CONSENSUAL AND CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL
CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM
SOCIALIZATION PROCESS
BY
WAJID MEHMOOD
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
UNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR
(September, 2017)
CONSENSUAL AND CONFLICTUAL POLITICAL
CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM
SOCIALIZATION PROCESS
Thesis submitted to the Department of Political Science, University of
Peshawar, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Award of the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN POLITICAL SCIENCE
(September, 2017)
i
ABSTRACT
This study reflects on the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan
and specifically in two religio-political parties i.e. Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-
Islam. It validates the argument that consensus and conflicts within political parties are
because of the socialization process of their workers. It fundamentally tries to investigate
the questions of “how a culture of consensus or conflict is developed through the process of
socialization”. How JI and JUI socialize their workers? And “how far socialized workers
in JI and JUI accommodate people of other political parties and ideologies”? The scarce
literature on Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam failed to explain the political
behavior of the workers of these two parties. In the political socialization scholarship,
socialization is a continuous process and different agents and factors have significant roles
during the whole process, which shape specific preferences of the “socialized” workers.
For JI and JUI, socializing and politically educating the future citizens of the polity is the
primary duty of the family. Political and social conceptions along with religious ideas and
values found among members of JI and JUI are thus transmitted through, especially,
parents’ in the family, more than schools, peer groups and mass media. Family transmits
the parents political values and disposition to the coming generation, thus provides a
continuous ideological commitment and man power to the parties. It also validates the
argument that certain aspects of children’s lives, such as civic participation, shaping voting
behavior and party identification etc. are in the domain of families and parents in JI and
JUI affiliated families. Educational institutions established by the workers of these parties
also socialize and indoctrinate the ideology of JI and JUI in the children. In terms of
communicating the curricula contents and messages to the students, the role of teacher is
much important. His personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly
affect the classroom discussion, learning and the intellectual growth of the youth. Student
ii
organizations (IJT and JTI) in the education institutions across Pakistan are providing a
significant environment to the students and prepare them for their active political roles in
the society. They work as nurseries for JI and JUI by providing them man power
(socialized workers) and future leadership. Both the organizations are having regular
systematic training and socialization procedures, which are missing in other contemporary
student’s organizations in Pakistan. However, both JI and JUI are not much successful in
utilizing the modern communication tools as compared to other political parties. The
excessive commercial nature of the traditional media caught up both the parties to get
maximum advantage of it in terms of propagation of their ideology and political program.
Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use of social media, JUI affiliates and
leadership is neither that familiar with the modern social media and communication tools
nor having much involvement in the social media. D. I. Khan and Dir districts were
selected for this study primarily on the basis of the parties overwhelming presence, their
extensive activities in engaging their workers, their electoral gains as compared to other
political parties, and lastly, in addition to belonging of the central leadership of both the
parties and their electoral constituencies in these regions.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract.................................................................................................................................i
Acknowledgments.................................................................................................................vi
Chapters
1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................1
2. Socialization to Politics: a Theoretical Perspective........................................................22
3. Political Culture in Pakistan: An Historical Analysis of Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat
Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan.............................................................................................59
4. Role of Family in Political Socialization..........................................................................96
5. Role of Educational Institutions in Political Socialization.............................................132
6. Political Socialization in the Student’s Organizations....................................................165
7. Political Socialization and Media...................................................................................201
Conclusion..........................................................................................................................235
Selected Bibliography.........................................................................................................256
Appendices .......................................................................................................................280
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First of all I am thankful to Almighty Allah for His blessings in completing this
thesis. This research work would not have been possible without the help, support and
encouragement of numerous people and institutions. Primarily, the gratitude goes to those
outstanding institutions that substantially contributed to this project. The Higher Education
Commission of Pakistan (HEC) deserves credit in first place, for granting me an
‘Indigenous PhD Scholarship. I was fortunate enough to get Higher Education Commission
IRSIP scholarship, and spent six months in University of Massachusetts Boston. Jahanzeb
Khan and Rehman Khattak in HEC Islamabad deserve credit and my gratitude for their
help and cooperation.
In University of Massachusetts Boston, I am highly obliged to Dr. Sana Haroon my
host supervisor. Her cooperation, help and intellectual insights made my stay at Boston
more effective and fruitful. The director International Student office Susan Leigh Connors
needs special mention for her extended support and cooperation. It would be injustice if I
do not mention Kristen L. Halbert (office assistant Asian Studies department). She is a
wonderful lady and I am highly obliged to her, for the unconditional love, help and support.
University of Peshawar (Pakistan), being my Alma Mater also deserves
appreciation. I am thankful to the staff at Department of Political Science, University of
Peshawar for their support throughout this study. The entire staff deserves special
appreciation for facilitating me in my studies. During the entire duration of this study many
individuals contributed to this work by providing support, guidance and encouragement.
First and foremost, my gratitude goes to Dr. Abdul Rauf who not only passionately
supervised this work by contributing intellectually but also encouraged me in my moments
of despondency. He was also extremely helpful in matters indirectly related to this study.
Dr. Muhammad Ayub Jan also needs special mention and appreciation. He helped me a lot
v
in understanding my topic and provided me relevant material. I am also thankful to the
other faculty members of the Department of political Science University of Peshawar, Dr.
Taj Muharram Khan, Dr. A. Z. Hilali, Dr. Zahid Anwar, Dr. Shahida Aman, Dr. Noreen
Naseer, Dr. Mohammad Zubair and Dr. Sami Raza for their direct and in-direct role in this
thesis. Above all Aamer Raza needs special mention and appreciation for his extended help
and cooperation during my stay at Boston. My gratitude also goes to Dr. Andrea
Fleshinberg (DAAD long term guest professor at QAU Islamabad), Dr. Sanaa Alimia, Dr.
Jan Peter Hartung, Dr. James Caron (SOAS London) and Dr. Husnul Amin (IIUI).
The clerical staff in the University of Peshawar and specifically at the Department
of Political science was extremely supportive. Israr Lala in the account section deserves
special appreciation. Among other Murad Khan, Saeed Ullah and Shams ul Amin were
very much helpful and cooperative.
My sincere thanks and gratitude goes to four of my close friends Sajjad Hussain
(Bajaur), Syed Wasif Azim (Shabqadar), Hassan Shah (Tangi Charsadda) and Faiz-ul-Ibrar
Khattak (Karak). Their appreciation, encouragement, unconditional love and valuable
suggestions helped me a lot in completing this thesis.
Field work was the most challenging aspect of this research project. My sincere
thanks and gratitude goes to Usman Khan (Lecturer University of Malakand) for
introducing me to his students and other people who proved very helpful during my field
work in Dir. My gratitude also goes to Tayyeb Akbari, who introduced me to many people
and arranged interviews for me in Dera Ismail Khan. Zahid Hussain (Bajauar), Akbar
Hussain (Monda, Dir), Zia Ullah and Miraj Khan (University of Malakand) also deserve
special thanks for their extended help during my field work in Dir.
Sajjad Hussain’s family hosted me for many days during my field work. I won’t
forget the love and respect of his father, brothers and other close friends. Afia Sajjad and
Asad Ullah provided me solace while away from home and my nephews and niece.
vi
Besides these, a number of other friends have roles in the project in one way or
another. My University mates in Peshawar, Tariq Afghan, Hidayat Ullah (Mama), Salman
Khan Khattak, Mohammad Qadar, Arab Gul, Yasir Jan, Faraz Khan, Aliman Shah, Ansar
Ullah Khattak, Umar Zad Khattak, Saeed Ahmad, Iftikhar Ahmad, Ashfaq Ahmad, Asif
Salim, Wali Ullah, Irfan Mehsud, Waqar Ahmad, Shah Nawaz, Hasina Bashir, Sabahat Ijaz
and many more were very much instrumental in different stages of the study. They
provided me good company and encouraged me during my study. Asim Farooq, Samid
Iqbal, Tariq Jamal, Irfan Ullah, Subhan Mehmood, Nadeem Iqbal, Faisal Iqbal and Ikhlaq
Ahmad also deserve special mention and thanks. There were numerous other individuals
who helped directly or in directly in the field whom I cannot name due to the limitation of
space. To all of them I extend my gratitude.
My parents Mr. and Mrs. Laiq Din deserve special mention not only for their
exceptional love and conviction but also for their assistance throughout this study. They
were involved in making sure that I get comfort both in US and Peshawar. Back home they
took care of various matters that would have distracted me from my studies. I am also
thankful to my elder brothers Qamar Zia, who took responsibility of not only my financial
needs but also relieved me from other burdens in the family. He stood by me in every ups
and downs in my life. Zahid Qamar not only my elder brother but a friend also took good
care of me during my study. He provided me not only moral support but material as well.
My niece Hooreain Gulalai Qamar and nephews Muhammad Shahzain Qamar and
Muhammad Hasnain Qamar provided me solace during my extreme hour of dejection and
discomfort. The unconditional love and care of my two sisters also deserve mention and
gratitude.
I am thankful to Aqeel Bhai, Faizan Siddique, Khalid Sahib and Mr. & Mrs. Aamer
Raza for their help, cooperation and wonderful company in the United States. I am also
thankful to Wasif Ullah and Daud Jan for sending me required material to US.
Wajid Mehmood
1
CHAPTER – 1
INTRODUCTION
Culture in social sciences is a broader term with its roots in Anthropology and
Sociology. An anthropologist draws a total picture of life, actions and beliefs of a
community from the concept of culture. It was in 1871 that Taylor gave the anthropological
definition of culture, and viewed it as “that complex whole which includes knowledge,
belief, art, morale, law, custom and other capabilities and habits acquired by a man as a
member of society”.1 Anthropologically, culture is the man-constructed part of the human
life, specified for a group or a community. It depicts what a member of a community or a
group do, and what he or she refrains from doing. A group is distinguished from another
group with the help of cultural traits. For which members of the group or community are
trained in their families, through formal and informal education and in social and
traditional institutions for adoption of specific traditions and values which are conventional
and compatible with the general understanding and mindset of the community. The element
of compatibility in a culture, makes consensus in a society possible and thus leads to
positive changes in individual’s behavior and his approach to life. Max Weber opined that,
culture is the continuity of history which makes almost all the differences. It is not
something transmitted through genes rather it is learnt from within the society.2
Political study of culture refers to the study of people’s attitudes towards politics
and their role within the political system. In the words of Almond et al (2006), it is
(political) culture of any society or state which enables a person to be political. So culture
is an essential part of one’s political life.3 It was in 1960’s when Almond coined the term
‘political culture’ in his writings. This was the first probable entry of this term in the
1 Hans Raj. (1985). Comparative Politics. New Delhi: Surjeet Publications. p. 92
2 David Landes. (2000). Culture Matters. New York: Basic Books Publications. p.2
3 Gabriel A. Almond, Bingham J. Powell, Kaare Strom & Russell J. Dalton. (2006). Comparative Politics
Today: A World View. New York: Pearson Longman Publisher. p.46
2
discipline of politics. He wrote that “every political system is embedded in a particular
pattern of orientation to political actions”.4
Almond et al. (1966) described political culture as underlying propensities and
“psychological dimension of a political system. It consists of attitudes, beliefs, values and
skills which are current in an entire population, as well as those special propensities and
patterns which may be found within separate parts of that population”.5 They argued that
political culture has several components including Cognitive Orientation, Affective
Orientation and Evaluative Orientation. Cognitive orientation is the concept used for
knowledge of the people related to beliefs and objects of politics. It also includes
understanding of the people regarding their political system. Affective orientation is used
to express the attachments, feelings and judgment of a community or individuals regarding
their political system. Evaluative orientation is related to the opinions and evaluations of
the political system by the people.6
Political culture of a country, according to Alan R. Ball (1971), can be classified on
the basis of the role of the members of a society in the political processes and their
expectations from the government.7 For understanding the characterizations of political
culture in terms of people’s attitudes and involvement in the political system, Gabriel
Almond and Sydney Verba have given a classification of political cultures. This includes
three types i.e. Parochial political culture, Subject political culture and Participant political
culture.8 People who are having very little or no knowledge or awareness regarding their
political system fall in the category of parochial political culture. They have no tendency
towards participation in the political processes i.e. the input and output processes and
4 Lucian W. Pye. & Sidney Verba. (1969). Political Culture and Political Development.(eds.) Princeton
University Press. p.7 5 Gabriel A. Almond & Bingham J. Powell. (1966). Comparative Politics: A Development Approach. Boston:
Little Brown & Company. p. 23 6 Ibid. p. 50
7 Alan R. Ball. (1971). Modern Politics and Government. London: Macmillan. p.53
8 Gabriel A. Almond, and Sydney Verba. (1972). The Civic Culture, Political Attitudes and Democracy in
five Nations. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. pp. 116-17
3
functions of a political system.9 In Michael Curtis’ opinion a parochial orientation is that
when individuals are not aware of, nor have opinion about the system as a whole, but only
of the local community in parts.10
In subject political culture, people have some level of orientation towards the
political system and the output processes, but their orientation towards input objects and
active participation are still somehow of low level. In Michael Curtis opinion, a subject
orientation is that when individuals are aware of the system, but are essentially passive and
accept decisions and directions of others.11
In participant political culture, members of the
society are having a higher level of orientation towards the political system and political
processes. They are actively involved in the interest articulation processes, which are then
aggregated into policy alternatives because they are aware of functional processes of their
political systems.
Proponents of “culturist” political explanations of political events and systems are
of the view that a political system of a country is based on the broader culture of the
inhabitants of different communities within that country. It provides a context for the
function of political systems, which includes values, customs and traditions.12
In Marshall's
opinion it is the political culture that legitimizes the political power system and structure of
a society.13
9 Almond has divided these functions and processes in two broader categories i.e. the input functions and out-
put functions. The input functions are divided in four sub-categories i.e. political socialization and
recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation and political communication. According to Almond,
the input functions can also be called as political functions and are mostly performed by non-governmental
structures, relating to society, culture, and others. The out-put functions are divided in three categories i.e.
Rule-making, Rule application and Rule adjudication. These functions have also been designated by
Almond as governmental functions. Gabriel, A. Almond. (1986). A Developmental Approach to Political
Systems. In, Political System and Change: A World Politics Reader, edited by Kabashima Ikuo and White
Lynn. T. Princeton University Press. pp. 41-72. 10
Michael Curtis. (1978). Comparative Government and Politics., New York: Harper & Row Publishers.
p.27 11
Ibid. 12
Thomas Magstadt, and Peter Schotten. (1993, 3rd edition). Understanding Politics: Ideas, Institutions, and
Issues. New York: St. Martin’s Press. p.16 13
Gordon Marshall. (1996). The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology, Oxford University Press. p. 398
4
However, the exponents of culture theory failed to explain the occurrence of certain
changes in attitudes, behavior and political structures in some countries of the world.
Rogowski (1974), a critic of culturalist theory is of the opinion that, political culturalists
have been very offhand in dealing with change.14
They have tended to improvise far too
much in order to accommodate political changes into their framework. They, no longer
have a convincing way to treat political change at all.15
Rational choice theorists in 1960s tried to explain the changes in society in terms of
mathematically calculated behavior of social beings. For them, culture has no significant
role at all, in the structure and function of a political system. For Robert Bates,16
and David
Laitin17
culture is a “tool set of beliefs and symbols”, used by rational actors for their own
material interests. It is believed that the beliefs and symbols have no profound impact on
these actors.
Some scholars are of the opinion that, rational choice theory in its manifestations,
view culture and attitudes as unproblematic or unimportant in political processes. All that
one require in order to explain a social, cultural or political phenomenon is rational man,
the short-run, hard-nosed calculator, and the mathematics and statistics that he needs in
order to make cost-effective choices.18
According to rationalists, man is self-seeking and selfish. He only believes in
maximizing his benefits and minimizing his costs. But here the difficulty is with the choice
and with the calculation of man’s nature. How are his choices and nature shaped in a
society? On this very point the rationalist and culturalists agreed that socialization is
14
Ronald Rogowski. (1974). Rational Legitimacy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 15
Harry Eckstein.(1988). A Culturalist Theory of Political Change. The American Political Science Review.
82(3). p.1 16
Robert Bates. (1988). Toward a Political Economy of Development: A Rational Choice Perspective (eds).
Berkeley: University of California Press. 17
David Laitin. (1986). Hegemony and Culture: The Politics of Religious Change Among the Yoruba.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 18
Thompson Verweij & R. j. Ellis. (2006).Why and How Culture Matters. In Robert E. Goodin & Charles
Tilly’s (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Contextual Political Analysis. New York: Oxford University Press.
p. 334
5
essential for an individual in a society. In Eckstein opinion, although both culturalists and
rationalists agree on the necessity of socialization, yet, differ on the process of re-
socialization.19
Socialization is essential for bringing uniformity in values and norms
(culturalization), which is important for smooth functioning and evolution of any socio-
political system within a society and state. If the process of socialization (or culturalization)
is removed from any society, the system will not function properly. The process of
socialization starts at home and family is the first agent or institution which socializes an
individual. It is the very first institution of socialization and it is said that first learned is the
best learned.20
Family can also shape the future political attitude of an individual. Other
socializing institutions include educational and religious institutions/places, peer groups,
mass media, political parties etc.
In late socialization or re-socialization of individuals and citizens, political parties
play an important role. Political parties are considered to be responsible for production and
promotion of consensual and conflictual political culture in a state.
Consensual political culture means the culture of consensus building among the
people with different political socialization and ideologies in a polity. Conflictual political
culture means the development of disagreements and hostilities/conflicts within the people
having same political socialization and ideology. For this study, the working definition of
consensual and conflictual political culture is limited only to political parties (JUI and JI)
i.e. the consensus building among the party’ workers regarding party’ policies or strategies
with respect to any specific issue and their relations with other political parties (and
institutions). And the development of disagreements i.e. inter-parties or between JI and
19
Harry Eckstein.(1988). A Culturalist Theory of Political Change. The American Political Science Review.
82(3). p.1 20
Donald Searing, Gerald Wright & George Rabinowitz. (1976). The Primacy Principle: Attitude Change and
Political Socialization. British Journal of Political Science. 6(1). pp. 83-115
6
JUI, and intra-party or within the party workers21
and the leadership regarding party
policies on specific issues.
In the political history of Pakistan, religio-political parties have played an important
role in promoting consensual and conflictual political culture.22
The two main (stream) of
these parties i.e. Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-i- Islam (JUI) are more successful
in organizing and mobilizing masses than the others. The parliamentary history of Pakistan
shows that, although, these two are not much successful in electoral politics, yet, they have
very profound influence on the law making and law adjudicating processes of the state.23
Many scholars view both of these parties similar in different aspects, but Haroon
Ullah Khan (2014) argues that “they vary widely in terms of their organization, ideological
commitments, strategic objectives, and the methods they use to pursue their goals.24
Though both compete for religious vote, however, the socialization processes of the two
are different. JI usually targets modern educated population and thus founds its strongest
support in public sector colleges and universities. Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT), the students
wing of JI is one of the most active and visible groups in colleges and university campuses
across Pakistan.25
JUI On the other hand has a strong support and power base in religious
institutions such as madaris and mosques as their early socializing places.26
So both of the
parties socialize their workers in different ways and institutions. Competition for the same
21
For the study workers are considered all those who have membership of the party, deposit their monthly
membership fee, attend party meetings and involved in electoral campaigns. 22
Religious political parties remained active politically in almost all the important events which are
considered to be important determinant of the future fate of the Islamic republic of Pakistan. For example
these parties were involved in the constitutional framing process, active for an Islamic constitution, active
in agitation against Ayub’s modernization, involved in the solution of East Pakistan problem, launched and
participated anti-Ahmadia campaign, started Nizam-i-Mustafa movement, involved in movement for
restoration of democracy, participated in Afghan Jihad and made electoral alliances with other political
parties like National Awami Party, Pakistan People’s Party, Islami Jamhori Ittihad, Muslim League and
Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal etc. 23
Haroon Ullah Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote: Understanding Islamic Political Violence, and
Extremism in Pakistan. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press. pp. 85-88 24
Ibid. 25
Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1992). Students Islam and Politics: Islami Jamiat Talba in Pakistan. Middle East
Journal. 46(1). pp. 59-76 26
Haroon Ullah Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p.59
7
kind of votes i.e. religious vote, and differences in the socialization process make the
political workers of both the parties, staunch opponents and rivals of each other and of
other political parties as well.
The political education of the workers of both the parties are of more radical nature,
yet, they still agree on many issues of diverse nature in the state, and hence produce a
sphere of consensus. Irrespective of their severe ideological differences with other political
parties, they make alliances with them during elections. How far this is possible for a
socialized (radical) person to accommodate people from opposite ideologies? How far the
party policy or strategy regarding a specific issue is seen by the workers as compatible with
their political education and ideology? What are their responses to the “unpopular” party
strategies?
JUI had formed electoral alliances and coalition governments with National Awami
Party (NAP) and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) first in 70s and then in 90s, though both of
these parties are “secular” and “socialists” in their ideologies. On one side this has made
the party popularize in the common masses, on the other hand it also provided the party
affiliates a chance to participate in a ruling coalition and prove their abilities.27
Maulana
Maududi, the founder of Jamaat-i-Islami, had declared socialism of any type as kufr or un-
Islamic.28
So JI leadership found it hard to be a part of the government of “secular”
political parties afterword. During Zia-ul-Haq era, JI remained an active coalition partner
mainly because of his policy of Islamization, but JUI remained aloof from Zia’s regime.29
Because of the party strategies in the above two occasions, JUI failed to
accommodate the will of its socialized workers and many of them parted ways with it and
27
Ibid. pp. 95-97 28
Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (2000). The Rise of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan: The Changing Role of Islamism
and Ulema in Society and Politics. Modern Asian Studies. 34(1). pp.139-180 29
Ashok Behuria. (2008). Sects within Sects: The Case of Deobandi-Barelvi Encounter in Pakistan. Strategic
Analysis. 32(1). pp.57-80
8
the party split into two groups.30
But in the long run, the policy of Fazal faction (JUI-F)
regarding Zia, proved to be more reasonable and earned him a name of moderate and
democratic Islamist. He was given a good place and space in the Movement for Restoration
of Democracy (MRD) in 1980s. JI, on the other hand, is still criticized for making alliance
with a military dictator.31
A comparison of both the parties in making alliances and opposition lead to certain
other questions which need to be investigated such as "which of the two parties is more
democratic in nature? Which one is more successful in influencing and convincing its
socialized workers in favor of party policy or strategy? Which of the party’s worker are
more accommodating in terms of electoral alliances? What is making the party affiliates of
JI or JUI to accommodate and give space to the other parties programs and (political)
ideologies"?
In the early 90s JUI (F) made an alliance and coalition government with PPP, led by
Benazir Bhutto. Many of the party workers were not happy with this alliance as it was led
by a woman. Ideologically they were of the opinion that Islam did not permit a woman to
lead the affairs of a state. However, the coalition proved to be more advantageous to the
party in terms of grabbing certain important government offices such as Moulana Fazl ur-
Rahman, head of JUI, was appointed as Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on
Foreign Affairs.32
The alliance of six religio-political parties, Muttahidda Majlis Amal (United Action
Front or MMA), in 2002 is a good example of consensual political culture in Pakistan. All
the parties successfully convinced their workers for electoral alliance and coalition
government (afterword) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. The alliance proved to
30
Jocelyne Cesari. (2014). The Awakening of Muslim Democracy: Religion, Modernity, and the State. UK:
Cambridge University Press. p. 163 31
Robert Bianchi. (2004). Guests of God: Pilgrimage and Politics in the Islamic World. New York: Oxford
University Press. p.84 32
Gilles Kepel. (2002). Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. Translated by, Anthony F. Roberts. UK: I. B.
Tauris & Co Ltd. p.227
9
be successful in the shape of coalition government, which in the history of the province, for
the first time completed its tenure.
JI workers are more revisionist33
as compared to JUI, who are, by at-large oriented
toward the preservation of the status-quo. So the alliance of the religious parties could not
remain for long. The 2008 general elections were boycotted by JI, while JUI contested. In
2013, none of the two made pre-election alliances with other parties. However, JI made a
coalition government with Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. While
JUI joined hands with Nawaz Sharif's led Pakistan Muslim League in the federal
government.
Analyzing the parliamentary history of Pakistan, JUI seems to be more flexible than
JI. Its workers are more accommodative in their nature. Some people consider JUI as
opportunist political party, as it can very easily adjust itself in every government. JI, on the
other hand, is considered to be the party of principles.34
The different nature and
approaches of both the parties towards different events and issues are because of the
differences in the socialization processes of the two. How are the socialization processes of
the two are different from each other? And how far both these parties and their trained and
socialized workers are contributing in the broader political culture, democracy and
consensus development in the country?
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Policies, actions and strategies of JUI and JI and the understanding of their workers
and their responses to specific situations provide us with good case studies of consensual
33
JI since its inception believes in the revision and modification of accepted norms, long standing views,
doctrines and theories not only in the political spheres but the religious as well. Maulana Maududi's
ideologization of Islam and his struggle for giving political language to Islam is the base for such a
behavior of JI affiliates. 34
Such a perception regarding JUI is common in JI affiliates. In some of the respondents' opinion (in Dir),
"when it comes to the formation of coalition government or electoral alliance, JUI always ready for doing
so, irrespective of who the coalition partner is. The leadership is least concerned with the ideological
commitment of the party." However, this perception of the other parties' affiliates was denied by JUI
affiliates. Some of the JUI respondents opined that "the circumstances decide who to make a coalition
government or electoral alliance with". JUI has never ever compromised on its ideology. The party is
utilizing every political means for its ultimate goal "the sharitiazation of the constitution of Pakistan".
10
and conflictual political culture in Pakistan. Ideologically, both JI and JUI, though, seem on
the same political agenda i.e. shariatiazition of Pakistan, but there are very sharp difference
between the two on understanding of political issues, their solutions and strategies.
The processes of socialization of their workers are also different and thus both are
promoting a different political culture within their parties. The process of socialization is
considered to be the most important and significant element in the political process of a
country. This study focuses on how political workers in JI and JUI are socialized? How are
they indoctrinated the political ideology of the party? And how they respond to a strategy
of their party if it is not in-line with their socialization and the broader political culture,
promoted by their political parties.
