ple
inst
ead
to fi
nd
a w
ay
to p
rote
ct t
he
valu
e o
f th
eir
pri
vate
p
rop
erty
. Th
e ar
tist
s/ in
itia
tors
hav
e
to a
sk t
hem
selv
es if
th
ey a
re h
app
y
to f
acili
tate
su
ch a
pro
cess
– h
ow
d
oes
it fi
t wit
h t
hei
r o
wn
po
litic
s
and
is t
his
imp
ort
ant?
PM
/hM
: Yo
ur R
eun
ion
pro
ject
is v
ery
fitt
ing
ly p
osi
tion
ed in
this
co
nte
xt,
tryi
ng
to a
pp
rop
riat
e th
e sp
ace
of i
nst
i-tu
tion
al b
oun
dar
ies
that
su
ch p
roje
cts
are
usu
ally
exp
ose
d to
. Ho
w d
o yo
u
stru
ctur
e th
is n
etw
ork
ing
pro
cess
an
d
ho
w d
o yo
u ke
ep it
po
litic
al?
sar
ah c
arri
ng
ton
: In
Reu
nion
, we
have
th
is s
tru
ctur
e in
whi
ch th
e p
artn
ers
that
w
e’re
wo
rkin
g w
ith
will
hel
p to
dec
ide
on
ho
w b
est R
eun
ion
will
op
erat
e, s
o
we
hav
en’t
set d
ow
n a
stru
ctur
e. I
thin
k b
y in
vitin
g p
eop
le w
e al
read
y kn
ow
w
e h
ave
com
mo
n in
tere
sts
wit
h, a
nd
w
ho
kno
w a
bo
ut u
s as
wel
l, it
’s m
ore
lik
e w
e’re
act
ual
ly le
arn
ing
fro
m e
ach
o
ther
, an
d ag
ain
, th
at w
e ca
n lo
ok
at
ho
w w
e m
ayb
e d
on
’t n
eed
to r
ely
on
in
stit
utio
ns
so m
uch
; ho
w c
an w
e u
se a
un
ion
stru
ctur
e –
may
be
just
to
pre
ten
d –
to s
tren
gth
en o
ur w
ork
as
ind
epen
den
t org
aniz
atio
ns
or
as
self-
org
aniz
ing
gro
up
s; h
ow
can
we
use
that
as
a m
od
el, a
nd
po
ten
tially
th
en im
pac
t on
infr
astr
uct
ure
in s
ou
th-
east
ern
Euro
pe
as w
ell.
so
ph
ie h
op
e: O
ur n
etw
ork
ing
, thr
ou
gh
R
eun
ion
for
exam
ple
, or
atte
nd
ing
co
nfe
ren
ces
and
sym
po
sia,
is r
eally
fl
oat
ing
on
and
sup
po
rted
by
the
thin
gs
that
we’
re tr
yin
g to
co
nst
antl
y sh
ift,
chan
ge
and
sub
vert
or
wh
atev
er.
We’
re b
ein
g p
aid
to n
etw
ork
, su
bve
rt
and
crit
iqu
e. T
he
on
ly r
easo
n w
e’re
h
ere
and
we’
re d
oin
g w
hat
we’
re d
oin
g
is b
ecau
se th
ere’
s a
cap
ital
ist s
yste
m
that
kee
ps
it afl
oat
. So
that
is o
ur b
ig
qu
estio
n: h
ow
can
we
sin
k it
– b
ut t
hen
d
o w
e g
o d
ow
n w
ith
it?
PM
/hM
: Can
yo
u d
escr
ibe
ho
w y
ou
w
ork
tog
eth
er a
s B
+B
an
d h
ow
this
co
llab
ora
tive
cur
ato
rial
pra
ctic
e h
as
dev
elo
ped
its
par
ticu
lar
app
roac
h?
sar
ah c
arri
ng
ton
: We
wer
e in
tere
sted
in
loo
kin
g at
ho
w y
ou
coul
d p
rese
nt
pro
ject
s th
at w
ere
inve
stig
atin
g
peo
ple
, or
wer
e u
sin
g p
eop
le, o
r w
ere
wo
rkin
g w
ith
peo
ple
, an
d h
ow
yo
u
coul
d su
pp
ort
the
po
int o
f en
coun
ter
mo
re e
ffec
tive
ly. A
nd
also
to tr
y an
d
crea
te m
ore
of a
term
ino
log
y ar
oun
d
that
pra
ctic
e, b
ecau
se it
felt
like
a lo
t of
it w
as b
ein
g si
mp
lified
or
dis
mis
sed
or
con
fuse
d w
ith
com
mun
ity
art l
egac
ies,
so
we
wer
e tr
yin
g to
loo
k m
ore
clo
sely
at
tho
se d
istin
ctio
ns.
so
ph
ie h
op
e: It
feel
s lik
e n
ow
ther
e ar
e a
lot o
f co
nfe
ren
ces,
pap
ers
and
sy
mp
osi
a w
hich
inve
stig
ate
soci
ally
en
gag
ed a
rt p
ract
ice,
an
d th
at’s
so
me-
thin
g th
at w
e fe
lt h
as c
han
ged
a lo
t si
nce
we’
ve b
een
wo
rkin
g ov
er th
e fi
ve
year
s. B
ut a
lso
som
ethi
ng
that
’s b
een
re
ally
key
to o
ur p
ract
ices
is th
e U
K
con
text
; it’
s o
ur s
tart
ing
po
int.
We’
ve
had
a N
ew L
abo
ur g
over
nm
ent s
ince
w
e’ve
bee
n w
ork
ing
tog
eth
er a
nd
the
imp
act o
n cu
ltur
al p
olic
y h
as b
een
so
mas
sive
. It’
s in
tere
stin
g fo
r u
s to
fin
d
ou
t ho
w it
’s a
ffec
ted
pra
ctic
e an
d h
ow
ar
tist
s ar
e re
ally
dea
ling
wit
h th
is is
-su
e o
f art
bei
ng
use
d to
ch
ang
e so
cial
situ
atio
ns
in q
uit
e a
pra
gm
atic
way
. Bu
t w
e ar
e tr
yin
g to
thin
k ab
ou
t ho
w a
rtis
ts
and
cura
tors
can
co
nn
ect u
p b
eyo
nd
th
eir
ow
n co
nte
xts
by
crea
ting
mee
ting
p
oin
ts b
eyo
nd
the
safe
ty o
f th
eir
ow
n
bac
k ya
rds.
PM
/hM
: Par
t of y
our
wo
rk c
lose
ly
follo
ws
crea
tive
pra
ctic
es a
nd
cult
ural
n
etw
ork
s in
so
uth
east
ern
Euro
pe;
wh
at
kin
d o
f in
sig
hts
do
you
gai
n fr
om
this
re
sear
ch in
rel
atio
n to
wo
rkin
g in
Gre
at
Bri
tain
?
sar
ah c
arri
ng
ton
: Th
ere’
s su
ch a
p
reco
nce
ived
idea
ab
ou
t wh
at s
oci
ally
en
gag
ed p
ract
ice
mig
ht b
e h
ere,
an
d
we’
ve b
een
real
ly in
tere
sted
in fi
nd
ing
ex
ampl
es th
at a
re e
mer
ging
in d
iffe
ren
t co
nte
xts.
By
dem
on
stra
ting
to a
ud
i-en
ces
here
that
it’s
not
just
ab
out N
ew
Lab
our
, th
at th
is p
ract
ice
has
a lo
ng
le
gac
y, a
nd
ther
e ar
e lo
ts o
f peo
ple
w
ork
ing
aro
und
the
wo
rld
in d
iffe
ren
t w
ays,
an
d w
ith
dif
fere
nt m
oti
vatio
ns,
b
ut t
hey
nee
d to
be
giv
en s
pac
e. W
e’re
tr
yin
g to
info
rm a
ud
ien
ces
and
op
en
up
idea
s o
f wh
at s
oci
ally
en
gag
ed
pra
ctic
e m
igh
t be
– b
ecau
se I
thin
k it
’s s
uch
a lo
aded
term
her
e, n
ow
. Fo
r ex
amp
le, w
ith
Trad
ing
Plac
es, t
he
exhi
bit
ion
we
did
at t
he
Pu
mp
Ho
use
G
alle
ry (
Lon
do
n, 2
004)
, we
wer
e b
rin
gin
g to
get
her
exa
mp
les
of a
rtis
ts
wh
o w
ere
wo
rkin
g w
ith
mig
ratio
n as
an
issu
e o
r w
ork
ing
wit
h m
igra
nts
or
refu
gee
co
mm
unit
ies
– an
d in
Bri
tain
th
ose
pro
ject
s ar
e p
erce
ived
as
com
ing
fr
om
a p
arti
cula
r ki
nd
of g
over
nm
ent
line,
that
‘yo
u m
ust
incl
ud
e th
ose
wh
o
are
soci
ally
exc
lud
ed’ a
nd
arti
sts
mu
st
mak
e p
eop
le’s
live
s b
ette
r an
d g
ive
voic
e to
co
mm
unit
ies.
An
d th
en w
e w
ent t
o V
ien
na
and
foun
d p
eop
le s
ay-
ing
, ‘I w
ant t
o g
ive
voic
es to
mig
ran
ts
in m
y w
ork
’, so
we
wer
e in
tere
sted
in
wh
ere
was
that
co
min
g fr
om
, was
that
to
do
wit
h so
me
sort
of t
ren
d, o
r w
as it
to
do
wit
h a
gen
uin
e so
cial
co
nsc
ien
ce,
and
if it
was
, wh
at d
o th
ey r
eally
wan
t to
ch
ang
e an
d h
ow
do
they
thin
k th
e ar
t is
go
ing
to c
han
ge
it? S
o b
y b
rin
g-
ing
pro
ject
s fr
om
that
co
nte
xt to
the
UK
, we
wer
e sa
yin
g th
at th
ese
arti
sts
are
do
ing
this
no
t wit
h a
gov
ern
men
tal
or
cult
ural
po
licy
bag
gag
e, s
o h
ow
can
w
e ac
cess
that
her
e, a
nd
ho
w c
an w
e le
arn
fro
m th
at a
pp
roac
h h
ere,
an
d
ho
w c
oul
d w
e al
so n
ot s
imp
lify
ever
y si
ng
le s
oci
ally
en
gag
ed p
roje
ct to
be
mer
ely
a re
spo
nse
to f
und
ing
?It
’s a
lso
the
cris
is o
f th
e le
ft m
ore
w
idel
y. In
the
Rea
l Est
ate
exhi
bit
ion
w
e h
ad in
the
ICA
(Lo
nd
on
, 200
5), w
e p
rese
nte
d a
pro
ject
by
Lorr
ain
e Le
eso
n
and
Pete
r D
unn
, whi
ch to
ok
pla
ce
fro
m th
e ’8
0s to
ear
ly ’9
0s c
alle
d Th
e D
ock
lan
ds
Co
mm
un
ity
Post
er P
roje
ct.
Lorr
ain
e sa
id h
erse
lf th
at s
he
wo
uld
b+b
Wild
Pla
ces
Lisl
Po
ng
er, 2
000
Trad
ing
Pla
ces,
mig
rati
on
, rep
rese
nta
tio
n, c
olla
bo
rati
on
an
d ac
tivi
sm in
co
nte
mp
ora
ry a
rt, 2
004
Ad
van
ced
Sci
ence
of M
orp
ho
log
yN
ada
Prl
ja, N
ovi
Zag
reb
, 200
6R
eun
ion
, mee
tin
g p
oin
ts b
etw
een
crit
ical
art
pra
ctic
es
fro
m s
ou
thea
st E
uro
pe
and
the
UK
Rea
l Est
ate
Bill
bo
ard
po
ster
fro
m t
he
Do
ckla
nd
s C
om
mu
nit
y P
ost
er
Pro
ject
, Pet
er D
un
n an
d Lo
rain
e Le
eso
n, 1
981-
1991
176
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
177
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
wh
o ar
e in
tere
sted
in R
om
ania
. If
you
Go
og
le ‘R
om
ania
’ in
com
bin
atio
n
wit
h ‘c
on
tem
po
rary
art
’, ‘V
ecto
r’ a
nd
‘P
erif
eric
’ will
ap
pea
r. A
nd
if yo
u ta
ke
a lo
ok
at o
ur w
ebsi
te, y
ou
’ll q
uic
kly
se
e th
e ev
ent h
as b
een
aro
und
for
abo
ut 1
0 ye
ars
no
w.
I thi
nk
we’
re th
e m
ost
org
aniz
ed s
tru
c-tu
re in
Iasi
to p
rom
ote
an
d d
ebat
e co
n-
tem
po
rary
art
. Th
ere
are
som
e o
ther
in
dep
end
ent y
oun
g g
rou
ps
of a
rtis
ts
– w
hich
is v
ery
go
od
– b
ut t
hey
do
n’t
h
ave
eno
ug
h p
ow
er to
exi
st a
s in
stit
u-
tion
s o
r to
att
ract
en
ou
gh
reso
urce
s
to d
evel
op
pro
ject
s. W
e h
ave
our
ow
n
net
wo
rk in
Ro
man
ia a
nd
abro
ad. W
e’re
co
nn
ecte
d to
dif
fere
nt s
tru
ctur
es a
nd
d
iffe
ren
t pro
ject
s. It
isn
’t ea
sy, b
ecau
se
we’
re in
a tr
ansi
tion
al p
has
e at
the
mo
men
t. U
ntil
no
w w
e’ve
rec
eive
d a
lot o
f mo
ney
fro
m a
bro
ad. W
e un
der
-st
and
that
for
futu
re d
evel
op
men
t, fo
r a
med
ium
- an
d lo
ng
-ter
m s
trat
egy,
w
e n
eed
to fi
nd
loca
l res
our
ces.
Th
e R
om
ania
n ec
on
om
y is
gro
win
g; t
her
e’s
mo
re m
on
ey a
vaila
ble
, eve
n if
it’s
no
t ea
rmar
ked
for
con
tem
po
rary
art
, an
d
we
hav
e to
fig
ht t
o at
trac
t sp
on
sors
.
We
wan
t to
con
tinu
e d
evel
op
ing
ed
uca
tion
al p
rog
ram
mes
, fo
r th
is is
w
hat
we’
ve b
een
do
ing
for
a fe
w y
ears
n
ow
. Th
e id
ea is
to s
timul
ate
an in
ter-
est,
a d
ialo
gu
e, a
nd
crea
te a
n ed
u-
cate
d au
die
nce
wh
o n
eed
s th
is k
ind
of
cult
ure.
Thi
s w
ill a
lso
enco
urag
e m
ore
so
phi
stic
ated
art
isti
c p
rod
uct
ion
. Thi
s is
imp
ort
ant a
t th
e m
om
ent,
bec
ause
af
ter
we
join
the
Euro
pea
n U
nio
n in
Ja
nu
ary
2007
, we
wo
n’t
be
rece
ivin
g
the
sam
e fu
nd
s as
we
are
no
w, t
ho
ug
h
the
tran
sitio
n w
ill t
ake
a ye
ar o
r tw
o.
We
nee
d to
un
der
stan
d ex
actl
y th
e ki
nd
s o
f mo
ney
we’
re g
oin
g to
hav
e to
ra
ise.
Pro
bab
ly lo
cal m
on
ey, f
rom
the
mun
icip
alit
y o
r fr
om
loca
l sp
on
sors
...
Th
e C
ity
Co
unci
l of I
asi h
as to
su
pp
ort
u
s –
they
can
’t re
ally
ign
ore
us.
Eve
n
if th
ey d
on
’t un
der
stan
d w
hat
we’
re
do
ing
, th
ey k
no
w w
e’re
en
han
cin
g th
e ci
ty’s
imag
e an
d b
rin
gin
g in
a lo
t of
sop
hist
icat
ed p
eop
le w
ho
are
wri
ting
ab
ou
t Ias
i.
PM
/hM
: Ho
w d
o yo
u th
ink
this
will
ch
ang
e in
lig
ht o
f Ro
man
ia jo
inin
g th
e EU
; in
oth
er w
ord
s, w
hat
imp
act w
ill
EU s
pat
ial p
olic
ies
hav
e o
n yo
ur w
ork
in
Iasi
?
Mat
ei b
ejen
aru
: I d
on
’t th
ink
ther
e’ll
be
ano
ther
EU
en
larg
emen
t to
war
ds
the
east
in th
e n
ext t
en y
ears
. An
d I d
on
’t
thin
k it
will
be
easy
to in
teg
rate
the
Rep
ub
lic o
f Mo
ldav
ia, o
n R
om
ania
’s
east
ern
bo
rder
, ju
st 2
0 ki
lom
etre
s fr
om
h
ere.
It w
ill a
lso
be
har
d fo
r U
krai
ne,
w
hich
is a
no
ther
big
nei
gh
bo
ur. B
ut
Iasi
mig
ht b
eco
me
a p
lace
of e
xch
ang
e fo
r d
iffe
ren
t str
uct
ures
an
d g
rou
ps
of a
rtis
ts fr
om
thes
e n
eig
hb
our
ing
co
untr
ies.
Mo
re m
on
ey w
ill b
eco
me
avai
lab
le, a
nd
this
will
lead
to th
e d
evel
op
men
t of i
nst
itu
tion
s an
d p
ro-
gra
mm
es r
elat
ed to
reg
ion
al c
ultu
ral
colla
bo
urat
ion
.In
200
6, w
e st
arte
d a
syst
em o
f res
i-d
enci
es, c
alle
d B
acky
ard
Res
iden
cy,
a p
roje
ct w
ith
Nov
i Sad
, Bel
gra
de,
Is
tan
bul
an
d Ia
si. T
he
aim
is to
en
cour
-ag
e re
gio
nal
mo
bili
ty a
nd
enab
le th
e ex
chan
ge
of i
dea
s, b
ecau
se it
’s im
po
r-ta
nt f
or
us
to e
stab
lish
a st
ron
ger
art
n
etw
ork
in th
e re
gio
n.
Un
fort
unat
ely,
at p
rese
nt,
we
do
n’t
kn
ow
mu
ch a
bo
ut e
ach
oth
er.
Ro
man
ian
s kn
ow
ver
y lit
tle
abo
ut
Mac
edo
nia
ns,
Bo
snia
ns
kno
w a
lmo
st
no
thin
g ab
ou
t Ro
man
ian
s, a
nd
the
Ser
bs
hav
e p
rob
ably
nev
er tr
avel
led
to
Ro
man
ia b
efo
re. B
oth
the
Bul
gar
ian
s an
d th
e R
om
ania
ns
are
focu
sin
g to
o
mu
ch o
n B
russ
els
– th
ey’r
e n
ow
in a
h
urry
to le
arn
ho
w to
eat
at t
he
sam
e ta
ble
an
d fo
llow
the
sam
e ru
les
of
etiq
uet
te a
s Eu
rop
e.
PM
/hM
: In
1997
yo
u in
itia
ted
the
Peri
feri
c –
Inte
rnat
ion
al B
ien
nia
l fo
r C
on
tem
po
rary
Art
in Ia
si. G
iven
this
p
rog
ram
mat
ic n
ame
for
a b
ien
nia
l, h
ow
can
on
e ap
pro
ach
‘per
iph
erie
s’
in th
e co
nte
xt o
f glo
bal
ized
art
p
rod
uct
ion?
Mat
ei b
ejen
aru
: Ias
i is
in n
orth
east
ern
R
om
ania
an
d h
as a
bo
ut 4
00,0
00
peo
ple
. It h
as it
s o
wn
hist
ory
, whi
ch
mig
ht b
e se
en fr
om
on
e p
ersp
ecti
ve
as a
sad
his
tory
, bec
ause
the
city
lost
ev
eryt
hin
g it
on
ce h
ad. I
t use
d to
be
the
cap
ital
of M
old
avia
. Th
e ki
ng
do
m
of M
old
avia
cam
e in
to b
ein
g in
the
Mid
dle
Ag
es a
nd
, wit
h th
e ad
ven
t of
mo
der
n tim
es, s
low
ly d
isap
pea
red
. In
th
e m
id-n
inet
een
th c
entu
ry, I
asi w
as
still
mo
re e
man
cip
ated
than
Bu
char
est.
T
he
idea
to b
uild
a m
od
ern
Ro
man
ian
st
ate
was
bo
rn in
Iasi
, an
d w
hen
it
hap
pen
ed in
the
1860
s, th
e ca
pit
al
was
mov
ed to
Bu
char
est.
It w
as th
en
that
Iasi
beg
an lo
sin
g in
flu
ence
an
d
po
wer
, an
d B
uch
ares
t beg
an g
row
ing
. R
om
ania
did
n’t
und
erg
o in
du
stri
al
dev
elo
pm
ent u
ntil
the
late
nin
etee
nth
ce
ntu
ry. B
uch
ares
t bec
ame
a la
rge
ci
ty, w
hile
Iasi
rem
ain
ed a
sm
all p
atri
-ar
chal
an
d ar
chai
c p
lace
. No
wad
ays
it’s
an
inte
rest
ing
tow
n w
ith
its
ow
n d
y-n
amic
s an
d d
iffe
ren
t lay
ers
of c
ultu
re
– b
ut i
t ob
vio
usl
y d
idn
’t h
ave
the
sam
e ch
ance
to d
evel
op
and
mo
der
niz
e it
self
as
Bu
char
est d
id. I
n m
y o
pin
ion
, rea
l m
od
ern
izat
ion
beg
an w
ith
com
mu
-n
ism
. Ias
i is
som
ewh
at is
ola
ted
and
p
rovi
nci
al, b
ut n
ot t
o th
e p
oin
t th
at
peo
ple
wan
t to
leav
e.
I stu
die
d ar
t in
Iasi
in th
e fir
st h
alf
of t
he
1990
s, a
nd
afte
r g
rad
uat
ion
o
ther
yo
ung
arti
sts
fro
m th
e ci
ty
and
I ‘in
ven
ted
’ a s
mal
l in
dep
end
ent
per
form
ance
fest
ival
, cal
led
Peri
feri
c.