Literature Review
The study is mainly focused on the process of political socialization and
consequently the development of consensual and conflictual political culture in the two
mainstream religio-political parties in Pakistan. It revolves around the different agents and
institutions involved in the socialization process of the workers in JI and JUI.
In Pakistan, researchers and scholars have extensively written on political parties
and their role in politics. For example M. Rafique Afzal (1991), 35
has written about the
initial turbulent years of Pakistan, and the role and organizational structure of the political
parties at that time. His main emphasis is on the role and movement of political parties and
the organizational structure of the political parties after independence. In his opinion
Pakistan Muslim League because of its internal organizational weaknesses, could not
maintain its dominance and popularity in the masses. Hence, other political parties started
to occupy its position. Religious political parties because of their roots in the masses and
familiarity with the mobilization tactics started expending their sphere of influence.
35
M. Rafique Afzal. (1991). Political Parties in Pakistan 1958-69. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical
and Cultural Research.
11
Nazir Ahmad (2004),36
emphasized on the role of political parties in the
democratization process of the country. In his opinion, the continuous direct and indirect
interventions of military in the political affairs, promoted the political culture of
factionalization in the political parties. This has caused the emergence of different factions
of almost all the main stream political parties in the country.
K. K. Aziz (1989),37
discussed the struggle, strategies and designs of the political
parties and understanding their conduct and behavior in the early years of Pakistan. He
opined that due to the weak organizational structure and internal rifts within the political
parties, the real democratic transition never happened. The rivalry between the parties, their
undemocratic and uncompromising culture, invited and allowed the military dictators to
rule the country.
Hamid Khan (2005),38
described and narrated the constitutional and political history
of Pakistan from its inception. He has given an account of each and every step and
development in the constitutional making process. He has also discussed the role, played
by different individuals and political parties in the constitution making process. He
declared the 1973 constitution as a land mark achievement in terms of consensus building
and agreement of all the political forces in the country.
Similarly, Safdar Mahmood (2000),39
analyzes different aspects of political and
constitutional history of Pakistan. He also sheds light on the electoral performances of
different political parties and their contribution in the promotion of consensus and
differences in different issues and events. In his opinion democratic culture needs time to
evolve and establish in Pakistan. He consideres democracy a complex combination of
36
Nazeer Ahmad. (2004). Political Parties in Pakistan: A Long War Ahead. Islamabad: Khursheed Printing
Company. pp.1-2 37
Khursheed Kamal Aziz. (1989). Party Politics in Pakistan, 1947-1958.Islamabad: National Institute of
Historical and Cultural Research. 38
Hamid Khan.(2005). Constitutional and Political History of Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press 39
Safdar Mahmood. (2000). Pakistan: Political Roots and Development 1947-1999. Karachi: Oxford
University Press.
12
social, economic, institutional, and cultural factors, which are based on the collective
mentality of the people within a community. It starts evolving with the mutual
understanding and consensus building among the people. For that purpose political parties
are the central forces in any society.
The prominent research works which are mostly cited for JI in research on religious
politics in Pakistan is, Nasr (1994),40
which examines different aspects of JI, its origin,
ideological base, historical development and political role and strategies. In his opinion the
party is inherited a “tension” between the concept and idea of a holy community and the
party political agenda of a socio-economic change in Pakistani society. His work on JI is
not just the exploration of a religio-political party in Pakistan, rather it examines the
diverse politico-social roots of contemporary Islamic revivalism, the impacts of which are
visible not only in Indo-Pak sub-continent but in Middle East and Africa as well.
Another work of Nasr (1996) 41
examines the life and thoughts of Maulana Maududi
(the founder of JI). In Nasr opinion Maududi was the first Islamic thinker and ideologue in
united India, who has developed a modern politico-Islamic ideology. He has also provided
a plan of social action (in the form of holy community under JI supervision) for realization
of his vision. Nasr opined that Islamic revivalism envisioned by Maududi was not
developed simply because of the rejection of cultural dominance of the West, but the
communal politics in India, the formation of new Muslim identity, the concept of power
discourse in plural societies and the question of Islam and nationalism contributed
significantly in this regard. Maududi’s aim, according to Nasr, was “to put forth a view of
Islam whose revitalized, unspoiled, and uncompromising outlook would galvanize
Muslims into an ideologically uniform and hence politically indivisible community”.
40
Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1994).The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution: the Jama’at Islami of Pakistan. CA,
USA: I.B. Tauris and Co Ltd. 41
Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1996). Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism. New York: Oxford
University Press
13
Pirzada (2000),42
in his work investigates about the role of JUI, its political
strategies and relations and dealings with other political parties especially with the socialist
parties in 70s. This work comprehensively describes the accommodative and
compromising behavior of the leadership of JUI. In Pirzada's opinion the Ulema on one
side made alliance with NAP and on the other side, they kept uphold their Islamic ideology
and way of politics. He gave credit to the Ulema and especially to JUI affiliated Ulema for
their compromises and flexibility during the process of making the 1973 constitution of
Pakistan.
Zaman (2004),43
has de-stereotyped the Ulema by an in-depth analysis of the tags
associated to them. The Ulema are generally perceived to be inflexible, un-accommodating
and un-compromising in their attitudes, generally resistant to social changes, and, as a
consequence, become redundant. He holds an opinion that, the community of religious
clerics and scholars, who have been a part of Muslim society for more than thousand years
have witnessed renaissance and have considerably changed with the context of time and
space. The transformation that underline the changes in culture and traditions of the Ulema,
have provided them new ventures and pattern of political activism in the contemporary
modern era. Hence, providing a new foundation for the comparative study in the political
Islam, religio-political movements and parties, and socio-religious changes in the Islamic
world.
Hussain Haqqani (2005),44
gives an account of Pakistani state policies in the light of
the role of military and religion. In his opinion, Pakistan since its inception is facing
deteriorated internal political turbulence. Three interlinked problems are responsible for
that. First is the state’s deliberative use of religion and religious groups for political reasons
42
Sayyed A. S. Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan 1971-1977. USA: Oxford
University Press. 43
Mohammad Qasim Zaman. (2002). The Ulema in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change. NJ:
Princeton University Press 44
Hussain Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. Washington DC: Carnegie Endowment
for International peace.
14
and gains. Second, the religious zeal of the people (some groups) are raised to a level,
where the state itself is unable to leash and control it. Third, though, apparently military
dictators (except Zia) showed their commitments to redress the chaotic (religious) situation,
yet, practically, instead of digging out the root causes, they have been merely working on
the symptoms. In fact they are the one, who are using religion and religious groups for
furthering their own institutional interests. Militant wings of several religious groups have
been engaged in Jihadist activities in Indian Kashmir and Afghanistan. These religious
groups are also being used for putting pressure on civilian governments regarding their
policy initiatives in respect to India, USA, Iran or Afghanistan. In Haqqani’s opinion JI is
one of the parties which had close association with the military junta during Zia regime. It
is still in an indirect relationship with the military by means of its association with different
groups (Jihadist and religious). Haqqani narrates the story of different events where such
religious groups facilitated the military rulers.
Sana Haroon (2007),45
examines the historical evolution and mobilization of
organizations in the North West Frontier tribal area, bordering Afghanistan. She links the
influential role of religious clergy in the region with the administrative management of the
frontier region in the colonial British India. In her opinion, as the region was having
strategic importance for the imperial masters, therefore, it was treated as a buffer zone and
was kept outside the judicial and legislative structure of British India. The autonomous
tribal structure facilitated mulla (the religious clergy) in enhancing their authority and
sphere of influence. The similar administrative structure of the region was maintained after
the British left. Then, during the introduction of Jihad in early 80s, the influential social
position of mulla was further enhanced. She also gives an account of the concept and
practice of the piri muridi in the region, which in her opinion has transformed to a more
hard-line Deobandiat. Her work though, is an historical assesment of the tribal belt, yet
45
Sana Haroon. (2007). Frontier of Faith: Islam in the Indo-Afghan Borderland. London: Hurst & Company
15
provides an excellent overview for understanding the techniques of religious clergy for
mobilizing the common masses by manipulating different situations.
Humera Iqtidar (2011),46
has picked up the most important and essential
contemporary topic, secularism and religion (Islam). She argues that though, the categories
“religion” and “secular” are being regarded as alien to one another, yet, these are
dialectically related to each other. In her opinion "secular" generates the religious. She
regarded religion as something lacking universally accepted definition. In this regard, not
only, the context of time and space play a significant role but also the ideas, attitudes,
values, practices and most importantly followers of every religion make it different from
the other. The followers of every religion associate and instill different meanings to
different politico-religious ideas of their own. Secularism on the other hand is the political
adjustment and a state run project. It is in-fact an inspiration and a goal, particularly not
associated to specific ideas and practices. In her opinion, JI is a modern organization
having three main components for modernity and secularism. First, it is providing the
people an “open platform” to associate themselves with it or with its other competitors
religio-political organizations and parties in Pakistan. Second, it has gone through the
process of “rationalization” and is not confining religion to the private spheres. Third, it has
demonstrated the “objectification” of religion by giving meanings and definitions to certain
important aspects of individual and societal life. Because of these characteristics Humaira
Iqtidar believes that the Islamist (particularly JI) are “facilitating secularization at a societal
level even as they continue to oppose secularism as an official policy.” On the other hand
at individual level, they have also changed religious practices into individualized decisions
that must be in line with the broader subject and justified.
46
Humaira Iqtidar. (2011). Secularizing Islamists?: Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamaat-ud-Da’wa in Urban
Pakistan. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press
16
Haroon Ullah Khan (2014),47
has given a detailed account of Islamist and right
wing Islamic political parties and their role in the state affairs and democratization in
Pakistan. For his study he took three political parties in Pakistan i.e. Pakistan Muslim
league Nawaz (PML-N), JI and JUI. He classified these in two broad categories, the
Islamist and the Muslim democrat. JI was defined as the hierarchical’ Islamists and JUI the
network Islamists. His categorization is based on the party ideology, its strategies and
organizational structure. In his opinion both the Islamist and right wing Muslim democrat
are having considerable diversity. The Islamist politics in Pakistan is not of a monolithic
and colossal structure. The diversity came from within the organizational structures and
social basis of the three. The Muslim democrat in his opinion is consist of a core, formed
by economic and social elites. This core is deciding all the rest of organizational activities,
plans and strategies. Their focus are more on the economic activities as the party policy.
The hierarchical Islamists are supported by intellectual and religious elites. These religious
elites though, are not graduated from traditional Islamic seminaries, yet they have
considerable intellectual position in Islam and Islamic teachings. They are mostly
graduated from universities and other institution of modern education. The network
Islamists appeal to the underclass and religious leaders. Mostly consist of madrassa
graduates and their alumnae. This is more of a rural focusing party, members of which are
connected with a network.
All these studies and many others have academic value and described the nature
and composition of religious political parties and their role in the political development in
Pakistan. Each of these have their own arguments and theoretical understanding of the
religio-political role of JI and JUI.
47
Haroon Ullah Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote: Understanding Islamic Political Violence, and
Extremism in Pakistan. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press.
17
The consensus development and the disagreements of the two with each other and
with other political parties in Pakistan with respect to different issues and events, needs a
thorough investigation of the processes of ideologization, political indoctrination and
political socialization of the workers and affiliates. Both the parties are having their strong
social bases in the religiously motivated rural areas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Dir and Dera
Ismail Khan, the party strategies and their plans and procedure for the socialization of their
workers can best be studied in these areas). The parties while devising any political
strategy, are very much in pressure of their socialized workers. This study argues that the
political nature and culture of JI and JUI are shaped by the process, they socialize their
workers. This study comparatively analyzes as how do JI and JUI socialize their workers
and what are their contribution in the national politics in Pakistan?
Research Question
The main research question is
1. How a culture of consensus or conflict is developed through the process of socialization?
Secondary Research questions are;
1. How JI and JUI socialize their workers?
2. Howa socialized worker in JI and JUI accommodate people from other political parties and
ideologies?
Methodology
The study is based on qualitative methods for which both primary and secondary
sources were consulted. Maximum space and weightage was given to the personal
interviews with party members, associates, students, activists and other office bearers. Dir
(lower) and Dera Ismail Khan (D. I. Khan) districts were selected on the basis of the parties
significant presence, their extensive activities in engaging their workers, their electoral
18
gains as compared to other political parties, and lastly, because of the presence of the
central leadership of both the parties.48
For an in-depth comparative analysis, semi-structured interviews were conducted.
A total of 30 personal interviews and two focused group discussions were conducted both
in Dir and D. I. Khan. Snow ball sampling technique was adopted for the selection of the
respondents. The respondents were categorized in teachers (both school and Madrassa),
Students (madrassa and university students), Lawyers (affiliated to JI and JUI), executive
council members of the both, office bearers (mainly local heads of the party) and other
common members and affiliates of both the parties.49
However, it was tried to select similar
type of respondents from each area. Interviews in Dir were conducted in four Tehsils i.e.
Adenzai, Balambat, Munda, and Lal Qila Maidan. In D. I. Khan interviews from
respondents of three tehsils i.e. D. I. Khan, Kulachi and Pahar Pur (all the interviews were
conducted in D. I. Khan city). Few party gatherings of JUI in Peshawar were also attended
along with the JUI provincial chief Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, as a participant observer.
Organization of the Study
This study is consist of seven different chapters along with a separate section on
conclusion.
Besides the first chapter as the introduction, the second chapter focuses on what
political socialization is? What are the different theoretical positions in the studies on
political socialization? What are the agents of political socialization? And how political
parties are involved in political socialization of their workers? This chapter gives a general
overview of political socialization and the theoretical and methodological issues in political
socialization research.
48
JI head Siraj-ul-Haq is from Dir and JUI head Maulana Fazal ur Rehman is from D. I. Khan. 49
The respondents can be divided in two categories i.e. The Socializers and the Socialized. Though there are
no such demarcating principles on the basis of which one can say that a particular respondent is a socializer
or socialized, yet, we still can consider all the respondents from students’ organizations as "The Socialized”
and the rest as "Socializers”. Furthermore, both the socializers and the socialized are at the same time
subjected to and perform the duty of being the socializer and the socialized.
19
The third chapter gives an overview of the politico-social role of JI and JUI in
different political and social issues and events in Pakistan. It discusses the ideological
foundations of both the parties. It also tries to give an overview of the national events and
the consensual and dissensual role of both the parties and their workers. It presents a kind
of brief historical analysis of the both.
The fourth Chapter describes what role family and parents are playing in the
political socialization and ideological indoctrination of their children in JI and JUI
affiliated families? It argues that family is an important and essential element for
transmitting the norms and values of dominant culture and thus takes part in preserving the
culture and values system of any society and community. For JI and JUI it is the most
important institution, as it transmits the parents political values and disposition to the
coming generation. Thus provides a continuous ideological commitment and man power to
both the parties. This chapter encompasses the Ijtima-i-Ahli khana (gathering of the family)
in JI affiliated families, a well established custom, where all the family members gather and
discuss verses from holy Quran. It argues that this gathering has significant share in the
ideologization of the children. It also discusses that certain aspects of children lives, such
as civic participation, shaping voting behavior and party identification etc. are in the
domain of families and parents in JI and JUI affiliated families.
The fifth chapter discusses the role of educational institutions in the (political)
socialization of the children. This chapter tries to investigate the fundamental question of
how the children are socialized and indoctrinated the ideology of JI and JUI in schools and
colleges? The chapter discuss that, the role of the teacher is very much important and
significant in terms of communicating the curricula contents to the students in his own way
and methods. His personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly affect
the classroom discussion and learning. In Dir and Dera Ismail Khan, the party affiliated
members are running their own schools which are also instilling and implanting the parties
20
religious doctrines in the children. In government schools, their main agents of
socialization are the Arabic or theology teachers, who, if affiliated to any of the parties are
indoctrinating the students the party religious ideology. This indoctrination normally based
upon (primarily) the classroom and out of the class discussions.
Chapter six discusses the role of student organizations in colleges, universities and
madrassas, and the socialization and education of the students affiliated to these
organizations. The chapter argues that the student organizations (IJT and JTI) in the
education institutions across Pakistan are providing an enormously significant environment
to the students and prepare them for their active political roles in the society. They work as
nurseries for JI and JUI by providing them man power (socialized workers) and future
leadership. Both the organizations are having systematic training and socialization
procedures, which are missing in other contemporary student’s religio-political
organizations in Pakistan. It also argues that, the social interaction of the children
(students) and the acquiring of new values and habits from their friends in IJT and JTI,
have enormous impacts, and are important determinants of personality development and
political implications in their future lives. The socialized members of these organizations
are having almost uniform politico-social values and are having same understanding of
political happenings and issues.
The seventh chapter discusses the role of media in the political socialization of JI
and JUI workers. It specifically focuses on how modern media and communication tools
are utilized by JI and JUI. The chapter gives an overview that along with the common tools
of communication, both the parties are also competing for the control of loudspeaker of the
mosques. Mosque occupies a central position in the propagation and indoctrination of
political ideologies of religious parties in Dir and D. I. Khan. So who so ever controls the
mosque is controlling the whole muhalla (community). Because of the excessive
commercial nature of the traditional media, both the parties are unable to take any
21
significant advantage of it in terms of propagation of their ideology and political program.
Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use of social media, JUI affiliates and
leadership are still not that familiar with the modern social media and communication tools.
22
CHAPTER – 2
SOCIALIZATION TO POLITICS: A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
This chapter focuses on the basic questions of what political socialization is? What
are the different theoretical positions in studies regarding political socialization? What are
the agents of political socialization? How are political parties involved in political
socialization?
Socialization to politics is a confused, disordered and an untied process which is
difficult to pin point in a particular phase of an individual life. It is also hard to define it in
abstract terms but broadly saying it is the transmission of political culture, attitudes and
values to the coming generations, generally accepted by the citizens in a specific society.50
One of the important questions which need to be investigated is “how and why attitudes,
values, beliefs and behaviors need to be transmitted to the coming generations?
Almond and Coleman (1960), opined that culture, traditions, values, behaviors and
attitudes are not something which can be transmitted through genes. Rather these are
requirements and social obligations on an individual who is a member of a community or a
society.51
These requirements and obligations are fulfilled through learning processes and
one, then acquire his/her role in the society.52
Hahn (1998) termed these processes as
political learning processes which include not only the active ways and techniques but the
passive as well. In her opinion citizens learn about the generally accepted attitudes, values
and behaviors in both formal and informal ways.53
They adopt and develop a kind of
behavior and attitudes which help them in identifying and locating themselves within their
50
Gabriel A. Almond , and Sidney Verba. (1963). The Civic Culture. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press. 51
Gabriel A. Almond and James Coleman, (1960). The Politics of the Developing Areas. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press. p. 27. 52
Pamela Johnston Conover. (1991). Political Socialization: Where’s the Politics? in William Crotty’s (ed.)
Political Science: Looking to the Future, (Volume III, Political Behavior). Evanston, IL: Northwestern
University Press. pp. 125-152. 53
Hahn L. Carole. (1998). Becoming Political. Albany: State University of New York Press.
23
political societies. These developments also help them in understanding the political and
social nature of the society and system. Such learning starts from the very childhood of the
individuals when they align and identify themselves with political structure of the society,
which help them in comprehending the politics and government (starting from the general
understanding of authority and position within the family).54
These are normally one-way
processes (in the beginning) of learning and gaining attitudes through interactions with
other fellow beings and through different mediums. The Greenstein’s model comprehend
the entire process of socialization and learning i.e. who (subjects) → learns what (political
values, beliefs, attitudes, behaviors) → from whom (agents) → under what circumstances
→ with what effects.55
For the progress and evolution of any system, uniformity in values, attitudes and
behaviors is needed, which the process of socialization tries to bring. It is thus a necessary
and essential requirement of every society and system. Without uniformity in values and
norms of the citizens i.e. socialization, the system may not work and function properly.
Therefore, at the state level, citizens and individuals of society are indoctrinated with the
appropriate and adequate norms, values and practices required for the progress of the polity
and society.56
Every state and society has its own pattern of thoughts, norms values, laws,
traditions and behavior which are transmitted through different agents and agencies such as
family, friends circles, educational institutions, political organizations, print, electronic and
social media, peer groups, religious organizations and military etc.57
The process of socialization starts at home and family is the first agent or institution
which socializes an individual. The role of family is much important because it shapes the
54
Richard Dawson and Kenneth Prewitt. (1969). Political Socialization. Boston: Little Brown and Company. 55
Fred I. Greenstein. (1969). Children and Politics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. 56
Virginia Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization: Introduction for a New Generation.
Annual Review of Political Science. vol. 7. p.2 (1-23.) 57
Paul Allen Beck. (1977). The Role of Agents in Political Socialization. in Stanley Allen Renshon (ed.),
Handbook of Political Socialization Theory and Research. New York: The Free Press. pp. 115-142.; Also
see Marshall Gordon. (1998). Political Socialization. in A Dictionary of Sociology. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
24
future political attitudes of an individual. Yet it is not the sole socializing institution. There
are other institutions and agents as well, which have roles in indoctrinating values, beliefs
and attitudes regarding politics and other social issues in the society.
Different scholars have given weighting to different institutions and groups in term
of their role in the socialization process of the citizens. Scholars are also divided on the
scope of childhood and adult socialization (early and late socialization). Methods of
socialization are also very much debated in the academic circles. Some advocate closed,
restricted and state controlled socialization. Other favor open and unrestricted socialization
of the individuals. An extensive literature is available on the topic ranging from classical to
post-modernist literature.
In classic literature Plato’s Republic is undoubtedly considered as a master work in
terms of ‘culturalization’ and ‘socialization’ of citizens. The Republic emphasizes on
making the young good citizens through extremely comprehensive state-run instructional
program, which we can call ‘affective socialization’.58
Plato argues that “it is the early
education of the citizens which strengthen the ‘ideal state’. If a comprehensive system of
education is not run by the state, children from their early life will adopt conflicting ideas,
values, customs and traditions which will ultimately result changes in their relations with
fellow beings and their pattern of collective life in the commonwealth “the ideal state”.59
‘Confucius’ also consideres political socialization to be of crucial importance. He
emphasizes on ‘filial piety’ and relates a ‘well regulated’ family life to ‘order’ in political
life. However, in his political socialization the family do not, directly indoctrinate
‘political’ values. The family and parents are to indoctrinate and transmit “generalized”
values and attitudes which leads to political stability by producing the feelings and “honor
58
Dean Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers. p.9 59
Plato. (1945). Republic, trans. Francis MacDonald Corn ford. New York: Oxford University Press. p.116
25
for the prince”.60
Hence in Confucius program of socialization of the citizens, the state too
has no direct significant involvement. He places the whole responsibility of socialization
on the shoulders of the family.
Among other philosophers, St. Thomas More and Jean-Jacque Rousseau, both are
more vocal for political socialization at the early ages. Yet, Thomas More is having a
slightly different opinion, for example he says that ‘cognitive socialization’ is not just
enough and citizens cannot be left only with the transmitted values and attitudes. For the
defense and maintenance of state and commonwealth, children and youth should also be
communicated political beliefs and values i.e. they should also be ‘affectively socialized’.61
More give more weightage to teachers. He opined that whatsoever ideas are put into
the heads of children in their early lives, remain dominant for the rest of their lives. But
what about the re-socialization or the late socialization of an individual? It can be argued
that the process of socialization do not stop at any stage of the individual’s life. It continues
throughout his life. In every stage he is communicated, indoctrinated and transmitted new
ideas, values and attitudes. However, it is believed that the childhood socialization plays an
important role in one’s socio-political behavior in a society.
Rousseau also voices for ‘affective socialization’ and holds an opinion that only an
organized and socialized society can operate in complete harmony. He is a great advocate
of childhood socialization and political indoctrination. For the indoctrination of political
values, the social contract requires the legislators to do it (socialization and indoctrination)
continuously.62
Rousseau’s general will is sovereign but all the people cannot legislate for
themselves. So logically there must be some institution(s), most probably government,
60
John D. Young. (1983). Confucianism and Christianity: The First Encounter. Hong Kong: Hong Kong
University Press. p.19 61
Thomas More. (2003). Utopia. Paul Turner (trans). United Kingdom: Penguin Classics. p.132 62
Jean J. Rousseau. (1947). The Social Contract. Charles Frankel (trans). New York: Mafner Publishing Co.
p.35
26
resultant of general will, to manage and regulate the educational and socialization activities
so as to instruct the citizens and prepare them for their respective roles in the society.
The role of state or one of its organ/institution is obvious in the indoctrination of
citizens especially of the children for making them patriotic and induce in them respect for
the existing political order. Thus every regime invest heavily on the system of education
and socialization. So in this context it can be argued that all such state-run and sponsored
educational and socialization institutions and programs have specific aims, the foremost of
which is to maintain status quo. For example in (former) Soviet Union, the state run
educational institutions have not just aimed at transmitting technical skills to the citizens,
but indoctrinating in them the ideological foundation of the state i.e. the principles of
communism as well.63
The education system in a prescribed pattern, not only produced
loyal subjects but the future political elites and leaders.64
So the condition of Lenin
“teaching communism”65
was considered to be the base and prerequisite for survival of the
system. That is why, the state was much involved in the indoctrination of the values, norms
and traditions in the citizens from their childhood.
Similarly in Nazi Germany, socialization of the citizens was greatly focused.
Children and young people were indoctrinated in different ways. In schools and colleges
the syllabi was designed in such a way that it projected and propagated the sentiments of
heroism and nationalism. A comprehensive program and course of “national political
training” was run by state institutions.66
Countering Hitler’s indoctrination, after the
collapse of his regime, by means of re-indoctrination is a fantastic supporting evidence in
the late or re-socialization of the citizens and individual. The youth were re-indoctrinated
63
DeWitt Nicholas. (1961). Education and the Professional Employment in the USSR. Washington: National
Science Foundation. p.120 64
Michael Gehlen. (1969). The Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Bloomington: Indiana University
Press. pp.92-97 65
Lenin, V. I. (1943). The Role of Youth Leagues. in Selected Works. New York: International Publishers.
pp.467 82 66
Kandel Isaac Leon. (1935). The Making of Nazis. New York: Teachers’ College, Columbia University. p.17
27
and socialized in such a way to instill and implant in them new ideals and democratic and
political values. This was also done by state run institutions and sponsored programs
proposed and design by the “Allied powers”.67
Among the modern scholars, Hyman (1959)68
, Dawson & Prewitt (1969)69
and
Beck (1977),70
argue that the family, schools, and peer networks are the main forces that
shape a person’s political personality. Likewise Almond and Verba (1963) emphasize on
the culturalization and political orientation of the citizens. Sapiro (2004)71
argues that
context with respect to time and space is much important in the study of socialization,
because the differences in the learning methods, different political institutions, political
parties and specific situation socialize citizens differently.
Inglehart and Welzel (2005)72
are of the opinion that values and beliefs are
subjected to change with time and environment. So an individual cannot live with the
similar (political) norms, values and preferences for his entire life. Dalton (2006)73
wrote
about the involvement of citizens in political affairs, the public opinion formation and the
role of political parties in advanced democracies.
The diverse nature and concept of political socialization can be categorized in two
types. Langton (1969) represents the first type. In his opinion political socialization is a
way by means of which political culture is transmitted from generation to generation.74
In
other words Langton lays emphasis on the society as a whole. In his opinion it is the
67
Richter Werner. (1945). Re-educating Germany. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 68
Herbert H. Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization: A Study in the Psychology of Political Behavior.
Glencoe, Ill: Free Press. 69
Dawson, & Prewitt. (1969). Political Socialization. 70
Paul Allen Beck. (1977). The Role of Agents in Political Socialization, in Stanley Allen Renshon (eds.),
Handbook of Political Socialization Theory and Research. New York: The Free Press. 71
Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents Socialization. pp.1-23 72
Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel. (2005). Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy. New
York: Cambridge University Press. 73
Dalton J. Russell. (2006). Citizen Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial
Democracies. Washington: Chatham House. 74
Kenneth Langton. (1969). Political Socialization. New York: Oxford University Press. p.4
28
society which manage to transmit the adequate norms and values to new members of the
society.
The second type is that in which individuals themselves, form their own values and
understanding about the norms of the society. Sears (1975) was an active advocate of this
concept of political socialization. In his opinion an individual is capable of understanding
his environment and surrounding. His understanding makes him an active citizen of the
society. He is free to interact with different events (political and social) within the society
and show his reaction. The society and different socializing agents may direct him in some
direction but at the end it is he who has to decide. For example a child is socialized in his
family, but when he is confronted with some situation he may react differently. What is
making his different reaction, is his own free will.75
This categorization has made the
subject of socialization (political) debatable and multi-disciplinary. Some scholars view it
as a sub-branch of sociology but some are of the opinion that it developed from political
behavior research.76
The term political socialization first originated in Hyman (1959) work. During that
period the political socialization research has gone through specific phases. In the 1950s
and 1960s decades the main focus of the political socialization scholarship was ideology
and ideological commitment in the transmission of political norms and values to the new
generation. Childhood socialization research was having important position in the field. It
was believed that parents have colossal effects on their children. Thus parents and family
were considered the most important agents of political socialization.
However, the later scholars shifted their attention from (politico-religious) ideology
to other elements. The family and parents were found to be not the sole socializing agents.
75
David O. Sears. (1975). Political Socialization. In F. Greenstein & N. W. Polsby (ed.), Handbook of
political science. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley. Vol. 4. pp. 93–153. 76
Richard G. Niemi, & Mary A. Hepburn. (1995). The Rebirth of Political Socialization. Perspectives on
Political Science. 24(1). pp. 7-16.
29
Other agents for example media provided another dimension and direction to political
socialization scholarship. Similarly the focus of the research also shifted from childhood to
adolescence which was considered to be the new phase in the political socialization or
citizens' political development.
The most important era of political socialization research was considered to be the
decade of 1970s. It is remembered as the golden era of (political) socialization scholarship.
However, some scholars hold an opinion that after the decade of 1970s interest in the
political socialization research declined, and it died a pre-mature death.77
In the view of Gordon and Taft (2011), very little work was published on political
socialization in the last three decades. It was after 2010 that fresh blood was poured into
the field by applying and using new research tools and methods for testing the earlier
hypothesis and results. The new statistical methods gave a different dimension to the
political socialization scholarship.78
2.1 APPROACHES TO POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION
Socialization to politics focuses two levels i.e. macro and micro. The macro level
according to Sapiro focuses on the basic questions of democratic norms and culture in a
polity. It investigates the people’s political orientations and practices that how, where and
why these are develop and convert the structure and design of the existing norms and
values for the creation of real democratic institutions and practices.79
2.1.1 Macro Level
The macro-level framework of political socialization is very clearly and effectively
articulated by David Easton in his political theory of political socialization. He has knotted
77
Ibid. 78
Hava R. Gordon & Jessica K. Taft. (2011). Rethinking Youth Political Socialization: Teenage Activists
Talk Back. Youth & Society. 43(4). pp.1499-1527. 79
Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization. p.19.
30
the socialization phenomena with the functions of the political systems.80
Socialization is
not only necessary for the maintenance of the system rather it makes the system to persist.
In the view of Almond, political socialization is an input function, which every
political system has to perform for its survival. Without this function the culture and
structures of a political system could not perpetuate through time. Thus socialization
becomes a necessary function and requirement of every political system. He defines
political socialization in terms of input function of a system i.e. “the induction into political
culture which results in a set of attitudes cognitions, values, standards and feelings about
the political system, its various roles and roles incumbents”.81
2.1.2 Micro Level
The Micro level focuses on the individual socialization, his relations and
understanding with political processes. It constitutes “the patterns and processes by which
individuals are engaged in political development and learning, constructing their particular
relationships to the political contexts in which they live”.82
The Greenstein model explicitly
explain this approach by didactic questions i.e. (1) who (2) learn what (3) from whom (4)
under what circumstances (5) with what effect?83
Thus socialization to politics results in the individual acquisition of political
knowledge regarding their society, system and state. They become aware of their political
system and its functioning. They acquire what ideology, rituals, value system and practices
are acceptable in the society. They identify their required and respective role and hence
become actively engaged in civic and political life of the society.
2.2 POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION RESEARCH AND THEORETICAL AND
METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES
80
David Easton. (1957). An Approach to the Analysis of Political System. World Politics. Vol. 9. p.384 (383-
400). 81
Almond and Coleman. (1960). The Politics of the Developing Areas. pp. 27-28 82
Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization p.3 83
Fred I. Greenstein. (1969). Children and Politics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
31
Political socialization is widely researched area and enormous scholastic works are
available on the topic. However, there are still theoretical and methodological issues at
hand while conducting research on political socialization. One of such issues that is
narrowing the scope of political socialization scholarship is the assumption and notion that
it is “the making of good citizens”.84
Any such citizen who is “a loyal subject to the
regime”, a “ jingoist”, in the modern time “a permanent voter” and a person “who is aware
of his community and actively participate in affairs related to his people” can be termed as
“a good citizen”.85
This issue gets more confusing while conducting research on people
affiliated to religious political parties. Many of such affiliates have different understanding
of loyalty to the state and regime and to the responsibilities of a citizen in a state. Jamaat-i-
Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) affiliates are presenting a different concept of a
good citizen. The concept of good citizen also varies in different areas in Pakistan in
relation to the citizens affiliation with JI and JUI.86
The methodological issues are also under discussion in political socialization
scholarship. The survey research methods and the over dependence of political
socialization on it, is one of such issues in hand. The tools and indicators of survey method
are more or less tied to the voting behavior and hence lead the scholarships to merely
substance and measure the citizens’ political engagement. While measuring the level of
uniformity in the political knowledge of youth and citizen mysterious questions are asked
from the respondents. Which are (totally) insignificant or to say, least significant to the
84
Sherrod Lonnie, Constance Flanagan, and James Youniss. 2002. Dimensions of Citizenship and
Opportunities for Youth Development: The What, Why, When, Where, and Who of Citizenship
Development. Applied Developmental Science. 6(2). pp. 264-272. 85
Diana Owen. 2004. Citizenship and Civic Education in the United States. paper presented at the
Conference on Civic Education and Politics in Democracies: Comparing International Approaches to
Educating New Citizens, co-sponsored by the Center for Civic Education and the Bundeszentrale for
Politische Bildung, San Diego, CA, September 26-October 1, 2004. 86
For example a good citizen in the eyes of JI and JUI affiliates is the one who is a permanent voter of the
religious political parties, strive for an Islamic system in the country and consider all the contemporary
laws and regulation as against Islam and Sharia. However, this concept of a good citizen is not uniform in
all the affiliates and all areas of Pakistan. So one can say that they (JI and JUI affiliates) are themselves
confused in this regard.
32
subject matter of political socialization. For example asking about the names of cabinet
members, or inquiring about the members of the National Assembly and Senate in
Pakistan, or identifying the political party to which the President in USA or Prime Minister
in UK belongs87
to, have very little role in assessing and measuring the political
engagement of the individuals or their understanding of government (its branches), political
and civic life in a society and their respective roles and responsibilities.88
Furthermore, the variables (most of the time), used in such researchs are lacking
discrete relationships with the empirical data. The findings cannot comprehensively
comprehend the dynamic nature of political socialization. The processes of political
socialization thus cannot be generalized as it has divergent generational patterns which at
the same times are puzzled with delicacies and contradictions.
Every generation has its own pattern of socialization. The time and space
differences create changes in the processes, nature, structure and operational pattern of the
agents and hence modify the socialization process for every coming generation. For
example in the case of JI and JUI, though the agents of socialization and the broader
process used to be the same, yet, the different situations and issues in Pakistan has affected
(both positively and negatively) the process of socialization and the implications. The
inconsistency in the political strategies with respect to consensus building and
disagreements among different political parties on certain political events in Pakistan can
be termed as the cause of such contextual changes. Therefore, context is more important in
political socialization research. This is one of such issues which has limited the scope of
political socialization scholarship and unified and consistent results.
87
Henry Milner. (2007). Political Knowledge Among Young Canadians and Americans. Institute for
Research on Public Policy Working Paper Series. No. 2007(01). Quebec: IRPP. 88
Robert Dudley, and Alan Gitelson. (2003). Civic Education, Civic Engagement, and Youth Civic
Development. Political Science & Politics. April, 36(2). pp. 263-267.
33
Individual and system levels of socialization are two different yet interconnected
levels of socialization. However, research in the intersection of these two is very rear and
very less has been explored on factors associated with system-level, influencing individual
preferences and his being “good citizenship”. Majority of the research conducted on the
subject revolve around the individual level. Making generalizations while solely focusing
individual level of socialization is largely inadequate and inappropriate. Context of time
and space and most importantly the system level factors such as institutions, differences in
learning and indoctrination methods, political system and political parties, social groups,
online communities and internet facilities and interaction and conversation with adults do
influence the socialization process and must be taken into account.89
For example
socialization of the affiliates in both JI and JUI particularly linked with the system level
factors. Their broader perspectives are making a just system based on the universal
principles of Islam and sharia. Or in their capacity they try to convince and socialize their
affiliates for Islamizing the present politico-social system in Pakistan. This on one hand if
involving political parties and personalities on the other hand state institutions and political
system provide the required momentum and pace to the whole process of socialization.
Thus provinding us an excellent example of inter-connected individual and system-level
approaches to political socialization.
Another debate in the scholarship within political socialization is the distinction and
differences between political engagement and civic engagement. Broader view of the two
is making them one. However, for convenience and proper understanding of the process,
techniques and levels of political socialization, it needs to be divided in different stages. So
political engagement and civic engagement are not more than the different approaches to
political socialization. In the views of different scholars this is the division in the stages and
methods of political socialization.
89
Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization.
34
Civic engagement is the first phase of political socialization. It is the response of an
individual’s early socialization. It includes but not limited to the wish and enthusiasm of
the individuals for “working to make a difference in the social and civic life of the people
within their community”.90
It is voluntarily acting for a cause in individual capacity or in
organized group. However, these volunteer actions must have legal, moral and ethical
grounds.91
In simple words civic engagement is the non-electoral activities of individuals.
Its ends are mutual co-operation, helps and respect within a community.
Engagement of individuals in civic activities, in their early ages are very much
helpful in preparing them for acquiring the role of active citizens in their future.92
For
example JI affiliates engage their children from very early age in civic activities in Dir by
taking part in different community related activities. Youth development scholars are of the
opinion that early socialization of the individuals (youth) and their exposure and
engagements in civic activities have very positive effects on their pro-social behavior and
adulthood.93
Thus making civic engagement as an agent of social change and tries to
empower individuals, citizens and communities.94
Political engagement is the later stage of socialization. It is the involvement of the
individuals in some sort of political activities. These activities include but not limited to
voting, joining any political party or organization, participation in political campaign,
contesting for any political office and engagement in political discussions. Dalton argues
that political engagement is related to the norms and values of duty based citizenship. It
90
Thomas Ehrlich. (2000). Preface. in Thomas Ehrlich, Civic Responsibility and Higher Education. New
York: Oxford University Press: i-xxiv. 91
Russell J. Dalton. (2008). The Good Citizen. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press. 92
Daniel Hart & Robert Atkins. (2002). Civic Competence in Urban Youth. Applied Developmental Science.
6(4). pp. 227-236. See also Miranda Yates & James Youniss. (1999). Roots of civic identity: International
perspectives on community service and youth activism. New York: Cambridge University Press. 93
Linda Camino & Shepherd Zeldin. (2002). From Periphery to Center: Pathways for Youth Civic
Engagement in the day-to-day life of Communities. Applied Developmental Science. 6(4). pp. 213-220. See
also Lonnie R. Sherrod, Constance A. Flanagan, & James Youniss. (2002). Dimensions of citizenship and
opportunities for youth development: The What, Why, When, Where, and Who of Citizenship
Development. Applied Developmental Science. 6(4). pp. 264-272. 94
Shawn Ginwright, & Taj James. (2002). From Assets to Agents of Change: Social Justice, Organizing, and
Youth Development. New Directions for Youth Development. vol. 96. pp. 27-46.
35
defines and aware the citizens of their rights, duties and obligations within a society and
polity.95
The relations between political engagement and civic engagement is widely debated
in the political socialization scholarships. Putnam,96
McLaren & Baird,97
Schier,98
Easton99
and Shea & Green100
are of the opinion that it is the civic engagement of an individual in a
community which shapes his later orientation and socialization to politics. Easton for
example argues that there are three objects of political socialization i.e. community, regime
and government. Analyzing these three objects, an individual orientations and his
understanding towards his community may not be in a true sense a political phenomena or
engagement. On the other hand the other two objects involve political orientation.
Although Easton termed a community a kind of political entity or organization,
where the inhabitants share the political labor. However, apart from the distribution of
political labor a community is also having faces other than political, for example socio-
cultural and economic. It can be argued that the socio-cultural and economic faces of a
community are having more importance and weightage for a new member of the
community. So in the first phase the youth engagement in a community are civic in nature
and not political. In the later stages these engagements may produce the feelings of
patriotism and nationalism which are political concepts and will lead to the individuals’
political engagement.
The engagement of the individuals in community affairs, shape their behavior
towards the understanding of existing system, constitutional order and structure of the
95
Dalton. (2008). The Good Citizen. 96
Robert D. Putnam. (2000). Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 97
Lauren McLaren, and Vanessa Baird. (2003). Growing Trust: The Role of Communal Participation in the
Creation of Interpersonal Trust. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science
Association, Philadelphia, PA. (cited in Daina Owen. (2009). Political Socialization in the 21st Century.) 98
Steven E. Schier. (2000). By Invitation Only. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press. 99
David Easton. (1965). A System of Political Life. New York: John Wiley & Sons. 100
Daniel M. Shea, and John C. Green. (2007). The Turned-Off Generation: Fact and Fiction? in Daniel M.
Shea and John C. Green, Fountain of Youth. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 3-20.
36
authority. The understanding, recognition, acceptance or rejection of the constitutional
order and the locus of the political authority and decision making is the late socialization or
re-socialization in an individual life. This level obviously falls in the domain of political
engagement. The understanding and orientations of individuals, regarding the government,
too fall in the political engagement category.
Connecting the three objects of political socialization of Easton, it can be argued
that civic engagement and political engagement are inter-related. Both are the two levels of
the broader theme and subject matter of political socialization.
In response to the arguments presented by the scholars above in favor of civic
engagement’s importance for political engagement, some scholars are of the view that civic
engagement of the citizens do not necessarily lead to their political engagements. Civic
engagement and political engagement are two different things and to an extent two
contrasting things and processes. Volunteer activities and civic engagement may have some
positive impacts on the social setting of the society, but their effects on the democratic
values and political engagements are some time unsubstantiated and negative.101
Hibbing
and Morse elaborated that citizens participate in civic activities because of the
contaminated face of politics. People’s participation in community activities moved them
from politics, because some people have very bad experience of politicians.102
2.3 VARIABLES IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION RESEARCH AND
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Researchers and scholars involved in political socialization research are of the
opinion that there are many concepts and variable involved in describing this concept.
Langton (1969) and Massialas (1971) have provided a comprehensive list of those variable
and concepts. Some of these are used for this study. As the study focuses more on
101
Elizabeth Morse, and John Hibbing. (2005). Citizenship and Civic Engagement. Annual Review of
Political Science. vol. 8. p. 244(227-249) 102
Ibid.
37
individual interviews, therefore, these variable were quantified with specific and related
questions. For example Political Interest (Interest associated to political phenomena and
affairs) of the workers and other affiliates of both JI and JUI. Whether or not an affiliate
attend party meetings? Whether or not he permits his other family members (especially his
children and women) to involve in party related affairs? Does he regularly deposit his
monthly membership fee? Is he involved in political campaign for the party candidates in
elections? Has he himself ever thought of taking part in election?
Political Discourse (debates, discussion and conversation about government
policies and political affairs) variable was split into different questions for discussion with
the respondents. It consisted of, whether the affiliates discuss and debate the overall
political affairs with each other and with the members of other parties? Do their discussion
and conversation revolve around the government policies or any other current issues? Do
they also involve their family members especially their children in political discussions?
What are their most debated topics in politics?
Political Efficacy variable was coupled with different questions with the broader
theme revolving around the belief of the affiliates that they can affect the political
outcomes within a political system with the help of their political activism through their
parties. The most significant query in this regard was the affiliates’ belief on political
processes. A set of questions for this variable were, are you satisfied with the prevailing
political system? What can be the right procedure for the implementation of your desire
political system? How far in your opinion JI or JUI be successful in their political struggle
for an Islamic system? How far you are satisfied and convinced with your affiliation with
JI or JUI?
Civic Tolerance (variable) is a broader concept. It is mainly related to, support and
acceptance for the rights of all within an area or polity, due process of law, freedom of
38
speech, recognition of lawful and legitimate diversity with the society and all the basic
rights of the citizens.
Regarding media and its impacts on the affiliates Spectator Politicization variable
was used. It was to show that how much contents, essentially political, is consumed by an
individual in the media i.e. print, electronic and social media? The most striking question in
this regard was whether or not the affiliate is attached to media (any kind)? The trend of the
use of social media in both the parties affiliates was also focused.
2.4 AGENTS OF SOCIALIZATION
The above discussion tried to debate about the fundamental questions of what
political socialization is? and what are the trends and debates in the modern political
socialization scholarships? The literature suggests that socialization is a continuous process
and is having much importance for the smooth functioning of a polity. Now another set of
questions arises that how individuals acquire knowledge (political/civic) regarding their
communities and polities? And who (individuals and institutions) are involved in their
socialization process?
The modern world and the governance system based on the concept of democracy
requires the maximum participation of the citizens in political and civic activities. Citizens
are to govern themselves and thus they are required to provide inputs into the electoral and
policy matters and processes.103
Greater the involvements of the citizens in the input
processes of the system, effective be the output processes and policies. This will ensure
improvement in the standard of living of the citizens, more opportunities for education,
availability and free flow of information, active participation and involvement of the
marginalized groups (women and other ethnic and religious communities) in the state
103
Marc Hooghe. (2004). Political Socialization and the Future of Politics. Acta Politica, vol. 39. pp. 331-
341. See also Inglehart, Ronald, & Christian Welzel. (2005). Modernization, Cultural Change and
Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press.
39
affairs and a prosper and peaceful environment, which will accelerate the transformation of
social citizen’s norms and values in a socially diverse community.104
However, as David Held, holds an opinion that “democracy as an idea and political
reality is fundamentally contested”.105
It is also not possible to have a unanimous
agreement upon understanding of the elements necessary for active and informed citizens
in a democratic setting. Therefore, it is very much important and essential to study the
process and procedure by means of which an individual acquire generally accepted norms,
values and habits. For active engagements in societal affairs these habits and norms must
be in accordance with the generally perceived norms of representative democracy. How
citizens are prepared for their future roles? And how they participate and develop their
respective political (democratic) systems? are the key aspects of the agents of political
socialization.
Research shows that political and civic senses are developed in individuals in their
late adolescence to their early adulthood.106
However, their attitudes and behavior are
subjected to change and re-change in different stages of their life. Exposure to certain
environment and the influence of mass media, colleagues, work place and education
institutions are playing important roles in the re-socialization or the late-socialization of the
individuals.
Hooghe107
and Sapiro108
consider learning in the early adolescence years important
and central to the late learning stages, while at the same time they consider schools as the
second important agent of socialization. They also give weightage to the use of media in
awareness and its involvement in propagation about political socialization and political and
civic participation. Apparently it seems that different agents of socialization confront and
104
Dalton. (2008). The Good Citizen. 105
David Held. (1996). Models of Democracy. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. xi 106
Richard Dawson and Kenneth Prewitt.(1969). Political Socialization. Boston: Little Brown and Company.
Also see James, A. & James, A. L. (2004). Constructing Childhood. New York: Palgrave Macmillan 107
Hooghe. (2004). Political Socialization and the Future of Politics. p. 337. 108
Sapiro. (2004). Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization. p. 17.
40
dilute the effects and importance of one another at different stages of an individual life.
However, each agent has its own sphere of influence at a specific stage. What need to be
done is the adoption of an integrated approach for studying these agents.
As described in the first section, the concept of political socialization denotes and
describe that how individuals find their place in the political community and how they
develop their individual norms, values, attitudes and behavior towards political objects,
actors, events, symbols and processes. In this respect childhood socialization is potentially
a challenging task in political socialization scholarship.
Hyman (1959) claims that political attitudes and understanding have already formed
in the pre-adolescent years.109
However, Almond and Verba are of the opinion that there
are many sources for changing and re-changing the political attitude of an individual from
his early childhood to his adulthood.
Political socialization is broadly a learning process in which individuals in a society
and social setting learn political attitude and behavior from generation to generation. These
learning and the transmission of attitudes are based on different socialization agents.
Dawson and Prewitt (1969) termed such transmission of attitudes and values as cultural
transmission. In their opinion an individual acquire political knowledge both at individual
level and community level.110
Political socialization basically stimulate a psychological process which combines
and relates several aspects of an individual involvement and attachment to his social life
and environment. This psychological process consists of attitudes, behavior and the desire
and intention of an individual to participate in a social and political system. The desire,
intention and motivation for political engagement, enhance the confidence level of an
individual on the effectiveness of participation and the outcome in his own personal
109
Herbert H. Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press 110
Dawson, & Prewitt. (1969). Political Socialization. p. 13
41
capacity. This leads to more political and civic engagements and participation. Therefore, it
can be drawn that willingness, motivation and awareness are prior to political and civic
participation. Thus social cognitive theory can best describe the political socialization
process. This theory emphasize that in learning process the learners themselves direct and
control their learning.
However, the whole process of socialization is not that simple and coherent. Many
factors have significant roles in the learning of individuals. The most important factor is the
physical environment which influence the learning of an individual to a great extent. In the
physical environment there are four major dimensions which drive the individual political
engagements in a political system. These are the family, peer groups, media and the
institutions which provide them the knowledge and awareness about the political and social
system.
The physical environment makes the socialization of an individual two folded,
namely the early socialization or pre-adulthood socialization and the later socialization or
post adulthood socialization. For some scholars early socialization is having much
importance. Such a concept of socialization is best described by the crystallization
hypothesis of socialization. The crystallization hypothesis as Schwarzer (2011) opined,
describes that the early developed attitudes and competencies are having much importance
and lasting effects than those acquired and developed later.111
On the other hand hypothesis of persistence describes the socialization process
differently. According to this concept the late socialization, the knowledge of different
objects, events and issues, the competencies and orientation of an individual in the post
adolescence stage is much important for the political life in the coming days.112
111
https://www.exeter.ac.uk/media/universityofexeter/elecdem/pdfs/amsterdamwksp/Steve_Schwarzer_Politic
al_socialization.pdf (Retrieved on 27/07/2016) p.3 112
Ibid.
42
However, as the socialization is a continuous process, therefore, neither of the two
hypothesis is deterministic. People are exposed to different situations and environments
and hence adopt or reject some values and norms. For example the social environment of
Dir is different from D. I. Khan. Individuals in these two different social sittings will have
different understanding of the events and issues until a similar process and procedure is
adopted for their socialization. It can also be stated that every stage of individual life is
important in terms of socialization and adoption of new norms and values.
Berger and Luckmann (1967) on the other hand are of the opinion that political
socialization of an individual is pre-arranged in two harmonizing stages. In the first stage
the individual in his childhood understand, recognizes and assumes his position and
respective role in his family and society. In the second phase the individual as he grows
older, gets acquainted with the society, and internalize institutions, norms, values, habits
and rules from the socio-political context and environment.113
These two harmonizing
stages are more visible in those areas and political parties where the political socialization
of the individual are specifically focused. They are indoctrinated specific norms, values and
political ideologies. JI and JUI both presenting a significant examples in this regard.
However, during the early childhood, not only personality of an individual develops
but some political attitudes also appear in his personality. Some scholars are of the opinion
that these attitudes are hierarchically organized in a systematic way to accommodate the
(later) coming and acquiring attitudes. In other words the earlier attitudes are conditioned
to the later attitudes. This way socialization has become a continuous and connected
process. However, all the earliest acquired attitudes are not harmonious to the later
attitudes and behavior. Sometimes, these are very much resistant to late acquiring
113
Berger P. & Luckmann T. (1967). Die Gesellschaftliche Konstruktion der Wirklichkeit. Eine Theories der
Wissenssoziologie. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt a. M. (cited in
https://www.exeter.ac.uk/media/universityofexeter/elecdem/pdfs/amsterdamwksp/Steve_Schwarzer_Politi
cal_socialization.pdf (Retrieved on 27/07/2016) p.3.