Fro
m th
e ve
ry b
egin
nin
g it
was
a
pla
tfo
rm w
her
e w
e co
uld
affir
m o
ur
arti
stic
iden
tity
. In
the
first
ed
itio
ns
of
the
even
t we
org
aniz
ed p
erfo
rman
ces,
as
wel
l as
roun
d ta
ble
s an
d d
iscu
s-si
on
s ab
ou
t th
e st
atu
s o
f art
in o
ur
po
st-c
om
mun
ist c
on
text
. We
trie
d to
un
der
stan
d th
e p
ote
ntia
l of t
he
pla
ce
by
rela
ting
our
art
isti
c p
ract
ices
to th
e lo
cal s
itu
atio
n. P
erife
ric
gre
w m
ore
an
d m
ore
an
d w
as tr
ansf
orm
ed fr
om
a
loca
l fes
tiva
l to
an in
tern
atio
nal
bie
n-
nia
l of c
on
tem
po
rary
art
. In
2001
, we
foun
ded
the
Vec
tor
Ass
oci
atio
n, a
no
n-
pro
fit i
nst
itu
tion
that
no
w o
rgan
izes
th
e b
ien
nia
l, ru
ns
a n
on
-co
mm
erci
al
gal
lery
an
d p
ub
lish
es V
ecto
r M
agaz
ine.
W
ith
its
sixt
h an
d se
ven
th e
dit
ion
s,
Peri
feri
c b
ecam
e a
visi
ble
inte
rnat
ion
al
art e
ven
t in
a p
lace
that
was
alm
ost
un
kno
wn
. No
w, w
e’re
tryi
ng
to d
ecid
e w
het
her
we
sho
uld
keep
a b
ien
nia
l fo
rmat
in th
e fu
ture
or
no
t. T
her
e ar
e so
man
y b
ien
nia
ls e
very
wh
ere.
..
We’
re c
urre
ntl
y p
rep
arin
g Pe
rife
ric
8,
whi
ch w
ill b
e h
eld
in O
cto
ber
200
8. T
he
cura
tor
is D
ora
Heg
yi fr
om
Bu
dap
est,
in
itia
tor
of t
he
Free
Sch
oo
l of A
rt
Th
eory
an
d P
ract
ice.
Th
e m
ain
top
ic
will
be
‘Art
as
a G
ift’.
Per
iferi
c 8
inte
nd
s
to e
xam
ine
the
con
dit
ion
s un
der
whi
ch
art c
an b
e re
gar
ded
as
a g
ift,
and
wh
at
spec
ulat
ive
com
po
nen
ts in
flu
ence
its
real
izat
ion
and
soci
al v
alu
e.
PM
/hM
: As
an in
stit
utio
n th
e V
ecto
r A
sso
ciat
ion
pla
ys a
n im
po
rtan
t ro
le
for
the
loca
l sce
ne,
whi
le P
erife
ric
con
nec
ts Ia
si w
ith
the
inte
rnat
ion
al a
rt
circ
uit
. Giv
en th
e re
mo
ten
ess
of I
asi
in te
rms
of t
he
art w
orl
d, h
ow
has
it
bee
n p
oss
ible
to d
evel
op
such
a m
ulti
-la
yere
d st
ruct
ure?
Mat
ei b
ejen
aru
: I th
ink
it h
as d
evel
-o
ped
gra
du
ally
. Fir
st w
e es
tab
lish
ed
links
wit
h ar
tist
s w
ithi
n R
om
ania
; th
en
we
slo
wly
exp
and
ed b
y in
vitin
g ar
tist
s fr
om
eas
tern
Eur
op
e: fr
om
Hun
gar
y,
Pola
nd
, Ukr
ain
e, M
old
avia
, Bul
gar
ia
and
Turk
ey. A
fter
thre
e o
r fo
ur e
di-
tion
s, w
e’d
esta
blis
hed
a n
etw
ork
, bu
t th
at n
etw
ork
was
bas
ed o
n p
erso
nal
re
latio
nsh
ips.
Sin
ce 2
002,
I th
ink
this
n
etw
ork
has
gro
wn
du
e to
the
Vec
tor
Ass
oci
atio
n. F
or
exam
ple
, yo
u d
idn
’t
com
e h
ere
bec
ause
we
knew
eac
h
oth
er b
ut b
ecau
se y
ou
’d h
eard
ab
ou
t th
e p
roje
ct, a
bo
ut t
he
fact
that
ther
e w
as a
n in
stit
utio
n w
her
e yo
u co
uld
m
eet p
eop
le a
nd
get
info
rmat
ion
. S
ince
200
2, th
e ev
ent h
as a
cer
tain
le
vel o
f in
tern
atio
nal
vis
ibili
ty, a
nd
th
is a
ttra
cts
peo
ple
, esp
ecia
lly p
eop
le
fro
m th
e ar
t wo
rld
and
pro
fess
ion
als
Matei bejenaru
Ever
yth
ing
/ Syn
chro
nis
atio
n 02
Lau
ra H
ore
lli, 2
006
Per
ifer
ic 7
, Ias
i, M
ay 2
006
Per
ifer
ic 6
– p
rop
het
ic c
orn
ers
Op
enin
g, P
alac
e o
f Cu
ltu
re, M
ay 2
003
Ab
ou
t art
an
d th
e w
ays
we
loo
k at
th
e w
orl
d 02
H.a
rta,
200
6P
erif
eric
7 –
Fo
cuss
ing
Iasi
, In
tern
atio
nal
Bie
nn
ial f
or
Co
nte
mp
ora
ry A
rt, I
asi,
Ro
man
ia, 1
2-30
May
200
6
Wh
y C
hild
ren
Cu
rate
d b
y A
ttila
To
rdai
Per
ifer
ic 7
, Sp
ort
s H
all o
f th
e A
rts
Un
iver
sity
, Ias
i, M
ay 2
006
178
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
179
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
PM
/hM
: As
an a
rtis
t an
d cu
rato
r w
ho
h
as b
een
livin
g an
d w
ork
ing
in R
io
de
Jan
eiro
for
man
y ye
ars,
ho
w d
o
you
feel
ab
ou
t th
e cu
rren
t in
tere
st in
B
razi
lian
fave
las
in te
rms
of s
oci
al
and
po
litic
al s
elf-
org
aniz
atio
n?
hel
mu
t b
atis
ta: F
or
me
the
fave
las
are
just
an
oth
er p
art o
f th
e ci
ty, l
ike
Co
pac
aban
a B
each
. Bu
t un
fort
unat
ely
they
are
no
t in
fact
rea
lly a
par
t of i
t.
You
wo
n’t
find
them
on
map
s, e
ven
to
day
, in
2007
. I th
ink
mo
st p
eop
le w
ho
ar
e liv
ing
in th
ese
pla
ces
no
wad
ays
do
n’t
thin
k o
f th
emse
lves
as
livin
g
in a
fave
la b
ut f
eel t
hey
live
in a
co
m-
mun
ity.
Th
ere
are
600
fave
las
in R
io
alo
ne.
Th
ere
are
‘bad
’ an
d ‘g
oo
d’
fave
las;
so
me
even
hav
e b
anks
an
d
McD
on
ald
s. S
om
e h
ave
no
vio
len
ce
at a
ll an
d o
ther
s ar
e re
ally
vio
len
t.
Th
e p
olic
e ca
n’t
go
into
man
y o
f th
em;
ther
e ar
e o
nly
a fe
w w
her
e th
ey c
an.
So
ther
e’s
a w
ide
ran
ge
of c
on
cep
ts
for
com
mun
itie
s an
d sm
all t
ow
ns
that
o
rgan
ize
them
selv
es.
Th
e fa
vela
‘Rio
das
Ped
ras’
is o
ne
of t
he
bes
t exa
mp
les
of s
elf-
orga
niza
tion
. An
d
yet t
he
bo
dy
that
kee
ps
it un
der
con
tro
l ar
e m
iliti
a m
ade
up
of e
x-p
olic
emen
, an
d th
ey’v
e ta
ken
just
ice
into
thei
r
ow
n h
and
s. T
hey
’re
no
w b
uild
ing
th
emse
lves
up
into
a s
ort
of p
aram
ili-
tary
forc
e lik
e in
Co
lom
bia
, th
ou
gh
in
a ve
ry d
iffe
ren
t fo
rmat
. In
thes
e p
lace
s
ever
ybo
dy
pay
s a
cou
ple
of r
eais
per
m
on
th fo
r a
vari
ety
of s
ervi
ces,
for
exam
ple
, to
hav
e th
e p
ost
del
iver
ed to
th
eir
ho
mes
. Oft
en th
ere
are
no
stre
et
nam
es, s
o th
e p
ost
man
has
to t
ake
the
po
st to
the
mai
n co
mm
unit
y h
ead
qu
ar-
ters
an
d fr
om
ther
e p
eop
le h
ave
to
dis
trib
ute
it th
emse
lves
. An
d al
tho
ug
h
this
sys
tem
is v
ery
chea
p, it
rev
erse
s th
e co
nce
pt o
f eve
ryth
ing
. It’
s a
very
am
big
uo
us
way
of t
hin
kin
g o
f th
e ci
ty.
You
’re
par
t an
d yo
u’r
e n
ot p
art o
f it.
Th
en th
ere
are
thin
gs
like
elec
tric
ity:
th
e p
ub
lic e
lect
rici
ty c
om
pan
y ch
arg
es
a lo
t in
Bra
zil;
I’ve
read
we
pay
mo
re
than
peo
ple
do
in F
ran
ce o
r G
erm
any.
Pe
op
le in
the
fave
las
use
ele
ctri
city
fr
om
the
syst
em w
ith
ou
t pay
ing
. T
her
e’s
som
ethi
ng
like
an u
nco
nsc
iou
s sy
stem
of w
ealt
h d
istr
ibu
tion
: ric
h
peo
ple
pay
larg
e am
oun
ts to
cov
er
serv
ices
to a
lmo
st e
very
on
e el
se; p
oo
r p
eop
le h
ave
to s
iph
on
off
ele
ctri
city
an
d w
ater
just
for
the
sake
of s
urvi
vin
g.
Th
ey a
lso
do
n’t
pay
any
kin
d o
f tax
es,
for
inst
ance
pro
per
ty t
axes
. T
his
has
a b
ig in
flu
ence
on
cert
ain
as
pec
ts o
f th
e fa
vela
s an
d h
ow
they
’re
bu
ilt. I
f yo
u d
on
’t p
ay fo
r el
ectr
icit
y,
you
bu
ild y
our
ho
use
just
wit
h a
ho
le
for
the
air
con
dit
ion
er. S
o m
ost
of
thes
e p
lace
s ar
e ve
ry d
ark
and
the
stre
ets
are
very
nar
row
, bec
ause
they
d
on
’t re
ally
nee
d d
aylig
ht.
Wh
at’s
m
ore
, if y
ou
hav
e an
air
co
nd
itio
ner
, yo
u w
ant t
o ke
ep e
very
thin
g cl
ose
d.
So
the
fact
that
ele
ctri
city
is ‘f
ree’
m
akes
the
arch
itec
ture
co
mp
lete
ly d
if-
fere
nt.
Th
e b
uild
ing
s ar
e ve
ry c
lose
to
each
oth
er a
nd
oft
en h
ave
no
win
do
ws
or
nat
ural
ven
tilat
ion
. If p
eop
le s
ud
-d
enly
had
to p
ay fo
r el
ectr
icit
y, m
ost
fa
vela
s w
oul
d tu
rn in
to u
nin
hab
itab
le
pla
ces
– th
ey’d
be
too
ho
t to
live
in.
PM
/hM
: In
on
e o
f yo
ur r
ecen
t cu
rato
rial
pro
ject
s yo
u in
vite
oth
er
arti
sts
to tr
avel
wit
h yo
u ac
ross
So
uth
A
mer
ica.
Yo
ur c
ar b
eco
mes
a p
lace
o
f art
pro
du
ctio
n. A
par
t fro
m th
at, i
t
also
exp
ose
s th
e ro
le o
f in
timac
y in
n
etw
ork
ing
pro
cess
es. W
hat
do
you
ex
pec
t fro
m th
ese
kin
ds
of e
nco
unte
rs?
hel
mu
t b
atis
ta: I
’m in
tere
sted
in b
uild
-in
g up
net
wor
ks. I
thin
k th
e on
ly w
ay
for
chan
ges
to h
app
en in
pla
ces
like
Rio
d
e Ja
nei
ro is
by
esta
blis
hin
g ex
chan
ges
b
etw
een
inte
rnat
ion
al a
rtis
ts. I
sta
rted
th
e R
OA
D p
roje
ct w
ith
this
inte
ntio
n in
m
ind
. Eac
h tim
e I m
ake
a tr
ip I
invi
te a
n
artis
t. A
m I
a cu
rato
r? A
ctua
lly, I
don
’t
know
wha
t I a
m. I
invi
te p
eop
le w
ho
se
wor
k I l
ike
and
wit
h w
ho
m I
can
im-
agin
e ha
vin
g a
go
od
per
son
al r
elat
ion
-
ship
. Th
ese
trip
s ar
e ve
ry in
timat
e an
d
we
oft
en s
tay
lon
ger
than
a m
onth
to-
get
her
, nig
ht a
nd
day
. We
star
t th
e tr
ip
wit
h th
e in
ten
tion
of d
oin
g so
met
hin
g
that
mig
ht s
eem
like
wor
k; th
is d
oes
n
ot n
eces
sari
ly m
ean
that
we’
ll en
d up
w
orki
ng
. Th
en w
e g
o fr
om
on
e p
lace
to
the
nex
t an
d se
e w
hat h
app
ens.
Bu
t it’
s n
ot o
nly
ab
ou
t geo
gra
phi
cal
dis
loca
tion
. It’
s al
so a
bo
ut h
ow
we
reac
t to
new
sit
uat
ion
s. It
’s a
bo
ut d
is-
cuss
ion
s yo
u d
on
’t u
sual
ly h
ave
dur
ing
yo
ur n
orm
al li
fe a
nd
wo
rkin
g tim
e. It
’s
no
t ab
ou
t ho
ldin
g m
eetin
gs
for
two
h
our
s in
a c
off
ee b
ar w
ith
a cu
rato
r.
We
are
tog
eth
er 2
4 h
our
s a
day
an
d
shar
e al
l our
exp
erie
nce
s. M
eetin
g
dif
fere
nt p
eop
le w
hile
trav
ellin
g is
su
rely
a b
ig p
art o
f it a
ll an
d m
akes
ev
eryt
hin
g m
ore
po
ssib
le a
nd
un-
con
tro
l lab
le. I
t’s
this
un
con
tro
llab
le
asp
ect t
hat
mo
tiva
tes
us
to c
arry
ou
t th
is p
roje
ct. Y
ou
just
do
n’t
kno
w w
hat
yo
u’ll
fin
d an
d w
ho
m y
ou
’ll t
alk
to. S
o
crea
ting
a n
etw
ork
is ju
st a
sid
e ef
fect
th
at h
app
ens
pre
tty
nat
ural
ly.
An
imp
ort
ant p
art o
f th
ese
trip
s is
the
des
ire
to b
uild
up
a S
ou
th A
mer
ican
re
sid
ency
pro
gra
mm
e an
d n
etw
ork
for
rese
arch
. Th
ou
gh
no
t ju
st fo
r vi
sual
art
, b
ut f
or
rese
arch
in g
ener
al.
So
far
we
hav
e m
ade
six
trip
s. M
y ca
r w
as c
on
fisc
ated
on
my
fift
h tr
ip w
ith
G
abri
el L
este
r, at
the
bo
rder
bet
wee
n
Peru
an
d Ec
uad
or.
Pap
er p
rob
lem
s an
d
corr
up
t po
lice
mad
e m
e lo
se th
e ca
r,
and
fro
m th
at m
om
ent o
n I h
ad to
re-
thin
k ev
eryt
hin
g. T
he
last
pro
ject
, Per
u
to M
edel
lin, w
as d
on
e w
ith
the
hel
p
of M
ED 0
7 (e
ncu
entr
os
de
Med
ellin
) w
ith
arti
sts
Julia
Ro
met
ti an
d V
icto
r C
ost
ales
an
d a
ren
ted
car.
In M
ay 2
007,
a
year
aft
er th
e co
nfi
scat
ion
and
a ye
ar
of s
tru
gg
ling
wit
h Pe
ruvi
an a
uth
ori
ties,
I r
ecei
ved
no
tice
that
ther
e w
as n
oth
-in
g to
be
do
ne
and
my
car
was
no
w
pro
per
ty o
f th
e Pe
ruvi
an g
over
nm
ent.
It
’s f
unny
an
d st
up
id a
t th
e sa
me
time.
It
was
a F
IAT,
bu
t th
ere
are
no
FIA
Ts in
Pe
ru, a
nd
the
car
was
in u
rgen
t nee
d o
f
rep
airs
. So
I gu
ess
it w
ill ju
st r
ust
aw
ay in
so
me
dep
ot i
n Pe
ru.
Sin
ce b
egin
nin
g in
200
4, w
e’ve
bee
n
to A
rgen
tina,
Chi
le, B
oliv
ia, P
eru
an
d Ec
uad
or.
I alw
ays
leav
e m
y ca
r w
her
ever
we
sto
p an
d th
en ju
st fl
y b
ack
wit
h th
e ar
tist
. Un
til n
ow
on
ly
two
of t
he
arti
sts
hav
e ac
tual
ly d
on
e a
pie
ce: J
oão
Mo
dé,
wh
ose
wo
rked
w
e sh
ow
ed a
t th
e R
io F
ilm F
esti
val i
n
2006
, an
d d
urin
g th
e la
st tr
ip (
Peru
to
Med
ellin
) we
finis
hed
up
a p
roje
ct w
ith
Ju
lia R
om
etti.
I’m
no
t in
tere
sted
in
hav
ing
an a
gen
da.
It’s
mo
re a
bo
ut t
he
helmut batista
Cél
ula
Urb
ana
do
Jaca
rezi
nh
oO
pen
ing
of a
med
ia a
nd
info
rmat
ion
cen
tre
in J
acar
ezin
ho
, in
itia
ted
by
Bau
hau
s D
essa
u Fo
un
dat
ion
and
the
mu
nic
ipal
ity
of R
io d
e Ja
nei
ro, 2
004
RO
AD
pro
ject
Mo
bile
res
iden
cy, o
ng
oin
gC
élu
la U
rban
a d
o Ja
care
zin
ho
Rio
de
Jan
eiro
, 200
4
180
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
181
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
exp
erie
nce
we
hav
e to
get
her
. Th
ere’
s n
o co
nce
pt f
or
an e
xhib
itio
n at
the
end
. I j
ust
do
a lo
t of k
ilom
etre
s an
d ta
ke
a lo
ok
at w
hat
’s h
app
enin
g at
thes
e p
lace
s an
d tr
y to
bu
ild u
p co
nn
ec-
tion
s. W
e h
ave
alre
ady
succ
eed
ed in
b
rin
gin
g so
me
Arg
entin
ean
s, C
hile
ans
and
Co
lom
bia
ns
to R
io. N
ow
so
me
Peru
vian
s ar
e co
min
g. S
o it
’s a
lon
g,
stea
dy
and
gen
tle
wo
rk-i
n-p
rog
ress
. I c
all i
t th
e m
ob
ile r
esid
ency
pro
-g
ram
me,
act
ual
ly.
PM
/hM
: Th
e n
etw
ork
s yo
u d
evel
op
ar
e cr
itic
ally
info
rmed
by
the
crea
tivi
ty
of p
erso
nal
frie
nd
ship
s, w
hile
at t
he
sam
e tim
e lin
kin
g u
p w
ith
inst
itu
tion
al
sett
ing
s an
d th
eir
dem
and
s. H
ow
do
yo
u m
anag
e to
neg
otia
te th
e te
nsi
on
b
etw
een
thes
e d
iffe
ren
t en
ds?
hel
mu
t b
atis
ta: I
n R
io th
ing
s h
ave
to
be
org
anic
. No
thin
g h
app
ens
her
e if
yo
u d
on
’t es
tab
lish
frie
nd
ly c
on
nec
-tio
ns.
Act
ual
ly, t
hat
’s h
ow
I d
o th
ing
s,
too
. On
thes
e tr
ips
I’m n
ot i
nte
rest
ed in
just
pu
ttin
g to
get
her
sh
ow
s. P
rim
arily
I’m
inte
rest
ed in
get
ting
to k
no
w
the
rig
ht p
eop
le in
a p
erso
nal
sen
se.
If th
e w
ork
is a
lso
nic
e, w
e h
ave
a p
erfe
ct b
len
d.
Co
min
g b
ack
to th
e in
stit
utio
nal
leve
l:
I gu
ess
I hav
e to
defi
ne
mys
elf a
s a
cura
tor.
Th
ou
gh
this
is ju
st te
rmin
-o
log
y. F
or
me
the
qu
estio
n h
ere
is th
e ch
alle
ng
e to
pro
du
ce s
om
ethi
ng
in
dif
fere
nt c
on
text
s. I
invi
te s
om
ebo
dy
to d
o th
is a
nd
then
we
wri
te a
ll th
ese
bur
eau
crat
ic p
aper
s to
foun
dat
ion
s
so th
at th
ey’ll
pay
for
it o
r at
leas
t h
elp
us.
Th
e ar
t sys
tem
just
en
able
s yo
u to
mee
t th
e ri
gh
t peo
ple
an
d
rais
e so
me
mo
ney
. T
hin
gs
mov
e ve
ry fa
st n
ow
aday
s.
Art
ists
an
d cu
rato
rs h
op
fro
m o
ne
ex
hib
itio
n to
the
oth
er in
a m
atte
r o
f a
few
day
s, e
ven
ho
urs.
Wh
at w
e ar
e d
oin
g h
ere
is p
rett
y m
uch
the
op
-p
osi
te. T
her
e’s
so m
uch
tim
e fo
r re
al
exp
erie
nce
. Thi
s is
a lu
xury
co
mp
ared
to
the
way
thin
gs
are
do
ne
in th
e in
stit
utio
nal
wo
rld
of g
alle
ries
an
d
mu
seu
ms.
Aft
er r
ealiz
ing
six
pro
ject
s in
thre
e ye
ars,
I th
ink
it’s
all
com
ing
to
get
her
to fo
rm s
om
ethi
ng
that
mig
ht
be
calle
d o
ne
pro
ject
, so
met
hin
g th
at
stan
ds
on
its
ow
n. D
oin
g th
is is
als
o a
po
litic
al g
estu
re, a
nd
the
ges
ture
itse
lf
is p
art o
f th
e d
islo
catio
n an
d d
evel
op
-m
ent o
f net
wo
rks
that
is s
o im
po
rtan
t.