43
attitudes.114
For example family, which is considered as the main socializing agent in the
socialization and personality development of an individual, along with the personality
development of the children, also instill and foster some civic attitudes in them.115
In the
case of JI the children are encouraged to participate in community related issues in Dir. So
such encouragement in civic activities are having far most impacts on the political
personality development of the children. On the other hand peer groups whose role is more
relevant in the development and formation of civic attitudes and behavior have some
limitations and checks from the earlier adopted and acquired attitudes.116
Islami Jamiat
Talba (IJT) in this regard is a significant example.
The basic question is whether all the people’s earlier acquired attitudes conditioned
the late political orientations and behavior? Perhaps not. Individuals who are more exposed
to political environment and political discussion from their childhood, are more prone to
adopt political attitudes in their later socialization. In such cases their early socialization
may not resist the adoption of political values, norms and behavior. In fact the later
socialization used to be the continuity of the earlier one or in other words it is the
progression of the earlier socialization. In addition to it some people who are very less
exposed to political discussion and environment in their childhood may also extensively
acquire political attitudes. In their cases though the family and parental socialization is less
of a political nature but the school and peer groups socialization have great impacts on the
political personality development and orientations. In schools and in peer groups, some
political stimuli or for most of the times political discussion strive the attitudes formation
of an individual. Individuals in these political discussion give up some acquired values and
114
Markus G. B. (1979). The Political Environment and the Dynamics of Public Attitudes. American Journal
of Political Science. 42, pp. 461-487:, Searing D., Schwartz, J., & Lind, A. (1973). The Structuring
Principle: Political Socialization and Belief System. American Political Science Review. 67, pp.415-432 115
J. J. Mondak, & Halperin K. (2008). A Framework for the Study of Personality and Political Behavior.
British Journal of Political Science. pp.335-363 116
Kent Tedin, (1980). Assessing Peer and Parental Influence on Political Attitudes. American Journal of
Political Science. pp.13-54.
44
adopt some new ones. Dalton (2006) is of the opinion that political discussions involve
processes of attitude learning.117
Individuals while being involved in debates and
discussions, are exposed to rational arguments. New information is generated and infused
about political issues and events, which eventually generate, evaluate and re-evaluate their
political behavior and attitude.
Galston (2003) argues that citizens in today’s world are aware enough to
differentiate between different political arguments and discussions. Every political
discussion improves the individual’s perception of being a political actor, which obviously
leads to the development of new attitudes that are necessarily political in nature.118
However, the parental and family socialization is not that simple as it is perceived
and common sense understand it. Some social scientists believe that the intra-family
attitudes formation can be a result of three or more distinct casual mechanism.119
The first one is the “induction” effects and mechanism, where the head of the
family (normally called Baba i.e. grandfather or Kaka i.e. uncle, in Pakhtun society) also
called “opinion leader” induces and transmits the same political values and attitudes he had
himself, to the other members of the family. The best example of the induction effects
according to Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955), is the persuasion of the parents and elders for
vote in favor of a specific political group or party during elections.120
The second is the “homophile” effects, which denotes the concept of like minded
people living together with similar political orientations, values and attitudes in a same
political environment. Children in such an environment are exposed to continuous political
117
Russell J. Dalton. (2006). Citizens Politics: Public Opinion and Political Parties in Advanced Industrial
Democracies. Washington: Chatham House 118
William A. Galston. (2003). Civic Education and Political Participation. Phi Delta Kappan. 85, pp. 29-33. 119
Nicholas A. Christakis, & James H. Fowler. (2009). Connected: the Surprising Power of our Social
Networks and How they Shape our Lives. New York: Little, Brown and Co. 120
Elihu Katz, & Paul Felix Lazarsfeld. (1955). Personal Influence: the Part Played by People in the Flow of
Mass Communications. New York: Free Press.
45
discussion and political stimuli, leading to the intra-family consistency.121
The Ijtima-i-
Ihle-i-Khana within the JI affiliated families is a significant example in terms of
indoctrinating similar political attitudes and behavior.
The third one is the confounding effects. These effects within the family
environment are contextual and the impacts are different on different individual. The basic
political stimulus lays in the community, where political and civic participation and
engagement is at peak. Huckfeldt and Sprague (1995) are of the opinion that in such
environment the effects of friends and neighbors are more on the individuals compared to
the family and parental influence.122
Media is also having considerable confounding effects. In fact the media impacts
are more dominant if the individuals are exposed to specific contents for a long time.
However, its impacts are not the same for all the individual if exposed to the same contents.
Children and those people who have less political knowhow, may get greater influence
from media contents as compared to adults and those who have some knowledge of
politics.
Schools are considered to be the second important agent of socialization. Along
with other essential and important features and environment, individuals (children)
experience two type of agents in schools i.e. teachers and peer groups. The basic
responsibilities of the teachers are the transmission of knowledge to the students and the
development of their personality and cognitive skills. Teachers also have the role in
introducing politics to their students by initiating political discussions and debates over the
issues in their societies. However, it is not essential that those students who are educated by
the teachers may become politically active and engaged citizens in their adulthood.
121
Gregory A. Huber, & Neil Malhotra. (2013). Dimensions of Political Homophily: Isolating Choice
Homophily along Political Characteristics. Yale University: Institution for Social and Policy Studies 122
Robert Huckfeldt, John Sprague. (1995). Citizens, Politics, and Social Communication: Information and
Influence in an Election Campaign. New York: Cambridge University Press
46
All the teachers may not have the required skills, capacities, motivation power and
means to make their students active political actors. In some cases the apolitical nature of
the students also make them apolitical or passive political actors in their adulthood.
Jennings and Niemi (1968), are of the opinion that schools have an enormous impacts on
the lives of the children. In their opinion schools play a distinctive role in the re-
socialization of the children by inducing in them some new values. The earlier acquired
values (transmitted from families and parents) are replaced by some new ones. Thus
schools become the first place where family and parental socialization is challenged.123
Some other scholars are of the opinion that curricula is occupying a central position
in school socialization. In their opinion political knowledge and behavior of the students
are developed and controlled not only by the teacher but by the contents too, which is
taught to them.124
However, the different schools give different results, because of the differences in
curriculum and teaching style. Researchers are of the opinion that since 1970s changes
have been occurred in the education style and curriculum contents. Majority of the teachers
and the schools now focus on open discussions and interactions rather only making
students to memorize things. Moreover, the open classroom environment and the
encouragement of the students for participation in political discussions and civic activities
may also have positive contributions in the political awareness of the students.125
If we limit political engagement only to electoral participation, then in the opinion
of many scholars, the level of education positively contributes in the increase of electoral
123
Kent M. Jennings, & Richard G. Niemi. (1968). The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to
Child. The American Political Science Review. 62(1), pp. 169-184 124
Richard G. Niemi, & Jane Junn. (1998). Civic Education: What Makes Students Learn. New Haven: Yale
University Press. :, Miranda Yates, & James Youniss. (1999). Roots of Civic Identity: International
Perspectives on Community Service and Activism in Youth. Cambridge University Press. :, Marc Hooghe,
& Dietlind Stolle. (2003). Life-Cycle and Cohort Differences in the Socialization Effect of Voluntary
Participation. European Political Science. 3(2). pp.49-56 125
Torney J. Purta, Lehmann Rainer, Hans Oswald, and Wolfram Schulz. (2001). Citizenship and Education
in Twenty Eight Countries: Civic Knowledge and Engagement at Age Fourteen. Amsterdam: IEA
47
participation. Verba et al (2003), found that “education is in fact the strongest predictor of
political activity”.126
Shields and Goidel (1997), also hold the similar opinion. They are of
the view that education is the strongest predictor of political or electoral participation even
if other socio-economic predictors are also taken into account at the same time.127
If education is that much strong predictor of political participation and engagement,
what can be the possible causes for that? Rosenstone and Hansen (2003), are of the opinion
that education provides skills which are required for political engagement along with the
basic knowledge and awareness regarding democratic principles.128
They further asserts
that people with higher education have the abilities to understand the abstracts terms of the
politics and hence understand and participate in electoral campaigns and other related
political issues. Campbell et al (1960) suggest that schools socialize people into individuals
who consider electoral participation as their civic duty.129
In the socialization of the young, friends circles or peer groups also play a
significant role. In Verba et al (1995) opinion, discussions and debates with the peers
develop the attitudes and political personalities of the young.130
Klofstad (2011), found that
increased political participation is partly because of the political debates and discussions
among peer groups. He further asserted that such debates and discussions work as a tool
and mechanism for political recruitment of the young.131
On the question of, whether peer groups have the ability to overcome the parental
effects in the children socialization, Harris (1995), is of the opinion that the empirical data
126
Sidney Verba, Schlozman Kay Lehman, Nancy Burns, and Alan S. Zuckerman. (2003). Family Ties:
Understanding the Intergenerational Transmission of Participation. In Alan Zuckerman (ed.), The Social
Logic of Politics. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. p.13 127
Todd G. Shields & Robert K. Goidel. (1997). Participation Rates, Socioeconomic Class Biases, and
Congressional Elections: A Cross-validation. American Journal of Political Science. 41(2). pp. 683-691 128
Steven J. Rosenstone and John Mark Hansen. (2003). Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in
America. New York: Longman 129
Angus Campbell, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, and Donald E. Stokes. (1960). The American
Voter. New York: Wiley 130
Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman and Henry E. Brady. (1995). Voice and Equality: Civic
Voluntarism in American Politics. Cambridge: Harvard University Press 131
Casey A. Klofstad. (2011). Civic Talk Peers, Politics, and the Future of Democracy. Philadelphia: Temple
University Press
48
suggests “peer groups” as the main channels of political socialization not the parents or
family. He proposes that “group” rather than “family” socialization model can provide a
suitable framework for the explanation of children’s (personality and political)
development.132
Scholars though, consider agents of socialization more influential and effective than
other variables (genetic dispositions), however, a single theory of political socialization do
not rests or base on firm grounds as it is considered and perceived. Scholars and
researchers are still having no convincing conclusion about what really matters in the
development and persistence of civic and political values, attitudes and behavior? Each of
the agents is important in its place and context. Therefore, for understanding the different
roles of the each socialization agents different theoretical frameworks can be applied.
2.5 POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION
The above discussion particularly focused the concepts, theories and debates within
the general perception of political socialization. Now as this research project focuses on
how people become members of specific political parties and get involved in political and
civic activities? Therefore, a comprehensive analysis of the role of political parties with
respect to their involvement in socialization and indoctrination is much needed and
required. However, before discussing that role in the context of the selected political parties
let us first focus on the broader role of political parties within a polity.
Political parties are considered to be the lifeboats and lifeblood in the modern
democratic governance system.133
Political parties in any polity play a vital role in the
capacity of advocators and institutions of social change, enhancement and development of
economic status of the masses and struggling for a just, democratic and political
132
Judith Rich Harris. (1995). Where Is the Child’s Environment? A Group Socialization Theory of
Development. Psychological Review. 102(3). p. 458 133
John H. Aldrich )1995(. Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Party Politics in America.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press
49
government.134
Their functions include but not limited to the representation of the interests
of the people in the law making body of the polity, political socialization of the masses,
political participation, political education and communication, recruitment of party workers
and leaders, policy formulation and implementation and last but not the least working for
the national integration and national cohesion.135
However, these roles of the political
parties varies from state to state and context to context. Normally, political parties assign
different tasks and goals for themselves according to the political situation and political
system of their polities.136
Political socialization involves more than the formulation of political opinion of the
people and the workers. It includes almost all the dimensions of a polity whether it is the
political system or economic system. It encompasses public order, political legitimacy,
social and political justice, economic stability and competent and accountable political
leadership.137
Political parties are required to socialize their workers in all these facets by means
of adequate political information, publicizing and promoting the party program and
ideology and the plans and way forward to address the issues faced by the polity.138
It can
be argued that the party’s political socialization role is attached to certain other functions
which it carries in different contexts.
2.5.1 Political Parties and Political Mobilization
It is the responsibility of political parties to shape public opinion. They get support
of their members and other masses by actively mobilizing them and engaging them in
134
David Broughton, and Mark Donovan. )1998(. Changing Party Systems in Western Europe. Ed. New
York: Pinter. 135
Maurice Duverger. (1963). Political Parties: Their Organization and Activity in the Modern State. New
York: Wiley. 136
Geoffrey Evans and Stephen Whitefield. (1993). Identifying the Bases of Party Competition in Eastern
Europe. British Journal of Political Science. 23(4). pp.521–48. 137
Harry Eckstein. (1966). Division and Cohesion in Democracy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 138
John Ferejohn and James H. Kuklinski. (1990). Information and Democratic Processes. ed. Urbana:
University of Illinois Press
50
different programs. They inform the public about different programs, planning and
perspectives of the government and its intentions and the possible consequences.139
The flow of political information is a vital part in the citizens’ political participation
within a polity. Very often this flow of political information is carried out and controled by
political parties. Through both formal and informal ways political parties inform their
workers, persuade them and mobilize them for (a) specific cause(s).140
In the developed
democracies, political parties relay on formal institutional arrangements for mobilization.
By appealing and sending party related messages to the workers, political parties mobilize
the electorate to turn out and vote for the party’s nominees for representation in the
legislature of the polity.141
This practice and procedure of the parties is very common in the
politically stable and democratically advanced western countries because the electoral
competition is considered as basic political rights of the parties.142
Through the process of mobilization the parties inform their electorate on party’s
position on certain issue(s) and event(s) of national interest. However, those issues are
specifically highlighted which are related to the electoral campaign and electorate. Parties
in different times and situations raise different issues for mobilization, which they consider
suitable and significant for the party electoral gains. Ideology, election manifesto and plan
of actions are formulated to attract, engage and retain the political workers in the party.143
In a multi party system, selection and identification of candidates is a hard task for
the voters. The party affiliation and its program and plan of actions make it easier for the
voters to select a candidate very near to his/her political orientations and approach. Citizens
use and understand the parties as “means of drawing inferences about the candidates’
139
Torben Iversen. (1994). The Logics of Electoral Politics: Spatial, Directional, and Mobilizational Effects.
Comparative Political Studies. 27(2). pp.155–89. 140
David Laitin. (1989). Language Policy and Political Strategy in India. Policy Studies. vol. 22. pp.415–35. 141
Steven J. Rosenstone, and John Mark Hansen. (1993). Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in
America. New York: MacMillan. 142
Michael Laver and Ben Hunt. (1992). Policy and Party Competition. New York: Routledge. 143
Harold D. Lasswell. (1936). Politics: Who Gets What, When, How. New York: McGraw-Hill. p. 310.
(www.policysciences.org/classics/politics.pdf. accessed August 15, 2016.)
51
characteristics and policy stands.”144
It is the party which is a link and a bridge between the
voters and representatives. However, all the parties are not successful in mobilizing masses
in all parts of the polity. It is because mobilization is significantly affected by the social
and environmental factors within the polity. As all the areas are not having same
environmental factors therefore, in specific areas specific political parties are more
successful than others in mobilizing people.145
2.5.2 Political Parties and Political Recruitment
In democratic countries political parties perform four basic recruitment functions.
First, they select and nominate candidates for elections. Electoral campaigns are carried for
the nominated candidates by the party associates and leaders. Secondly, they recruit, select
or nominate candidate for administrative offices and positions within the party or in general
political administration in the polity. Third, political parties recruit and socialize new
members in the party’ folds. Each party has a specific program and procedure for the
recruitment of new members in the party. The procedure is systematically controlled by the
party constitution and the hierarchical structure of the party and leadership. Fourth,
political parties integrate their workers, activists and common citizens into the existing
political system. This way political parties try to convince their associates about the
legitimacy and the legality of the existing political order and political system.146
The classical function of the political parties is the nomination and selection of
candidates for the administration of each level in the party and government. It is the party
constitution which determine the eligibility and required qualification and expertise of a
candidate for an electoral office. The recruitment function of any party can best be
144
Arend Lijphart. (1999). Patterns of Democracy. New Haven: Yale University Press. Chapter 4. 145
_____________ (1990b). Political Parties: Ideologies and Programs. In The West European Party System.
ed. Peter Mair. New York: Oxford University Press. 146
Richard Rose and Derek Urwin. (1969). Social Cohesion, Political Parties and Strains in Regimes.
Comparative Political Studies. vol.11. pp.7-67
52
analyzed by analyzing and focusing on the nomination process of the candidates.147
Nomination in majority of the parties is done either by the public/electors or delegates. In
hierarchical parties and developed countries the high ranking organs and leaderships have
no decisive role and influence in the nomination process of the candidates for different
ranks within the party.148
It is considered to be the domain of the local leadership, groups
and workers. Those parties are considered democratically stable whose’ candidates are not
being selected or dictated from the top leadership or imposed from outside of the party’
folds. The parties grassroots organizations must have a decisive role and say in the
candidates nomination.149
Although, ideally it is not possible, as the decisions and
nomination of candidates are done, usually by a small influential group of local leadership.
In case the decision and nomination of the candidate is done by the high ups through some
direct and in-direct interference, it may generates resentments, disagreements and
differences within the party’s folds and local leaderships. As parties are the creation of
people and society, therefore, the decision and nomination of any candidate must be done
by the people themselves. This practice of the parties will obviously increase the people’
confidence on the party leadership. Moreover, they will feel own the candidate and will
carry the campaign with great interest. Political mobilization and participation which are
the primary goals of any political party will increase. This will also ensure and develop the
internal democracy, fairness, simplicity, transparency and responsibility within the
parties.150
The recruitment process of any political party has far reaching consequences for the
members and the polity. It is the recruitment and the workers role in the selection of the
147
Sartori Giovanni. (1976). Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. vol. 1. pp.36-39 148
John H. Aldrich. (1995). Why Parties? The Origin and Transformation of Party Politics in America.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 295 149
Elmer Eric Schattschneider. (1960). The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in
America. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. p.141 150
Alan Ware. (1996). Political Parties and Party Systems. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp.8-13
53
party leadership which is to answer the fundamental question of the day i.e. “is there
internal party democracy in the party? This very function of the party is also making it easy
for the researchers to investigate “what effects does the process have on peoples’
perceptions of the party and its leaders? Analyzing JI and JUI, the candidate selection is
different in both the parties. In JI’s candidate selection the opinion of workers are taken
into consideration. That is why the party only issues tickets to party workers. On the other
hand in JUI the district leadership of the party is having significant role in candidate
selection. This policy of the party sometimes produces disagreements within the party
workers.
2.5.3 Political Parties and Political Education
Another very important function of the political parties is the political education of
the citizens. Political education of the people is important and significant because it seek to
ensure an effective political participation. Political education is a pre-requisite and
necessary component of successful democracy and the political parties are the medium and
instruments for that.151
However, there is an extensive debate about what really political education is?
What is included and what is excluded in political education? Political education includes
democratic norms and values such as supremacy of the rule of law, equality, justice,
responsibility, political liberty and its essential elements such as individual liberty, personal
responsibility and community solidarity etc.152
How can the impact of political education of the citizens be evaluated in a polity?
Its impacts can be demonstrated in a polity when the citizens start living and behaving
democratically not only in their political lives but in personal and family lives as well. So
in its general perception it is the adoption of the democratic values by the people. In the
151
Kaare Strom. (1990). A Behavioral Theory of Competitive Political Parties. American Journal of Political
Science. 34(2). pp. 565-598. 152
Aldrich. (1995). Why Parties? pp. 277-296
54
political sphere, political education will entrench a culture of responsible political behavior
and accountability.153
One of the main goals of political education is the attainment, development and
promotion of consensus on important and critical issues within the party, society and state.
Consensus on issues, values and principles is important for community members because
these (values and principles) are responsible for the smooth functioning of the system of
the community and society (political order). Also that political order will ensure and
maintain social justice which is to determine/promote by none other than the members of
the polity.154
So promotion of consensual values within a polity is more related to political
parties rather than other agents of socialization.
In this way, through the political education process a political party keep close to
the people and society. The society in turn require the political parties as democratic and
accountable political institutions. Political communication between the parties and masses
is one such instrument by which parties keep in-touch with the society. It helps in the
formation of political will and ultimately the political decisions within the masses and the
parties. Political education and political communication in a broader perspective become
similar as both aimed at making and promoting (democratic) political culture.155
For effective political education communication is required to be open. Different
tools, methods and procedures are used for communication between parties leadership and
workers. Some prominent tools are mass media (print, electronic and social), different
153
Simon Bornschier . (2015).The Impact of Party System Responsiveness on Successful Populist
Mobilization Strategies in Western Europe and Latin America. Solving the Puzzles of Populism: Team
Populism May 2015 Conference London, April 30, 2015 – May 2, 2015. Accessed on August 14, 2016
from, https://populism.byu.edu/SiteAssets/Bornschier.pdf. p.16. 154
Ian Budge , Dieter, H. Klingemann, Andrea Volkens, Judith Bara and Eric Tanenbaum. (2001). Mapping
Policy Preferences: Estimates for Parties, Electors, and Governments 1945-1998. Ed. New York: Oxford
University Press. 155
Seymour M. Lipset. (1960). Political Man. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. pp. 248-252
55
rallies, gathering and party meetings, direct contact among the workers and leaders and
advertisements.156
2.5.4 Political Parties and Representation
Political parties in democratic countries are considered to be the bridges between
the masses and the governments. They are to represent and speak for their supporters and
the masses in all the spheres within the society. They are to carry and promote the interest
of the people in their activists in the legislature, media, electoral campaign and in other
governmental and social forums.157
Why political parties are needed and required? In the modern representative
democracy, people are indirectly involved in the administration and the decisions making
of the polity. However, as it is not possible for all the people to directly and personally take
part in the state administration therefore, political parties serves as the agents of the people.
People chose, join and support those parties and candidates who can best represent them.
Who can speak about them. Who can take them in confidence before deciding about any
issue related to their interest.158
Political representation ensure political stability. The parties and the representatives
try to fulfill the promises made by them during the electoral campaign so that they may not
get failed next time while seeking people’s confidence and vote.159
This way it also
promote accountability of the selected representatives.
However, this all is linked to free and fair elections and candidates selection
process. Free and fair elections will decide whether a public representative is legitimate in
representing people? Also that how far the representative is allowed to exercise his
156
Ibid. p.249 157
Richard S. Katz and Peter Mair. (1992). Party Organizations: A Data Handbook on Party Organizations
in Westren Democracies 1960-90. Ed. London and Newbury Park, Calif: Sage. 158
Pradeep Chhibber and Ken Kollman. (2004). The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and
Party Competition in Britain, Canada, India, and the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
pp.61-80 159
Richard Rose. (1984). Do Parties Make a Difference? London: Macmillan. pp. 52-73
56
delegated powers? Is he allowed to work in a free and fair environment for the uplift of his
people? Is he bear any pressure and influence from the party leadership or other
government official in the line of his responsibilities? Is the representative working for his
personal interest or he is concerned for the public interests as advocated and voiced in the
party’s constitution and election manifesto? If the representative is a legitimate one, he
therefore, would feel himself accountable to the people.160
2.5.5 Political Parties and Political Development
Political parties are also involved in the political development of a society and
polity. However, political development is very broad term and includes different aspects of
individual’s socio-political life. It includes but not limited to “knowledge about politics”.
Level and extent of political interest of the citizens. Physical and psychological
involvement in the activities with political outcomes. Extent, level, process and procedure
of political socialization of the people. Political communication, belief, acceptance and
tolerance for other political parties. Support and struggle for the common goals of the
nation. Sense of political efficiency. Self and party leadership accountability for creating a
clean political environment.161
Rodee (1976) is of the opinion that the extent and level of political growth and
development of a country can be analyzed on the basis of three broad characteristics. First,
to a significant level separation of power, strong and affective system of checks and
balance, decentralization of power and authority and the weakening of traditional sources
of authority and system. Second, the growth of responsive, extractive, regulative and
distributive characteristics of the political system. Third, increased and significant level of
participation of the citizens in the political processes in the polity, identification of their
160
Ibid. pp.63-69 161
Alexander Herbet. (1978). Political Culture. Washington: Public Affairs Press.
57
importance for the functioning of democracy and interest and inclination towards political
socialization.162
For some scholars political development is the political and national integration.163
For others political development is the integration of elites and the masses in the collective
political processes in the polity.164
However, in the opinion of Michael (2000), political
development is the capacity of the political parties within a polity to orchestrate the
different sectors growth, integrate and mixed them with the political system of the polity.
He argued that political parties create and maintain a balance between the demands and
support of the citizens and the system. Political parties are the tools for the articulation and
aggregation of the people’s interest.165
Political development is the process towards democratization. It is the stage of
transition and consolidation of different political actors and players involved in the political
processes in the polity. Its ends are the creation of institutions of governance according to
the will and choices of the common people. Political parties are to aggregate the choices of
the people so they are the architects of the political development.
Conclusion
This chapter focused on the broader theme of political socialization and the
theatrical and methodological debates and issues. Different approaches to the study of
political socialization in political and social sciences along with the role of different agents
of socialization were discussed in the chapter. Socialization (political) is considered to be a
continuous process during the life time of an individual. The early socialization starts in the
family and shifts to the re-socialization or late socialization with the inclusion and
162
Anderson Rodee & Christol Greene. (1976). Introduction to Political Science. California: McGraw Hill. 163
Myron Weiner. (1965). The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. vol. 358 (1).
pp. 52-64 164
Sartori Giovanni. (1972). European Political Parties: The Case of Polarized Pluralism. In Political Parties
and Political Development. ed. Joseph La Palombara and Myron Weiner. Princeton NJ: Princeton
University Press. 165
Michael G. Roskin. (2000). Political Science: An Introduction. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. p.189
58
emergence of many other socializing agents. The other agents are in general, motivated by
some political party or political and social ideology. So if political parties are not directly
involved in the socialization of the individuals, they obviously have the indirect role in the
whole process, which is the most important and significant aspect of political parties within
a polity. The activities and day-today affairs of a political party have enormous impacts on
the socialization and political education of not only its affiliates and workers but the
general public as well. The historical analysis of any political party, thus provides us a
picture of the whole socialization process and direction of its affiliates. The next chapter
sheds light on the historical analysis of the activities of JI and JUI in Pakistan. It will
provide us a broader picture of the direction of the politics (approaches) of the two and
their role in the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan.
59
CHAPTER – 3
POLITICAL CULTURE IN PAKISTAN: AN HISTORICAL
ANALYSIS OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT
ULEMA-I-ISLAM PAKISTAN
Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam both provide significant examples of
consensual and conflictual political culture in the history of Pakistan. Both had some very
critical moments within their folds where the workers have shown their dis-sensual
(conflictual) political nature. Such nature of the workers kept the parties focused on the
systematic socialization process of the workers. Both pay special attention to the political
education and political socialization of their workers. That is why the nature and approach
of the workers remain almost the same in different issues and events. This chapter
primarily focuses on the ideological foundation, organizational consolidation, role in
different events of political and constitutional development in Pakistan and last but not the
least the parties (JUI and JI) role during different political setup in Pakistan. It tries to
establish a link of the workers nature, attitudes and approaches towards different political
issues of the past to the present. The chapter also sheds light on those occasions and events
where the party workers and leadership have produced differences, resulted in internal
scuffle and divisions.
3.1 IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT
ULEMA-I-ISLAM
The emergence of both JI and JUI was a result of differences between the workers
and their different approaches and understanding of political issues and events at that time.
Though JI founder Maulana Abul Ala Maududi (before JI foundation) was not a formal
member of any religio-political party or group, yet, he studied politics and contemporary
politico-religious and social movements very deeply. Maududi unlike his contemporary
Deobandi Ulema, did not accept Indian National Congress’ idea of Indian nationalism. He
60
rejected the concept of composite nationalism and nationhood and opined that Islam
believes in “pan-Islamism”. According to him, the civilizational dominance of the secular
West and the self made national ideals of the Indian National Congress (INC) are mere
deception for true Muslims.166
He has also severely criticized the ideology of the Muslim
League of Muslim nationalism. Because it was to confined Islam and Muslims within a
geographical boundary. Islamic ideology is universal and it cannot be confined to a nation
state within a specific geography, he believed. He was also doubtful and critical about the
Islamic character of the peoples who were leading the movement for the creation of
Pakistan.167
He believed that all the leadership of Muslim league is secular-minded and
western educated who believe in western democracy and norms, contradictory to the
universal message of Islam. Aziz (2001) argued that Maududi considered three components
of modern world and civilization evils. For Maududi Western democracy, secularism and
nationalism are un-Islamic and evil in nature.168
Maududi was very much critical of the religio-political movements of his time in
British India. In his opinion all those movements were not based on the ideology of Islamic
universalism. For him it was the disease of nationalism which brought Arabs and Turks to
the downfall of the Muslim’s institution of khilafat. This has produced no fruits for both of
the nations and only proved advantageous to the British who exploited the youth of both
the nations. He was of the opinion that the slogan of Indian National Congress, of Indian
nationalism and her alliance with the Muslims was mere an illusion. Muslims need to strive
for a separate state based on the concept and ideology of pan-Islamism where moral values
according to the holy Quran and Uswa-i-hasana (the way of life of the Holy Prophet)
cement the foundation of an Islamic society, anchored with the Islamic concept of social,
political and economic justice. He asserted that the foundation of an Islamic state can only
166
Sayyed Abul A’la Maududi (1938-40). Musalman aor Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash. Lahore:n.p. 167
Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. p.21 168
Aziz. (2001). Pakistan’s Political Culture. p.262
61
be raised on the words of God (the teachings of Holy Quran). Maududi reluctance to the
creation of Pakistan was because of his perceptions that the founding fathers wanted to
make it a secular state and not a theocratic or Islamic state. For him Pakistan has to be a
land of pure or Dar-ul-Islam where the Islamic system of governance has to prevail. Any
system other than Islam was not acceptable to him and the pious people of the land.
Interestingly, though, Maududi has criticized both the Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH)
and All India Muslim League (AIML) leadership, their ideologies and strategies for the
freedom of India or creation of Pakistan in similar lines. However, the response from JUH
was very harsh. In the opinion of Qureshi (1972), the JUH leadership and specifically
Mufti Kifayatullah advised his colleagues to debate the ideas of Maududi and question his
religious understanding and authority in public.169
However, the Muslim League took great
advantage from the writings of Maududi. His writings supported the theory and claim of
AIML that Muslims were a separate nation and were distant from other non-Muslims in
many respect and characteristics.170
In Vali Nasr’s opinion “the Jamaat and Muslim
League, each legitimated the political function of the other in furthering their common
communalist cause....The Jamaat legitimated communalism in Islamic terms and helped the
League find a base of support by appealing to religious symbols. The Muslim League, in
turn, increasingly Islamized the political discourse on Pakistan to the Jamaat’s advantage,
creating a suitable gateway for the party’s entry into the political fray”.171
Qureshi (1972)
argued that Maududi challenge to Madani and his colleagues on political and religious
issues, were widely publicized and propagated by the Muslim League. Thus making
Maududi known to a vast majority of people during the freedom movement which earned
him a great name, fame and prestige in the masses.172
169
Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi. (1972). Ulema in Politics: A Study Relation to the Political Activities of the Ulema
in South Asian Sub-Continent from 1566 to 1947. Karachi: Ma’aref. p.352. 170
Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military. p.21 171
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p. 115. 172
Qureshi. (1972). Ulema in Politics. p.352.
62
The confusion on the concept of nationalism in India and the divergent and
opposing ideas of both the Congress and Muslim league’s leadership made Maududi
realized for the need of an organized struggle. He felt the need of an organization which
can provide an alternative religio-political leadership and guidance to the Muslims in Indo-
Pakistan subcontinent. In the opinion of Kenneth (1992), till the late 30s different
communal groups have organized their own organizations but the Muslims don’t have
(any) of their own notable organization. Thus a new Muslim organization was much
needed to level the playing field among the different actors of communal rivals.173
For “iqamat-i-deen” (establishment of religion) Maududi started working for
building a new universal movement. For him iqamat-i-deen requires the total subordination
of institutions of collective social life to the divine law, the instructions, as revealed in the
last divine book of God and the way as practiced by the prophet Muhammad. For Maududi
Islam is not just a religion, it is a Deen, a complete code of life. Religion is something a set
of rituals associated to a person’s personal life while Deen includes not only the personal
but collective life of all in a society including social, economic and political spheres. Islam
has instructions for all spheres of collective life ranging from inter-personal to inter-state
socio-politico-economic relations to the laws regarding war and peace, governance and
administration, science, art and architecture.174
Maududi realized that for Iqamat-i-deen,
articulation of the ideology and implementation of it are the basic requirements. That can
only be done by an organized political force.
Maududi philosophy of life and organizational commitment was supposed to be
taken from the Marxists. His concept of life is similar to that of Marxists, considering it a
constant revolutionary struggle. They are of the opinion that this struggle is always
between two classes of haves and haves-not, which ultimately will bear the fruits through a
173
Kenneth W. Jones. (1992). Socio-Religious Reform Movements in British India. Cambridge University
Press. pp. 87-121 174
An Introduction to the Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan. (1978). Lahore: Tarjuman-ul-Quran. p. 5
63
socialist revolution. However, Maududi’s class struggle is not between the haves and
haves-not, it is between the jahiliyah (ignorance, or those people who are non-believers)
and Islam, which certainly is heading towards an Islamist utopia.175
He was greatly
impressed and inspired by two of his contemporary ideologies i.e. communism and
fascism, because of the people’s commitments and the methods and models of
organizational strategies.176
He sought to organize his party on the principles of ideological
purity, wholeheartedly commitment, organizational discipline and centralized system. He
has frequently given the examples of fascists and communist parties for their organizational
brilliance.177
Maududi realized that such a force can only be possible if the members of the
group are limited in the beginning. If this small group is well informed of the socio-
political, economic and cultural dynamics and changes in the society, dedicated to their
work and cause, well disciplined and are ready to assume socio-political roles as leaders,
the society can be transformed. It would be a group of righteous people, Saliheen or “the
holy community”.178
The foundation of this holy community, the Jamaat-i-Islami, was laid by him in
August, 1941 with 75 members in the beginning but gradually it has become one of the
most organized political parties in Pakistan. This holy community was to work on the
reconstruction of Muslim society on divine principles and to act as a “vanguard of an
Islamic revolution” in the world. Its basic objective was Iqamat-i-deen, to institute God’s
religion on earth, setting up an Islamic system of governance, and to strive for salvation in
the life after death. The establishment of Islamic way of life in such a way through which
God’s pleasure is achieved in this life as well as in the life after death. For Maududi all
those who are or will resist Muslims from achieving this goal must be subdued and
175
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution. pp. 10-20 176 Ibid. p.12 177
Ibid. p.13 178
Ibid.
64
overcome. For the dominance of Islam as a system of life, all the Batil systems of the west
i.e. socialism and capitalism needed to be overpowered. Jamaat-e-Islami will play a role of
front runner (vanguard) in this regard.179
This Islamic utopia will have a system of democracy but it will not be British
democracy rather a Theo-democracy. The Theo-democratic utopia will have economic,
political and social system which Maududi had derived from the holy Quran. The
governance system of the utopia will be based on the three basic principles of Islam i.e.
Tauheed, Risalat and Khilafat.180
According to Maududi, service to Islam is not the making of speeches and talks in
public gathering rather it is the practical struggle for a system based on the principles of
Islam. It is the direct action of eradicating an oppressive government, eliminating a
hypocritical society, and establishing an Islamic system for the welfare and wellbeing of
humanity and Muslims. Maududi asserted that Islam is very much compatible with the
modern time, because it is having instructions and principles for each and every aspect of
human life. To prove the compatibility of Islam with the modern time he coined some new
politico-socio-economic terms like “Islamic system of life”, “political and economic
system of Islam”, “ an Islamic constitution”, “Islamic ideology” and “Theo-democracy”.
For him Islam is the best ideological alternative to contemporary Western politico-
economic ideologies of capitalism and communism.181
Three concepts i.e. Western democracy, secularism and nationalism, of the modern
Western world are the civilizational evils, according to Maududi.182
These concepts are
very much against the teachings of Islam. In a Western concept of democracy sovereignty
belongs to the people but in Islamic state, it is with Allah. So in other words Western
179
Ibid. pp.20-23 180
Mumtaz Ahmad.(1994). The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia. in Martin E. Marty
and R. Scott Appleby ed. Fundamentalism Observed. The American Academy of Arts and Sciences. p.55 181
Sayyed Abul A’la Maududi. (1969). Islami Riyasat (The Islamic State). Lahore: Islamic Publications 182
Aziz. (2001). Pakistan’s Political Culture. p.262
65
democratic system is a system of Taghoot (idolatry) in the opinion of Maududi. Hence he
rejected the trendy concept of popular sovereignty.
According to Maududi sovereignty only belongs to Allah, as He is the creator of the
universe and He alone is the administrator of it. Sovereignty of God is not enforced by
anyone rather it is the result of “Divine books” which time and again advocated and
proposed this concept. The divine instructions invite human beings to think logically over
the system of the universe and accept that Allah alone is the creator and administrator of
it.183
Every individual has to accept that Allah is the creator of the universe, and that no one
in the universe has the authority and right of decisions over the matters associated to Him.
Maududi translation of the word secularism as ladiniyyat in Urdu itself is the
explanation of the term. For him a state can either be a Deni (religious or theocratic) state
or a ladeni (Irreligious). A single state cannot be at the same time both. So if the proponent
of Pakistan movement are striving for a secular Islamic state of Pakistan it cannot happen
and is merely a deception. Maududi argued that “Islam is the very antithesis of secular
western democracy. The philosophical foundation of western democracy is the
sovereignty of the people. Law making is their prerogative and legislation must correspond
to the mood and temper of their opinion…Islam altogether repudiates the philosophy of
popular sovereignty and rears its polity on the foundations of the sovereignty of God and
the vice-regency”.184
Similarly in the opinion of Maududi, nationalism is also a Western concept and
every Muslim should refrain their-self from this concept and practice. In his opinion it was
primarily nationalism and nationalistic feelings due to which the grand institution of
khilafat disintegrated in Turkey. Even today it can and will, further divide the Muslims.
Maududi is of the opinion that the concept of Muslim nationalism must be that of Ummah
183
Syed Abu Ala Maududi. (2008). Khilafat o Malukiyyat. Lahore: Idara Tarjuman-ul-Quran. pp.22-26 184
Leonard Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. Berkeley: University of California Press. p.160.
66
or Pan-Islamism. It is thus argued that the concept of Ummah can be the suitable
explanation of khilafat where all the Muslims combinedly are the khalifa of God. All
within their spheres exercise their duties according to the divine principles and guidance.
Khilafat means vice-regency. This concept according to Maududi explains that man on
earth is the ambassador of Allah. He is supposed to exercise the authority or the will of
God within the given limits.
The concept of Khilafat is thus equalizing all the individual because no one can
deprive anyone from his/her rights. Therefore this concept is superior to the concept of
western democracy and nationalism. Western democracy is based on the principle of
popular sovereignty and the rule of majority so equal rights, laws and just treatment of all
is not possible in such a system. Furthermore, Maududi ideas about the British style
democracy were shaped by his experiences in the Indian sub-continent. He noticed in India
that democracy means the rule of majority over minority.
The basic aim for which the Jamaat was to struggle, was the restoration of the
system of Shariah based on the directions of the holy Quran and the practices of the
prophet and his guided four pious Caliphs. Maududi therefore, called on the Muslims to be
Muslims from hearts and minds, come to the straight path, the path of God. Hold the book
of knowledge (Quran), spread in the whole world and become the master of the world
again. The miserable condition of the Muslims are because of their ignorance from the
universal teachings of Quran. For him Islam can also be used as a tool for the political
activism of the Muslims.
Thus unlike other religious movements which are solely religio-social Jamaat has
also a political look. For Maududi striving for political power is a part of imaan, through
which a Muslim polity will establish. He scolded Muslims for eliminating politics from
religion which he considered deviation from the true sprite of Islam. An Islamic state is the
67
panacea to all problems of the Muslim world for which politics must be considered and
declared as the integral and inseparable part of the faith.185
Jamaat has a political program according to which “Iqamat-i-din” (establishment of
religion) is the primary aim and objective of every Islamic state. Their program focus at
refining the individuals rather focusing on the structures and systems. For Jamaat change
will automatically come if individuals in a system are purified and trained according to the
true teachings of Islam. These trained people when get to their position and capture state
powers, the universal agenda and program of Islam can be implemented.
But the question is how the power be captured or how the ideal Islamic state be
established? Here Maududi views are different from other reformers and revolutionaries.
He does not advocate a sudden change or revolution. Rather he believes in incremental
change. He discards violence as a political tool for gaining power and does not voice for
class war like Marxists. He considers Islamic revolution to be brought by the leaders of the
society and not by common masses. His approach for revolution flows from top to bottom.
Bottom up revolution cannot be everlasting because masses don’t think logically they just
follow the leaders. It is the leader who is to bring a positive change in the behavior and
attitudes of the people and to make them good Muslims and good citizens of the polity. So
his revolution is not to lead the struggle of any underclass but to provide society leaders.
The maladies either social, economic or political of the society can be cured if the
leaders become true Muslims. And thus the society can be Islamize. For furthering the
struggle for revolution, education and propaganda are the powerful and principal tools.
That is why Jamaat’s plan and policy is always directed in a specific direction and to
specific people in the society and not to all the masses. It always aims at winning over the
leaders of the society, conquering the state and consequently Islamizing the government.
For this reason Maududi has systematically mixed religion with politics. He defined and
185
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution.
68
interpreted concepts, ideas and symbols of the modern day politics in a way to fit in his
ideology. His vision is to merge the spotless politics of the prophet time to the modern day
politics. For him Islam is not just a religion, it is a din and a way of life which is for all
people and for all the times.
The advocators of Maududi’s political thoughts are of the opinion that he has not
included anything extra to Islam which some people call biddat (inclusion of some un-
Islamic practices). He rather interpreted the existing ideas in a modern framework of Islam,
so that to cope with the modern situation and needs.186
Maududi’s Theo-democracy looks
like western democracy but some of its parts are not clear. For example he has not defined
the process of consultation. For him Khilafat belong to all the people, so, if the ruler is to
consult the people who he is to consult and what will be the status of their advice? Whether
it will be binding on the ruler to act upon the advice of the people or not? If not what
consultation is meant then? Another important issue is of the freedom of expression. For
Maududi Islam entails total submission of the people to the ruler and anything spoken or
action against the ruler be considered as fitnah (treachery). Obedience is required from
every Muslim and revolt is highly disapproved and not tolerated.
Islamic or theo-democracy which Maududi called shariah according to him ensures
the equal treatment of all, because the source of law is one, which cannot be biased with
anyone. In the western democracy the authority of the majority is limitless, free and
uncontrolled but Islamic democracy limit the authority of those, in-charge. They are to
exercise their power within the prescribed limits of “Divine Law” and according to the
injunctions of Allah.
How the ruler of Maududi’s Theo-polity be selected and establish? In the opinion of
Maududi the institution for ruling the Islamic polity be establish according to the will of the
people of the polity. The government will be run in accordance to the wishes of the citizens
186
Ibid.
69
and their opinion will have a decisive role in dispensing state affairs. It would be the people
(Muslims) to decide who so ever should carry out the duties as the head of the polity
(caliphate). So the head of Maududi Islamic polity is enjoying the confidence of the people
and when so ever he loses that confidence he is to abandon his office. Hence Maududi’s
political system is having a character of evolutionary perfection like democracy. 187
Maududi executive head is also an elected representative, to be known as Amir
(head or president). He is to be elected through secret ballet. He must be a suitable person.
By suitable he means that he must have knowledge of Islam, shariah and administration.
This administrative head “Amir” will be assisted by an elected shura (a consultative body).
Amir is bound to administer the country in accordance with the consultation of the shura.188
This theo-democracy according to Maududi is the will of God and mankind must
accept this. In his opinion the problems of the world can only be solved by this system of
governance. Human reasoning capacity and resolving ability is limited. On the other hand
Islam is a divine system hence it can and is providing appropriate solution to all human
problems. It is obligatory on Muslims to submit totally to the will of Allah and act upon his
instructions revealed through Prophet Muhammad. Maududi call it perfection of faith or
Imaan.189
Being the ideological founder Maududi has enormous impacts on the strategies and
policies of JI during different political issues and events. The socialization of the workers
are done according to the ideology and teaching of Maududi. So if JI affiliates are making
any consensus or producing any sourt of disagreements on certain political issues, can be
because of their political socialization.
187
Maududi. (1969). Islami Riyasat. pp.363-368 188
Muhammad Qasim Zaman. (2004). The Ulema in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change. Karachi:
Oxford University Press. p.103 189
Maududi. (1969). Islami Riyasat. p.350
70
The first example of the conflictual political culture within the religious political
parties was the formation of Kul Hind Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (KHJUI) in 1945. It was the
first formal kind of faction from Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH). All the leaders of KHJUI
were previously associated with JUH both religiously and politically. However, the latter’s
pro-congress attitude and more specifically its concepts of composite nationalism caused
spilt in its folds. A large number of Ulema who were having great name and fame within
the Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband have reached the conclusion that Indian National Congress was
an anti-Muslim organization. Among other Ulema, Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani was
more vocal in this regard.190
Maulana Uthmani resigned from the membership of JUH and refused to participate
in the annual conference of the party at Saharanpur from 4-7 May 1945.191
Some other
Ulema also joined hands with Maulana Uthmani in response to their differences with their
parent organization (Deoband) on the same issues of Congress and nationhood. The two of
the prominent Ulema were Mufti Muhammad Shafi and Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani.
These Ulema decided to publish fatwas (religious decrees) against any kind of cooperation
with INC. They declared that cooperation, assistance and support of any kind to INC was
haram (unlawful in Islam).192
In Calcutta some Ulema from Deoband school of thought laid the foundation of
Jamiat Ulama-i-Calcutta, on July 11, 1945. Allama Azad Subhani was appointed its
president.193
Maulana Uthmani highly praised that act and organization of the Ulema of
Calcutta. He also expressed his concern over the confusing situation among the different
190
Ali Arshad. (2005). Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani ka Tahrik-i-Pakistan Mein Kirdar (Maulana Shabir
Ahmad Uthmani’s Role in Pakistan Movement). Lahore: Pakistan Study Center, University of the Punjab.
p.59 191
Muhammad Anwar ul Hasan, Shairkoti. (1957). Tajaliyat-i-Uthmani. Multan: Idara Nashr-ul-Ma’arif.
p.663 192
Farman Fatehpuri. (1990). Tahrik-i-Pakistan Awr Quaid-eAzam: Nayab Dastaweiz ki Roshni Mien.
Lahore: Sang-e-Mail Publications. p. 74 193
Ali Arshad. (2005). Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani. p.78
71
stake holders in Muslim politics over the issue of separate homeland for the Muslims in
India.
In the meantime some Ulema suggested the formation of an all Indian organization
in the pattern of JUH, which may represent the like-minded Ulema in united India. Muslim
League also took keen interest in any kind of such group of Ulema. A grand conference of
like-minded Ulema was convened in Calcutta from 26 to 29 October 1945. Jinnah assigned
Khawaja Nazim-u-Din and Hussain Shaheed Soharwardi the task of facilitation and
gathering Ulema to the conference.194
Different Ulema from across the India attended the
conference, however, Maulana Uthmani could not attend it. His message was read out by
Maulana Matin. In his message Maulana Uthmani argued that there are only two nations
according to the injunctions of the divine book i.e. the believers and the non-believers.
Therefore, the Muslims in South Asia are a separate nation. They cannot be a part of a
single nation along with other different religious communities in India. Also that it is the
duty of each Muslim to live his life according to the teaching of Islam and in the light of
Sunnah. The Muslims in India therefore, need a centre where, they can live their lives
according to the divine injunctions and without the fear and interference of other fellow
beings. Uthmani stressed upon the Ulema to be united and joined hands with Jinnah in the
movement for Pakistan. In his opinion if the Muslim League failed in its struggle for
Pakistan, Muslims in India would have no chance to reunite and fight for their identity in
the near future.195
The Ulema in the conference agreed upon the formulation of an organization, the
“All India Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam” (AIJUI). Maulana Shabir Uthmani (in his absence) was
elected the president of AIJUI, Zafar Ahmad Uthmani as vice president and Maulan Quresh
Shamsi as its General Secretary. A twelve member shura was appointed for the assistance
194
Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.9. 195
Shabir Ahmad Uthmani. (n.d). Piigham Hadrat Alama Shabir Ahmad Uthmani Banam Mutamir Kul Hind
Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Calcutta. Lahore: Hashimi Book Depot. pp.12-29
72
and help of the office bearer in religious and political matters.196
In its first meeting AIJUI
announced its full support to the Muslim League in its struggle for Pakistan. Maulana
Uthmani was appointed as the advisor for religious affairs in Muslim League.197
In the campaign for the upcoming elections 1946, the Ulema provided the
ideological support to the Muslim League and the demand for Pakistan. Maulana Uthmani
was very much active in the Pakistan movement and along with visits to the different parts
of the country he wrote different letters to Ulema across the country to convince them over
the issues and objections of JUH leadership against the demand for Pakistan and the
leadership of Jinnah.198
The relationship of the Ulema of the two groups reach to a level
where Maulana Mazhar Ali even issued a fatwa declaring Jinnah a Kafir-i-Azam (great
infidel). Madani also declared joining Muslim League as Haram.199
Maulana Uthmani in
his letters and other fatwas defended Jinnah’s position and the demand of Muslim League
for Pakistan. He opined that the fatwas of Maulana Madani, were against the norms and
very essence of Islam.200
Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam in the leadership of Maulana Uthmani very effectively
propagated and defended the cause of Pakistan. They advocated the view that the
implementation of Islamic way of life and Islamic laws were only possible and related to
the establishment of Pakistan. They tried to convince the people that the survival of the
Indian Muslims was laid only in Pakistan.201
The tireless efforts of Ulema in the election campaign for Muslim League resulted
in the shape of massive success of Muslim League in the 1945-46 elections. Jinnah in
response to Maulana Uthmani remarks on Muslim League success, applauded the role the
196
Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.10 197
Abdul Shakur Tirmidhi. (1977). Tadhkira tuz Zafar. Kamalia: Matbuaat Ilemi Faisalabad. p.373 198
Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani. (n.d). Marasalat-i-Siyasiya: ya,ani Siyasiyat kay Mut’aliq Chauda Istafsari
Khatoot Awr Allama Kay Mudalal Jawabat. Delhi: Muslim League Printing Press. pp.3-8 199
Qureshi. (1972). Ulema in Politics. p.354. 200
Muhammad Anwar ul Hasan Shairkoti. (1972). Khutbat-i-Uthmani. Lahore: Nazir Sons. pp.69-70 201
Wali Mazher. (1990). Azmaton kay Charagh. Multan: Raza-i-Mola Press. p.11
73
Ulema, played by them, in the election campaign.202
That was a significant example of
consensual political culture and alliance with other political parties.
3.3 POST INDEPENDENCE PAKISTAN AND JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND
MARKAZI JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM
After the creation of Pakistan Maulana Uthmani reorganized and renamed his party
as Markazi Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (MJUI) in 1947. Its central office was opened in
Karachi.203
Both MJUI204
and JI205
started their efforts for an Islamic constitution in the
newly emerged country. In the opinion of Mir (1986), after the creation of Pakistan the
Jamaat-i-Islami started struggle for the creation of a theocratic state. “Jamaat and its
student wing was very much active and had a significant influence on the people of
Pakistan especially in the fields of economy, politics and social setting. Pakistan’s
movement which was a nationalistic movement based on Muslim religion was redefined by
the Jamaat and its leadership. This movement according to them was not meant to form and
establish a national state, rather it was meant to establish a theocratic Islamic state”.206
In the meanwhile Maududi had developed bitter relationship with the government
official by two events. First, in 1948 the provincial government of West Punjab directed the
employees to re-take the oath of allegiance to the government of Pakistan. Maududi and his
Jamaat declared that any such oath was not permissible till the complete Islamization of the
state and system. Maududi declaration was endorsed by the executive committee of Jamaat
in April 10, 1948. In the statement issued by the committee it was stated that as the system
202
Mehmood Ahmed Zafar. (2005). Ulama Maidan-i-Siyasat Mein. Lahore: Baitul Ulum. p.541 203
Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. p.97. 204
Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani. (n.d). Marasalat-i-Siyasiya: ya,ani Siyasiyat kay Mut’aliq Chauda Istafsari
Khatoot Awr Allama Kay Mudalal Jawabat. Delhi: Muslim League Printing Press. pp.3-8 205
Safdar Mir. (1986). Religion and Politics in Pakistan, in Engineer, A. I (ed), Islam in Asia. Lahore:
Vanguard. pp.145-170. 206
Ibid.