Th
e q
ues
tion
no
w is
: W
ho
’s g
oin
g to
pay
for
my
lost
car
?
No
foun
dat
ion
will
do
that
, I g
ues
s.
PM
/hM
: PR
OEK
T_FA
BR
IKA
is o
ne
of t
he
mo
st e
xcep
tion
al c
on
tem
po
r-ar
y ar
t sp
aces
in M
osc
ow
. Can
yo
u
tell
us
abo
ut y
our
invo
lvem
ent i
n it
s fo
rmat
ion?
Asy
a fi
lipp
ova
: Wel
l, I’m
the
dir
ec-
tor
of t
he
fact
ory
, an
d th
is fa
cto
ry is
a
bit
dif
fere
nt f
rom
oth
er a
rt s
pac
es in
M
osc
ow
. Mo
st s
uch
fact
ori
es a
re n
o
lon
ger
fun
ctio
nin
g p
rod
uct
ion
site
s,
bu
t our
fact
ory
still
pro
duce
s te
chni
cal
pap
er. I
t’s
still
in o
per
atio
n, t
ho
ug
h
of c
our
se it
’s v
ery
dif
fere
nt f
rom
in
Sov
iet t
imes
, bec
ause
bac
k th
en th
e fa
cto
ry w
as q
uit
e h
ug
e an
d m
assi
ve,
and
sup
plie
d p
aper
to a
ll o
f Eas
tern
Eu
rop
e –
Pola
nd
, Cze
cho
slov
akia
, Y
ug
osl
avia
an
d o
ther
so
cial
ist c
oun
-tr
ies.
No
wad
ays
we
pro
du
ce v
ery
spe-
cial
kin
ds
of p
aper
an
d o
nly
for
Ru
ssia
. A
nyw
ay, p
rod
uct
ion
was
red
uce
d,
and
man
y sp
aces
, mai
nly
ind
ust
rial
w
ork
sho
ps,
bec
ame
vaca
nt.
An
d th
en
ther
e w
as th
e fa
ct th
at, b
esid
es b
ein
g
the
dir
ecto
r o
f th
e fa
cto
ry, I
’ve
lots
o
f fri
end
s am
on
g ar
tist
s an
d g
alle
ry
ow
ner
s. S
o o
ne
day
I re
aliz
ed I
mig
ht
be
able
to o
ffer
a s
pac
e fo
r cu
ltur
al
pro
ject
s lik
e ex
hib
itio
ns.
Init
ially
, to
be
ho
nes
t wit
h yo
u, m
y id
ea w
as q
uit
e m
od
est.
I ju
st in
ten
ded
to o
pen
a s
pac
e w
her
e m
y fr
ien
ds
coul
d h
ave
pri
vate
ex
hib
itio
ns
of c
on
tem
po
rary
art
. I
invi
ted
Elen
a K
up
rin
a, w
ho
run
s h
er
ow
n g
alle
ry, E
.K. A
rtB
urea
u, to
co
me
take
a lo
ok
at th
e sp
ace.
Sh
e sa
id, ‘
Yes,
it
wo
uld
be
fine
for
exhi
bit
ion
s.’ S
o w
e o
pen
ed in
Jan
uar
y 20
05, w
hile
the
first
M
osc
ow
Bie
nn
ale
of C
on
tem
po
rary
A
rt w
as t
akin
g p
lace
. We
star
ted
wit
h
a sp
ecia
l pro
ject
cal
led
No
Co
mm
ent,
an e
xhib
itio
n o
f yo
ung
Ru
ssia
n ar
tist
s.
An
d th
en th
e p
roje
ct a
ctu
ally
sta
rted
to
dev
elo
p an
d g
row
on
its
ow
n. N
ot
that
I p
lan
ned
it th
at w
ay; i
t was
no
t m
y st
rate
gy
to in
vite
thea
tre
peo
ple
o
r m
usi
cian
s o
r ar
chit
ects
. Bu
t peo
ple
b
egan
co
min
g an
d w
ere
inte
rest
ed in
the
spac
es w
e h
ad. I
n S
ovie
t tim
es, f
or
inst
ance
, it w
as c
om
mo
n p
ract
ice
for
ever
y p
lan
t an
d ev
ery
fact
ory
to h
ave
a cl
ub
for
wo
rker
s, s
o-c
alle
d Pa
lace
s o
f Cul
ture
. So
we
also
had
this
Pal
ace
of C
ultu
re, a
nd
on
e d
ay I
invi
ted
Elen
a Tu
pys
eva
over
– s
he’
s th
e d
irec
tor
of
the
con
tem
po
rary
dan
ce c
om
pan
y Ts
ekh,
a w
ell-
kno
wn
agen
cy in
Ru
ssia
,
spo
nso
red
by
the
Ford
Fo
und
atio
n. I
sh
ow
ed h
er th
is s
pac
e, o
ur P
alac
e o
f C
ultu
re, a
nd
she
dec
ided
to r
enov
ate
it an
d tu
rn it
into
a v
enu
e fo
r co
nte
m-
po
rary
dan
ce a
nd
con
cert
s. It
sta
rted
to g
row
all
by
itse
lf –
we
just
sel
ecte
d
peo
ple
wit
h si
mila
r id
eas,
sim
ilar
pre
fere
nce
s, a
nd
so o
n.
Th
en, l
ast s
um
mer
the
Ford
Fo
un-
dat
ion
invi
ted
us
to N
ew Y
ork
. We
wen
t th
ere
and
too
k p
art i
n a
wo
rksh
op
ca
lled
‘Su
stai
nab
le A
rt S
pac
es’,
and
th
at’s
wh
en I
und
erst
oo
d th
at w
e w
ere
pro
bab
ly a
su
stai
nab
le a
rt s
pac
e, to
o.
In th
e fir
st y
ear,
may
be
a h
und
red
p
eop
le c
ame
to s
ee th
e ex
hib
itio
n an
d
abo
ut t
en p
eop
le r
ang
me
up
fro
m ti
me
to ti
me
to a
sk a
bo
ut m
y p
lan
s, b
ut b
y n
o m
ean
s d
id e
very
bo
dy
in M
osc
ow
kn
ow
ab
ou
t us.
An
d th
en s
ud
den
ly a
fe
w m
on
ths
ago,
I re
aliz
ed I
was
bei
ng
lit
eral
ly in
und
ated
wit
h o
ffer
s, q
ues
-tio
ns
and
idea
s, w
hich
may
mea
n th
is
is th
e ri
gh
t mo
men
t to
mov
e o
n to
the
nex
t lev
el.
PM
/hM
: Ho
w is
PR
OEK
T_FA
BR
IKA
co
nn
ecte
d to
pla
ces
ou
tsid
e M
osc
ow
?
Asy
a fi
lipp
ova
: Wel
l, u
sual
ly e
very
-th
ing
is c
on
cen
trat
ed in
Mo
sco
w
itse
lf. T
her
e ar
en’t
so m
any
con
-te
mp
ora
ry a
rtis
ts li
vin
g in
, I d
on
’t
kno
w...
Sar
atov
or
Vo
ron
ezh
. Man
y
arti
sts
cam
e h
ere
qu
ite
som
e tim
e ag
o an
d ar
e n
ow
wo
rkin
g h
ere
in
Mo
sco
w, w
hich
mea
ns
we
mo
stly
d
eal w
ith
peo
ple
fro
m M
osc
ow
an
d
St.
Pet
ersb
urg
. Th
ou
gh
som
etim
es w
e h
ave
join
t pro
ject
s w
ith
the
Nat
ion
al
Asya filippova
Glo
bal
Ph
oto
Pro
ject
Ivar
Svi
esti
ns,
16
-26
Jun
e 20
06P
roek
t Fab
rika
A c
on
tem
po
rary
art
s co
mp
lex
occ
up
yin
g d
isu
sed
par
ts
of a
tec
hn
ical
pap
er f
acto
ry in
eas
tern
Mo
sco
w, 2
006
Cél
ula
Urb
ana
do
Jaca
rezi
nh
oR
io d
e Ja
nei
ro, 2
004
182
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
183
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
Inst
itu
te o
f Co
nte
mp
ora
ry A
rt a
nd
the
Nat
ion
al C
entr
e o
f Co
nte
mp
ora
ry A
rt.
Th
ey a
rran
ge
year
ly fe
stiv
als
of y
oun
g
arti
sts
and
eng
age
arti
sts
fro
m a
ll ov
er R
uss
ia, b
ecau
se th
ey h
ave
som
e d
epar
tmen
ts a
nd
rep
rese
nta
tive
s in
o
ther
tow
ns
and
reg
ion
s o
f Ru
ssia
. In
o
ther
wo
rds,
they
’re
in a
po
sitio
n to
se
t up
such
a n
etw
ork
, an
d it
enab
les
us
to c
olla
bo
rate
wit
h p
eop
le fr
om
o
uts
ide
Mo
sco
w. R
egar
din
g fo
reig
n
arti
sts,
wel
l, it
’s a
bso
lute
ly a
bsu
rd a
nd
st
ran
ge,
bu
t it’
s ea
sier
for
us
to d
eal
wit
h ar
tist
s fr
om
Ger
man
y, H
olla
nd
o
r S
wed
en th
an w
ith
arti
sts
fro
m
oth
er p
arts
of R
uss
ia, b
ecau
se th
e re
st o
f Ru
ssia
is c
om
ple
tely
dif
fere
nt
fro
m M
osc
ow
– a
ctu
ally
Ru
ssia
has
tw
o co
mp
lete
ly s
epar
ate
par
ts. I
n
Jun
e 20
07, I
was
at t
he
Tran
s Eu
rop
e H
alle
s m
eetin
g in
Viln
ius,
an
d I’m
no
w
thin
kin
g ab
ou
t jo
inin
g th
is n
etw
ork
of
ind
epen
den
t cul
ture
cen
tres
.
PM
/hM
: Giv
en th
e ec
on
om
ic b
oo
m o
f b
usi
nes
s d
evel
op
men
ts in
cen
tral
loca
-tio
ns
in M
osc
ow
, do
such
exp
erim
enta
l an
d hy
bri
d sp
aces
hav
e a
futu
re?
Asy
a fi
lipp
ova
: Wel
l, I d
on
’t th
ink
we’
ll b
e ab
le to
co
ntin
ue
pro
du
cin
g
tech
nic
al p
aper
s fo
r an
oth
er 2
0 ye
ars.
I d
on
’t th
ink
that
has
a f
utu
re, b
ecau
se
it’s
pur
e m
adn
ess
to tr
y to
pro
du
ce
anyt
hin
g in
the
cen
tre
of M
osc
ow
.
At t
he
mo
men
t our
pre
mis
es in
clu
de
thre
e d
iffe
ren
t kin
ds
of a
reas
: on
e ar
ea
is p
rod
uct
ion
itse
lf; t
he
seco
nd
area
co
nsi
sts
of s
o-c
alle
d cu
ltur
al s
pac
es;
and
the
thir
d, o
ffice
s fo
r re
nt –
this
is
the
com
mer
cial
sec
tor.
In th
e fu
ture
, I t
hin
k p
rod
uct
ion
will
be
relo
cate
d
away
fro
m h
ere,
whi
le th
e so
-cal
led
cu
ltur
al s
ecto
r w
ill g
row
an
d d
evel
op
. N
ever
thel
ess,
ther
e w
ill s
till b
e en
ou
gh
sp
ace
ren
ted
ou
t to
pay
the
bill
s, s
pac
e fo
r an
ybo
dy
wh
o w
ants
to c
om
e h
ere
and
wis
hes
to r
ent s
om
e o
ffice
s fo
r th
eir
bu
sin
ess.
.. o
r fo
r o
ther
co
mm
er-
cial
pur
po
ses.
Any
bo
dy
can
com
e h
ere
and
ren
t a s
pac
e, b
ut o
f co
urse
I p
refe
r to
dea
l wit
h p
eop
le w
ho
are
con
nec
ted
w
ith
crea
tive
ind
ust
ries
– a
rt, a
dve
r-ti
sin
g, p
ho
tog
rap
hy, c
inem
a. In
the
pas
t few
mo
nth
s a
lot o
f peo
ple
hav
e as
ked
abo
ut s
pac
es fo
r fil
m s
tud
ios,
fo
r ex
amp
le, m
ayb
e th
is w
ill b
e a
new
b
ran
ch. T
ho
ug
h th
ere
will
alw
ays
be
two
par
ts, o
ne
for
cult
ural
act
ivit
ies,
and
ano
ther
for
com
mer
cial
offi
ces
and
spac
es fo
r le
ase
– fo
r al
l th
ose
w
ho
enjo
y b
ein
g ar
ou
nd
peo
ple
wh
o
are
dif
fere
nt t
han
they
are
, peo
ple
wh
o
dan
ce, s
ing
and
mak
e in
stal
latio
ns.
PM
/hM
: Is
ther
e a
net
wo
rk o
f co
llab
-o
ratio
ns
or
do
the
dif
fere
nt k
ind
s o
f p
eop
le w
ho
hav
e id
eas
for
cert
ain
p
roje
cts
com
pet
e w
ith
on
e an
oth
er?
Asy
a fi
lipp
ova
: I w
oul
dn
’t sa
y th
ey
com
pet
e al
l th
at m
uch
, no
t rea
lly.
I was
afr
aid
it w
oul
d b
e co
mp
etit
ive,
b
ut I
do
n’t
thin
k th
at’s
the
case
at
the
mo
men
t. I
do
n’t
kno
w a
bo
ut t
he
futu
re, b
ut I
’ve
hea
rd s
om
e sa
y th
ere
isn
’t en
ou
gh
con
tem
po
rary
art
an
d
cult
ure
in M
osc
ow
, no
t en
ou
gh
for
the
nu
mb
er o
f sp
aces
, bu
t I d
on
’t kn
ow
. C
om
pet
itio
n d
oes
n’t
exis
t yet
, bec
ause
p
eop
le fr
om
, let
’s s
ay, W
inza
vod
or
AR
TS
trel
ka c
ome
by, t
oo, a
nd w
e co
m-
mun
icat
e an
d ex
chan
ge
idea
s. A
nd
if
an a
rtis
t fro
m A
RT
Str
elka
nee
ds
a sp
ace
for
a st
ud
io, t
hen
his
or
her
man
-ag
er o
r g
alle
ry o
wn
er s
end
s th
e ar
tist
to
me,
whi
ch m
ean
s ar
tist
s co
me
her
e an
d if
I can
off
er th
em s
om
ethi
ng
then
I d
o. I
wo
uld
no
t cal
l thi
s a
net
wo
rk, b
ut
it’s
ab
ou
t co
nta
ct, t
ho
ug
h th
en a
gai
n,
a ve
ry li
mit
ed n
um
ber
of p
eop
le is
in
volv
ed. E
very
bo
dy
kno
ws
ever
ybo
dy
else
, eve
ry g
alle
ry o
wn
er k
no
ws
all t
he
oth
ers,
an
d ev
ery
cult
ural
man
ager
in
Mo
sco
w k
no
ws
mo
st o
f th
e o
ther
s,
too
. We
com
mun
icat
e an
d co
llab
ora
te,
mo
re o
r le
ss. I
sh
oul
d al
so m
entio
n
that
our
fact
ory
is d
iffe
ren
t fro
m o
ther
ar
t cen
tres
– fr
om
the
star
t it w
as n
ot
con
ceiv
ed a
s a
com
mer
cial
en
terp
rise
. M
ayb
e it
wo
uld
be
bet
ter
to b
e as
wel
l p
lan
ned
an
d co
mm
erci
al a
s so
me
of
the
oth
er s
pac
es, b
ut w
e ar
e ju
st c
om
-p
lete
ly d
iffe
ren
t.
PM
/hM
: Do
you
thin
k th
at th
e ae
sth
et-
ics
of t
his
com
ple
x p
lay
a ro
le in
ho
w
arti
sts
feel
wh
en th
ey c
om
e to
yo
ur
pla
ce, o
r ar
e yo
u th
inki
ng
of r
enov
atin
g
the
bu
ildin
g to
en
han
ce th
e cu
ltur
al
app
eal o
f th
e lo
catio
n?
Asy
a fi
lipp
ova
: Wel
l, o
f co
urse
, I h
op
e p
eop
le a
re in
tere
sted
in o
ur s
ite.
Bu
t I a
lso
kno
w lo
ts o
f peo
ple
co
me
and
ta
ke a
loo
k at
our
bu
ildin
gs,
an
d ar
e ei
ther
sh
ock
ed o
r lo
st –
so
I hav
e m
ixed
fe
elin
gs
abo
ut i
t all.
Th
ou
gh
I mys
elf
like
thin
gs
ho
w th
ey a
re. I
like
the
ap-
pea
l of t
his
site
an
d th
e p
eop
le w
ho
w
ork
an
d liv
e h
ere,
an
d th
ey li
ke it
too,
th
ou
gh
som
etim
es, t
hey
co
me
and
ask
me:
‘Wel
l, A
sya,
are
n’t
you
pla
nn
ing
to
ren
ovat
e th
e b
uild
ing
s af
ter
all?
Wh
en
is it
go
ing
to h
app
en?’
So,
yes
, th
ere’
s a
spec
ial a
tmo
sph
ere,
I kn
ow
this
an
d
they
kn
ow
it a
s w
ell,
bu
t it d
oes
n’t
m
ean
it w
ill a
lway
s re
mai
n th
is w
ay. O
f co
urse
we
will
ren
ovat
e so
me
thin
gs,
b
ut I
ho
pe
the
ori
gin
al a
rchi
tect
ure
will
no
t be
ruin
ed b
y p
last
ic s
idin
g,
bu
sin
ess-
cen
tre
arch
itec
ture
, an
d th
e sp
irit
will
rem
ain
the
sam
e.
Pri
nti
ng
offi
ce o
f th
e p
aper
fac
tory
wh
ich
h
ou
ses
Pro
ekt F
abri
ka, M
osc
ow
, 200
6P
roek
t Fab
rika
, Mo
sco
w, 2
006
Form
er P
alac
e o
f Cu
ltu
re (
wo
rker
s’ c
lub
), n
ow
use
d
by
the
con
tem
po
rary
dan
ce c
om
pan
y Ts
ekh
, 200
6P
roek
t Fab
rika
, Mo
sco
w, 2
006
184
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
185
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
or
resi
stan
ce g
rou
ps.
I w
ork
on
thes
e is
sues
bec
ause
I w
oul
d lik
e to
su
pp
ort
th
e g
rou
ps
and
thei
r st
rug
gle
s, a
nd
I t
hin
k th
e b
est f
orm
of s
up
po
rt I
can
o
ffer
is b
y d
oin
g th
is w
ork
an
d m
akin
g
it av
aila
ble
no
t on
ly to
peo
ple
wh
o
see
exhi
bit
ion
s o
r vi
sit fi
lm fe
stiv
als,
b
ut a
lso
to a
ctiv
ists
, wh
o ar
e u
su-
ally
ver
y in
tere
sted
in le
arn
ing
abo
ut
oth
er a
ctiv
ists
’ str
ateg
ies
and
exp
eri-
ence
s, o
nes
that
mig
ht a
ffec
t th
eir
ow
n
stra
teg
ies.
I wo
rked
tog
eth
er w
ith
Dar
io A
zzel
lini
on
two
film
s ab
ou
t Ven
ezu
ela.
Our
co
n-
cep
ts w
ere
in b
oth
cas
es s
o cl
ear
and
ac
cess
ible
that
eve
n p
eop
le w
ho
did
n’t
h
ave
kno
wle
dg
e ab
ou
t co
nte
mp
ora
ry
art u
nd
erst
oo
d an
d va
lued
them
. Man
y su
pp
ort
ers
of t
he
Bo
livar
ian
pro
cess
u
se o
ur fi
lms
for
edu
catio
n an
d m
o-
bili
zatio
n in
thei
r co
mm
unit
ies,
an
d
for
me
it is
an
imp
ort
ant a
spec
t th
at
the
film
s I’v
e re
aliz
ed a
re b
ein
g u
sed
by
the
very
act
ivis
ts w
ith
ou
t wh
om
it
wo
uld
no
t hav
e b
een
po
ssib
le to
mak
e th
em. F
or
exam
ple
, th
e fil
m V
enez
uel
a fr
om
Bel
ow
, our
firs
t co
llab
ora
tive
fil
m o
n V
enez
uel
a fr
om
200
4, is
no
w
also
bei
ng
dis
trib
ute
d o
n th
e b
lack
m
arke
t in
Car
acas
. Yo
u ca
n b
uy
the
DV
D th
ere
for
less
than
a e
uro
. Fo
r so
meo
ne
wh
o w
ants
to s
ee th
e fil
m
in V
enez
uel
a, it
is p
rob
ably
eas
iest
to
bu
y it
on
the
bla
ck m
arke
t – th
at is
, fo
r th
ose
wh
o m
isse
d th
e b
road
cast
s o
f th
e fil
m o
n T
V. W
hen
we
pre
sen
ted
th
e fil
m 5
Fac
tori
es –
Wo
rker
Co
ntr
ol i
n
Ven
ezu
ela,
whi
ch w
e fin
ish
ed in
200
6,
300
peo
ple
cam
e to
the
first
pre
sen
ta-
tion
in C
arac
as, m
any
of w
ho
m w
ere
wo
rker
s fr
om
the
fact
ori
es w
her
e w
e
con
du
cted
the
inte
rvie
ws.
Th
ey c
ame
to C
arac
as e
ven
tho
ug
h so
me
of t
he
fact
ori
es w
ere
in c
itie
s 15
ho
urs
away
. T
he
wo
rker
s m
ade
this
eff
ort
bec
ause
th
ey w
ere,
on
the
on
e h
and
, pro
ud
that
th
ey o
r th
eir
colle
agu
es h
ad a
pp
eare
d
in th
e fil
m a
nd
, on
the
oth
er h
and
, th
ey
wer
e ex
trem
ely
inte
rest
ed in
fin
din
g
ou
t wh
at w
ork
ers
in o
ther
fact
ori
es
in th
e co
untr
y h
ad to
say
ab
ou
t th
eir
stru
gg
les
and
ho
w th
ey o
rgan
ized
thei
r fa
cto
ries
.
Sin
ce m
y w
ork
rel
ies
on
the
time
and
co
llab
ora
tion
of o
ther
s, I’
m in
tere
sted
in
sh
arin
g an
d re
turn
ing
the
wo
rk to
th
em in
exc
han
ge.
Man
y ar
two
rks
I h
ave
pro
du
ced
are
avai
lab
le c
om
-p
lete
ly fr
ee. I
n 20
01 I
did
a m
agaz
ine
tog
eth
er w
ith
Mar
tin K
ren
n th
at w
as
rela
ted
to th
e B
ord
er C
ross
ing
Ser
vice
s p
roje
ct; i
t was
dis
trib
ute
d vi
a d
irec
t m
ail t
o 12
,000
ho
use
ho
lds
in th
e b
ord
er r
egio
n b
etw
een
Au
stri
a an
d
Slo
ven
ia. I
t pre
sen
ted
wh
at m
igra
nt
org
aniz
atio
ns
and
anti
-rac
ist o
rgan
iza-
tion
s in
Au
stri
a an
d G
erm
any
hav
e to
sa
y ab
ou
t cro
ssin
g b
ord
ers,
ille
gal
i-za
tion
, mig
ratio
n an
d th
e Eu
rop
ean
p
olit
ics
of e
xclu
sio
n. I
t hel
ped
to r
evea
l th
eir
view
po
ints
to th
e ru
ral a
rea
be-
twee
n A
ust
ria
and
Slo
ven
ia, w
hich
was
a
hig
hly
mili
tari
zed
Sch
eng
en b
ord
er
at th
e tim
e.
PM
/hM
: Ho
w d
o th
ese
do
cum
enta
-tio
ns
of e
xist
ing
soci
al a
nd
po
litic
al
mov
emen
ts in
tro
du
ce a
no
tion
of
imp
licat
edn
ess
whi
ch e
xten
ds
the
giv
en fo
rms
of p
olit
ical
ag
ency
? o
liver
res
sler
: I th
ink
it’s
cle
ar th
at
I’m v
ery
dis
sati
sfied
wit
h th
e ex
istin
g
cap
ital
ist s
oci
ety.
So
the
mai
n fo
cus
of m
y w
ork
ove
r th
e la
st 1
0 ye
ars
has
b
een
on
ho
w to
get
rid
of t
his
soci
ety
and
con
trib
ute
to th
e cr
eatio
n o
f a n
ew
on
e. S
om
e p
roje
cts
are
mo
re o
n th
e le
vel o
f an
alys
is a
nd
crit
iqu
e o
f so
cial
re
alit
y; o
ther
s fo
cus
on
form
s o
f res
ist-
ance
; stil
l oth
ers
– su
ch a
s th
e tw
o
pro
ject
s o
n V
enez
uel
a o
r A
ltern
ativ
e Ec
on
om
ics,
Alte
rnat
ive
So
ciet
ies
– co
nce
ntr
ate
on
idea
s th
at m
igh
t be
of
imp
ort
ance
wh
en c
on
sid
erin
g h
ow
to
achi
eve
a n
ew s
oci
ety.
I sh
are
man
y id
eas
wit
h ac
tivi
sts,
an
d m
ay b
e co
n-
sid
ered
an
acti
vist
mys
elf,
so th
at o
n
cert
ain
occ
asio
ns
my
po
sitio
n is
on
e o
f a p
arti
cip
atin
g, i
nvo
lved
ob
serv
er.
So
met
imes
the
wo
rk p
rovi
des
a k
ind
o
f pla
tfo
rm fo
r ex
istin
g id
eas,
at o
ther
tim
es it
cre
ates
idea
s th
at d
o n
ot c
om
e d
irec
tly
fro
m a
ctiv
ist p
ract
ices
bu
t may
st
ill b
e o
f gre
at im
po
rtan
ce fo
r ac
tiv-
ists
. So
for
me
ther
e’s
no
form
ula
for
ho
w m
y w
ork
fun
ctio
ns;
ther
e ar
e d
if-
fere
nt s
trat
egie
s an
d d
iffe
ren
t fo
cuse
s fr
om
pro
ject
to p
roje
ct.
PM
/hM
: Yo
ur w
ork
as
an a
rtis
t fo
cuse
s st
ron
gly
on
eco
no
mic
issu
es a
nd
, in
par
ticu
lar,
on
form
s o
f alt
ern
ativ
e ec
on
om
ics.
Ho
w d
o yo
u fe
el a
bo
ut
the
rela
tion
bet
wee
n su
ch a
n ar
tist
ic
pra
ctic
e an
d p
olit
ical
act
ivis
m?
oliv
er r
essl
er: I
n 19
99 I
pro
du
ced
an
inst
alla
tion
calle
d Th
e G
lob
al 5
00. I
t fo
-cu
sed
on
the
500
larg
est t
ran
snat
ion
al
corp
ora
tion
s an
d h
ow
they
rel
ated
to
a d
isco
urse
on
eco
no
mic
glo
bal
izat
ion
. T
he
exhi
bit
ion
was
pre
sen
ted
for
the
first
tim
e so
me
mo
nth
s b
efo
re p
rote
sts
agai
nst
the
Wo
rld
Trad
e O
rgan
izat
ion
in
Sea
ttle
. I w
as e
xtre
mel
y in
tere
sted
in
wh
at w
as h
app
enin
g th
ere,
an
d
pro
du
ced
two
film
s re
late
d to
the
anti
-g
lob
aliz
atio
n m
ovem
ent i
n 20
01/2
002.
T
he
mov
emen
t als
o d
emo
nst
rate
d
ho
w M
arg
aret
Th
atch
er’s
wel
l-kn
ow
n
slo
gan
‘Th
ere
is n
o al
tern
ativ
e!’ c
an’t
b
e tr
ue.
At t
he
time
I had
so
me
kno
w-
led
ge
abo
ut a
lter
nat
ive
mo
del
s, th
ou
gh
n
ot m
uch
. So
I sta
rted
to in
vest
igat
e an
d th
rou
gh
som
e b
oo
ks I
go
t fur
ther
in
form
atio
n ab
ou
t dif
fere
nt c
on
cep
ts
and
mo
del
s fo
r a
syst
em th
at w
oul
d
no
lon
ger
be
cap
ital
isti
c. T
he
pro
ject
A
ltern
ativ
e Ec
on
om
ics,
Alte
rnat
ive
So
ciet
ies,
whi
ch I
star
ted
in 2
003,
is
the
larg
est I
hav
e ev
er w
ork
ed o
n, a
nd
I c
on
tinu
e to
do
so to
day
. At p
rese
nt
it co
nsi
sts
of 1
6 vi
deo
s o
n d
iffe
ren
t m
od
els
and
con
cep
ts fo
r al
tern
ativ
e
eco
no
mie
s an
d al
tern
ativ
e so
ciet
ies.
S
om
e ar
e hi
sto
rica
l on
es, s
uch
as
the
wo
rker
s’ c
olle
ctiv
es d
urin
g th
e S
pan
ish
C
ivil
War
or
the
Pari
s C
om
mun
e o
r w
ork
ers’
sel
f-m
anag
emen
t in
Y
ug
osl
avia
dur
ing
the
1960
s an
d
1970
s. V
ery
elab
ora
te n
ew e
con
om
ic
con
cep
ts h
ave
also
bee
n in
clu
ded
, su
ch a
s ‘P
arti
cip
ato
ry E
con
om
ics’
by
Mic
hael
Alb
ert,
and
con
cep
ts fo
r a
new
o
rgan
izat
ion
al s
tru
ctur
e fo
r so
ciet
y as
a w
ho
le, f
or
inst
ance
‘In
clu
sive
D
emo
crac
y’ b
y Ta
kis
Foto
po
ulo
s o
r ‘L
iber
tari
an M
unic
ipal
ism
’, w
hich
is
pre
sen
ted
wit
hin
my
pro
ject
by
Ch
aia
Hel
ler.
I hav
e al
so in
clu
ded
inte
rvie
ws
that
focu
s m
ore
on
cert
ain
met
ho
ds
and
asp
ects
, on
es th
at m
igh
t be
of
inte
rest
wh
en c
on
sid
erin
g al
tern
ativ
e ec
on
om
ies
or
soci
etie
s. F
or
exam
ple
, th
e co
nce
pt o
f ‘Fr
ee C
oo
per
atio
n’ b
y C
hris
top
h S
peh
r o
r an
inte
rvie
w w
ith
Jo
hn H
ollo
way
on
chan
gin
g th
e w
orl
d
wit
ho
ut t
akin
g p
ow
er. T
he
idea
of m
y p
roje
ct is
to p
rese
nt a
var
iety
of d
if-
fere
nt p
roje
cts,
co
nce
pts
an
d m
od
els.
S
om
e o
f th
em c
om
e fr
om
a m
ore
an
ar-
chis
t bac
kgro
und
, oth
ers
fro
m a
mo
re
soci
alis
t bac
kgro
und
, bu
t all
of t
hem
ai
m to
co
ntr
ibu
te id
eas
for
org
aniz
ing
so
ciet
y d
iffe
ren
tly
and
fig
htin
g fo
r
such
alt
ern
ativ
es –
that
’s w
hy I
thin
k
all t
hes
e au
tho
rs c
an b
e co
nsi
der
ed
acti
vist
s to
so
me
exte
nt.
Wit
hin
the
sco
pe
of t
his
trav
ellin
g
exhi
bit
ion
and
the
16 v
ideo
inte
rvie
ws
I co
nd
uct
ed, I
hav
e tr
ied
to g
ive
a co
nd
ense
d vi
ew o
f th
ose
asp
ects
of
the
con
cep
ts th
at I
reg
ard
as m
ost
im
po
rtan
t. T
he
vid
eos
are
bet
wee
n
20 a
nd
37 m
inu
tes
lon
g, a
nd
giv
e th
e au
die
nce
an
op
po
rtun
ity
to a
cces
s
thes
e co
nce
pts
. Peo
ple
wal
k ar
oun
d
the
exhi
bit
ion
spac
e an
d ch
oo
se v
ideo
s ac
cord
ing
to th
eir
inte
rest
s. If
they
are
es
pec
ially
inte
rest
ed in
a c
on
cep
t th
ey
may
go
to th
e au
tho
r’s
web
site
or
bu
y th
e b
oo
k. I
thin
k th
e p
roje
ct A
ltern
ativ
e Ec
on
om
ics,
Alte
rnat
ive
So
ciet
ies
pro
-vi
des
a h
elp
ful s
tru
ctur
e to
gen
erat
e d
iscu
ssio
n an
d m
ake
som
e o
f th
ese
con
cep
ts m
ore
acc
essi
ble
, an
d lo
ts
of a
ctiv
ists
hav
e u
sed
it as
a to
ol i
n
the
twen
ty-o
ne
citie
s in
whi
ch it
was
re
aliz
ed o
ver
the
last
four
yea
rs.
PM
/hM
: Yo
ur v
ideo
wor
ks a
re a
vaila
ble
fo
r p
urch
ase
on
your
ow
n w
ebsi
te,
whi
ch y
ield
s a
con
cep
t dif
fere
nt t
o
trad
itio
nal
way
s o
f dis
trib
utin
g ar
t; it
cr
eate
s a
link
bet
wee
n yo
ur w
ork
an
d
bro
ader
au
die
nce
s o
uts
ide
the
gal
lery
sy
stem
.
oliv
er r
essl
er: I
try
to k
eep
the
pri
ces
of m
y vi
deo
s lo
w s
o th
at m
any
ind
i-vi
du
als,
lib
rari
es a
nd
univ
ersi
ties
can
af
ford
to b
uy
them
. I w
ork
tog
eth
er
wit
h so
me
dis
trib
uto
rs a
nd
the
DV
Ds
are
sold
for
bet
wee
n 15
an
d 35
eur
os.
S
o it
’s p
oss
ible
to b
uy
a D
VD
just
like
a
bo
ok.
It’s
imp
ort
ant f
or
me
no
t to
lim
it th
e vi
deo
s o
r m
y ar
t pro
du
ctio
n
in g
ener
al to
a v
ery
smal
l gro
up,
bu
t to
mak
e th
em a
cces
sib
le to
a b
road
er
aud
ien
ce. E
spec
ially
sin
ce th
e vi
deo
s ar
e o
ften
rel
ated
to s
oci
al m
ovem
ents
oliver ressler
Alt
ern
ativ
e E
con
om
ics,
Alt
ern
ativ
e S
oci
etie
sE
xhib
itio
n p
roje
ct, 2
003-
on
go
ing
Ven
ezu
ela
fro
m B
elo
w
Oliv
er R
essl
er &
Dar
io A
zzel
lini,
vid
eo, 6
7 m
in.,
2004
, sti
lls
188
189
Info
rmal
mar
ket a
lon
g th
e co
nst
ruct
ion
site
s o
f tra
nsp
ort
pro
ject
s, Is
tan
bu
l To
pka
pı,
2005
190
191
Info
rmal
mar
ket a
lon
g th
e B
yzan
tin
e ci
ty w
alls
an
d Lo
nd
ra A
sfal
tı,
an a
rter
ial r
oad
to
the
wes
t, Is
tan
bu
l To
pka
pı,
2005
192
193
Visi
ting
Stal
inM
osc
ow iz
mai
lovo
Ver
nis
azh
Mo
ck R
uss
ian
villa
ge
wit
h ar
ts a
nd
craf
ts m
arke
t cat
erin
g fo
r in
tern
atio
nal
to
uri
sts,
O
lym
pic
Vill
age
of t
he
1980
Su
mm
er G
ames
in t
he
bac
kgro
un
d, M
osc
ow
, 200
6
Ver
nis
azh
, Mo
sco
w, 2
006
Ch
erki
zovs
ky M
arke
t, M
osc
ow
, 200
6
194
195
Ch
erki
zovs
ky M
arke
tLa
rge
Eu
rasi
an m
arke
t su
rro
un
din
g th
e fo
rmer
Sta
linet
s S
tad
ium
in
th
e n
ort
hea
st o
f Mo
sco
w, 2
006
200
201
FOP
Sta
diu
mT
he
form
er S
talin
ets
Sta
diu
m b
uilt
ab
ove
Sta
lin’s
se
cret
bu
nke
r in
th
e 19
30s,
Mo
sco
w, 2
006
Ch
erki
zovs
ky M
arke
t, M
osc
ow
, 200
6
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inTroducTion: living on frAcTures
How does the actual lived experience of increasingly heterogeneous and networked urban spaces redefine core assumptions about urbanization? What happens to the idea, the practice and the limits of the city when it appears, as is the case across much of the Global South, not as a planned convergence of productive forces, but a disjunction of disparate forces? As the city becomes a place where different kinds of actors are grabbing what opportunities they can, how is it possible to concretize col-laboration among ‘citizens’ and constitute a shared set of references? The objective here is to begin to conceptualize an urban politics able to deal with the intensifying ambivalence generated by urban life – where possibilities and vulnerabilities are thoroughly entangled, and where there are no unequivocally clear trajec-tories of development or change. Thus, it focuses on the notion of ‘the deal’.
Cities are largely fractured spaces. In the domains of regulation and govern-ance, cities encompass areas where the
prevailing practices of production, exchange and financial management
are exempt from the law and regulations that would otherwise be applied, using either a specific geographical position (offshore), economic designation (export processing zone, special use area); or tem-poral period (state of emergency) to mark the exception.1 There are also areas where state administrations and civil institutions lack the political and economic power to assign the diversity of activities taking place within cities – i.e. buying, selling, exchanging, collecting, dissembling, steal-ing, importing, fabricating, residing, etc. – to specific bounded spaces and rules of operation, or the responsibility of clearly designated actors.2
Much urban planning and regulation is simulated planning and regulation. In other words, these practices serve as a veneer for masking what are often high-ly speculative and unmonitored interven-tions into built and social environments. For example, at the outset, the massive redevelopment across Southeast Asia of centrally located industrial areas, ports, rail stations, warehouses, commercial districts and the residential districts arti-culated to them has no certain econom-ic disposition. It is difficult to assess the terms through which the implantation of large residential and commercial complexes, research and development centres and entertainment zones could be considered economically viable, parti-cularly as occupancy rates, sales volumes and outputs are interwoven with more ephemeral or symbolic considerations of value. Additionally, these developments are ensconced in a calculus of fungibles, where what they can be used for and spa-tially or financially connected to is poten-tially converted into something else than the original intent. As such these develop-ments don’t so much ‘exist for themselves’ as they aspire to become increasingly valuable facets of larger packages that bundle together real estate, varied finan-cial instruments and shifting trajectories and forms of investments from which new conditions of management, urban politics and taxation schemes will become inevit-able. At the same time, the massive size of some developments not only reflects the conjoining of new construction technolo-gies and finance, but also practically and symbolically constrains what surrounding land and infrastructure could be used for in any foreseeable future.3
In other words, architecture, infrastructure and land development are being used as
instruments to compel, some might say extort, new urban institutional and social relations, from how decisions get made, what is viewed as possible or useful to do in cities, how financial responsibilities are to be defined and risks assessed.4 In most instances, low-income as well as many middle-income residents are pushed to the peripheries of the city, which once serviced and connected to major trans-portation grids themselves become objects of speculation as cheap land is acquired by those with the aspirations to build big in ways prohibited by more centralized locations. Where the presence of heterogeneous residents within the central areas of cities enabled a kind of mutual witnessing of how each implanted themselves in and operated in the city, if not elaborating various complementa-rities among them, the push to the periph-ery, while not necessarily stopping an inflow of low-income residents, at least in their pursuit of occupations, renders it an often opaque place.5
Surrounding the core of the city, the periphery, with its intersection of the scat-tered remains of old projects and those of the new in various states of completion – from factories, shopping centres, housing developments – persistent rural econ-omies, informal and formal low-income settlements, poses an uncertain future for this core.6 If the massive redevelopments of the centre compel new logics of urban regulation, they also imply an increas-ingly difficult process of attempting to understand and manage relationships between the core and a periphery whose social dynamics are increasingly difficult to understand and predict. If the resultant economic motivations operative within the central areas produce more substan-tial connections to exterior economies and cities, with heightened dependence on dynamics upon which any individ-ual city exercises limited control, then the additionally resultant disjuncture between central and peripheral urban areas, as well as different categories of urban actors, introduces a large measure of vulnerability to these redevelopments in the long run.7
In the Global South, many so-called megacities are usually thought about in terms of an urban fabric that has been overwhelmed, of a sociality that no longer is subjected to coherent forms of articu-
lation and aspiration, and of insti-tutions that no longer are capable
of exercising authority over the use of materials and space. But this convention-al view might be productively tempered by instead thinking of urban capacity in terms of the ways in which all cities are things in the making by virtue of the speed and intensity of diverse positions and practices of inhabitation that are not, or at most weakly, channelled by clearly demarcated trajectories of operation, spa-tial use, resource appropriation and social interchange.8 In other words, at the heart of city life is the capacity for its different people, spaces, activities and things to interact in ways that exceed any attempt to regulate them. While the absence of regulation is commonly seen as a bad thing, one must first start with the under-standing that no form of regulation can keep the city ‘in line’.
Complex municipal politics of everyday regulation prevail, where different actors who share communities, quarters or dis-tricts attempt to work out incessantly troublesome connections between land, housing, services and livelihood that are not held in any stable and consistent re lationship with each other. In much of the urban world, this process still wards off power being fixed in the hands of nar-row interest groups or sectors. This does not mean that ‘big men’ or ‘big women’ don’t exist, nor does it mean that there are no boundaries between, for example, religious authorities, technical expert groups, political parties or civic associa-tions. But through multiple and shifting memberships, overt and covert alli ances across business and family activities, it is never crystal clear just what hat any actor or group may be wearing (operat-ing through) at any given time. The pro-cess, then, of trying to figure out just what is going on requires people to expand the field of whom they talk and pay attention to – a game that in turn makes working relationships more complicated.9
But unless these working relationships are attempted in ways more capable of engaging the plurality of social mecha-nisms in operation, the bulk of formal economic, political and administrative interventions will spend too much of their money and time attempting to disentan-gle populations from the particular ways in which they organize relationships with materials, places and infrastructure that are often either weakly visible and com-prehensible or dismissed as illicit and unproductive.
The
polit
ics
of‘c
ityne
ss’ a
nda
wor
ld o
f dea
lsA
bd
ou
Mal
iq s
imo
ne
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als put together small islands of security or order from which they can better deal with the unhealthy or insecure conditions that surround them. For example, the way in which the inside of a one-room cardboard squatter’s shack is meticulous-ly maintained in the midst of overflowing refuse at the exterior, or the way in which so-called marginalized populations attempt to secure a predictable territory of operation and hold onto it tenacious-ly. But in circumstances where effective mediations capable of connecting urban residents to predictable sources of pro-visioning, meaning and collaboration disappear, the ‘bareness’ to which resi-dents are left is the city in its ‘cityness’. Here, people ‘let go’ of any prospects for consolidating a sense of stability, and instead disperse themselves across discrepant urban spaces. They become scavengers of any small opportunity.
After all, ‘cityness’ is a world of senti-ments, gestures, gazes, talk and move-ment, all of which potentially could be intersected, interrupted and redirected in ways that draw the attentions of those who otherwise would not pay attention, or conversely, let people ‘slip under the radar’. So the job of urban life is to main-tain a heightened sense of engagement with all that could ensue from applying a barely indiscernible gaze, of overhear-ing a conversation, of securing an almost invisible yet strategic proximity to others, of interrupting the flow of events ever so slightly but powerfully so as to move something in another direction.
Of course such thickening engagements with the ‘raw materials’ of urban life – its sheer densities of affect, bodies, and action – is not necessarily virtuous. Increasingly, residents have to cope with an incessant preying upon their own vul-nerabilities. For cities are environments of trickery and deception as well as the forging of solid relationships of mutual dependency. Because such dependency is often relied upon in order to make ends meet, residents are all the more vulner-able to deception. Fellow residents who otherwise might look out for each other can also give information to thieves about who may not be in their apart-ments at certain times. Sexual partners are especially held in suspicion as the rights each individual in the couple would normally grant also leave them
vulnerable to being taken advan-tage of. Residents may be conscious
about displaying any weakness, and continuously watch what they say about themselves, what they wear, the routes they travel, and the company they are seen with. Even in cursory relationships with neighbours or associates, a person cannot be construed as having significant relationships, in the event that others to whom these associates may owe money or are perceived to have harmed in some way decide to hold that person as somehow culpable. Chances must be taken without the availability of a reliable means of calculation or with calculations that are intensely singular.