74
of the government was till now un-Islamic, therefore, it cannot advise the Muslims to be a
part of it, its army or its national reserves.207
The second issue was the declaration of Jihad by the government of Pakistan in
Kashmir. Though, the government officially observing cease fire with India in Kashmir,
continued its support to the insurgents by providing them arms and ammunition. The
insurgents movement in Kashmir was declared as jihad by government and some of the
prominent Ulema. However, Maududi was of the opinion that this movement cannot be
termed as jihad on the ground that government had some kind of agreements with India.
Pakistani government have to abide by those agreements or openly declare war against
India.208
Maulana Uthmani effectively articulated the concept of an Islamic state within the
constituent assembly which resulted in the shape of Objectives Resolution in 1949, a
milestone in the constitutional history of Pakistan.209
This resolution drew clear line and
framework, for the future constitution of the state, and asserted that the model of the
government would not be entirely western. Islamic faith, ideology and way of life will be
the centre and focal point of the new constitution. It was confirmed in the resolution that
people (Muslims) are the vicegerents of God and sovereignty over the entire
universebelonged to Him.210
The third clause further asserted that “the principles of
democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be
fully observed”.211
This clearly showed the power of Islam i.e. a single religion hence
placing it at the helm of affairs in the state and in individual level.
In January 1951, thirty one renowned Ulema from all schools of thought of Islam,
gathered in Karachi for discussion on future constitution and system of governance for
207
Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. pp.136-37 208
Nasr. (1996). Maududi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism. p.42. 209
Afzal Iqbal. (1986). Islamization of Pakistan. Lahore: Vanguard Books. p.41 210
Objectives Resolution. Article 2-A. The Constitution of Pakistan 211
Ibid. Clause 3.
75
Pakistan. They discussed and debated different aspects of an Islamic state and agreed on 22
fundamental principles of Islamic state and constitution.212
Drafting a unanimous and agreed upon framework for an Islamic constitution was a
land mark achievement of the Ulema. It was a great example of consensual political culture
within the religio-political parties of Pakistan. For consensus building among their parties’
workers both the parties relied on public gatherings and media (party’s related News papers
and magazines). The Ulema continued to elaborate and explain their framework to the
common people in the country. Maududi used the medium of Tarjuman-ul-Quran and
explicitly wrote about the need for an Islamic constitution and the 22 points framework of
the Ulema.
The tireless efforts and struggle of Ulema compelled the framers of the constitution
for adoption of an Islamic constitution. However, due to the excessive pressure from the
seculars and modernist political leaders, the proposed constitution could not be framed and
implemented until 1956.213
The Assembly was dissolved and the draft constitution was
discarded along with the agreed formula for safeguarding the Islamic law in Pakistan.214
3.3 INTERNAL RIFTS IN JI AND MARKAZI JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM
Though both Jamiat Ulema and Jamaat-i-Islami were successful in building
consensus on certain basic religious and constitutional issues, however, during this period
severe differences emerged within the parties workers in both the parties.
MJUI from the time of its foundation remained in association with the ruling
Muslim League. However, few of its worker were skeptical towards the latter’s
commitment to an Islamic constitution. A group of Ulema in East Pakistan under the
leadership of Maulana Athar Ali Khan renounced the party’s policy of association with
212
Ibid. p. 206 213
Mahfuzul Haq. (1966). Some Reflections on Islam and Constitution-Making in Pakistan: 1947-56, Islamic
Studies, Vol. 5, No. 2 (JUNE 1966), pp. 209 -220 Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International
Islamic University, Islamabad .Accessed: 02/09/2015 16:36: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20832839 214
Binder. (1962). Religion and Politics in Pakistan. p. x.
76
Muslim League and declared that they would contest the forthcoming provincial elections
under the banner of Nizam-i-Islam. In their opinion, Muslim League was not totally
committed in formulating an Islamic constitution. Nizam-i-Islam was later on re-constituted
as Nizam-i-Islam Party (NIP). NIP joined hands with several other political groups and
formulated United Front in East Pakistan. Their basic aim was the defeat of Muslim
League in the 1954 provincial elections.215
In response to the formation of NIP, Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani convened an
All Pakistan Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam conference in Dhaka on January 23, 1954. He declared
that the party is still an alliance with the Muslim League and they are struggling for an
acceptable Islamic constitution in Pakistan. In his opinion, those who formulated NIP have
violated the constitution of the party. He expelled all those (former) affiliates of the party
who have joined NIP. However, along with all the anti-NIP campaign, it succeeded in
wining 20 seats in the provincial assembly. Two of its members made their ways to the
provincial ministries.216
The popularity of NIP and its electoral success was a great issue of concern for
MJUI, but the leadership could not give much attention to reconciliation and re-
organization of the party. They were busy in the campaign for an Islamic constitution.
When the constitution of 1956 was implemented they termed it a victory of the Muslim
masses of Pakistan.217
The decade long association of MJUI with Muslim League and its overdependence
on the latter, severely harmed the political constituency of the Ulema. A convention of
Ulema was held at Multan in October 1956 in which a new organization of the Ulema,
Markazi Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam West Pakistan (MJUIWP) was founded. Maulana Ahmad
Ali Lahori was selected as the president of the new Ulema organization. The MJUI
215
Gholam Wahed Choudhury. (1963). Democracy in Pakistan. Dacca: Green Book House. p.58 216
Karl Von Vorys. (1965). Political Development in Pakistan. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 130. 217
Allahbukhsh K. Brohi. (1958). Fundamental Law of Pakistan. Din Muhammadi Press: Karachi. pp.782-84
77
objected the formation of MJUIWP but did not go for active confrontation.218
In the
coming days MJUIWP proved to be the sole representative organization of the Deobandi
Ulema of Pakistan. MJUI and its organizational network became inactive soon after.219
Here again huge public gatherings and personal letters proved vital for consensus building
among different Ulema. They were made aware of the role of MJUI and its association
with Muslim League. They were convinced that such an association was neither beneficial
for the party nor for the Islamic cause.220
Similarly, Jamaat’s ranks were also shaken by differences within the workers over
different ideological issues. The most important among those was the decision of the
Jamaat’s Shura on adoption of political strategy for the persuasion of the ideological goals
of the holy community. The Jamaat in the beginning was formulated for the preparation of
a group of pious people who can revive the Islamic society with their actions and good
deeds. From its earlier plans till the plan of action 1951, non has put political participation
and politics as a strategy at its priority list or at first phase. The plan of action of the Jamaat
1951 stated that the Jamaat will focus at
1. The reform of the life and minds of the individual members
2. Organization and training of virtuous men
3. Social and economic reforms at the societal level
4. Reforms of the government and the political structures.221
In the opinion of Nasr (1994), politics in that plan was not only listed last but it also
could not be addressed until the first three phases of the plan completed.222
However, the
political development at the national level have made the Jamaat members realized that
without proper involvement in the political process their dream of an Islamic society could
218
Abdul Hamid Khan (1968). Mard-i-Momin. Lahore. p.105. 219
Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.23. 220
Interview with Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari. 221
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.28 222
Ibid.
78
not come true. The opportunity of direct political involvement was provided to it by the
Elections in Punjab, scheduled in March 1951. In the absence of Maududi, the Shura
decided about the participation in the elections despite the opposition of few prominent
members.223
The results of the election were not satisfactory for the Jamaat. The candidates who
were supported by the Jamaat were able to get very less number of votes. The members of
the Jamaat were much dismayed by the weak show in the elections. However, Maududi
himself was of the opinion that despite the defeat the Jamaat came more stronger by
bringing in many new members and propagation of its program and ideology.224
Despite
the optimism of Maududi, the 1951 election’s experience of the Jamaat members was not
that good. Several members were charged with the breakdown of discipline of the party.
Several senior members were of the opinion that the electoral politics and its effects were
not matching and acceptable to the morale standards of the holy community. They
therefore, suggested remaining detached from the electoral politics at-least for the time
being.225
However, Maududi was inclined towards electoral politics. He suggested two
agendas i.e. religious work and political activism.226
This has further deepen the already
confusion on the issue. A debate has started within different members of the party.
However, the issue could not be settled and decided until 1957.
In the general meeting of the party at Karachi in 1954, a former Jamaat Amir of the
Punjab province, Said Ahmad Malik has leveled some charges of mismanagement, ethical
misconduct and financial embezzlement against some members and administrative staff at
the central secretariat.227
Maududi announced the formation of a seven member review
committee to investigate the issue. However, due to certain reasons the committee was
223
Masudul Hassan (1984). Sayyid Abul Aala Maududi and his Thoughts. Lahore: Islamic Publications.
Vol:1. pp.408-13 224
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.30 225
Ibid. 226
Abu Tariq. (1976). Maulana Maududi ki Taqarir. Ed. Lahore: Islamic Publications. Vol:3.pp. 139-156. 227
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.31
79
reduced to only four members. The investigation lasted for an year and the committee
interviewed about two hundred members. A comprehensive report was prepared, to be
presented before the shura in November 1956 session.
In the Shura meeting the committee have presented its report. The report said that
1. The Jamaat has completely gone out of its track as the complaints registered with
the committee suggested.
2. The strategy of politics has taken the place of the real commitment of the Jamaat for
a holy community.
3. If the Jamaat continue to have involvement in electoral politics, it would lose, what
it had gained so for.228
The shura meeting was ended with the four point resolution. The resolution stated that:
i. The Jamaat has gone off its original path. In its political voyage, it lost more than its
gains, and its moral stature was severely damage. The damage be repaired.
ii. The Shura of 1951 four point plan should again be made in effect. As the four point
indicated, the party would detached it-self from electoral politics.
iii. As the constitution of the Jamaat suggested, the Jamaat position on various issues
was based on the Quran, Hadith and the decisions of Amir and Shura and not on
any other document of the party.
iv. A committee be constituted under the supervision of Maulana Islahi, which was to
look whether the decisions of the Shura were acted upon or not.229
Maududi was much upset and disappointed with the decision of the Shura and so as
other in the bureaucracy of the Jamaat. They convinced Maududi to defy the decision of the
Shura and the review committee. In their opinion the resolution of the shura was biased and
228
Israr Ahmad (1966). Tahrik-i Jamaat-i-Islami: Ek Tehqiqi Mutalaah. Lahore: Darul-Ishaah-i Islami. p.5. 229
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.33
80
it tried to limit Maududi authority and influence. This would, in future, open gates for
factionalism within the Jamaat.
Convinced with the arguments of the bureaucracy and few close associates,
Maududi accused the review committee members with conspiracy against the Jamaat. He
demanded their resignations.230
The committee members approached Islahi, who was of the
opinion that Maududi was influenced by the staff of the Jamaat, who persuaded him to act
undemocratically and unconstitutionally.231
Knowing Islahi’s intentions of backing the review committee members and the
powers of the shura Maududi tabled his resignation. This has produced a grave situation in
the Jamaat ranks. The vice Amir Chaudri Ghulam Muhammad asked Maududi to withdraw
his resignation. A shura meeting was called on January 12, 1957, which Islahi and other
critics of Maududi could not attended. The shura decided that the issue of the politics
would be discussed in the open Jamaat meeting in February 1957 in Machchi Goth.
In the Machchi Goth session Islahi, who was an advocate of the review committee
members and the shura resolution, talked about the Jamaat plan of 1951. With arguments
he very effectively debated on the religious pursuits and political activism. In his opinion
involvement in politics has severely damaged the moral standards of the holy community.
Also that politics was consuming too much time of the members, leaving no room for
virtuous work.232
He appealed that the Jamaat be returned to its original agenda.
Islahi appeal was rejected by Maududi and demanded more political activism. He
declared that the party would continue to act as holy community but would also participate
in electoral politics. In his opinion neither rule of religion (iqamat-i din) nor divine
230
Israr Ahmad. (1990). Tahrik-i Jamaat-i-Islami: ik Ghumshudah Bab. Lahore: Maktabah-i-Jadid Press.
p.31 231
Ibid. pp. 33-56 232
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.37
81
government (Hakumat-i ilahiyah) could be established if the Jamaat keep away from
politics. This way politics was given space in the new agenda of the Jamaat.233
The issue of participation in politics was put in front of the members. Fifteen votes
came against the participation. Those fifteen members including Islahi, tendered their
resignations on the spot. Maududi announced that all those who have differed with him like
Islahi can remain in the party but cannot hold any position. Their status would be like
zimmi in an Islamic state. This decision of Maududi led to further defections in the Party
and some very prominent members including Israr Ahmad, Mustafa Sadiq and Abdul
Ghaffar Hassan resigned.234
The Machchi Goth session cost Jamaat a total of 56 members
defections.235
3.5 THE MARTIAL LAW REGIME AND THE ROLE OF JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI
AND JAMIAT ULEMA_I_ISLAM
In response to political brawl between various political factions and the death of the
East Pakistan legislative assembly deputy speaker, president Iskander Mirza imposed
Martial law and abrogated the 1956 constitution on October 07, 1958.236
Twenty days later
(October 27) the Chief of Army Staff General Ayub Khan ousted Mirza and assumed the
Presidency.
The martial law administration banned political activities and political parties were
declared outlawed. Jamaat continued its activities in disguised of religious, educational and
social welfare activities. This helped Jamaat maintaining their organizational structure
intact and continued its worker’s education and training. Jamiat Ulema however, set up a
non-political organization of Ulema i.e. Nizamul Ulema Pakistan (NUP). On ground its
objectives were set as religious, but its hidden objectives were political. Maulana Ahmad
233
Ibid. p.38. 234
Masudul Hassan. (1984). Sayyid Abul Aala Maududi and his Thoughts. Lahore: Islamic Publications.
Vol:2. pp. 59-60 235
Ibid. 236
Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. p. 37.
82
Ali was elected its Amir and Maulana Ghulam Ghaus as its Secretary General, in Lahore
convention on June 23, 1959.237
Ayub’s two controversial reforms measures in the religious sector got infuriated the
religious stack holders in the country. First, he introduced reforms in the family laws which
restricted polygamy. These reforms also included regulation for divorce. Secondly, he took
over the control of some major endowment properties from their custodians and brought
that under government custody. Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema both got infuriated with
such measure of Ayub and declared that he has acted un-Islamically. They further hold an
opinion that Ayub Khan was destabilizing the fundamental ideology and basis of Pakistan
by introducing and implementing Westernized ideals and way of life.
Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema adopted different strategies during the 1964-65
presidential elections. The opposition parties made an alliance “combined opposition
party” (COP) and declared Miss Fatima Jinnah as their presidential candidate against Ayub
Khan. Jamiat Ulema opted, not to support any of the candidates after its own candidate
failed to submit nomination papers within due time.
Jamaat joined the COP alliance and participated in much enthusiasm in the electoral
campaign of Miss Fatima Jinnah. Maududi had an opinion in his earlier life that women are
not allowed to hold public offices in an Islamic state. However, the situation now is
different in the present election. The politico-social situations of the state demand to
support a women against a tyrant dictator. The central executive council of Jamaat in one
of its resolution in October 1964, declared and announced that “in the present unusual
situation the candidature of a woman for head of the state is not against the Shariah”.238
This was somehow an unpopular strategy of the party and the leadership but they were
237
Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.24 238
Pakistan Observer, 3 October 1964. Quoted in Karl von Vorys. (1967). Political Development in Pakistan.
Princeton: Princeton University Press. p.175
83
successful in convincing their affiliates in favor of the decision. Again public gatherings
and Maududi’s writings done the job for the party.
The economic policies of Ayub Khan were to a great extent, considered failed in a
sense that it concentrated the total wealth of the country in the hands of 22 families. An
uprising against the regime soon started, probably influenced from socialist movements
across the world, streamlined by the Bhutto’s socialist program. The uprising was urban
based and the issues of wages, prices and economic deteriorated situation fueled it. These
issues were so important and dominant in that time that the religious movement against
Ayub remained peripheral. For the political parties and the people, the socio-economic
justice and political order were more important.
Ayub Khan held several meetings with the oppositions parties and accepted the
demands of direct elections based on universal adult franchise and parliamentary form of
government. The Awami League and People’s Party were considered to be the real forces
in the polity. The Jamaat resistant to populism and the success of Bhutto and Mujeeb
popular movements, demanded for an Islamic system. In the opinion of Maududi, Islamic
system of governance was the only remedy to all the maladies of Pakistan.239
On the other
hand JUIP leadership were drawn by the socio-economic situation of the country. They
considered some kind of socialist reforms necessary as advocated by Bhutto.
Contrary to the Jamaat leaderships, who declared socialists as kafirs, and socialism
as kufr, JUIP held an opinion that “like Islamic democracy, Islamic socialism was not
contrary to the Shariah.240
They argued that the real enemy of Muslims and Islamic world
was United States of America and the western Imperialists. All those who were raising the
239
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.161. 240
Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. p.30
84
controversy against Islam and socialism are the real agents of US and Maududi is one of
them.241
3.6 1970 ELECTIONS AND THE FALL OF DHAKA
The severe agitations against Ayub led to his fall. He handed over the government
to General Yahya Khan, who imposed Martial Law. While assuming the government
Yahya Khan announced elections in December 1970. JUIP which was reorganized into All
Pakistan Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (APJUI), designed its electoral manifesto focusing on the
socio-economic situation of the country. There were more economic and social programs
than the JI have in its manifesto. The JI instead focused on three questions,
1. Should Pakistan retain its Islamic foundations?
2. Should Pakistan remain united?
3. Is not the Jamaat the only party running in the elections, capable of maintaining the
primacy of Islam and the unity of Pakistan?
The elections result were not satisfactory for APJUI and to an extant discouraging
and dis-hearting for Jamaat. The religious forces have clinched very little number of votes
and seats as compared to Awami League and Pakistan People’s Party. However, both the
leaders (Mujeeb and Bhutto) and Yahya Khan could not reach to an agreement on power
sharing. Political deadlock turned into a civil war, with Bengali nationalists demanded for a
“Bengla Desh”. Mujeeb’s demand for the complete autonomy of East wing was having
concern for Jamaat.
The two wings of Pakistan which were separated some thousand km from each
other provided a good example to the world regarding the power of unification of the
religion “Islam”. All other regional identities were subjugated by one identity i.e. Islam is
the only culture, the only political and an economic system. If the Mujeeb demanded
241
Ibid. p.31
85
autonomy was accepted, it would have been a blow and a setback to the concept that Islam
is a unifying force in JI understandind. Therefore, in the opinion of Jamaat the rise of
Bengali nationalism and ultimately the separatist elements were not only a threat to the
integrity of Pakistan but to the ideological basis of the very existence of it. Under these
situation and circumstances the Jamaat had no other option but to join the forces of the
status quo. The Jamaat declared that it cannot set aside by silently watching the
disintegration of the country both ideologically and physically. It joined hands with the
military regime of General Yahya in defending the physical and ideological boundaries of
the land. The Jamaat organized meetings, gatherings and processions attended by hundreds
of thousands people throughout the country. All the major cities in both the wings were
echoed with the slogans “Soshalizm kufr hai” and “Muslim millet ek ho”.242
The Jamaat through its student wing Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT), made an alliance
with the Army for countering insurgency under the Jihadi organizations of Al-Badr and Al-
Shams.243
APJUI opted for political solution of the issue. It organized several conferences
and meetings with the political leadership of both the wings. In principles, APJUI was of
the opinion that Awami League be invited to form a government. However, they were also
having concern regarding Mujeeb Six points. In the opinion of its leadership, the Dhaka fall
was an international conspiracy against Pakistan. All those (including politicians, military
generals and bureaucrats) responsible for that, must be tried and punished.244
3.7 1973 CONSTITUTION, AN EXAMPLE OF UNIQUE CONSENSUAL
POLITICAL CULTURE
In the following years, the constitution making process started. The constitution of
the 1973 had much importance in the political and constitutional history of Pakistan. It
proved to be an excellent example of consensual political culture in the country’s Twenty
242
The Daily Dawn. Karachi: 1 June 1970. 243
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. pp.168-69 244
Pirzada. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. pp.50-56.
86
Five years life. Agreement of different political groups on a single document was a great
achievement of the politicians. A general consensus was developed on the constitution
ranging from the nationalist political groups to the religious political parties within the
parliament. Bhutto having a socialist agenda was compelled by the members of religious
parties in the parliament to Islamize the constitution to a maximum level. Irrespective of
the fact that the Ulema had very less representation in the parliament, they were still able to
get an Islamic constitution for the country. It was a great achievement of the religious
political parties in the parliament.245
The constitution of 1973 was a consensual document and almost all political forces
agreed upon the nature and structure of the state and government. During the formation of
the constitution an incredible sphere of mutual agreement, respect and tolerance was
developed among different political activists and parties. It was that mutual respect,
tolerance and cooperation because of which a “new social contract” was possible in a
society of diverse ethnic communities like Pakistan.
In the same way the religious political parties again united on a one-point agenda “
Tehrik-i-Khatam-e-Nabowat” i.e. the declaration of Ahmadies as non-Muslims. The
religious parties vigorously campaigned for this cause and finally got the government
approval in the shape of constitutional amendment declaring Ahmadies as out of the folds
of Islam.
The March 1977 elections widen the gap between different political forces in the
country. An alliance of the Religio-political parties was established, whose aim was to
struggle for the enforcement of Nizam-e-Mustafa in Pakistan. Leaders of both JI and JUI
were the front runner of the movement. However, the JI agitational role in the movement
was more visible because of two facts. First, due to the ideological bindings, its workers
were very much committed to obey the decisions of its Shura and Amir. Secondly, its
245
Interview with Maulana Gul Nasib Khan, December 06, 2016, Peshawar.
87
student wing, IJT was the most organized in all over the campuses in Pakistan. IJT gave
full support to the movement in organizing processions and protests. Furthermore, IJT had
recognized itself in the campuses by winning union elections. For example IJT won the
union elections in 24 out of 28 professional colleges affiliated with the University of
Karachi in Karachi. Similarly University of the Punjab was completely swept by IJT.246
3.8 GENERAL ZIA, JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI AND JAMIAT ULEMA-I-ISLAM
Due to the severe agitation of Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), Bhutto was
convinced and forced to settle political disputes with the opposition. For this purpose he
also introduced some reforms regarding Islamic laws. However, the deadlock continue over
the issue of rigged elections. Due to the uncertain circumstances military chief Zia-ul-Haq
took over the government in a military coup on 5th July 1977.
Both the religious parties welcome the Zia government, vowing to his commitment
for considering PNA demands and holding of free and fair elections. The military dictator
promised to give Pakistan a real working Islamic system of governance. He in one of his
address to the nation on December 2, 1978, blamed the politicians for not being serious in
the implementation of sharia and the exploitation of religion for their personal benefits. He
opined that Pakistan was created in the name of Islam and can only survive if it stick to that
cause of its creation.247
Zia was deeply influenced by the philosophy of Maududi regarding a theocratic
state. His concept of non-party government and authoritarian head of the state is borrowed
by him from Maududi. This has provided a chance to the Jamaat to see its vision coming in
reality.
Irrespective of the fact that Zia was a military dictator the Jamaat leaders hold an
opinion that he was a pious, truthful, honest and practical Muslim, who in his capacity had
246
Jasarat, 28 March 1976. 247
Mohammad Ikram Rabbani. (2000). Pakistan Affairs. Lahore: Caravan Enterprises. p.496
88
respect for Sharia, His commitment and promise for the implementation of Sharia and
establishment of social order based on the universal order of Islam, needed our support.
The Jamaat for the first time in the history of Pakistan joined a government and associated
with power by joining the cabinet of Zia.
JUI on the other hand, irrespective of its initial support to the military regime, was
distrustful of the regime because of its close association with the Jamaat. JUI withdrew
from PNA, arguing that Zia was never going to hold elections and was not ready to transfer
power to the civilians.248
It joined the PPP and other opposition parties’ anti-Zia Movement
for Restoration of Democracy (MRD) in February 1981. However, the government due to
its Afghan policy, provided ideological and material benefits to the JUI associated
Madrassas especially in tribal areas adjacent to Afghan border. The government policy of
Afghan Jihad created an un-seen and un-noticed rifts in the folds of party. The local leaders
and workers, more at the grass root level were in the favor of the military regime, but the
high ranked leaders were more politically inclined towards MRD.249
A very interesting situation developed in both the parties on the issue of supporting
and opposing Zia regime. Due to the Afghan war, the focus of the religio-political parties
were more on foreign issues. However, martial law regime and the Islamization of Zia were
also having concern for them. JUI who was an active member of MRD, though was on the
same page with the regime on its Afghan policy, yet it was an advocate of democracy and
have time and again demanded for the restoration of the constitution of 1973. Severe
differences aroused in folds of the party on the issue of MRD and opposition to Zia
government, leading to the split of the party into two groups i.e. JUI (Fazal Rehman group)
and JUI (Darkhwasti group), which become Sami-ul-Haq group later on.