Yet, as urban systems are placed under more complex and comprehensive regimes of calculation, the question becomes the following: to what extent are those residents who always have to come up with new tactics for living through these vulnerabilities acquiring important proficiencies for circumventing the efforts by various economic elite to make the city more secure just for them? As cities must manage the events relevant to their well-being across larger scales of consideration, there is a tendency to privilege new forms of calculation, modelling and surveillance. These re inforce the notion of cities as patch-works of impersonal and atomizing institutional controls applied to frag-mented uses of particular places and services which, in turn, enforce a sense of normative consumption – where people are subject to institutionalized codes about what constitutes legitimate behaviour and over which they have little possibility of direct negotiation.13
How should actual or possible inter-relationships between what are, on the surface, disparate forms of urban virtuality be conceptualized? Are there ways in which informatics, networks, practices and capacities produced from different materials and relations of power intersect to keep urban spaces open and available to different actors and aspira-tions? For example, in the historical com-mercial districts Sukhumvit-Petchaburi (Bangkok) and Deira (Dubai), a deterio-rated yet still functioning infrastructure of urban services and built environment is appropriated by a wide range of African actors often working in different forms of syndicated arrangements with others of the same and divergent nationalities. Entrepreneurial groupings can be both well-defined, with stable participants
Additionally, residents then spend too much time preparing themselves for ways in which the application of new laws, policies, regulations and rules increases disorder because they impose specific mandates on who, where, and how urban residents are to legitimately gain access to space, opportunities and resources. Such disorder can be tripped up if individuals are already operating, knowing themselves, or taking livelihood through many different ‘places’ and ‘roles’ at once. But instead of the energies, intel-ligence and time of residents being spent trying to put together new forms of col-laboration, these defensive manoeuvres sometimes reiterate the salience of the prevailing definitions of identities, ter-ritories, occupations and sectors – and residents simply try to ‘distribute’ them-selves across as many of them as pos-sible. Instead of overturning categories such as patron and client, leader and follower, artisan and worker, man or woman, people will attempt to split the conventional categories in multiple sub-categories and find opportunities to fit into them at different times.
Instead of operating as a way individuals come to act decisively and creatively within the public realm, these informal-ities can actively de-link more and more aspects of everyday life from the possi-bilities of generating a larger, common interest.
Still, it is clear that in many of Europe’s most ethnically, economically and cultur-ally mixed urban districts, the necessary articulations among different occupa-tions, networks, and resources needed in order for such mixtures to be sustained emanated from often highly peculiar local initiatives that melded aspects of religios-ity, carnival, recreation, guerrilla mobi-lization, showmanship, public relations and even illicit financial schemes.10 Such platforms are not necessarily or even frequently organizations like political parties, voluntary associations or com-munity based organizations. A written set of agreed upon rules and procedures seldom exists, nor do identifications of membership. In fact, such platforms are sometimes barely discernible as ‘organ-izations’ at all, but still exist as an almost invisible form of collective action – where people regardless of whether they con-sciously know it or not are acting in con-
cert with others to make something happen. There is no one identifiable
agenda, no consensus, not even clear results to which everyone could agree.
But the capacity many residential quarters demonstrate to do what they can to make some kind of viable urban life cannot be imagined, let alone do ‘its job’ without finding ways to draw lines – make con-nections – among the scores of gather-ings, consultations, reciprocal favours, improvised work crews and business ventures, group prayers, publicly shared meals, clandestine exchanges of goods and hastily pieced together solutions to extended family or neighbourhood crises that take place in a wide range of settings across the urban terrain – from markets, abandoned hotel ballrooms, deserted factories and crowded inter-sections. Urban activists and planners must always look out for these more invisible, provisional or improvisational occasions for collective action that enable participants to try out new ways of acting and collaborating.11
urbAn virTuAliTies
The progressive impoverishment and deindustrialization of many cities, coupled with the enormous demands made upon urban space, engenders a reliance on the sheer density of inhabitants, actions and their associational possibilities. The focus on the ‘second-hand’, on piracy, repair and the improvisational re-assemblage of cannibalized objects and information creates specific ways for people to feel and think in the city. Additionally, cities give rise to capacities to participate in specific networks specializing in their own forms of translocal flows and exchanges – for example, the vast trade in illicit goods or the extensive spread of religious economies.12
To speak of the virtuality of urban resi-dents with limited means remains a necessary but dangerous task, under-taken without the confidence of clear political or ethical guidelines. It is clear that urban life is becoming more pre-carious for the poor, as their worlds are reduced to the basic confines of a ‘bare life’. We conventionally understand this bareness as the narrowing of one’s every-day conditions and spaces of operation to a minimal domain of safety or efficacy. In physical or social environments that are highly disordered, unhealthy or dan-gerous, it is usually assumed that individu-
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contiguities and relations of resi dences, offices, warehouses, roads, factories, entertainment halls, plazas, parks, stations, and ports constitute a ‘combi-natorial richness’14 capable of generating various effects and scenarios that exceed being the imposition of an organizational frame.
The absence of such a frame is not chaos or unpredictable fluidity. Each emergent element – each concrete spatial arrange-ment that ensues as a particular crystal-lization of energetic encounter – can be held together by intercalary entities that enable these elements to be connected.15 Although these dynamics can be elaborat-ed across the different languages of phys-ics, chemistry and the social sciences, the point I want to emphasize here is that in urban politics the intercalary element is that of the deal. The deal is the connecting tissue or the catalyst that brings together the different scenarios and dispositions continuously produced and transformed by the intersecting intensities of urban life – its different speeds, reactions, rhythms and affects.
Of course urban history is full of the evidence of deals of all kinds, and the purported maturity of urban political systems is signalled by the capacity to curtail, regulate and tame the nature of deal making. Yet attempts to domesticate the deal have often produced contractions in spaces of combinatorial richness that limit who and what can interact in any given circumstance or location.
While the struggles for concrete rights to shelter and livelihood for all urban residents remain critical to viable urban futures, whatever guarantees and sup-ports that are accomplished by them remain insufficient to working with increasingly complicated entanglements of economies and transactions among spaces of the city that have become more segregated. For the social categories we use to understand specific ways of life and the identities of urban actors are not the political ones through which varying constellations of residents come to or will come to the stage – i.e. configure ways of acting, forms of recognition and styles of deliberation capable of engineering specific kinds of changes in the city.16 Thus, notions of the poor, middle class, elite, and so forth, while designating real
differences in interests and capaci-ties, are insufficient to charting out
the entanglements of agendas, identi-ties and positions that residents, without secure footholds in the city, themselves incessantly try to bring about.
Thus, urban politics must go beyond its often facile appeals for inclusiveness or for making up a variety of lacks and speak to the ways in which residents continu-ously try to be different kinds of actors to different kinds of residents at differ-ent times and in different spaces. Slums are both exemplary of social detritus and cutting-edge assemblages suited for effec-tive flows of information in relationship to larger service economies; the poor are not only driven by desperate opportunism but also by a proficiency at hedging pos sible livelihoods. Those that are apparently kept out of an increasing number of gated communities, shopping complexes and industrial developments can have a much broader knowledge of the city and its dynamics than those equipped with the most sophisticated monitoring systems.
Again, this is not to overestimate the capacities and resilience of the majority, but to open up large, previously under-apprehended swathes of urban life to their ‘proper’ consideration. This is largely a matter of timing, since it assumes that no differences are prohibitive of inter-action. Anything can be intersected or transacted; it is just a matter of finding an opportune time, following the rhythms of urban relations, as different actors move toward and away from each other. This is a matter of small and fine attunements, of finding ways to continuously engage schools, housing projects, corporations, public arenas – not with a definitive, once-and-for-all attitude, but in continu-ous and small improvisations, where all parties are challenged to see what work they can do with each other. It is a method of generating evidence about what could be possible and when. Urban politics has to be about the choreography of rhythms – how to speed up and slow down, accel-erate and delay, seize and delay, of inter-vening and letting things ‘take their course’ – as much as it is about the com-position of organizations and territories.
‘Real urban governance’, de-centred from stable institutional relationships, increasingly takes place in much more provisional arrangements between shifting constellations of local political power brokers and their relations to an also shifting set of external players,
and sectors, and also highly fluid and malleable, with different forms of colla-boration and trade being constantly re negotiated. Each has to work out ways of operating in dense commercial spaces, forging competitive but often comple-mentary relationships with local retailers, landlords, transportation agents, com-mercial brokers and local officials in order to support the transactions necessary to move goods, services and people along specific trajectories of exchange. While structured commercial associations and companies have been established, most of these transactions operate under the radar and move opportunistically across different kinds of goods and markets.
The AnAToMy of The deAl
Access to land, under-priced yields of power and water, extensions of grids and service roads, vertical construction rights and exceptions to regulations of all kinds are the purview of deals that, if not directly countervailing the rules and normative planning procedures, often stretch them. Municipal regulations and planning systems do avail themselves of a wide range of participatory mecha-nisms, technical proficiencies and data bases. Yet, the ability to respond to polit-ical and economic exigencies and to get things done within the temporal frame-works of specific administrations and budgetary cycles frequently requires procedural short-cuts and the appropria-tion of potentially synergistic effects that stem from the capacities of particular ‘operators’ to mobilize labour, finance and other services that cut across sectors and territory.
Competencies and jurisdictions are often demarcated and institutionalized in ways that entail clear limits to what any given agency, organization or company is entitled and available to do. Therefore, projects and programs that require the application of many different kinds of entities at various times often require administratively complex negotiations and scheduling pertaining to the way these entities work together and apply their abilities to a particular site of inter-vention. Organizational structures tend to emphasize the efficient replication of responses through standardization. For what they do has to be applied to many
different kinds of clients and situ-a tions. So those who can offer, for
example, the ability to put together con-struction crews, cartage, waste removal, cut-rate overtime, supplementary finance, political connections and media spin in one – on the surface – seamless package are vital to municipal administrations and have to be rewarded in ways that are often difficult to accommodate within prevailing rules and norms.
This ability to mobilize certain potenti-alities inherent in the heterogeneity of the city is usually incumbent in those operations that are able to manipulate the networked effects that scale enables. Yet frequently, such operations emerge from highly localized yet intensive posi-tions within specific sectors or neigh-bourhoods that capitalize on apparently incommensurable relations – i.e. the intersection of social identities, functions, and domains that usually wouldn’t be expected to work together. So that those who can connect, for example, religious leaders, gangsters, financiers, profession-als, journeyman and civic associations begin to cover a lot of ground and spread out across other territories. While big players such as multinational consultant firms, technicians, contractors and property developers may have the size and coverage to deliver unrivalled effi-ciencies, they may not have sufficient local knowledge to expedite getting things done.
So the terrain of the city, its enclosures and publicities, its variously configured channels of movement, its organization of different venues where people are assembled in different densities and forms of association and its applications of work and attention emerge as specific compositions of agitation, stillness and receptivity. Points that intersect different energetic possibilities – what Deleuze has labelled ‘topological points’ – then can produce many different kinds of physical arrangements, so that embedded in differ-ent urban sites is the capacity to produce different scenarios and knowledge that are present all along but may never yet have been actualized. The frenzy of mar-ket trading grounds next to the recesses of quiet conversations over tea next to the receptions of official delegations next to the openings for the inflows and out-flows of people and goods all produce a productive volatility that continuously re opens the relationships that everything has with everything else. It reworks the forms of stability and interchange. The
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Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Th
e p
olit
ics
of ‘
city
nes
s’ a
nd
a w
orl
d o
f dea
ls
including, for example, both transnational corpor ations and more mafia-type syn-dicates. Critical relationships also exist among a host of management agencies dealing in corporate intelligence, strategic management, security, urban resource provisioning, public relations and ‘cap -acity building’. Each of these domains has its own oscillating local, regional and transnational networks that intersect in various ways at different times. While the nature of their operations may be beyond the inputs of the majority of urban resi-dents, they nevertheless are and can be subject to multiple interventions of various durations that alter the basis on which assessments – of profitability, viability or security – are made.
This is a political time when populations are increasingly ‘held up’ and ‘delayed’ in order to be scrutinized and viewed, and when populations are calculated to be guilty in advance of any action simply on the basis of such scrutiny. As Gustav Massiah has said, the poor must con-stantly prove their innocence in advance. Therefore, how differences between actors, localities and aspirations can co-exist and act with capacity in any given context, as well as how to steer the inter-section of diverse peoples and contexts toward and through each other, become urgent matters of concern. We are quite familiar with processes of representing specific urban populations and activities, accounting for what they are doing, tar-geting those with special needs or those who pose particular threats and forging multicultural policies and partnerships. In terms of spatial allocations and distri-butions, these practices tend to re inforce the dismissal or exclusion of certain pos sibilities and ways of being in the city. In other words, they tend to take out of consideration numerous ways in which different locales and peoples could make use of each other. Theoretically, the expansive intelligences of diasporic movements, the experiences of cross-sectoral planning, the cultural circulations along increasingly globalized circuits of exchange, as well as inter active media transmission, could be mobilized to generate new forms of collaboration, institutional practices and popular senti-ments about critical questions of justice and efficacy. Again, these considerations are too often perceived as matters of engin-
eered spatial mosaics, rather than considerations of how the duration
of impacts, the intensity of memory, the prolonging of contingency and the slowing down or speeding up of how things are viewed can be critical mat-ters of intervention. What can be brought together and made to operate in a con-certed and collaborative way is not just a matter of scale and composition but also a matter of timing, volatility and calm. Particularly in the rush to stabilize and regulate cities in Africa, many of the provisional projects undertaken by resi-dents to feed, house and to remake them-selves are not given the necessary time to unfold and connect with each other, to see what synergies might work.
Schools have to connect with localities, localities have to connect with consulting firms, consulting firms have to connect with media engineers, media engineers have to connect with the sentiments of the streets, the streets have to connect with regulatory agencies, and so forth. There are complicated pathways among all of these sites, and each harbours a wide range of intelligences and capaci-ties that are not used and are, at the same time, not explicitly blocked or prohibited. There are many different ways any par-ticular setting could ‘do its work’, could make things happen, and for creating dif-ferent registers of consideration – from the almost invisible and incipient to the publicly debated. For the act of affecting events and situations, of making some-thing happen, requires different ways of doing things, visible and invisible, at different times – as the common sense results of media manipulation and behav-ioural shaping have long demonstrated. In other words, persuasion, inducement, compulsion, seduction and resistance all work at different times – not all the time. As such, interventions have to combine reflections on efficacy, ethics, politics, justice and creativity at the same time, even though these processes may be at work in and through different times.
1 Rolan Palen, The Offshore World: Sovereign Markets,
Virtual Places, and Nomad Millionaires (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2003); Derek Gregory,
The Colonial Present (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004).
2 Asef Bayat, ‘Uncivil Society: the politics of the
“informal people”’, Third World Quarterly 18
(1997): 53-72; Daniel Goldstein, The Spectacular
City: Violence and Performance in Urban Bolivia
(Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press,
2004); Claire Robertson, Trouble showed the way:
women, men and trade in the Nairobi area 1890-1990
(Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997).
3 M.K. Ng, ‘Political Economy and Urban Planning:
A comparative study of Hong Kong, Singapore,
and Taiwan’, Progress in Planning 51 (1999): 1-90;
C. Hamnett, ‘Gentrification, postindustrialism,
and industrial and occupational restructuring in
global cities’, in A Companion to the City, eds. G.
Bridge and S. Watson (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000),
331-41; K. Olds, Globalization and urban change:
capital, culture, and Pacific Rim mega-projects
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); R. Grant
and J. Nijman, ‘Globalization and the Corporate
Geography of Cities in the Less-Developed World’,
Annals of the Association of American Geographers
92 (2002): 320-340; R. Marshall, Emerging Urbanity:
Global Urban Projects in the Asia Pacific Rim (New
York and London: Spon Press, 2002); T. Rohlen,
‘Cosmopolitan Cities and nation States: Open
Economies, Urban Regions, and Government in
Asia’, Working Paper of the Asian Pacific Research
Center, Stanford Institute for International Studies,
2002; U. Kaothien and D. Webster, ‘The Bangkok
Region’, in Global City Regions: Their Emerging
Forms, eds. R. Simmonds and G. Hack (New York
and London: Spon Press, 2000); H. Savitch and
P. Kantor, ‘Urban strategies for a global era: A
cross-national comparison’, American Behavioral
Scientist 46 (2003): 1002-1033.
4 Neil Brenner and Nik Theodore, ‘Cities and the geog-
raphies of actually existing neoliberalism,’ Antipode
34 (2002): 349–379; E. Swyngedouw, F. Moulaert,
and A. Rodriguez, ‘Neoliberal Urbanization in
Europe: Large-Scale Urban Development Projects
and the New Urban Policy’, Antipode 34 (2002):
543-77.
5 Mike Davis, ‘The Urbanization of Empire: Megacities
and the Laws of Chaos’, Social Text 22 (2004): 9-15.
6 Philip F. Kelly, ‘Everyday Urbanization: The Social
Dynamics of Development in Manila’s Extended
Metropolitan Region’, International Journal of
Urban and Regional Research 23 (1999): 283-303;
D. Webster and L. Muller, ‘The Challenges of Peri-
urban Growth in East Asia: The Case of China’s
Hangzhou-Ningbo Corridor’, in Enhancing Urban
Management in East Asia, eds. M. Freire and
B. Yuen (Hunt, UK: Ashgate, 2002).
7 Saskia Sassen, Global Networks/Linked Cities
(New York and London: Routledge, 2002).
8 Matthew Gandy, ‘Cyborg Urbanization: Complexity
and Monstrosity in the Contemporary City’,
International Journal of Urban and Regional
Research 29 (2005): 26-49.
9 James Ferguson, Expectations of Modernity:
Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian
Copperbelt (Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press, 1999).
10 Joan Subirats and Joaquim Rius, From the Xino
to the Raval: Culture and Social Transformation
in Central Barcelona (Barcelona: Centre for
Contemporary Culture of Barcelona, 2006).
11 Yves Pedrazzini, Jean-Claude Bolay and Vincent
Kaufmann, ‘Social practices and spatial changes’,
in Social practices and empowerment in urban
societies, ed. NCCR North-South, IP5 (Lausanne:
IUED, 2005).
12 Richard Banégas and Ruth Marshall-Fratani,
‘Modes de régulation politique et reconfiguration
des espaces publics’, in L’Afrique de l’Ouest dans
la compétition mondial. Quels atouts possible, eds.
J. Damon and J. Igué (Paris: Karthala, 2003).
13 Paul Virilio, Ground Zero (New York and London:
Verso, 2002).
14 To use Manuel DeLanda’s term.
15 Manuel DeLanda, Intensive Science and Virtual
Philosophy (London: Continuum, 2002).
16 Dmitri Philippides, ‘Official city-planning and
para-urbanism’, in Athens 2002 Absolute Realism,
ed. Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Association
of Greek Architects. Catalogue for the Greek
participation in the 8th International Exhibition
of Architecture, Venice Biennale, 2002. Athens:
SADAS-PEA (Association of Greek Architects)
& the Commissioners; Jacque Rancière ‘Who is
the subject of the rights of man’, South Atlantic
Quarterly 103 (2004): 297-310.
212
213
Cen
tre
of P
rish
tin
a d
uri
ng
the
‘Th
anks
giv
ing
Day
s fo
r U
SA
’, 20
-23
No
vem
ber
200
6
Hill
ary
bo
uti
qu
e o
n B
ill C
linto
n B
ou
leva
rd, P
rish
tin
a, 2
006
Po
st-w
ar b
usi
nes
ses,
Pri
shti
na,
200
6
214
215
Ser
bia
n O
rth
od
ox
Ch
urc
h n
ext t
o th
e N
atio
nal
an
d U
niv
ersi
ty L
ibra
ry, b
egu
n d
uri
ng
the
1990
s b
y th
e M
iloše
vic
reg
ime;
th
e b
uild
ing
pro
ject
was
ab
and
on
ed b
ut t
he
shel
l sti
ll re
mai
ns
Ph
rist
ina,
200
6
216
217
Th
e N
atio
nal
an
d U
niv
ersi
ty L
ibra
ry, d
esig
ned
by
An
dri
ja M
utn
jako
vic
and
com
ple
ted
in 1
981;
d
uri
ng
the
1999
Ko
sovo
war
th
e b
uild
ing
serv
ed a
s h
ead
qu
arte
rs f
or
the
Ser
b m
ilita
ryP
rish
tin
a, 2
006
218
219
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
Marjetica Potrc
PM
/hM
: In
your
exh
ibit
ion
wo
rk
Tem
po
rary
Bu
ildin
g S
trat
egie
s yo
u
trac
e m
om
ents
of e
rup
tion
s o
f new
sp
atia
l rea
litie
s in
loca
tion
s as
dis
tan
t fr
om
eac
h o
ther
as
Latin
Am
eric
a
and
the
Wes
tern
Bal
kan
s. W
hat
is
your
inte
rest
in p
ursu
ing
this
kin
d
of fi
eld
wo
rk?
Mar
jeti
ca P
otr
c: I
am in
tere
sted
in
bo
tto
m-u
p in
itia
tive
s an
d, y
es, y
ou
ca
n sa
y th
at w
hen
I d
o th
is I
am a
lso
tr
acin
g th
e d
isso
luti
on
of t
op
-do
wn
in
itia
tive
s, s
uch
as
the
mo
der
nis
t p
roje
ct. T
he
mo
der
nis
t sta
te is
or-
gan
ized
top
-do
wn
and
is la
rge-
scal
e.
I bel
ieve
that
the
futu
re w
ill b
e o
n a
smal
ler
scal
e, a
nd
that
it w
ill d
epen
d
mo
re a
nd
mo
re o
n in
div
idu
als
wh
o
are
soci
ally
co
nsc
iou
s. F
or
inst
ance
, th
e p
eop
le in
the
Am
azo
nia
n st
ate
of
Acr
e, in
Bra
zil,
wh
o m
anag
e ex
trac
tio
n
rese
rves
, wh
ich
are
smal
l-sc
ale
terr
i-to
ries
, are
aw
are
of t
hei
r co
ntr
ibu
tio
ns
to th
e w
orl
d co
mm
un
ity.
Th
ey p
rop
ose
a
smal
l-sc
ale
eco
no
my
as a
wo
rkab
le
alte
rnat
ive
in a
n ag
e b
eyon
d th
e id
eolo
-gi
es o
f co
mm
unis
m o
r ca
pit
alis
m.