248
Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p.96 249
International Crises Group. (December 2011). Islamic Parties in Pakistan. Asia Report, N 216. p.11
89
Similarly, severe differences developed within the Jamaat on the issue of support to
the Martial Law regime. The Jamaat Amir Mian Tufayl had good personal relations with
Zia. Despite the concern of some members within the Shura, the Amir was convinced with
the commitment of the military dictator on the Islamization of state and government. Mian
Tufayl was of the opinion that if the general give his power back to the civilian, obviously
the PPP will come back in power. So in such a situation Zia, the lesser evil can be the most
suitable option for the Jamaat.250
Till 1984 the Martial Law regime enjoyed the favor of Jamaat. Zia after imposing
ban on students political activities, was destined to lose Jamaat public support. IJT which
had a strong and influential position in the inner circles of the Jamaat, convinced the
leadership to abandon its support to the military regime. A group from Karachi emerged
led by Ghafur Ahmad. It was an anti-Zia group and argued that if Jamaat has to survive it
has to abandon Zia support.251
Because of the severe differences within the Jamaat, Mian
Tufayl finally agreed to part ways with Zia and demanded for the restoration of the
constitution of 1973.252
However, instead of several fruitful meetings with the PPP
leadership, Jamaat could not join hands with MRD due to the internal differences of the
senior members in the party.253
PPP after the death of the “Mighty man” in August 1988, convinced of its success
in the coming elections, dissolved MRD. JUI (Sami ul Haq) joined Islami Jamhori Ittihad
(IJI), an alliance of religious and conservative parties, to contain and contest the PPP
dominance.254
Jamaat-i-Islami was also convinced by the then ISI chief General Hamid
Gul, for joining the alliance.255
However, with all the support from the Army and
250
Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution. p.195 251
Ibid. p. 198 252
Ibid. p. 199 253
Ibid. p. 205 254
Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p.98 255
Haqqani. (2005). Pakistan Between Mosque and Military. pp.204-06
90
establishment, IJI was only able to fetch 53 seats in the National Assembly.256
The Benazir
led PPP remained in government only for two years, when the President Ghulam Ishaq
Khan dismissed the government on August 06 1990.
In the elections 1990, Jamaat, irrespective of some grave differences with the IJI,
decided to remain in its fold, hoping to get some influential positions in the Government.
JUI contested elections separately and grabbed six seats in the national assembly.
JUI and Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP) formulated a new religious alliance Islami
Jamhori Mahaz (IJM) in May 1992, which was active till April 1994.257
After the 1993
elections, JUI joined the coalition government of Benazir Bhutto and its Amir was granted
an important slot of the chairman standing committee on foreign affairs of the National
Assembly. In an another bet for the religious parties alliance, some fifteen small and big
religious groups of the country agreed on the formation of Milli Yakjihti Council (MYC),
primarily for religious harmony. Its basic objective was to promote religious tolerance and
to curb sectarian violence. However, the alliance remains very little effective in achieving
its goals and a split occurred in its own folds. JUI (F) and JUI (S) differences led to the
failure of the alliance. Jamaat however, tried to review the alliance and convert it to
electoral alliance for the Feb 97 elections, but failed to do so.
Jamaat boycotted the general elections 1997, on the grounds that the Accountability
Ordinance promulgated by the interim government, was not up to the satisfaction of the
party. JUI though contested the elections, could not show off well. It only managed to get
two National Assembly seats.
Musharraf imposed emergency in the country on October 12, 1999 and dismissed
Nawaz government. Like many political forces in the country, religious political parties
also welcomed military coup. Jamaat appreciated the move of the military and demanded a
256
Ibid. 257
vfast.org/journals/index.php/VTIR/article/download/370/380
91
free and fair accountability of the politicians. However, the Jamaat Amir, Qazi Hussain
Ahmad also emphasized the return of fair democracy in the country.258
3.9 RELIGIOUS PARTIES ALLIANCE
The change in Pakistan’s policy regarding Taliban government in 2001, after terror
attacks in the United States, has also an impact on the domestic politics of Pakistan. This
impact was more evident in the areas adjacent to Afghanistan i.e. Pakhtoon populated areas
of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa (then NWFP) and Baluchistan. To oppose and counter the pro-
Bush policy of Musharraf some 26 religious and right-wing political and non-political
groups united to form Pak-Afghan Defense Council. The council organized different rallies
and meetings against the government decision.
Wowing to the success and popularity of the council the politico-religious parties
sensed the need for unification and joint efforts in politics. Although, there were some very
sharp differences in these parties and groups in term of their approaches towards different
issues in Islam, however, their political objectives in Pakistan could only be served through
politics. This was what unified them for their goals and objectives. The six religio-political
parties who were to make an alliance were agreed on constitutional struggle within
Pakistan. They decided to contest the upcoming scheduled elections 2002 under a common
symbol. The foundation of the six parties electoral alliance, Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal
(MMA) or united action front was laid on June 17, 2001. JI and JUI were the two
influential and prominent members of the alliance.259
Under the symbol of kitab (book), the
alliance showed fantastic results for the religious parties in the history of Pakistan. It
managed to grab 61 out of 342 seats in the National Assembly and 68 out of 124 house in
NWFP assembly. Beside this it won 6 seats of National Assembly each from Sindh and
258
Daily DAWN, Rawalpindi: October 14, 1999. 259
MMA was consist of Six parties these were Jamat-i-Islami, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazal group), Jamiat
Ulema-e-Islam (Sami-ul-Haq group), Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan, Jamiat Ulema-i-Ahl-e-Hadees and Islami
Tehrik-i-Pakistan.
92
Baluchistan, 3 from Punjab and 1 from Islamabad.260
It reached to the power corridor in
NWFP and Baluchistan having a manifesto in which they promised to introduce wide-
range of Islamic policies and reforms.
There were some prominent reasons for their rise in 2002. First, it was able to
capitalized the public sentiments in the North West, against Musharraf policies and anti-
Americanism. Secondly, MMA made electoral alliance with some of the local groups and
parties which benefited both. For example in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (then NWFP) it made
seat adjustment with PPP-Sherpao and left 17 seats of the provincial assembly for the later.
Thirdly, Musharraf was severely critical regarding the main-stream political parties and
traditional politician. He introduced the condition of graduation for contesting the election.
Many of the traditional and prominent politicians remained disqualified and could not
contest election. On the other hand as the Shahadatul Alimah degree (a bachelors degree
from Madrassa) was equal to graduation therefore, the Ulema and other MMA candidates
were least affected by this condition. So the MMA success was in the expense of main
stream political parties. Fourthly, MMA was also enjoying official patronage as many
developments before the election were evident of the claim. The military government
wanted to weaken the mainstream political parties therefore, it facilitated the emergence of
different factions in them.261
Fifth, the leadership of MMA was enthusiastic and were
working as a team. In public gathering the top religio-political figures used to address the
people gatherings. Their primary slogan was anti-Americanism in the region. Last but not
the least, MMA emerged as an alternative leadership for the people of NWFP and
Baluchistan. The traditional Khans, Malaks and Nawabs who were projecting ethno-
national sentiments, failed to alleviate the downtrodden status of their people. The people
260
Election Commission of Pakistan, http/www.ecp.gov.pk 261
Different cases of terrorism and other were withdrawn against different candidates of MMA. Musharraf
government also wanted to control the religious groups, and for them, the best way was to engage them
in national politics and governmental activities. Waseem, Muhammad. (2006). Democratization in
Pakistan: A Study of the 2002 Elections. Karachi: Oxford University Press. pp.51-52
93
were fed of them. Musharraf condition of graduation for election created a leadership
vacuum. This vacuum was filled by the most active and organized class of the society i.e.
mullahs and other religious leaders.
During the MMA government, some differences emerged between the different
parties of the alliance. However, the final assault on it was the issue of the dissolution of
the NWFP provincial assembly. In response to the Musharraf plea of re-election as the
president from the existing electoral college, MMA and other opposition parties decided to
dissolve the Provincial assembly of NWFP so that the electoral college for the presidential
election remain incomplete. This would have a legal and moral consequences, if Musharraf
manage to re-elect himself in either way. However, JUI (F) who was having the slot of
Chief Minister, disagreed with the dissolution move. Fazal-ur-Rehman the JUI (F) head,
viewed this move as the reversal of Military rule, this time more severe and might be in the
shape of Martial Law. So they refrain from dissolving the provincial government. This
literally dismembered the alliance of the religious parties.
Again in the 2008 elections both JI and JUI(F) agreed to boycott the elections, in
protest of Musharraf continued rule. However JUI(F) reneged the promise and participated
in the elections and managed to join the coalition government of PPP. 262
In the late 2008 Qazi Hissain Ahmad declined his re-election as Ameer because of
his health issues. Syed Munawwar Hassan was elected as the new Ameer. He was the first
IJT Nazi-i-Ala who made his way to the top slot of the party. However, due to his rigid
stance on some of the burning issues, Jamaat could not return in the parliament with good
results in 2013 general elections.
Efforts were made for the revival of MMA before the 2013 elections but neither JI
nor JUI agreed to the conditions of each other. MMA could not be revived and both the
parties contested elections individually.
262
Khan. (2014). Vying for Allah’s Vote. p. 100
94
After the 2013 elections, JI became a part in the coalition government of Pakistan
Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and JUI joined hands with Nawaz Sharif at
the federal government.
After completing his tenure as the Ameer of Jamaat, Munawar Hassan was replaced
by Siraj-ul-Haq, a relatively soft spoken and humble person in 2014. Siraj-ul-Haq was
serving as a senior minister in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government. After electing as the
Ameer of Jamaat he resigned from his membership of provincial assembly in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, and elected to the upper house of the state (Senate) in March 2015.
Conclusion
The historical analysis of JI and JUI provides a good example of studying
consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan. The workers and leaders within
both the parties have developed differences with one another and have shown different
attitude and behavior towards other political parties. Such behavior and attitude of the
leadership (in person) and of the parties (as a whole) are providing a direction for the
socialization of its affiliates. JUI from its emergence is more flexible for alliance formation
with other political parties, for example its alliance with the Muslim League during and
after the partition, alliance for coalition government with the National Awami Party in
early 70s, alliance with opposition parties for Movement for Restoration of Democracy in
1981, alliance with Pakistan People’s Party in early 90s and 2008, alliance with religious
political parties in the form of MMA in 2001 and now alliance with Pakistan Muslim
League (N) after 2013 elections. Its workers are having that flexibility today. JI on the
other hand is more revisionist since its inception. Many of its today’s affiliates are still
having those tendencies. However, political parties are considered to be the important
agents of re-socialization. The basic task of socialization is to be done by some other
95
agents. Among which family is the most important one. The next chapter sheds light on the
role of family (affiliated with JI and JUI) in the political socialization of family members.
96
CHAPTER – 4
ROLE OF THE FAMILY IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION
This chapter describes what role family and parents are playing in the political
socialization and ideological indoctrination of their children in JI and JUI affiliated
families? Family is an important and essential element for transmitting the norms and
values of dominant culture and thus takes part in preserving the culture and value system of
any society and community. For JI and JUI it is the most important institution, as it
transmits the parents political values and dispositions to the coming generation. Thus
provides a continuous ideological commitment and man power to the parties. This chapter
includes the Ijtima-i-Ahli khana (gathering of the family) in JI affiliated families, a well
established custom, where all the family members gather and discuss verses from holy
Quran. This gathering has significant share in the ideologization of the children. It also
discusses that certain aspects of children lives, such as civic participation, shaping voting
behavior and party identification etc. are in the strong grip of families and parents in JI and
JUI affiliated families.
4.1 FAMILY AS A SOCIALIZING AGENT
Family is considered to be the most influential actor among the four giant
actors/agents (Family, Schools, Peer Groups, Mass Media) of socialization. It determines
who an individual is socially and politically? Family as a socializing agents has two faces.
For some scholars it is an important and essential element for transmitting the norms and
values of dominant culture and thus takes part in preserving the culture and value system of
any society and community. Others, to an extent, (who are revolutionary), consider family
as an obstacle in the way of social change. For such people and researchers family is the
major source in preserving the (present) system and status quo. Modern revolutionary
97
regimes, fearing the role of family adopted different strategies for limiting and controlling
the family influence on the children “the future citizens”.263
If family influences the future political orientations of the children, what is the
extent, level and process for such orientations and values transmission?
There are five proposition, advocated by different political socialization scholars,
which tries to establish a relationship of the family to the socialization of the children “the
future citizens” of the polity. These proposition, though with some conceptual and
methodological issues are still considered as the “conventional wisdom” on the subject.
1. The “support proposition” views and considers family as normally propagating and
disseminating such values and norms which support the political authority within a
polity.264
In majority of the cases it can also be implemented on the authority and
power structure within the family itself. The family head normally considers it
essential for the unity and survival (political) of the family. The young are
indoctrinated and transmitted such values which can ensure respect for the elders
and family head.265
2. The “continuity proposition” as viewed by Hyman (1959), considers family as a
source of political continuity. Family successfully transmits the political values,
norms and culture of one generation to the next generation. Therefore, it maintains
the overall political structure and culture same for generations in the polity.266
Most
of the children and young follow and adopt those political parties and ideologies
which their parents and elders have within the family. In case of Jamaat-i-Islami if a
family head is associated and affiliated with it, the young of the family are
socialized in such a manner that they also become the part of it. Though majority of
263
Dean Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers. p.78 264
James Davies. (1965). The Family’s Role in Political Socialization. Annals, vol. 361. pp.10-20 265
Interview with Zarawar Khan. Maidan, District Dir. October 27, 2016. 266
Herbert H. Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization. Glencoe: The Free Press. Chapter IV.
98
the people consider it an unintentional process yet the young are not aware of that,
and they are socialized in some pre-determine way.
3. The “congruence proposition” proposes that family life is a model of the polity.
Greenstein (1965) is of the opinion that family being a small unit of the polity,
performs all necessary tasks which are being done in the state level. It therefore,
prepares the future citizens to get acquainted with their respective roles,
responsibilities, duties and rights within the polity.267
It is usually the head of the
family who decides what role an individual has to play in the family. The education
(religious or contemporary), school, college or Madrassa selection, job selection
and other socio-political responsibilities within the society are selected and
determined by the head of the family.268
4. The “primacy proposition” proposes that the individual’s political values which
they acquire in the family remain for a long period of time. As family is the first
socializing agent therefore, whatever it teaches to the children cannot be forgotten
easily and early.269
Majority of the people who were the members of the particular
religio-political parties used to be indoctrinated in the families. The value transfer
and indoctrination is very much focused and planned which is difficult to be
forgotten by the children and the young.270
5. The “structuring proposition” proposes that the structure of value acquisition of an
individual is determine by the family socialization. According to this proposition all
other political stimuli are under the strong grip and influence of the family
267
Fred I. Greenstein. (1965). Personality and Political Socialization: The Theories of Authoritarian and
Democratic Character. Annals. vol. 361. pp. 81-96 268
Interview with Rahim Ullah Advocate. Chakdara, Dir. October 25, 2016. 269
Donald Searing, Gerald Wright & George Rabinowitz. (1976). The Primacy Principle: Attitude Change
and Political Socialization. British Journal of Political Science. vol. 6. pp. 83-115 270
Interview with Sultanat Yar advocate. Chakdara, Dir. October 27, 2016.
99
socialization.271
For example the family is having significant role in exposing the
children to other socializing agents. It is the family which select a school, college
and Madrassa for the children. Family is also involved in selecting reading books
and other materials for the children in their early age. In Jamaat-i-Islami case the
Jamaat literature is given to the children. The children and young are encouraged to
keep specific friend groups and peers and keep away from certain people. The
selection of print and electronic media is also under the check and direction of the
parents and family.272
Although, all these proposition regarding the family role in the socialization of new
comers in the polity, played a vital role in directing the socialization researchers, however,
all of these are not convincingly supported by research and empirical data.273
For example
a study revealed that the parent’s biasness, inclination or affiliation towards a particular
political party cannot produce and promote uniform and favorable views of political
authorities within the children.274
Roberta Sigel’s view is very much relevant while
studying a politically active family’s and parents’ role in the socialization of their children.
Empirical data suggests that children are transmitted only the good images of those
political parties and leaders who the family or parents follow or associated with. For
example all children in any such family are having uniform and favorable images of only
that political party and leader who their parents are associated with.275
Another study suggests that those groups of people who are unfavorably stratified
within a community neither properly utilize their capabilities and abilities nor much
successful in transfering and communicating favorable views regarding the political
271
Donald Searing, J. J. Schwartz & A. E. Lind. (1973). The Structuring Principle: Political Socialization and
Belief System. American Political Science Review. vol. 67 (June). pp.415-442 272
Focused group discussion. University of Malakand. October 25, 2016. 273
Paul Allan Beck. (1977). The Role of Agents in Political Socialization, in Handbook of Political
Socialization: Theory and Research, ed. Stanley, Allan Renshon. New York: The Free Press. pp.115-142 274
Roberta Sigel. (1968). Image of a President: Some Insight into the Political Views of School Children.
American Political Science Review. vol. 62. pp. 216-226 275
Field survey. District Dir, October 25, 2016.
100
authorities to their children.276
Such people are more concerned with their day today
livelihood. The social and political stratification of the family and parents of those children
cannot encourage and facilitate them to adopt any political ideology and ideals.277
Arterton (1974) is of the opinion that certain political events and issues may
severely sour the image of the political authority within the children. In his view the
Watergate scandal was one such incident. Though for a short period such events may blur
the image of the political authority even in the children of favored and advantaged
families.278
For example in the case of Hassan Ali Shah,279
who, his parents and family
previously were associated with Awami National Party (ANP), but due to ANP stance on
the US war on terror in Afghanistan, his political ideology and inclination changed and he
joined Jamaat-i-Islami. Though he faced some troubles from his family and parents but the
very event of war on terror has changed his perceptions and political inclination. Similarly,
there are other issues and events which may blur the political images in the minds of the
people.
Malak Rahat Ullah who left Jamaat-i-Islami, was previously an active member of
the Jamaat in Tehsil Timargara. But due to certain development in the national politics, the
Jamaat stance on that made him to separate his ways from the Jamaat.280
So in such cases
the “support proposition” seems to be a poor description of the family role in the political
socialization.
Similarly the “continuity proposition” is also having some flaws in it. The most
important one is that it confines the children only to political parties identification. Or more
276
Howard Tolley. (1973). Children and War. New York: Teachers College Press. p. 165 277
Interview with Rahim Shah. Timargara, Dir. October 25, 2016. 278
Christopher F. Arterton. (1974). The Impact of Watergate on Children’s Attitude Toward Political
Authority. Politica Science Quarterly. vol. 89. pp. 259-288 279
Hassan Ali Shah is Tehsil Monda Naib Nazim. 280
Interview with Hassan Ali Shah and Malak Rahat Ullah, Dir. October 26-27, 2016.
101
importantly, it only identify to them the party with which the family is associated.281
Almost majority of the students who are currently associated with Islami Jamiat Talba
(IJT) in Malakand University, revealed that they are in IJT because of their parents and
families. Some of the IJT activists responded that they were not allowed to make friends or
study the literature of any other political party or group. Though they were having excellent
political sense and knowledge of the political events within Pakistan, yet, their biasness and
inclination towards Jamaat-i-Islami was evident of the fact their socialization was done on
very strict lines and pattern. It seems that it was very difficult for them to be influenced of
someone else political stance and struggle.282
The resemblance of the children political attitudes to that of their parents are
subjected to the environment and the social context. It is the environment and the social
context which has to decide whether a child should continue his parents and family
political norms and values or has to abandon them.283
The family role, thus become very
minimal.
The “congruence proposition” relatively got little attention in the early 60s and 70s.
Almond and Verba formulated and supported their proposition on the basis of empirical
data.284
However, it was very difficult to gather reliable information about the family
dynamics. As the family dynamics were not the same for every family (even in the same
region). So this proposition was also not possible to be tested and re-tested.285
The “primacy proposition” and “structuring proposition” seems to be connected to
each other. Though parents and family play a vital role in the socialization of the children
in making them the future citizen. However, family is not the sole and the only agent of
281
Robert D. Hess. & Judith Torney. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago:
Aldine. p.98. 282
Focused Group Discussion. University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016. 283
Connell R. W. (1972). Political Socialization in the American Family: The Evidence Re-examined. Public
Opinion Quarterly. 36(Fall, 1972). pp. 323-333 284
Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba. (1965). The Civic Culture. Boston: Little Brown. p. 284-287 285
Richard Niemi. (1974). How Family Members Perceive Each Other. New Haven: Yale University Press.
p. 132
102
socialization. Also that the role of the family cannot be denied in structuring and defining
other agents of socialization. However, it is mainly the environment and the context which
takes an individual out of the family’s influence. IJT is one such agent which is very much
involved in making the future leaders of JI.286
Similarly, the environmental factors (non-
permanent and unseen factors, issues and events) also play a vital role in the political
socialization of the people.
However, it does not necessarily mean that neither of the proposition is correct or
applicable. The important thing is that, the family role cannot be limited to only one of
proposition. Family do socialize the future citizens and instill in them the norms and values
of the community and society.
4.2 POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS
Many scholars are of the opinion that parents and family’s role is much important in
the socialization of the children than the other agents of socialization.287
These scholars are
of the opinion that the impacts of the parents on their children are having attitudinal and
behavioral outcomes. For example, research suggests that parents transmit political
knowledge, social awareness, norms, values and interest to their children.288
Political
discussion is one part of these values transfer. In the families affiliated to JI, a daily or
weekly gathering is required of all the family members which they call Ijtima-i-Ahl-i-
Khana (gathering of the family).289
Though in such a gathering political discussions rarely
286
Almost all the leaders who are interviewed were associated with IJT during their student life. 287
Hyman. (1959). Political Socialization.:, Jennings, M.K., & Niemi, R.G. (1968). “The Transmission of
Political Values from Parent to Child”. American Political Science Review. Vol. 62(1). pp.169-184.:,
Jennings, M. K., & Richard G. Niemi. (1981). Generations and Politics. A Panel Study of Young Adults
and their Parents. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 288
Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics.:, Langton, K. P. (1969). Political Socialization. New York: Oxford
University Press.:, Valentino, N.A., & Sears, D.O. (1998). Event-Driven Political Communication and the
Pre-adult Socialization of Partisanship. Political Behavior. vol. 20(2). pp.127-154. 289
Jamaat-i-Islami, being a religio-political party, has its own clear perspective and understanding of an ideal
Muslim society. Individuals, the constituent elements of any society, have to perform different roles and
responsibilities for the survival and advancement of the society. JI lays different responsibilities on an
individual's shoulder. However, he needs to be trained and prepared for those responsibilities and roles. In
Jamaat-i-Islami's understanding, the role of a trainer is to be initially played by the family. It has to
103
take place, as the gathering is more or less arranged for the discussion of some verses from
the holy Quran. Yet, in the opinion of many people these kind of gatherings are very much
important in strengthening and maintaining the family bonds with the party.290
However, all the families are not involved in political discussion, or, say, the level
and magnitude of the political discussion is different in different families. Thus the parents
are regarded as triggering and stimulating the willingness and abilities of the children to get
involved in the debate and discussion and acquire information and knowledge.291
Though “making the political attitudes of children”, are subjected to many agents of
socialization, as Hess and Torney (1967) have argued that family is only one of those
agents.292
Yet, research shows that family is still having much importance and larger
impacts on the political attitudes and behavior of the children.293
A general expectation and
perception is that the impacts of parents socialization can be strongest at an early age of the
children but tend to weak and consequently diminish as the children grow old.294
Scholars
are of the opinion that it is not possible that the parents influence is completely diminish,
however, the influence of other socialization agents and their impacts are more prominently
visible in the later life of a children. For example many people who because of their family
socialization and political affiliation were part of JI and JUI but now they have changed
prepare an individual for his future endeavors and roles in the polity, an idealized and envisioned Islamic
state by the founders of Jamaat-i-Islami. Families affiliated to Jamaat-i-Islami are, in a sense, bound to
socialize the future citizens in a pattern so as to facilitate the establishment of a 'holy community', which is
to serve as a "vanguard of Islamic revolution". Though its role is much significant in the socialization of
youth, yet, it is not the sole socializing agent. Other agents can (to an extent), dilute its effects in the later
stages of an individual's life. However, the acquired values and norms in the family have lasting effects. 290
Interview with Sultanat Yar advocate. Chakdara, Dir. October 27, 2016. 291
Eveland W. P., & Scheufele D. A. (2000). Connecting News Media Use with Gaps in Knowledge and
Participation. Political Communication. 17(3). pp. 215-237. 292
Robert D. Hess, & Torney, J.V. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children. Chicago:
Aldine. 293
Jennings M. K., Stoker L., & Bowers J. (2001). Politics Across Generations: Family Transmission
Reexamined. Institute of Governmental Studies. Paper WP2001-15. 294
Niemi R. G., Ross D. R., & Alexander J. (1978). The Similarity of Political Values of Parents and
College-Age Youths. Public Opinion Quarterly. 42(4). pp. 503-520. ; Plutzer, E. (2002). Becoming a
Habitual Voter: Inertia, Resources, and Growth in Young Adulthood. American Political Science Review.
96(1). pp. 41-56. ;
Rosenstone, S. J., & Hansen, J. M. (2003). Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America. New
York: Longman.
104
their political loyalties and affiliations to some other political parties.295
The shifting of
political loyalties may be because of some disagreements within the parties’ affiliates, yet it
seems that other agents of socialization such as peers and media have overcome the family
influence. It is also important that the number of such members (who shifted their loyalties)
are very less. So we can argue that the family role in holding intact the affiliates to the
party is still very significant and visible. Family is still playing an important role in the
promotion of consensus building within JI and JUI.
4.3 TRANSMISSION OF INTERGENERATIONAL POLITICAL VALUES
Similarly, family plays a prominent and dominant role in the intergenerational
transmission of political values and culture. This is very important aspect and role of the
family especially in the situation of rapid social and political change. This mechanism is a
source of social and political stability within a society and polity. However, there are also
some discontinuities in the transmission of specific values, which distinguish one
generation from the other. These discontinuities can be termed as generation defining
events and gaps. For example the occurrence of some national and international events and
the change of party’s policy and strategy is normally seen as the need and requirement of
the new generation. The very selection of JI and JUI central leadership from Dir and D. I.
Khan respectively are termed as the need of the time and the new generation.296
The transmission of political norms, values and democratic culture is not self-
evident in the new and transitional democracies.297
On the other hand in stable democracies
295
We have many example in this regards in Dir and D. I. Khan. There are many prominent political figures
who because of their families were actively involved in politics and affiliated with their families’ political
parties, but with the passage of time their political bonds with their parties’ weakened and consequently
they join other political parties. 296
Sher Zamin Khan Baba one of the founding members of JI in Dir said that the party in our time was not
like it is today. It has changed significantly. He was critical of the changed policy of the party, however,
he also added that” it is probably the need of the time and situation”. (Sher Zamin Baba 80, is a devoted
member of JI and is honorary member of the party shura. However, interestingly his nephew has left JI in
the local bodies elections 2015. He contested election under the flag of Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf) 297
Torney Purta, Barber, C., & Richardson, W. (2004). Trust in Government-related Institutions and Political
Engagement among Adolescents in Six Countries. Acta Politica. 39(4). pp. 380-406.