My
pra
ctic
e is
focu
sed
on
on
-sit
e p
roje
cts
as w
ell a
s o
n ex
hib
itio
n-b
ased
w
ork
s. T
hes
e la
tter
are
cas
e st
ud
ies.
I s
tart
ed to
exh
ibit
case
stu
die
s as
a
way
of p
oin
ting
to b
uild
ing
pra
ctic
es
acro
ss th
e w
orl
d th
at a
re a
bo
ut s
elf-
sust
ain
able
arc
hite
ctur
e an
d ar
e, t
ypi-
cally
, sm
all i
n sc
ale,
whi
ch m
ean
s th
ey
rep
rese
nt b
ott
om
-up
init
iati
ves.
As
an
exam
ple
, tak
e X
apu
ri: R
ura
l Sch
oo
l, w
hich
I sh
ow
ed a
t th
e S
ao P
aulo
B
ien
nia
l in
2006
. Thi
s is
a c
ase
stu
dy
of a
pri
mar
y sc
ho
ol t
hat
has
bee
n b
uilt
in
a r
emo
te a
rea
of t
he
Am
azo
nia
n
fore
st in
the
Bra
zilia
n st
ate
of A
cre.
Ty
pic
ally
, su
ch a
sch
oo
l is
equ
ipp
ed
wit
h ex
ten
sive
so
lar
pan
ellin
g an
d a
sate
llite
dis
h, in
oth
er w
ord
s a
sour
ce
of e
ner
gy
and
a m
ean
s fo
r co
mm
unic
a-tio
n w
ith
the
wo
rld
. Th
e sc
ho
ol s
tan
ds
for
kno
wle
dg
e, th
e so
lar
pan
els
stan
d
for
po
wer
, an
d th
e sa
telli
te d
ish
stan
ds
for
com
mun
icat
ion
. Th
e A
crea
ns
call
such
sch
oo
ls ‘p
ow
er k
its’
. I b
elie
ve th
at a
rchi
tect
ure
is a
livi
ng
la
ng
uag
e. Y
ou
can
read
it. B
y re
ad-
ing
arch
itec
ture
yo
u ca
n un
der
stan
d
the
valu
e sy
stem
s o
f th
e p
eop
le w
ho
b
uild
it. T
he
case
stu
dy
of t
he
Pris
htin
a H
ou
se is
a g
oo
d ex
amp
le. I
sh
ow
ed it
tw
ice,
on
ce a
t th
e Po
rtik
us
in F
ran
kfur
t an
d a
seco
nd
time
at th
e K
unst
vere
in
in H
amb
urg
. Its
dec
ora
tive
faça
de
and
the
way
it d
emar
cate
s it
s te
rrit
ory
p
oin
t to
the
cele
bra
tion
of e
xist
ence
by
the
mo
stly
rur
al p
op
ulat
ion
wh
o h
ave
lan
ded
in P
rish
tina
in r
ecen
t yea
rs.
Pri
shtin
a is
the
cap
ital
cit
y o
f Ko
sovo
, w
her
e cu
rren
tly
you
hav
e th
ree
dif
fer-
ent g
over
nm
ents
; thi
s m
ean
s th
at n
o
gov
ern
men
t rea
lly f
unct
ion
s p
rop
erly
an
d th
e p
eop
le th
emse
lves
are
co
n-
stru
ctin
g th
e ci
ty fr
om
the
bo
tto
m u
p.
We
say
that
in P
rish
tina
a ci
tizen
is
the
smal
lest
sta
te. P
rish
tina
Ho
use
al
so p
oin
ts to
su
cces
sful
sur
viva
l in
co
nd
itio
ns
wh
ere
the
stat
e in
fra-
stru
ctur
e h
as b
roke
n d
ow
n. A
t tim
es
wh
en th
ere
are
elec
tric
ity
ou
tag
es
and
the
stre
et li
gh
ting
do
esn
’t w
ork
, th
e Pr
ish
tina
Ho
use
pro
vid
es th
e
stre
et li
gh
t, w
hich
is p
ow
ered
fro
m
the
ho
use
itse
lf.
PM
/hM
: Tal
kin
g ab
ou
t sp
atia
l dev
el-
op
men
ts in
Pri
shtin
a an
d th
ose
new
hy
bri
d st
ruct
ures
that
are
em
erg
ing
in
Ru
ral s
cho
ol i
n th
e B
razi
lian
stat
e o
f Acr
eFo
rest
Ris
ing
Mar
jeti
ca P
otr
cT
he
Cu
rve,
Bar
bic
an A
rt G
alle
ry, L
on
do
n, 2
007
Pri
shti
na,
200
6
Cen
tre
of P
rish
tin
a d
uri
ng
the
‘Th
anks
giv
ing
Day
s fo
r U
SA
’, 20
-23
No
vem
ber
200
6
220
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
221
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
man
y o
ther
cit
ies
in th
is r
egio
n, t
her
e is
a la
ck o
f ter
min
olo
gy
to d
escr
ibe
the
new
ag
gre
gat
ion
s o
f peo
ple
an
d co
m-
mun
itie
s. A
re th
ey a
sid
e ef
fect
of g
lob
-al
ized
eco
no
mie
s, a
kin
d o
f glo
bal
ized
la
ng
uag
e al
ign
ed w
ith
mo
re p
erip
her
al
cult
ural
co
nn
ectio
ns?
Mar
jeti
ca P
otr
c: W
hen
I tr
avel
led
th
roug
h th
e re
gion
of t
he
Wes
tern
B
alka
ns
wit
h K
yon
g Pa
rk in
200
5, w
e fo
und
ther
e w
as o
ne
thin
g th
at w
as
real
ly o
bvi
ou
s w
hich
str
uck
me
dee
ply
: th
e sh
rin
kin
g o
f th
e id
eal r
esid
entia
l un
it in
the
regi
on. I
n th
e 19
80s,
yo
u
wo
uld
have
res
iden
tial n
eigh
bo
ur-
ho
od
s w
ith
may
be
10,0
00 r
esid
ents
. To
day
in th
e W
este
rn B
alka
ns,
ther
e ar
e n
ew a
rchi
tect
ural
typ
olo
gies
of r
esi-
den
tial a
rchi
tect
ure
that
are
dra
mat
i-ca
lly s
mal
ler:
the
Urb
an V
illag
e an
d
the
Urb
an V
illa.
Th
e U
rban
Vill
age
is a
co
mm
unit
y o
f ab
ou
t 2,0
00 p
eop
le,
whi
le th
e U
rban
Vill
a is
a c
om
mun
ity
of s
om
e 15
fam
ilies
. To
day
, th
e ex
ten
t o
f peo
ple
’s d
esir
ed c
o-e
xist
ence
is
smal
l in
scal
e. N
ote
that
15
year
s ag
o,
mo
der
nist
arc
hite
ctur
e, a
s w
ell t
he
mo
der
nist
sta
te, d
efin
ed th
e m
ain
-st
ream
way
of l
ife
bo
th in
the
Wes
tern
B
alka
ns
and
in th
e fo
rmer
Wes
tern
Eu
rop
e. T
he
new
typ
olo
gies
I’m
talk
ing
ab
ou
t are
en
teri
ng
the
arch
itec
tura
l la
ng
uag
e o
f th
e Eu
rop
ean
Uni
on o
nly
slow
ly a
nd
timid
ly. Y
ou
can
say
that
in
this
reg
ard
the
Wes
tern
Bal
kan
s is
a
fast
er r
egio
n an
d th
e Eu
rop
ean
Uni
on
is a
slo
wer
reg
ion
.
PM
/hM
: Yo
u ar
ticu
late
a s
tro
ng
bel
ief
in lo
cal g
over
nan
ce r
ath
er th
an h
ier-
arch
ical
ly o
rgan
ized
form
s o
f po
wer
, an
d th
e q
ues
tion
then
is h
ow
can
w
e ta
ke c
are
that
thes
e co
llab
ora
tion
s an
d fo
rms
of c
o-e
xist
ence
are
pla
yed
o
ut i
n a
sust
ain
able
an
d n
on
-op
pre
s-si
ve w
ay?
Mar
jeti
ca P
otr
c: I
com
e fr
om
the
form
er Y
ug
osl
avia
, wh
ere
the
frag
-m
enta
tion
of t
erri
tori
es o
ver
the
last
15
yea
rs w
as tr
aum
atic
an
d te
rrib
le
bec
ause
of t
he
war
s in
the
1990
s. A
ll th
e so
cial
str
uct
ures
co
llap
sed
. Dur
ing
th
is s
ame
per
iod
, in
Bra
zil’s
wes
tern
st
ate
of A
cre,
mo
re th
an h
alf t
he
stat
e te
rrit
ory
was
giv
en to
sm
all-
scal
e co
m-
mun
itie
s fo
r se
lf-m
anag
emen
t. T
hes
e ar
e ex
trac
tion
rese
rves
po
pul
ated
by
trad
itio
nal
co
mm
unit
ies
such
as
rub
ber
ta
pp
ers
and
Ind
ian
s. I
call
such
frag
-m
enta
tion
a h
app
y fr
agm
enta
tion
. It i
s al
so a
gre
at e
xam
ple
of c
olla
bo
ratio
n
bet
wee
n th
e st
ate
of A
cre
and
loca
l co
mm
unit
ies.
Th
e se
lf-d
isso
lutio
n o
f th
e st
ate
terr
ito
ry c
ame
abo
ut b
ecau
se
bo
th lo
cal c
om
mun
itie
s an
d th
e st
ate
reco
gn
ized
the
failu
re o
f lar
ge-
scal
e m
od
ern
ist p
roje
cts
in A
cre
in th
e p
ast
(su
ch a
s th
e la
rge-
scal
e ex
trac
tion
of
timb
er, t
he
larg
e-sc
ale
extr
actio
n o
f ru
bb
er, t
he
clea
rin
g o
f th
e fo
rest
for
catt
le p
astu
re, a
nd
of c
our
se in
fra-
stru
ctur
al p
roje
cts
such
as
the
railw
ay
and
hig
hw
ay).
Bu
t an
oth
er r
easo
n w
as
that
they
rec
og
niz
ed a
po
ssib
le f
utu
re:
succ
essf
ul te
rrit
ori
es s
uch
as
extr
ac-
tion
rese
rves
are
sel
f-su
stai
nab
le a
nd
sm
all i
n sc
ale.
It is
als
o ab
ou
t sur
viva
l. T
he
com
mun
itie
s in
the
Acr
ean
fore
st
say,
‘If w
e su
rviv
e in
the
fore
st, t
he
for-
est w
ill s
urvi
ve, a
nd
this
is g
oo
d fo
r al
l.’
In th
e W
este
rn B
alka
ns,
info
rmal
ity
too
k o
ff in
the
1990
s (w
ith
the
info
r-m
al c
ity,
the
info
rmal
eco
no
my,
the
info
rmal
co
nst
ruct
ion
ind
ust
ry, e
tc.)
b
ecau
se th
e st
ate
was
no
n-e
xist
ent.
A
t so
me
po
int,
the
info
rmal
eco
no
my
in B
elg
rad
e an
d T
iran
a ac
tual
ly a
llow
ed
thes
e ci
ties
to s
urvi
ve. I
nfo
rmal
ity
also
ex
pre
ssed
the
nee
d to
red
efin
e th
e so
cial
co
ntr
act.
On
e m
ust
un
der
stan
d
that
eve
ntu
ally
eve
ry k
ind
of i
nfo
rmal
-it
y d
esir
es to
bec
om
e fo
rmal
ized
in a
n
ew s
oci
al c
on
trac
t.
Exi
sten
ce a
nd
co-e
xist
ence
are
giv
ens,
b
ut h
ow
yo
u p
ract
ice
them
is n
ot a
g
iven
. In
my
wo
rk, I
po
int t
o th
e p
ow
er
ind
ivid
ual
s h
ave
wh
en th
ey tr
y to
bu
ild
thei
r liv
es, a
nd
in s
o d
oin
g re
-fo
rmul
ate
co-e
xist
ence
an
d ex
iste
nce
. I u
sed
to b
e u
nco
mfo
rtab
le w
hen
ta
lkin
g ab
ou
t th
e fu
ture
, un
til I
go
t in
volv
ed w
ith
the
Euro
pe
Lost
an
d
Fou
nd
pro
ject
an
d th
e Lo
st H
igh
way
Ex
ped
itio
n. I
alw
ays
tho
ug
ht i
t was
u
top
ian
to a
sk, ‘
Wh
at is
the
futu
re?’
I r
ealiz
e th
at I
am u
sin
g th
e w
ord
mo
re
and
mo
re. I
am
par
ticu
larl
y in
tere
sted
in
the
futu
re o
f ter
rito
rial
izat
ion
. I a
m t
alki
ng
abo
ut a
ccel
erat
ion
into
a
frag
men
tatio
n o
f ter
rito
ries
, bu
t I a
m
also
tal
kin
g ab
ou
t in
div
idu
als.
Wh
en
ind
ivid
ual
s ar
e so
cial
ly c
on
scio
us,
th
ey a
re a
war
e o
f, an
d ca
n p
urs
ue,
th
e co
mm
on
go
od
. I a
m n
ow
tal
kin
g
abo
ut a
co
nce
pt c
alle
d si
ng
ula
rité
. T
he
term
has
bee
n w
ith
us
sin
ce th
e 19
70s,
if y
ou
thin
k ab
ou
t th
eori
es o
f Yo
na
Frie
dm
an a
nd
Co
nst
ant’
s N
ew
Bab
ylo
n, t
he
Mo
bile
Cit
y, a
nd
so o
n.
In B
razi
l, yo
u se
e it
if yo
u lo
ok
at H
élio
O
itic
ica,
wh
o ta
lks
in ‘M
und
o A
bri
go
’ (‘
wo
rld
shel
ter’
) ab
ou
t th
e in
div
idu
al
wh
o is
so
cial
ly c
on
scio
us,
wh
o un
der
-st
and
s hi
mse
lf o
r h
erse
lf as
a p
art o
f th
e w
orl
d b
ut a
lso
as c
on
trib
utin
g to
it
. In
the
1960
s, th
is w
as p
acka
ged
as
a k
ind
of u
top
ia. N
ote
that
the
te
rm B
alka
niz
atio
n h
as b
een
rece
ntl
y
reth
ou
gh
t. It
use
d to
be
a n
egat
ive
term
, des
crib
ing
the
dis
solu
tio
n o
f a
un
ity.
Th
ese
day
s, it
is r
eco
gn
ized
as
a fo
rce
for
dem
ocr
acy.
It’s
ab
ou
t fa
mili
es, c
lan
s, c
om
mu
nit
ies,
gro
up
id
enti
ties
, bo
tto
m-u
p in
itia
tive
s, n
ew
citi
zen
ship
s an
d se
lf-r
ule
, all
bu
ildin
g
up
to a
larg
er s
oci
ety.
Pri
shti
na
Ho
use
Mar
jeti
ca P
otr
cTh
is P
lace
is M
y P
lace
– B
egeh
rte
Ort
e, K
un
stve
rein
in H
amb
urg
, 200
6
Ho
use
in t
he
Pey
ton
area
of P
rish
tin
a
Pri
shti
na,
200
6P
rish
tin
a, 2
006
222
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
223
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
PM
/hM
: On
the
web
site
of x
urb
an_
colle
ctiv
e, th
ere’
s a
man
ifes
to w
ith
11
po
ints
, an
d in
on
e o
f th
ese
you
men
-tio
n th
at a
s lo
ng
as E
ng
lish
con
tinu
es
to b
e th
e co
mm
on
lan
gu
age,
the
inte
rnet
will
rem
ain
the
last
an
d
on
ly tr
ansn
atio
nal
terr
ito
ry...
gu
ven
inci
rlio
glu
: Thi
s re
late
s to
glo
bal
re
stri
ctio
ns
imp
ose
d up
on th
e ci
rcul
a-tio
n o
f bo
die
s. S
om
e o
f our
pro
ject
s in
volv
e a
kin
d o
f tra
nsf
er, a
nd
this
is
a to
pic
now
hig
h on
our
ag
end
a. W
hat
is b
ein
g gl
obal
ized
is c
apit
al a
nd
its
circ
ulat
ion,
as
wel
l as
com
mo
dit
ies.
Ye
t at t
he
sam
e tim
e, w
e in
crea
sin
gly
see
peo
ple
lock
ed u
p w
ithi
n th
eir
own
te
rrit
orie
s an
d n
ot f
ree
to tr
avel
at a
ll.
Inte
rest
ingl
y en
oug
h, in
Tur
key,
whi
ch
is g
ettin
g cl
ose
r to
bec
om
ing
par
t of
Euro
pe
– at
leas
t in
neg
otia
tion
s –
it is
ev
er m
ore
dif
ficu
lt fo
r Tu
rkis
h ci
tizen
s to
get
vis
as, e
spec
ially
Sch
eng
en v
isas
. O
n th
e on
e ha
nd,
Ista
nbul
rec
eive
s m
ore
and
mor
e p
eop
le fr
om
ab
road
, es
pec
ially
fro
m W
este
rn E
uro
pe;
on
the
oth
er h
and,
peo
ple
fro
m T
urke
y ar
en’t
n
earl
y as
free
to tr
avel
as
they
wer
e b
efor
e th
e S
chen
gen
Agr
eem
ent.
So
th
is id
ea o
f th
e ‘t
ran
snat
ion
al’ a
ctu
-al
ly r
elat
es m
ore
to th
e w
eb, t
ho
ugh
th
ere’
s al
so a
lot o
f new
s ab
ou
t how
th
e in
tern
et m
igh
t no
t, in
fact
, be
tota
lly
acce
ssib
le to
eve
ryb
od
y ei
ther
. Rec
ent
new
s fr
om
Chi
na,
for
exam
ple
, rep
orts
that
– in
co
llab
orat
ion
wit
h G
oo
gle
–
the
gove
rnm
ent c
an tr
ack
sear
ch w
ord
s an
d p
rose
cute
peo
ple
wh
o ar
e su
rfin
g
cert
ain
net
wor
ks a
nd
web
site
s, e
tc.
Of c
our
se, f
or
us
the
situ
atio
n is
dif
fer-
ent.
We
get
invi
ted
to d
o ex
hib
itio
ns
abro
ad a
nd
can
trav
el m
ore
eas
ily.
Bu
t th
at’s
no
ind
icat
ion
of t
he
situ
atio
n.
Let m
e, fo
r ex
amp
le, t
alk
abo
ut t
he
pro
po
sal w
e h
and
ed in
for
the
Ista
nb
ul
Bie
nn
ial i
n 20
05 w
hen
it h
ad a
sec
on
d
ven
ue
in E
ind
hov
en a
nd
it ex
hib
ited
w
ork
s fr
om
Ista
nb
ul th
ere.
Fo
r th
is
spac
e w
e fo
rmul
ated
a p
rop
osa
l th
at p
roce
eded
fro
m th
e id
ea o
f th
e Eu
rop
ean
Un
ion
and
the
Turk
ish
bid
for
EU m
emb
ersh
ip. W
e ca
me
up
wit
h a
kin
d o
f alle
go
ry o
f mat
rim
ony
bet
wee
n
our
co
untr
y an
d th
e EU
. Act
ual
ly, w
e d
on
’t kn
ow
if th
is ‘w
edd
ing
’ is
ever
g
oin
g to
hap
pen
, th
ou
gh
eith
er w
ay
on
e o
f th
e fe
ars
of E
uro
pea
n co
nse
r-va
tive
s an
d n
atio
nal
left
ists
is c
on
tam
i-n
atio
n. T
his
has
to d
o w
ith
the
Turk
ish
p
op
ulat
ion
livin
g in
Eur
op
e, w
ith
thei
r n
ot b
ein
g in
teg
rate
d o
r re
fusi
ng
to
be
nat
ural
ized
. So
in th
e Eu
rop
ean
su
bco
nsc
iou
s th
ere’
s al
way
s th
is
ster
eoty
pe
abo
ut t
he
Turk
ish
Mu
slim
. T
his
has
to d
o w
ith
the
situ
atio
n in
Eu
rop
e ri
gh
t no
w a
s w
ell a
s hi
sto
ry.
For
the
exhi
bit
ion
, we
sug
ges
ted
taki
ng
th
is id
ea o
f co
nta
min
atio
n an
d u
sin
g
it to
pro
voke
. We
pro
po
sed
pic
kin
g u
p
the
gar
bag
e fr
om
bro
thel
s in
Ista
nb
ul
and
taki
ng
it to
Ein
dh
oven
to b
e p
ut o
n
dis
pla
y th
ere,
an
d th
en d
oin
g si
mila
r re
sear
ch in
the
nei
gh
bo
urh
oo
d, a
s th
e br
othe
ls in
Ista
nbul
wer
e al
so v
ery
clos
e to
the
ven
ues
of t
he
Bie
nnia
l. T
he
idea
ha
d to
do
wit
h tr
ansf
erri
ng
mat
eria
ls
fro
m T
urke
y an
d d
ealin
g w
ith
this
tran
s-fe
r ac
ross
tran
snat
ion
al b
ord
ers.
PM
/hM
: In
ligh
t of y
our
exp
erie
nce
s w
ith
xurb
an’s
pro
po
sal f
or
the
9th
Is
tan
bul
Bie
nn
ial,
ho
w d
o yo
u p
erce
ive
the
curr
ent p
oss
ibili
ties
and
per
ils o
f p
olit
ical
art
?
gu
ven
inci
rlio
glu
: I th
ink
we’
ve m
ore
to
do
wit
h th
e id
ea o
f ‘ar
t’ th
an p
olit
ics.
O
f co
urse
po
litic
s p
lays
a v
ery
big
ro
le. I
n an
y ca
se w
e tr
y to
co
me
up
w
ith
spec
ific
con
ten
t an
d d
eal w
ith
sp
ecifi
c is
sues
. Bu
t in
the
end
, wh
at
we’
re p
rod
uci
ng
is a
rt, a
wo
rk o
f art
. It
alw
ays
has
so
met
hin
g ve
ry p
arti
cula
r,
and
a lo
t of t
imes
it c
an b
e ve
ry p
oet
ic.
It’s
no
t ju
st a
bo
ut w
ritin
g o
r ab
ou
t m
anif
estin
g so
met
hin
g, n
or
is it
just
ab
ou
t co
mm
entin
g. A
ph
oto
gra
ph
or
a vi
deo
is s
om
ethi
ng
com
ple
te in
itse
lf,
and
alth
ou
gh
it m
igh
t hav
e a
po
litic
al
Th
ere
are
man
y su
cces
sful
an
d
arti
cula
te b
ott
om
-up
init
iati
ves
tod
ay.
Th
ere
mu
st b
e a
reas
on
for
this
. On
e ty
pic
al e
xam
ple
that
co
mes
to m
ind
is
‘Bar
efo
ot C
olle
ge’
in In
dia
, a p
roje
ct
that
sta
rted
30
year
s ag
o b
ecau
se o
f th
e fa
ilure
of t
he
stat
e th
ere.
To
day
the
gro
up
is s
ucc
essf
ul n
ot o
nly
bec
ause
th
ey c
an m
anag
e th
eir
ow
n lit
tle
sett
le-
men
t, b
ut a
lso
bec
ause
thei
r st
ren
gth
ac
tual
ly c
om
es fr
om
the
fact
that
they
co
llab
ora
te w
ith
oth
er r
ural
co
m-
mun
itie
s ac
ross
the
wo
rld
– in
Ken
ya,
Erit
rea,
Afg
han
ista
n, s
ou
ther
n In
dia
, N
epal
an
d so
on
. Th
e n
etw
ork
they
p
rod
uce
d is
cro
ss-n
atio
nal
an
d
a ve
ry g
oo
d ex
amp
le o
f th
e st
ren
gth
o
f a n
etw
ork
.
xurban
VO
ID: A
Vie
w fr
om
Acr
op
olis
An
xurb
an c
olle
ctiv
e in
stal
lati
on
pro
ject
at P
latf
orm
Gar
anti
Co
nte
mp
ora
ry A
rt, I
stan
bu
l, 20
06
Tir
ana,
200
6V
isio
nar
ies
of t
he
‘60s
Mee
t Do
ers
of 2
006
IIM
arje
tica
Po
trc
224
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
225
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
agen
da,
it’s
als
o an
en
tity
of i
ts o
wn
–
and
this
is im
po
rtan
t fo
r u
s.I’v
e al
way
s th
ou
gh
t th
e tu
rnin
g p
oin
t w
as p
rob
ably
in th
e 19
90s.
Un
til th
en,
man
y ar
tist
s w
ere
inte
rnal
izin
g is
sues
fr
om
thei
r ex
per
ien
ces.
In th
e 19
90s,
it
seem
s –
at le
ast w
ith
som
e ex
hib
itio
ns
– th
at th
e id
ea o
f en
gag
ing
on
esel
f in
p
olit
ical
issu
es a
nd
tryi
ng
to g
et th
e lo
cal c
om
mun
ity
invo
lved
or
wo
rkin
g
wit
h it
was
par
t of t
he
agen
da.
Eve
n a
loo
k at
the
mai
n th
eme
of t
he
Ista
nb
ul
Bie
nn
ial r
evea
ls th
at th
e is
sues
shi
fted
in
the
1990
s. T
he
Bie
nn
ial i
n 20
01 w
as
enti
tled
Eg
ofu
gal
, ‘E
scap
e fr
om
the
Ego
’, w
hich
sur
e m
ade
sen
se!
In a
ny
case
, th
at’s
wh
at w
as n
eed
ed. S
o, th
is
tren
d st
arte
d in
the
1990
s. T
ho
ug
h in
ce
rtai
n w
ays
I see
wh
at’s
hap
pen
ing
n
ow
to b
e so
met
hin
g lik
e a
dec
line
in
art;
at t
he
sam
e tim
e th
ere’
s a
rise
in
po
litic
s an
d d
issi
den
ce, a
nd
a si
din
g
wit
h g
lob
al r
esis
tan
ce.
For
exam
ple
, thi
s d
eclin
e in
art
was
ve
ry a
pp
aren
t in
the
Ista
nb
ul B
ien
nia
l 20
05. N
ot t
hat
wo
rks
hav
e to
be
per
-fe
ctly
cra
fted
an
d ex
hib
ited
, bu
t I th
ink
the
po
litic
al c
on
ten
t of m
any
artw
ork
s d
oes
n’t
get
acr
oss
du
e to
the
po
or
exec
utio
n o
f th
e p
ho
tog
rap
hs,
vid
eos
and
/or
mat
eria
ls u
sed
. Th
e o
ther
p
rob
lem
has
to d
o w
ith
con
fusi
ng
mis
-si
on
ary
or
soci
al w
ork
wit
h ar
t. T
hes
e ar
e co
mp
lete
ly d
iffe
ren
t fiel
ds:
peo
ple
h
ave
bee
n w
ork
ing
in th
e T
hird
Wo
rld
in A
fric
a an
d A
sia
for
man
y ye
ars;
th
ey h
ave
org
aniz
ed lo
cal c
om
mun
itie
s to
ach
ieve
cer
tain
en
ds
and
imp
rove
p
eop
le’s
live
s, a
nd
so o
n. T
his
is a
form
o
f vo
lun
tary
act
ivis
m, b
ut a
t no
time
hav
e th
ese
ind
ivid
ual
s cl
aim
ed th
ey a
re
do
ing
art.
In a
ny c
ase,
wh
at w
e se
e in
a
lot o
f art
wo
rks
is a
gro
win
g te
nd
ency
to
ble
nd
soci
al a
ctiv
ism
wit
h ar
t, w
hich
is
als
o p
rob
lem
atic
, I s
up
po
se.
PM
/hM
: Do
you
thin
k th
at b
y w
ork
ing
w
ith
thes
e p
aram
eter
s th
ere’
s a
risk
of
pro
du
cin
g co
lon
ial g
estu
res
in w
hich
o
ne
sim
ply
ava
ils o
nes
elf o
f po
litic
al
or
soci
al r
ealit
ies
in s
earc
h o
f ‘ar
tist
ic’
feed
sto
ck?
gu
ven
inci
rlio
glu
: Yes
an
d, n
ow
that
yo
u m
entio
n th
e co
lon
ial,
may
be
I sh
oul
d g
o b
ack
to th
e co
nte
xt o
f Tu
rkey
, or
Ista
nb
ul s
pec
ifica
lly. F
or
exam
ple
, Ed
war
d S
aid
was
for
a lo
ng
tim
e ve
ry w
elco
me
in T
urke
y, in
sch
ol-
arly
cir
cles
, an
d w
hat
he
wro
te in
his
b
oo
k O
rien
talis
m w
as v
ery
rele
van
t,
or
at le
ast i
t see
med
to b
e re
leva
nt f
or
Turk
ey a
t th
e tim
e. A
s yo
u kn
ow
, th
ere
are
also
man
y in
dic
atio
ns
of t
his
coun
-tr
ie s
‘Ori
enta
lizat
ion
’, d
esp
ite
its
bei
ng
a
form
er e
mp
ire
and
mu
ch p
rou
der
(!)
of i
ts p
ast t
han
oth
er c
olo
nia
l or
po
st-
colo
nia
l co
untr
ies.
No
w ti
me
has
pas
sed
, an
d to
day
I t
hin
k th
e id
ea o
f co
lon
izat
ion
is n
ot
very
rel
evan
t at a
ll. I
do
n’t
con
sid
er
an a
rtis
t wh
o co
mes
to Is
tan
bul
an
d
wo
rks
in Is
tan
bul
a n
eo-O
rien
talis
t.
Th
at’s
no
t ho
w th
ing
s w
ork
any
mo
re:
peo
ple
are
mo
re m
ob
ile, a
nd
a lo
t of
thei
r ex
per
ien
ces
hav
e b
eco
me
very
ep
hem
eral
. Man
y o
f us
Turk
s ar
e to
uris
ts, t
oo
: we
can
do
sim
ilar
thin
gs
wh
en w
e g
o to
Ber
lin, t
hat
is, s
tay
for
a co
up
le o
f wee
ks, d
o st
uff
an
d ex
hib
it.
In th
is c
on
text
, I s
ee th
is a
s n
orm
al.
Ad
mit
ted
ly, e
xper
ien
ces
are
oft
en
mo
re s
up
erfi
cial
, bu
t thi
s is
tru
e o
n
all s
ides
. Wh
at’s
mo
re, t
he
view
is n
o
lon
ger
un
idir
ectio
nal
, fro
m th
e W
est
to th
e E
ast,
fro
m c
olo
niz
er to
the
colo
ny. T
he
ph
eno
men
on
of s
up
erfi
cial
ex
per
ien
ce is
glo
bal
. Yet
I w
oul
dn
’t sa
y I s
ee s
om
e ki
nd
of c
on
spir
acy
beh
ind
th
is, i
n te
rms
of n
eo-c
olo
niz
atio
n.
If an
ythi
ng
, th
e co
nsp
irac
y is
bro
ader
; fo
r in
stan
ce y
ou
hav
e th
e U
S, t
he
mili
tary
ind
ust
rial
co
mp
lex
and
mul
ti-
nat
ion
als
invo
lved
in a
co
untr
y. T
he
con
spir
acy
is n
ot o
n th
e le
vel o
f id
eas
or
view
s o
f a c
erta
in p
lace
. It’
s m
ore
ab
ou
t ho
w, f
or
exam
ple
, th
e m
icro
-ec
on
om
y o
f Ist
anb
ul is
ch
ang
ing
ve
ry fa
st, a
lot o
f sh
op
s ar
e cl
osi
ng
, an
d a
gre
at d
eal o
f lo
cal p
rod
uct
ion
an
d ex
chan
ge
is g
ivin
g w
ay to
glo
bal
b
ran
ds,
mul
tinat
ion
als
and
thei
r su
bsi
dia
ries
.
VO
ID: A
Vie
w fr
om
Acr
op
olis
An
xurb
an c
olle
ctiv
e in
stal
lati
on
pro
ject
at P
latf
orm
Gar
anti
C
on
tem
po
rary
Art
, Ist
anb
ul,
2006
xurb
an c
olle
ctiv
e h
as r
esea
rch
ed, o
bse
rved
an
d
inve
stig
ated
th
e fr
amew
ork
of d
ialo
gu
es b
etw
een
the
two
nei
gh
bo
uri
ng
site
s o
f Ber
gam
a an
d th
e ar
ea’s
go
ld
min
es. I
n th
eir
inq
uir
y th
e id
ea o
f ‘a
dig
’ has
bee
n ap
plie
d
liter
ally
an
d co
nce
ptu
ally
to
extr
act a
nd
colle
ct e
vid
ence
o
f sp
aces
bet
wee
n th
e ar
chae
olo
gic
al f
orm
atio
n an
d
the
con
tex
tual
fra
mew
ork
th
at t
he
site
res
ts o
n. E
arth
ta
ken
fro
m t
he
area
of B
erg
ama
and
tran
spo
rted
to
Is
tan
bu
l res
ts in
a m
ou
nd
in t
he
win
do
w o
f Pla
tfo
rm
Gar
anti
as
a sy
mb
ol o
f dig
gin
g, t
ran
sfer
ral a
nd
void
. La
rge
form
at p
ho
tog
rap
hs
dep
ict i
n m
inu
te d
etai
l th
e p
lan
ts t
hat
bla
nke
t th
e ar
chae
olo
gic
al r
uin
s in
a p
ro-
tect
ive
laye
r.
VO
ID: A
Vie
w fr
om
Acr
op
olis
Det
ail
VO
ID: A
Vie
w fr
om
Acr
op
olis
Inst
alla
tio
n vi
ewV
OID
: A V
iew
fro
m A
cro
po
lisD
etai
l
226
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
227
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
as n
ot b
ein
g ju
st a
bo
ut i
nfo
rmat
ion
, b
ut a
lso
abo
ut l
egit
imiz
ing
info
rmat
ion
, o
r em
po
wer
ing
info
rmat
ion
, I th
ink
‘ed
uca
tion
’ mig
ht b
e ab
le to
sta
nd
in
a q
uit
e ab
stra
ct s
ense
for
a ve
ry
po
wer
ful s
oci
al p
roce
ss o
f kn
ow
led
ge
dis
trib
utio
n. T
her
e is
a k
ind
of g
rou
p
or
con
text
, a b
ig o
r sm
all a
ud
ien
ce o
r p
ub
lic s
ph
ere
wh
ere
this
info
rmat
ion
is
sh
ared
, an
d w
her
e it
has
a c
erta
in
pla
usi
bili
ty, o
r is
leg
itim
ized
in th
e p
roce
ss o
f sh
arin
g it
. Of c
our
se, o
ur
Cam
p fo
r O
pp
osi
tion
al A
rch
itect
ure
w
as p
rim
arily
ab
ou
t bu
ildin
g u
p a
soci
al b
asis
for
shar
ing
info
rmat
ion
. T
her
e is
a c
erta
in o
ffen
sive
nai
vety
rela
ted
to th
e id
ea o
f th
e p
latf
orm
an
d
its
soci
al d
imen
sio
ns,
the
crea
tion
of
kno
wle
dg
e, o
r th
e p
roje
ctiv
e d
imen
-si
on
of s
uch
a m
eetin
g. I
t was
no
t eas
y at
all
to fi
gur
e o
ut w
hat
our
co
mm
on
p
ositi
on in
rel
atio
n to
mai
nst
ream
arc
hi-
tect
ure
mig
ht b
e. S
o to
giv
e it
as W
e er
e q
uit
epeo
ple
the
call
and
wer
e ev
en
inte
rest
ed in
.Tw
her
e lo
t of .
Th
e m
ere
idea
of t
his
cam
p g
ener
ated
mea
nin
g:
on
e un
der
sco
rin
g th
e ex
iste
nce
of a
ki
nd
of o
pp
osi
tion
al a
rchi
tect
ure.
Thi
s m
igh
t so
und
stra
ng
e, b
ecau
se s
uch
ar
chit
ectu
re is
reg
ard
ed a
s im
po
ssib
le,
bu
t th
at w
as e
xact
ly th
e p
oin
t. A
fter
the
seco
nd
Op
po
sitio
nal
Cam
p in
Utr
ech
t la
st y
ear,
and
pre
par
ing
on
e in
Vie
nn
a/
Bra
tisl
ava
and
in Is
tan
bul
, thi
s se
ems
to h
ave
bee
n a
go
od
star
ting
po
int
for
div
erse
theo
reti
cal a
nd
pra
ctic
al
dis
cuss
ion
s.
PM
/hM
: Ho
w w
oul
d yo
u d
escr
ibe
the
rela
tion
ship
bet
wee
n yo
ur w
ork
ing
m
eth
od
s an
d th
e p
olit
ical
an
d ec
on
om
-ic
rea
litie
s o
f Ber
lin to
day
, wh
ere
ther
e is
no
t mu
ch o
ffici
al w
ork
for
arch
itec
ts,
yet a
n ab
und
ance
of e
xper
imen
tal
pro
ject
s o
n in
ters
titia
l sp
aces
?
Jesk
o fe
zer:
Th
ere
are
new
res
tric
tion
s an
d n
ew p
olit
ical
co
nce
pts
of i
ncl
usi
on
, b
ut t
he
qu
estio
n o
f ho
w a
rchi
tect
ure
wo
rks
in th
e fi
eld
of p
olit
ical
eco
no
my
is in
a w
ay s
till t
he
sam
e. T
he
eco
n-
om
y an
d th
e p
olit
ical
sys
tem
mo
dif
y th
emse
lves
all
the
time,
bu
t ho
w th
ey
rela
te to
the
bu
ilt e
nvir
on
men
t is
still
ve
ry p
rob
lem
atic
, an
d it
is o
f co
urse
ex
trem
ely
imp
ort
ant t
o th
ink
abo
ut
ho
w a
rchi
tect
ure
mig
ht r
edefi
ne
its
rela
tion
to th
e p
olit
ical
an
d ec
on
om
ic
sph
ere.
Wh
at is
its
role
in th
e d
om
inan
t co
nce
pts
in u
nd
er p
eop
le O
n th
e o
ther
h
and
, arc
hite
ctur
e h
as to
dis
cuss
the
role
eco
no
mie
s p
lay
in th
e fo
rma-
tion
of a
cit
y o
r ev
en a
loca
l sp
ace.
T
he
on
ly c
han
ce w
e h
ave,
as
I un
der
-st
and
it, i
s to
inve
nt c
erta
in s
pac
es o
f fr
eed
om
aw
ay fr
om
ove
rwh
elm
ing
ec
on
om
ic p
ress
ures
an
d p
olit
ical
in
stit
utio
nal
izat
ion
.
Thi
s ca
n o
nly
be
achi
eved
by
step
-p
ing
acti
vely
an
d co
nsc
iou
sly
into
th
e fl
exib
le r
ealm
s o
f th
e ec
on
om
ic
sph
ere,
an
d th
e st
able
hie
rarc
hies
an
d
dis
cour
se o
f th
e p
olit
ical
. As
a ru
le th
is
has
bee
n un
der
take
n ei
ther
as
a n
eo-
liber
al p
roje
ct th
at u
ses
and
red
uce
s th
e st
ate
and
thu
s p
olit
ics
in o
rder
to
let t
he
eco
no
my
unfo
ld it
s p
ow
ers,
o
r as
a m
ore
or
less
so
cial
ist p
roje
ct
that
trie
s to
res
trai
n th
e ec
on
om
y b
y st
ren
gth
enin
g th
e st
ate.
Un
fort
unat
ely
this
was
wh
at a
rchi
tect
s d
id th
rou
gh
-o
ut t
he
last
cen
tury
– th
ey b
rou
gh
t in
a b
it m
ore
sta
te a
nd
a b
it m
ore
eco
no
my
than
they
had
ori
gin
ally
inte
nd
ed. B
ut
ho
w a
bo
ut a
co
nce
pt o
f po
litic
s th
at
is n
ot i
n n
eed
of a
nat
ion
stat
e an
d
its
reg
ulat
ion
s, o
ne
that
get
s ri
d o
f n
eolib
eral
co
nsi
der
atio
ns
entir
ely?
Ye
t to
thin
k ab
out t
his
and
how
it w
ould
al
low
arc
hite
cts
to p
osi
tion
soci
al li
fe
in s
pac
e, to
reo
rgan
ize
the
econ
om
y in
sp
ace
and
to o
pen
po
lit ic
al d
isco
urse
s in
sp
ace,
wo
uld
be
an in
tere
stin
g
op
po
rtun
ity
to s
tart
re d
efin
ing
such
co
nsi
der
atio
ns.
Of c
our
se, i
n m
om
ents
o
f sh
ifts
in p
ow
er, b
e it
in th
e co
nce
p-
tio
n o
f th
e se
lf, th
e ec
on
om
y o
r th
e p
olit
ical
sp
her
e, th
e en
suin
g co
nfu
sio
n
is –
to p
ut i
t op
tim
isti
cally
– a
lway
s a
gre
at c
han
ce.
PM
/hM
: Yo
u w
ork
wit
h a
vari
ety
of
very
dif
fere
nt f
orm
ats
in th
e fi
eld
of
arch
itec
ture
: yo
u ar
e p
art o
f th
e co
llec-
tive
beh
ind
Pro
qm
bo
oks
ho
p, y
ou
are
co-e
dit
or
of A
n A
rch
itekt
ur
mag
azin
e as
wel
l as
a p
ract
isin
g ar
chit
ect.
Ho
w
do
all t
hes
e d
iffe
ren
t fo
rmat
s in
tera
ct
wit
h o
ne
ano
ther
?
Jesk
o fe
zer:
I th
ink
it is
qu
ite
imp
os-
sib
le to
pra
ctic
e ar
chit
ectu
re w
ith
ou
t ta
lkin
g ab
ou
t po
litic
s an
d it
is im
po
s-si
ble
to w
ork
as
in th
e cu
ltur
al s
ph
ere
wit
ho
ut r
eflec
ting
on
the
soci
al d
yna-
mic
s o
f urb
an li
fe. I
t is
also
imp
oss
ible
to
thin
k ab
ou
t th
ese
thin
gs
wit
ho
ut
rela
ting
to o
ther
peo
ple
wo
rkin
g in
th
e fi
eld
and
wit
ho
ut t
ryin
g to
bu
ild a
re
lati
on
ship
wit
h th
e p
ub
lic, n
o m
atte
r h
ow
su
ch a
pu
blic
mig
ht b
e. S
o th
e fo
rmat
s –
for
exam
ple
, do
ing
a m
aga-
zin
e, h
avin
g a
bo
oks
ho
p, w
ork
ing
as
an a
rch
itec
t or
as a
n ar
tist
– a
lway
s h
ave
to d
o w
ith
the
qu
esti
on
of a
ud
i-en
ce a
nd
use
rs, w
ith
the
qu
esti
on
of
dis
cip
line
and
self
-refl
ecti
on
in te
rms
of a
po
litic
al u
nd
erst
and
ing
of w
hat
cu
ltu
ral p
rod
uct
ion
mea
ns.
For
me
this
has
alw
ays
bee
n a
step
-b
y-st
ep th
ing
: yo
u w
ork
on
a ce
rtai
n
pro
ject
an
d th
en y
ou
real
ize
that
yo
u
nee
d a
cert
ain
form
at to
ful
fil w
hat
yo
u w
ant t
o d
o o
r sa
y, a
nd
you
nee
d
to c
oo
per
ate
wit
h ce
rtai
n p
eop
le, a
nd
fin
d o
ut a
bo
ut t
her
ire
inte
rest
s an
d
agen
das
. Or
you
real
ize
that
cer
tain
q
ues
tion
s co
me
up
in th
e p
roce
ss o
f a
pro
ject
, an
d th
en y
ou
occ
up
y yo
urse
lf
wit
h th
e is
sue,
yo
u re
ad a
bo
ok
abo
ut
it, o
r yo
u m
eet s
om
e p
eop
le. O
n th
e o
ther
han
d, o
f co
urse
, th
ere
are
the
fi-
nan
cial
dyn
amic
s b
ehin
d al
l thi
s, w
hich
m
ean
s yo
u h
ave
to h
ave
a jo
b to
mak
e m
on
ey fo
r th
e n
ext h
alf y
ear.
Su
ch a
jo
b, fo
r ex
amp
le, a
job
in th
e ac
adem
ic
con
text
, wh
ere
I hav
e h
ad d
iffe
ren
t te
achi
ng
po
sitio
ns,
can
en
able
yo
u to
d
evel
op
a p
roje
ct. O
n th
e o
ther
han
d,
the
idea
of t
he
bo
oks
ho
p d
evel
op
ed
in th
e co
nte
xt o
f do
ing
pro
ject
-bas
ed
wo
rk o
ver
seve
ral y
ears
, lik
e ex
hib
i-tio
ns
or
oth
er c
ultu
ral s
pac
es fo
r p
olit
-ic
al d
isco
urse
s. It
evo
lved
ou
t of t
he
dile
mm
a th
at y
ou
nee
d, f
or
inst
ance
, a
bar
or
clu
b th
at is
wo
rkin
g w
ell i
n
ord
er to
mak
e yo
ur fi
lm. I
tho
ug
ht i
t w
oul
d b
e ea
sier
to c
reat
e th
at k
ind
of
bas
ic e
con
om
ic s
tru
ctur
e w
ith
a b
oo
k-sh
op
. So,
in a
way
, it h
as b
een
a ve
ry
auto
bio
gra
phi
cal d
evel
op
men
t, an
d it
w
oul
d b
e d
iffi
cult
for
me
to fi
nd
a m
ore
g
ener
al li
ne
in th
is p
roce
ss.
PM
/hM
: Ho
w d
id A
n A
rch
itekt
ur
en
ter
the
equ
atio
n?
Jesk
o fe
zer:
Th
e m
agaz
ine
An
A
rch
itekt
ur
was
a c
on
tinu
atio
n o
f an
arc
hite
ctur
e st
ud
ent p
roje
ct w
e es
tab
lish
ed in
the
mid
-199
0s a
t
the
Un
iver
sity
of A
rts
in B
erlin
. We
foun
ded
an
op
en g
rou
p o
f 15
or
20
peo
ple
cal
led
Frei
es F
ach
– it
was
a
kin
d o
f sel
f-tr
ain
ing
cour
se o
n p
olit
ical
an
d ec
on
om
ic q
ues
tion
s in
the
fiel
d
of a
rchi
tect
ure
and
urb
an d
esig
n. I
t w
as a
lso
an a
ctiv
ist g
rou
p ag
ain
st
the
reva
nch
ist r
edes
ign
of B
erlin
in a
n
eo-t
rad
itio
nal
man
ner
that
em
ph
a-si
zed
eco
no
mic
, bu
dg
etar
y m
atte
rs.
We
had
a lo
t of s
emin
ars,
rea
din
gs,
d
iscu
ssio
ns
and
reg
ular
dem
on
stra
-tio
ns
and
pu
blic
act
ion
s in
Ber
lin. J
ust
w
hen
we
sto
pp
ed w
ork
ing
as F
reie
s Fa
ch, w
e w
ere
invi
ted
to th
e ex
hib
itio
n
Vio
len
ce is
at t
he
Mar
gin
of A
ll Th
ing
s o
rgan
ized
by
An
dre
as S
iekm
ann
and
A
lice
Cre
isch
er. W
e to
ok
the
occ
asio
n
to r
ethi
nk
our
wo
rk, t
ho
ug
h n
ot s
ole
ly
in a
Ber
lin-b
ased
co
nte
xt, b
ecau
se
this
was
bec
om
ing
in m
any
way
s to
o
con
fined
for
us:
all
the
issu
es o
f its
dul
l co
nse
rvat
ive
arch
itec
ture
, th
e o
ng
oin
g
pri
vatiz
atio
n o
f th
e p
ub
lic r
ealm
an
d
the
raci
st d
iscr
imin
atio
n th
at a
re s
till
very
imp
ort
ant t
o d
iscu
ss in
this
cit
y.
Esp
ecia
lly o
ur b
ein
g cr
itic
al o
f wh
at
was
hap
pen
ing
in B
erlin
arc
hite
ctur
ally
b
ecam
e to
o n
arro
w o
r to
o b
ori
ng
or
was
no
t co
nn
ecte
d to
qu
estio
ns
that
w
e fo
und
imp
ort
ant.
An
d w
e th
ou
gh
t it
wo
uld
be
inte
rest
ing
to h
ave
a fo
rmat
lik
e a
mag
azin
e th
at c
laim
s to
be
a re
al
arch
itec
ture
mag
azin
e an
d cl
aim
s to
h
ave
a re
al a
ud
ien
ce –
a b
road
au
di-
ence
, or
let’
s sa
y a
bro
ad a
ud
ien
ce fo
r ar
chit
ectu
re. I
n a
way
, we
con
tinu
ed o
n
wit
h th
e sa
me
und
erst
and
ing
of a
rchi
-te
ctur
e as
we
had
had
in F
reie
s Fa
ch,
bu
t no
t on
the
leve
l of a
ctiv
ism
bu
t of
dis
cour
se. W
ith
this
exh
ibit
ion
, we
had
a
bu
dg
et to
res
earc
h th
e is
sue
of s
ecu
-ri
ty a
nd
its
imp
act o
n ar
chit
ectu
re, s
o
we
tho
ug
ht:
let’
s st
art u
p a
mag
azin
e w
ith
that
mo
ney
an
d co
ntin
ue
on
.
PM
/hM
: Man
y o
f th
e th
ing
s yo
u ar
e in
volv
ed in
hav
e to
do
wit
h ed
uca
tion
o
r se
lf-ed
uca
tion
, su
ch a
s th
e C
amp
for
Op
po
sitio
nal
Arc
hite
ctu
re. W
hy d
id y
ou
d
evel
op
this
par
ticu
lar
app
roac
h an
d
wh
at w
ere
your
exp
erie
nce
s?
Jesk
o fe
zer:
Th
e q
ues
tion
of e
du
ca-
tion
is v
ery
inte
rest
ing
, th
ou
gh
I had
n
ever
tho
ug
ht a
bo
ut i
t in
the
way
yo
u
just
use
d it
– as
an
und
erly
ing
con
cep
t;
bu
t I c
an r
elat
e to
it a
s so
met
hin
g th
at
is a
bo
ut t
he
dis
trib
utio
n o
f in
form
atio
n
and
kno
wle
dg
e. If
we
defi
ne
edu
catio
n
Jesko fezer
‘Hie
r en
tste
ht’
Jesk
o Fe
zer
& M
ath
ias
Hey
den
, Vo
lksb
üh
ne
am
Ro
sa-L
uxe
mb
urg
-Pla
tz a
nd
Ers
atzS
tad
t, B
erlin
, 200
3
Cam
p fo
r O
pp
osi
tio
nal
Arc
hit
ectu
reS
leep
ing
acco
mm
od
atio
ns,
Ber
lin, 2
004
An
Arc
hit
ektu
r 16
Mat
eria
l on
Dav
id H
arve
y Fl
exib
le A
kku
mu
lati
on
du
rch
Urb
anis
ieru
ng
, co
ver,
200
6
228
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
229
Trad
ing
Pla
ces
Inte
rvie
w
stru
ctur
e. U
rban
min
ori
ty s
ex w
ork
ers
are
amo
ng
tho
se e
xclu
ded
. Th
ey h
ave
no
bas
ic c
ivil
or
hu
man
rig
hts
. In
man
y co
untr
ies
thei
r w
ork
is n
ot r
eco
gn
ized
as
wo
rk a
t all.
Th
ey a
re s
tigm
atiz
ed,
vict
imiz
ed a
nd
bru
taliz
ed. T
hey
mu
st
org
aniz
e an
d ra
ise
thei
r vo
ices
if th
ey
wan
t to
surv
ive.
Aft
er th
e fa
ll o
f th
e B
erlin
Wal
l, w
e ex
per
ien
ced
a m
assi
ve fl
ow
of m
igra
nt
pro
stit
utio
n in
to W
este
rn E
uro
pe.
Th
e W
este
rn c
oun
trie
s w
ere
no
t pre
par
ed
for
this
new
sit
uat
ion
. Co
untr
ies
that
h
ad d
evel
op
ed a
n ad
van
ced
po
licy
to-
war
ds
sex
wo
rk o
ver
the
pre
vio
us
dec
-
ades
foun
d th
emse
lves
in a
dile
mm
a:
du
e to
the
chan
ged
co
n d
itio
ns
of t
he
new
glo
bal
eco
no
my,
thei
r le
gis
latio
n
turn
ed o
ut t
o b
e o
utd
ated
an
d u
sele
ss
– a
situ
atio
n th
at b
rou
gh
t on
a n
ew
stat
e o
f ch
aos.
Th
e W
orl
d C
on
gre
ss o
f Sex
Wo
rker
s an
d N
ew P
aras
itis
m in
200
1 w
as
the
first
pu
blic
man
ifes
tatio
n o
f th
e C
OD
E:R
ED p
roje
ct. T
his
pro
ject
em
erg
ed a
s a
con
seq
uen
ce o
f our
co
-op
erat
ion
wit
h C
om
itat
o p
er i
Dir
itti
C
ivili
del
le P
rost
itu
te fr
om
Po
rden
on
e,
on
e o
f th
e le
adin
g o
rgan
izat
ion
s fo
r th
e p
rote
ctio
n o
f sex
wo
rker
s in
Ital
y.
It to
ok
pla
ce w
ithi
n th
e fr
amew
ork
of
the
49th
Ven
ice
Bie
nn
ale
in a
pu
blic
sp
ace,
a te
nt,
at G
iard
ini a
nd
was
cal
led
P
rost
itu
te P
avili
on
(Pad
iglio
ne
del
le
Pro
stit
ute
). T
he
con
gre
ss w
as c
on
-ce
ived
as
a cr
eati
ve p
latf
orm
for
con
-n
ectio
ns,
exc
han
ge
and
info
rmat
ion
. T
he
list o
f th
e p
arti
cip
atin
g g
rou
ps
and
o
rgan
izat
ion
s in
clu
ded
gro
up
acti
vist
s an
d in
div
idu
als
fro
m T
aiw
an, T
hai
lan
d,
Cam
bo
dia
, Vie
tnam
, Ita
ly, G
erm
any,
th
e U
S a
nd
Au
stra
lia. A
no
ther
rec
ent
inte
rest
ing
join
t pro
ject
is C
OD
E:R
ED
Bra
zil,
Das
pu,
initi
ated
in
colla
bor
atio
n
wit
h D
avid
a. D
avid
a is
a n
on
-pro
fit
orga
niza
tion
foun
ded
in R
io d
e Ja
neir
o
in 1
992
to p
rom
ote
the
incl
usi
on
of
pros
titu
tes
as c
itize
ns.
The
mai
n to
ols
of
the
Dav
ida
grou
p ar
e ac
tion
s an
d in
ter-
ven
tion
s in
to th
e fie
lds
of e
duca
tion,
hea
lth,
do
cum
enta
tion
, co
mm
unic
a-tio
n an
d cu
ltur
e. In
200
5 it
esta
blis
hed
a
fash
ion
bra
nd
calle
d D
asp
u. I
n le
ss
than
a y
ear
this
fash
ion
bra
nd
bec
ame
fam
ou
s, n
atio
nal
ly a
nd
inte
rnat
ion
ally
. B
esid
e p
rost
itu
tes,
yo
ung
des
ign
ers
and
inte
rnat
ion
ally
ren
ow
ned
mo
del
s jo
ined
to c
olla
bo
rate
on
the
pro
ject
. T
his
is a
tru
e su
cces
s st
ory
. Sin
ce th
en
we
hav
e d
on
e p
roje
cts
wit
h d
iffe
ren
t g
rou
ps
fro
m N
ew Y
ork
, Tir
ana,
Mad
rid
, G
raz,
Po
rden
on
e, B
erlin
, etc
.
PM
/hM
: Ho
w d
o yo
u fe
el a
bo
ut t
he
stra
ng
e b
len
d o
f op
timis
tic
inte
rest
in
tran
sitio
nal
sp
aces
that
are
ch
arac
ter-
ized
by
self-
org
aniz
ed n
etw
ork
s o
n th
e o
ne
han
d, a
nd
the
resu
rgen
t ob
sess
ion
w
ith
spec
ific
geo
gra
phi
es o
n th
e o
ther
?
Tad
ej P
og
acar
: In
the
her
oic
ag
e o
f th
e
Inte
rnet
, op
timis
m s
urg
ed. l
jud
mila
(l
ub
ljan
a d
igit
al m
edia
lab
) in
Lju
blja
na
was
an
imp
ort
ant p
lace
for
the
inte
r-
nat
ion
al n
et a
rt c
om
mun
ity.
Yet
rea
lity
on
ce a
gai
n ca
ug
ht u
p w
ith
us:
we
wer
e b
ein
g to
o id
ealis
tic
wh
en w
e ig
no
red
the
bas
ic r
ules
of g
eog
rap
hy
and
po
litic
s un
der
lyin
g su
ch lo
catio
ns.
T
he
art m
arke
t is
hun
gry
an
d n
eed
s to
re
dis
cove
r R
uss
ia, C
hin
a, F
inla
nd
and
ev
en th
e B
alka
ns.
Wit
ho
ut e
xcep
tion
, re
cen
t sh
ow
s fr
om
the
Bal
kan
s h
ave
refl
ecte
d W
este
rn s
tere
oty
pes
an
d
pre
jud
ices
; th
ey d
o n
ot g
ive
a p
rop
er
pic
ture
of c
ultu
ral p
rod
uct
ion
in th
e B
alka
n re
gio
n. Y
et th
ere
are
still
sm
all,
ind
ivid
ual
an
d se
lf-o
rgan
ized
init
iati
ves
in S
ou
th A
mer
ica,
the
Un
ited
Sta
tes,
E
aste
rn E
uro
pe,
Asi
a...
Th
ey h
ave
n
ot f
org
ott
en w
hat
no
tion
s lik
e co
-o
per
atio
n, t
he
pas
t or
solid
arit
y m
ean
. W
hat
is m
ore
, th
ey w
ork
loca
lly a
nd
th
is m
akes
it p
oss
ible
to c
han
ge
and
im
pro
ve lo
cal c
on
dit
ion
s. O
nce
mo
re
I’d li
ke to
em
ph
asiz
e: fo
r u
s st
rate
gie
s o
f mo
bili
ty a
nd
ado
pta
bili
ty a
re v
ery
imp
ort
ant –
like
par
asit
es in
nat
ure,
w
e h
ave
to b
e sm
all a
nd
clev
er to
re
cog
niz
e hi
dd
en c
han
nel
s an
d p
ath
s th
rou
gh
div
erse
terr
ito
ries
.
PM
/hM
: P.A
.R.A
.S.I.
T.E
. Mu
seu
m is
a
virt
ual
mu
seu
m a
nd
was
init
iate
d
in 1
993,
at a
tim
e w
hen
phy
sica
l sit
es
in th
e B
alka
ns
wer
e hi
gh
ly c
on
test
ed.
You
pro
po
sed
som
ethi
ng
that
hap
pen
s w
ith
ou
t pro
per
phy
sica
lity.
Wh
at w
as
the
con
cep
t beh
ind
this
mov
e?
Tad
ej P
og
acar
: We
can
des
crib
e P.
A.R
.A.S
.I.T.
E. M
useu
m a
s a
notio
nal,
para
llel a
rt in
stit
utio
n, a
mob
ile s
piri
t-u
al e
nti
ty th
at e
stab
lish
es s
pec
ific
inte
rrel
atio
nsh
ips
amo
ng
a va
riet
y o
f su
bje
cts,
so
ciet
ies,
inst
itu
tion
s,
soci
al g
rou
ps
and
sym
bo
lic n
et-
wo
rks.
Th
e P.
A.R
.A.S
.I.T.
E. M
use
um
o
f Co
nte
mp
ora
ry A
rt d
oes
n’t
hav
e it
s o
wn
pre
mis
es o
r st
aff,
bu
t rat
her
ad
op
ts te
rrit
ori
es, c
ho
ose
s d
iffe
ren
t sp
aces
an
d fe
eds
on
the
juic
es o
f oth
er
inst
itu
tion
s. A
s a
‘par
alle
l art
inst
itu
-tio
n’ i
t ser
ves
as a
cri
tica
l mo
del
for
anal
ysin
g th
e sy
stem
s an
d th
e in
stit
u-
tion
s w
ithi
n it
, an
d as
a fr
amew
ork
for
the
intr
od
uct
ion
of a
lter
nat
ive
form
s o
f co
mm
unic
atio
n an
d th
e es
tab
lish
men
t o
f new
co
nn
ectio
ns.
Its
op
erat
ion
s ar
e n
ot b
ased
pri
mar
ily o
n th
e p
rod
uc-
tion
of o
bje
cts,
bu
t on
the
crea
tion
o
f sit
uat
ion
s an
d th
e cu
l tiv
atio
n o
f re
latio
nsh
ips.
O
ur e
arly
inte
rven
tion
s in
mu
seu
ms
rais
ed q
ues
tion
s ab
ou
t ord
er a
nd
kn
ow
led
ge:
Ho
w a
re th
ey p
rod
uce
d
and
stru
ctur
ed?
Ho
w a
re th
ey p
os-
sess
ed, t
ran
smit
ted
, an
d u
sed
? A
no
ther
, clo
sely
rel
ated
issu
e w
as th
at
of s
oci
al v
isib
ility
: we
qu
estio
n w
hat
w
e se
e an
d w
hat
we
fail
to s
ee, w
hat
w
e co
nsi
der
‘nat
ural
’ an
d w
hat
we
fin
d d
istu
rbin
g. W
e’ve
inte
rven
ed in
ar
t mu
seu
ms,
per
man
ent a
nd
pri
vate
co
llect
ion
s as
wel
l as
hist
ory
an
d
nat
ural
his
tory
mu
seu
ms,
etc
.
Ove
r th
e ye
ars
we
hav
e ev
olv
ed o
ur
ow
n o
per
atio
nal
str
ateg
y, c
alle
d ‘n
ew
par
asit
ism
’. It
can
be
des
crib
ed a
s a
sub
tle
dec
on
stru
ctio
n o
f th
e h
ori
zon
s o
f th
e ev
eryd
ay a
nd
a re
len
tles
s ch
al-
len
gin
g o
f th
e so
cial
sys
tem
s u
sed
to
esta
blis
h ce
ntr
aliz
ing
forc
es, d
om
in-
ance
, an
d p
ow
er in
eve
ryd
ay li
fe, a
rt
and
soci
ety.
We
rem
ix, a
pp
rop
riat
e,
red
irec
t an
d co
nfo
und
rece
nt s
tate
s an
d o
rder
s. S
om
e in
terv
entio
ns
hav
e q
ues
tion
ed th
e o
rder
an
d hi
erar
chy
of
inst
itu
tion
s; o
ther
s, th
eir
ideo
log
ies
and
the
hid
den
log
ic o
f th
eir
colle
c-tio
ns.
An
exam
ple
: in
a cu
ltur
al in
stit
u-
tion
in L
jub
ljan
a (w
hich
was
tem
po
rary
d
ecla
red
a P.
A.R
.A.S
.I.T.
E. M
use
um
si
te) w
e p
rep
ared
– in
ad
dit
ion
to a
n
exhi
bit
ion
– an
offi
cial
mee
ting
wit
h
the
entir
e st
aff i
n o
rder
to in
tro
du
ce m
e as
thei
r n
ew d
irec
tor.
Th
ey w
ere
also
in
form
ed th
at fo
r th
e n
ext m
on
th th
ey
wo
uld
hav
e to
follo
w n
ew r
ules
an
d
ord
ers,
for
they
wer
e n
ow
em
plo
yees
o
f P.A
.R.A
.S.I.
T.E
. Mu
seu
m. O
f co
urse
th
ey fo
und
this
co
nfu
sin
g...
PM
/hM
: Yo
u h
ave
pro
du
ced
a se
ries
o
f wo
rks
on
hu
man
traf
fick
ing
and
sex
wo
rk in
whi
ch y
ou
colla
bo
rate
wit
h fa
r le
ss in
stit
utio
nal
ized
gro
up
s. H
ow
did
th
is e
ng
agem
ent w
ith
mar
gin
aliz
ed
com
mun
itie
s co
me
abo
ut?
Tad
ej P
og
acar
: In
the
mid
-199
0s
our
inte
rest
shi
fted
mo
re to
the
city
, es
pec
ially
to u
rban
min
ori
ties
and
p
ub
lic s
pac
e: u
nco
ded
sp
aces
, n
on
-sp
aces
, ap
pro
pri
atio
n o
f pu
blic
sp
ace,
etc
. We
intr
od
uce
d co
llab
ora
-ti
ve w
ays
of w
ork
ing
bas
ed o
n eq
ual
p
artn
ersh
ips.
In 1
999
we
init
iate
d t
he
pro
ject
C
OD
E:R
ED a
s an
on
go
ing
co
llab
-o
rati
ve, i
nte
rdis
cip
linar
y p
latf
orm
for
dis
cuss
ion
and
rese
arch
into
mo
del
s
of s
elf-
org
aniz
atio
n o
f urb
an m
ino
r-it
ies,
glo
bal
sex
wo
rk, a
nd
hu
man
tr
affi
ckin
g. T
his
pla
tfo
rm u
ses
bo
th r
eal
and
virt
ual
sp
aces
, an
d ta
kes
the
form
o
f an
op
en d
ialo
gu
e b
etw
een
arti
sts,
se
x w
ork
ers
and
the
pu
blic
in s
elec
ted
ur
ban
env
iro
nm
ents
. CO
DE
:RED
em
-p
loys
var
iou
s fo
rms
of p
ub
lic a
ctio
n,
acti
vism
an
d su
bve
rsio
ns
in m
edia
. It
is c
lear
that
co
nte
mp
ora
ry s
oci
ety
still
d
raw
s a
shar
p lin
e b
etw
een
the
gro
up
s it
sees
as
insi
de
soci
ety
and
tho
se it
vi
ews
as o
uts
ide.
In o
rder
to s
urvi
ve,
tho
se e
xclu
ded
are
forc
ed to
org
an-
ize
them
selv
es a
nd
ho
w th
ey d
o so
is
rad
ical
ly d
iffe
ren
t fro
m th
ose
wh
ose
id
enti
ty is
par
t of a
‘leg
itim
ate’
so
cial
Tadej Pogacar
CO
DE
:RED
Ven
ice
Red
Um
bre
llas
Mar
ch, V
enic
e, 2
001
CO
DE
:RED
US
AS
tree
t med
ia, N
ew Y
ork
, 200
2
CO
DE
:RED
Ban
gko
kLe
ctu
re b
y A
na
Lop
es, S
par
was
ser
HQ
, Ber
lin, 2
005
mo
nA
po
ly –
A H
um
an T
rad
e G
ame
Ed
itio
n o
f 50
sig
ned
an
d n
um
ber
ed g
ames
, 200
4