105
the schools and families are actively involved in the transmission of democratic norms and
political culture to the next generation.
Sapiro (2004) is of the opinion that intergenerational transmission of values and
norms need a comparative study and research because the context and the environmental
dynamics for every generation are not the same. The differences in the context can lead to
different effects of political socialization.298
For those families who have active political involvement in politics and have
political affiliation with one of the political parties, the intergenerational transmission are
quite direct in their children. The children acquire same party identification and know how
as their parents have. These families are much successful in transmitting the party
identification, political leanings, political norms, voting and voting preferences, to their
children.299
In the case of both JI and JUI the transmitted political values and political
norms are not having any significant difference between the two generations. However, the
parties’ strategies may be differently transmitted and identified.300
4.4 TRANSMISSION OF POLITICAL NORMS AND VALUES
The transmission of political norms are always not direct. Families transmit these
norms in a more indirect manner. For example Dean Jaros (1973) argued that it is the
pattern of decision making within the family and its ways of interacting with the outer
world, which have enormous impacts on the children’s political attitudes.301
Longton
(1969) is of the opinion that it is the family which offer the first experience of authority to
the children.
298
Sapiro. (2004). Not your Parents’ Political Socialization. pp. 1-23. 299
Banks M. H., & Roker D. (1994). The Political Socialization of Youth: Exploring the Influence of School
Experience. Journal of Adolescence. 17(1). pp. 3-15. 300
In the case of JI, the transmission of the values is quite clear. If the family is affiliated with JI from the
beginning, the pattern of its values transmission is significantly similar for each generation. Almost
similar political and ideological values are transmitted to the young. 301
Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p. 79
106
The family elder who normally is called as baba (grandfather) is having significant
importance in this regard in Pashtoons’ family. The grandfather is given respect, authority
and say in all the affairs of the family, which the young directly observe. The young do get
their concepts of political authority, rationality, logical arguments and understanding, duty
and responsibility and rights and wrongs in the family. The concepts and feelings of
ethnocentrism, ethno-nationalism and hostility are also transmitted by the families
according to their preferences.302
For example hostility towards the opposite political
ideology and party is very much visible specifically in religious political parties. JI
affiliates are more hostile towards JUI and Awami National Party in Dir and JUI affiliates
are more hostile towards Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI), JI and Pakistan People’s Party in D.
I. Khan. These hostilities are transmitted to the coming generations in the families. In some
areas, the hostilities are very much high and even declared each other as out of the folds of
Islam.303
Such hostilities sometimes become hindrance in consensus building at the local
level between the workers of both the parties. Families affiliated to JI and JUI obviously
transmit those hostilities, however, other agents specifically media (party related literature,
news papers and magazines) also play a significant role in promoting such hostilities.
Some scholars suggest that if parents and families are democratic, their children are
also likely to be democratic minded. The parents if have adopted democratic ways and
procedures in making decisions within the family, their children will also do the same. It
would rather be easy for the children to adopt the ways of their parents in decision making.
Dalton (1980) considers it a positive impact on the level of generalized trust within the
community.304
In the opinion of Chan & Elder (2001) and Hultsman (1993), the democratic
302
Langton. (1969). Political Socialization. p.113 303
This kind of behavior is more visible in JUI affiliates. Many of them consider JI affiliates as out of the
folds of Islam. Sami Ur- Rehman an ex-JI District Amir lamented that JUI members who used to be the
prayer leaders in different mosques, before the formation of Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal, would not allow
us for Dars-i-Quran in their mosques even. They used to call us Maududyan (followers of Maududi) who
in their opinion was out of the folds of Islam. 304
Dalton. (1980). Reassessing Parental Socialization. pp. 421-431.
107
decision making practices and procedures of the parents within the family may lead to
increase civic and political participation within the community.305
Political socialization scholars are of the opinion that family has a far-reaching role
in the values transmission and attitudes formulation of the young in a society. In Dalton
(1980) opinion, that role is more important in the civic tolerance behavior of the citizens,306
while Langton (1969) considers it important in the development and instilling the feelings
of ethnocentrism in the youth.307
However, all these value transfer and the similarity with
the political and civic values of the parents does not signify any direct value transfer to the
children. The transfer of these political and civic values are the result of several indirect
processes and interactions. For example in the case of JI and JUI the families heads denied
the claim that they socialize their children in a pre-determine process. In the opinion of
some heads of the families, whole of the socialization process is not planned. The young
though, are expected to follow the family’s political path, however, they are not forced to
involve in any political activity. It is mostly dependent on the desire and will of the
individual to adopt any political value of the family or not. However, in majority of the
cases the un-intentional socialization and instilling in the youth the political party’s
ideology is very usual and common.308
Some scholars are of the opinion that parents mainly transmit their socio-economic
status and their class position to their children. The respective economic status and position
in the society then determine the future political orientation and role of the children in the
family.309
This is very much visible in the case of JUI affiliated families. For example the
305
Chan C. G., & Glen H. Elder. (2001). Family Influences on the Social Participation of Youth: The effects
of Parental Social Involvement and Farming. Rural Sociology. 66(1). pp. 22-42. 306
Dalton. (1980). Reassessing Parental Socialization. p.425 307
Langton. (1969). Political Socialization. 308
Field observation in Dir and D.I. Khan. Most of the respondent were having the opinion that the
socialization process is not pre-determine and fixed in JI and JUI. 309
Beck & Jennings. (1982). Pathways to Participation. pp. 96-97; John, P. (2005). The Contribution of
Volunteering, Trust, and Networks to Educational Performance. Policy Studies Journal. vol. 33(4). pp.
635-656.
108
families who are having some social position on the basis of religion, the inclination of the
children are more towards the religion. Also the local people give them (the children)
respect and recognition on the basis of their family’s role in the religious affairs in the
society. The best example in this regard is the invitation of the son of Imam (prayer leader)
for leading the prayer in the mosque, even if he is not an Aalim.310
As children and parents share the same political culture and social class status,
therefore, they are expected to have and share same political and social opinion on issues
and events. Tedin (1974) argued that they will have similar political attitudes.311
Even the
environment within a home decide the use and pattern of media. Parents have a say and
role in buying a newspaper and selection of TV channel within the home.312
The use of TV
is discouraged in both JI and JUI affiliated families. However, newspapers are considered
to be important component of the family’s political information. For party related news and
information, children are encouraged to use party magazines.
4.5 POLITICAL BEHAVIOR OF THE CHILDREN
Putnam (2000) and Hooghe (2002) are of the opinion that media has a strong role in
making and influencing the children political attitudes. They consider it an indirect
influence of the parents as it is they (the parents) who hold the control over print and
electronic media usage.313
The direct influence of the parents can be their role and influence in the political
participation of the children. Political participation can include, participation in political
and civic activities, becoming a member of a political party or group, political campaign
310
In the opinion of the local people the son of the Imam sahib is also a pious person and he knows more
about Islam and religious affairs than anyone else in the locality. 311
Tedin K. L. (1974). The influence of Parents on the Political Attitudes of Adolescents. American Political
Science Review. vol. 68(4). pp. 1579-1592. 312
Ibid 313
Robert D. Putnam. (2000). Bowling Alone. The Collapse and Revival of American Democracy. New York:
Simon & Schuster; Hooghe M. (2002). Watching television and Civic Engagement. Disentangling the
Effects of time, programs, and stations. Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. vol. 7(2). pp. 84-
104.
109
and voting. However, these activities are solely not under the direct influence of the parents
and families. Some political socialization scholars call it the transmission of political
behavior pattern. So if the political participation of children and young are studied under
the behavior pattern then it is very insignificant to say that such behavior of political
participation is directly transmitted and influenced by the parents and family.
Though the factors of the life style and family status of the children cannot be
denied in the political behavior formation, yet we cannot limit the behavior pattern to only
these direct influencing factors. We can distinguish between the direct and indirect causal
mechanism affecting and influencing the political behavior of the children and young
within a family.314
Verba et al (2003) are of the opinion that along with other direct and indirect
factors, “the political environment at the home makes an individual to undertake some
political activity.”315
The direct influence of the parents in the behavior making of the
children, can be the provision of political information to their children within the family.316
In the case of JI the most important and significant example in this regard is the Ijtima-i-
Ahl-i-khana (gathering of the family). Though majority of the party affiliated family’s head
denied to call that gathering a kind of political one, however, the whole discussion within
the gathering revolves around the explanations of the religious text done by Maulana
Maududi. Thus in an un-intentional way the mindset and behavior of the children is molded
towards the party ideology.317
314
Kim L. Fridkin, Patrick J. Kenney, & Jack Crittenden. (2006). On the Margins of Democratic Life: The
impact of Race and Ethnicity on the Political Engagement of Young People. American Politics Research.
vol. 34(5). pp. 605-626. 315
Sidney Verba, Nancy Burns, & Kay Lehman Schlozman. (2003). Unequal at the Starting Line: Creating
Participatory Inequalities Across Generations and Among Groups. American Sociologist. Vol. 34. pp. 45-
69. 316
John P., Halpern D., & Morris Z. (2002). Acquiring political knowledge through school curricula and
practices: evidence from England. Paper presented at the European Consortium Political Research Joint
Sessions, Turin, March 2002. 317
Sultanat Yar. October 27, 2016.
110
The political information about an issue or event can be provided to the children by
talking to them in a positive and encouraging manner. McDevitt & Chaffee (2002) believe
that the encouraging talks and discussion of the parents can be very helpful for the children
to engage in political activities.318
Political discussion and specifically the internal party
politics is freely discussed with the children in JUI. However, in JI affiliated families,
internal politics of the party is avoided. Both the parties political stances in the popular
issues are made understandable to the children. Children on the basis of the information
provided to them by their parents and family members engage in political discussion.319
4.6 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
Plutzer (2002) found in his research that some parents directly and explicitly
stimulate their children to participate in political activities. They encourage them to take
part in political discussions and debates with their friends. They also influence them to
become members of some political and civic groups for volunteer works within the
community.320
Majority of the families in the case of JI allow their children to be a part of
IJT in the colleges and Universities. They consider it a suitable platform for their children
to groom their personality and attach with the teachings of Islam. In their opinion IJT is
less political more a social kind of student organization.
On the other hand JUI affiliated families are not that open for their children to take
part in student politics in colleges and universities.321
However, in Madaris the children are
allowed to participate in political gatherings and other activities, not on the basis of some
political activity but a religious one. In civic activities JI affiliated families are more
flexible and open for their children to take part in community related civic issues.
318
Michael McDevitt & Steven Chaffee. (2002). From Top-Down to Trickle-up Influence: Revisiting
Assumptions About the Family in Political Socialization. Political Communication. vol. 19. pp. 281-301. 319
Focused Group Discussion, University of Malakand, Chakdara Dir. October 25, 2016. 320
Plutzer. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter. pp. 41-56. 321
FGD University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016.
111
Similarly, the indirect effects of the parents on the children’s political behavior are
also significant. For some scholars those children whose parents tend to participate in the
elections, actively participate and engage in political and civic activities.322
For others, the
level and ratio of political and civic participation of those children are high whose parents
are involved in electoral campaigns and engaged in voluntary activities.323
This is the
indirect role and influence of the parents on the behavior pattern of their children because
their intentions are not to involve and influence their children’ political and civic behavior.
In the opinion of some scholars, these indirect activities of the parents, influence the
behavior patterns of the children because they (children) consider (their) parents their role
models in their political and social life. Children adopt the habits of their parents in their
personal life and they start to act their political and civic roles from a very young age.324
In
the opinion of Chan and Elder (2001), parents through their engagement and involvement
in the political and civic activities, socialize their children and influence their political
behavior. Thus they are encouraged to participate in different political and civic groups in
an un-described way.325
The stability in the family life and the good and mutual relations and respect among
the family members especially between the parents has also great indirect impacts on the
socialization and behavior of the children. The stable environment at home can positively
affect the political participation and behavior pattern of individuals. For affective political
socialization and political participation the presence of both the parents are important and
necessary. The absence of one of the parents can potentially lower the level of political
322
Plutzer. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter. p.47 323
Roker D., Player K., & Coleman, J. (1999). Young People’s Voluntary Campaigning Activities as Sources
of Political Education. Oxford Review of Education. vol. 25 (1/2). pp. 185-198; Chan, C.G., & Elder, G.H.
(2001). Family Influences on the Social Participation of Youth: The effects of Parental Social
Involvement and Farming. Rural Sociology. 66(1). pp. 22-42. 324
Hess & Torney. (1967). The Development of Political Attitudes in Children., & Thomas. (2006). Bowling
Young. pp. 501-425. 325
Chan and Elder. (2001). Family Influences p. 26.
112
understanding and awareness of the children.326
Gimple et al (2003) argues that political
discussions are frequently occur very less in a single parent families. Neither enough
political information and knowledge is transferred to the children nor they provided an
open space for political debates and discussions. They are also not encouraged to take part
in political and civic activities.327
Some scholars argue that for the long term and stable social networks of the
children and their integration into the community and society, stable parental and family
relations are very much necessary.328
The presence of both the parents provide the children
two role model instead of one which obviously enhance their political knowledge and
understanding of political events and issues. The broken or divorced families may have
very negative impacts on the children’s socialization and political behavior. This not only
decreases the children’s participation in the volunteer activities but also significantly affect
the voter turnout.329
However, as female members of the family are not actively and
independently involved in politics, both in JI and JUI affiliated families, therefore, their
absence in the family do not affect the political orientation of the children. The structure of
the family is highly patriarchal and the male head is more involved in the political
socialization of the children. However, it also does not signify that the absence of the
female member of the parents has no impacts on the behavior of the children. The socio-
psychological impacts are very high in such cases, which obviously have some indirect
effects on the political socialization of the children.
It is also a fact that all the families are not effectively able to transmit their political
values to their children. Niemi et al. (1978) while conducting research on the similarity of
326
J. W. Clarke. (1973). Family Structure and Political Socialization Among Urban Black Children.
American Journal of Political Science. vol. 17(2). pp. 302-315. 327
J. G. Gimpel, C. J. Lay and J. E Schuknecht. (2003). Cultivating Democracy. Civic Environments and
Political Socialization in America. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. 328
L. Stoker, & M. K. Jennings. (1995). Life-Cycle Transitions and Political Participation: the case of
Marriage. American Political Science Review. vol. 89. pp. 421-434. 329
Sandell, J., & E. Plutzer. (2005). Families, Divorce and Voter Turnout in the US”. Political Behavior. vol.
27(2). pp. 133-162.
113
parents and children’s political attitudes, found a strong similarity in attitudes of college
students with their parents. In comparison to that, the similarity between the parents and
their non-students children were not that strong and significant.330
They relate their
findings to the socio-economic status of the families and argued that parents have a
stronger influence over their children in families with high socio-economic status. In
Plutzer (2002) opinion, the high socio-economic status families invest more efforts,
resources and time in transmitting their values and attitudes to their children. Therefore,
their direct and indirect efforts of socializing their children are more effective than those
with a relatively low socio-economic status within a society.331
However, in the case of
both JI and JUI the socio-economic status of the families (in majority of the cases) are not
that effective. In contrast to the findings of Niemi et al (1978) people affiliated with
religious political parties with a comparatively low socio-economic status have significant
influence over their children than with a high socio-economic status. Also that children
who are educated in religious institutions are more inclined towards their family affiliated
religious political parties. Those children who study in colleges and universities can deviate
from the family’s politico-religious ideology.332
During a focused group discussion with
students in Malakand University, some of the previously affiliated IJT members told me
that even though their families are still affiliated to JI, but they have (the students) shifted
their loyalties to other political groups (Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf by many students).
Majority of those students revealed that due to their friends, they joined PTI. Some of them
got influenced from media as well. So it seems that family influence tend to weaken in the
case of children who study in colleges and universities.
330
R. G. Niemi, D. R. Ross, & Alexander J. (1978). The Similarity of Political Values of Parents and
College-Age Youths. Public Opinion Quarterly. vol. 42(4). pp. 503-520. 331
Plutzer. (2002). Becoming a Habitual Voter. p. 47. 332
Interview with Maulana Shareer Khan, head Teacher Jamiah Ahya-ul-Uloom Blambat: Dir. October 26,
2016.
114
A significant query can be ‘the level and extent’ of parents political values and
attitudes transmitted to the children. Both the direct and indirect factors of socialization and
values transfers from parents to children can be ineffective without the interest of the
children themselves. Some scholars argue that the level of interest of the children are as
important as the parents and other socializing agents.333
Young people and children can be socialized effectively if they themselves have the
interest with what they are being thought and transmitted. In those families where the
political debates and discussions are more frequent, children’s interest develop
significantly. This interest in political debates on issues and events within a family, prepare
them for political participation and values adaptation.334
Hence, it can be argued that the
intergenerational transmission of attitudes, behavior and values adaptation may be more
successful and significant if the young and children have high level of personal interest.
However, it is also important to argue that the interest in politics and political issues and
events is the impact and result of political socialization. How one’s interest develop in
politics will again take us to the analysis of the whole political socialization process.
Therefore, it is hard to locate the development of (political) interest of an individual at
some specific stage of socialization.335
4.7 POLITICAL OBJECTIVES AND DIRECTION OF AN INDIVIDUAL
Dean Jeroes 336
stated that family role in socializing children can be understood in
two in-inevitable ways. First, the birth of an individual in a family decide his fate. The
conditions in which an individual is born are associated to him in most part of his life. For
example if a child is born in a middle class family, his environment in home will be
333
Tedin. (1974). The Influence of Parents. pp. 1579-1592; Jennings, Stoker & Bowers. (2001). Politics
Across Generations. pp. 57-59 334
Prewitt. (1965). Political Socialization and Leadership Selection. p.105 (96-111) . 335
Bill E. Peterson. (2006). Generativity and Successful Parenting: An Analysis of Young Adult Outcomes.
Journal of Personality. vol. 74(3). pp. 847-969. 336
Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p.80
115
different from a child born in an upper class family. His association with other children and
his schooling will be different. His family environment and tendencies in civic and political
activities will be different. Hence will produce a different class of socialized children.
Robert Lane (1962), is also of the opinion that “political objectives and political
interests of an individual are determine by his birth, family and the circumstances in which
he is born”.337
This is very much visible in religio-political families. In case of JI the child
has to follow the specified pattern of education and political socialization. In JUI affiliated
religious families, most of the children are sent to Madaris irrespective of their own will.
However, Jeroes and Robert arguments do not signify that an individual born in a
family in specific circumstances, be doing and adopting exactly what his family and
parents do. Obviously the family and circumstances have a dominant role in an individual
direct socialization and that role is undeniable but when it comes to the indirect
socialization there are other agents, which are responsible for the re-socialization or late-
socialization of the individuals. Yet again these agents are also determine by the family.
Schools, peer group, mass media and exposure to certain people, ideas and circumstances
are all defined and determined by the birth of an individual in a family.
As the process of socialization continue throughout the life of an individual, it is
very obvious that he can adopt new ideas, values and norms and can divert from his family
ideals. In the later part of adolescence, the reasoning capacity of individuals increases and
they accept things and ideas by reasons and not by mere following. For example some very
prominent members of both JI and JUI have left their childhood parties. Though the
number of such people are very less, still the circumstances and the contextual factors
compel them to change their political loyalties.338
337
Robert E. Lane. (1962). Political Ideology. New York: Free Press 338
In Dir and D.I. Khan, there were very few people who are socialized in the family and later on left the
party on some grounds. However, this signify that the family early socialization is not final.
116
Another face of family in the process of socialization is the direct learning and
indoctrination process of family. As discussed earlier, family is the most influential
institution in preserving the status quo of society, so children are transmitted the generally
accepted norms and values of the community for smooth functioning of system. Families
and parents are more concerned with the does and don’ts of their children. Children do
acquire most of the habits of their parents because they, for the most of the time are
exposed to their own parents only. Similarly, discussion within the family have also a high
level of impact on children character building and their socialization. It is obvious that
children do learn and acquire from their parents but the most important question would be
“to what extent the children’s political or civic characters are built by the parents”?
Obviously the exact extent of the parents influence is not possible to quantify. However,
both JI and JUI affiliated families have significant impacts on the children civic and
political orientation. There might be different reasons for that but the most visible and
important one is the head of the family position and role in the family’s socio-political
affairs. It is important to know that how much space and weightage is given to the children
in socio-political discussion and decisions. Many respondent were having an opinion that
children are not given much space in political decisions making. Even they are told to cast
their vote in favor of a particular contestant if the party’s candidate is not contesting
elections.339
Similarly, the civic activities of the children are related and associated to the
permission of their family’s heads. If the head and elders of the family give them
permission to participate in some societal related welfare work, they participate.340
It is the family who make aware the children of their respective roles in the society.
For example what position a boy will acquire and what a girl will do, is indoctrinated to
339
Interview with Sami Ur-Rehman, JI Ex-District Amir Karak. November 07, 2016. 340
FGD University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016.
117
them from the very young age. Even the selection of toys for the children define to them
their responsibilities and duties.
The male children in JUI affiliated families are given more attention in terms of
their education. Female education is not that encouraged. Female are also not allowed to
participate and attend any political gathering. However, due to the significant impacts of
Tablighi Jamaat on the people associated to JUI, female are allowed to participate in such
religious preaching activities which are specified for them.341
On the other hand JI
affiliated families give limited permission to the women for participation in JI religious and
political gatherings. As JI also have a women party wing, therefore, many women are
encouraged by their family’s heads to take part in active politics.342
Similarly, the religious beliefs of the family are also transmitted. In most part of the
world religion is considered to be a part of culture. So the religious values are transmitted
to the children not only as religious obligation but as cultural values also. In a Pashtoon
society religion and culture are inter-mixed to a great extent. Due to societal constraints the
religious families have also to follow the cultural and traditional path of the society.
Therefore, some religious values are transmitted to the children not only as religious
obligation but as cultural components of the society.343
4.8 CHILDREN ORIENTATIONS TOWARDS THE POLITICAL
COMMUNITY
Family and parents also shape the children orientation towards the political
community and the regime. Their orientation either negative or positive have consensual
back up of their families. For example General Zia’s personality, his reforms and
341
Interview with Tayyeb Akbari, Provincial President Jamiat Taluba-i-Islam. Dera Ismail Khan, December
08, 2016. 342
Interview with Zarawar Khan. Maidan: Dir. October 26, 2016 343
The most important example is the covering of face by a girl and the segregation of women and men in
some kind of social gatherings.
118
Islamization are portrayed in a positive way to the children, unanimously by all the families
affiliated to JI. Zia is being considered as a true Muslim and a great ruler who had done
much for the imposition of shariah in Pakistan. Except him, none of the rulers has done
anything practical for Islamization of the constitution in Pakistan.344
On the other hand the
opinion of the people regarding General Musharaff was very much negative. Specifically,
JUI members criticized him for the whole mess of the present time. However, such political
indoctrinations are not fixed and focused. These are done some time consciously and some
time unconsciously. So it used to be different to investigate that what a father/mother
teaches their children in a particular time.
Another important function in the family as a socializing agent is the status of the
family. The family income has a significant value in determining the political and civic
character of an individual. As Hess and Torney (1967) have argued, there is a great
difference in understanding and obeying any existing law or order among the children of
different classes. In their opinion the lower middle class children are more convinced of the
fairness of the law and unquestioned about the obedience to the regime.345
However, in the case of both JI and JUI the questions about the regime are not
regarding the distribution of resources, but regarding the efforts of the regime for the
Islamization of the system. The affiliates of both the parties are transmitting positive
feelings about the existing law of the land even though some of them consider it not
according to the teachings and directions of the holy Book. JI affiliates are comparatively
more revisionists but are law-abiding.346
JUI affiliates seemed satisfied with the system if
the Islamic provisions are not challenged and changed.347
Therefore, Hess and Torney
(1967) argument is challengeable in the sense that both JI and JUI affiliated families
344
Almost all the people from JI who I engaged in discussion with, during my field work, were having
positive opinion about Zia. 345
Hess and Torney. (1967). The development of political Attitudes. pp. 137-144 346
Interview with Sher Zamin Khan, Balambat, Dir. October 25, 2016. 347
Interview with Sadaatullah, Wensam College D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016.
119
irrespective of the socio-economic statuses transmit same regime level political values to
their children.
As the parents have the significant share in making their children aware of the
existing system and structure of the society. Revolutionist believe that any existing system
is merely preserving the interest of the ruling class and political elites. Majority of the
people belonging to the lower middle class do not dare to raise against the unjust treatment
because of the fear of losing what they already have. Therefore, they even do not discuss
the wrongs of the system with their children. In their early ages almost all the children are
indoctrinated the values of nationalism and loyalty to the state. The elements of nationalism
are more visible in JI affiliated families. They communicate their children the feelings of
nationalism and freedom.348
However, they also try to prepare them for an Islamic system
in the country. But this preparation or awareness is not against the state but against all
those who are (or can be) a potential hurdle in the way of Islamic system of law.349
This
may also include the existing government or regime as well.350
An another research found that father is an influential communicator in the family.
Those children who don’t have fathers at home have positive images of the figures of the
regime. The researchers have concluded from this finding a threefold proposition. 351
First,
they proposed that one probability can be that, “other areas have more anti-regime
sentiments then the areas where the research was conducted”. Secondly, it is also probable
that the parents or particularly the fathers used to transmit the anti-regime sentiments in the
children. Third, in the absence of a powerful and influential communicator i.e. the father,
the anti-regime sentiments are not instilled in the children. The study was conducted in US
where each of the parents have significant impacts (independently) on the children. the
348 The children are being thought Pakistani nationalism and they are informed how Pakistan came into being. 349
Interview with Zarawar Khan. Maidan: Dir. October 26, 2016. 350
As in the case of Musharraf after he joined hands with the US led NATO forces in War Against Terror in
Afghanistan 351
Dean Jeros et al. (1968). The Malevolent Leader: Political Socialization in American Sub-culture.
American Political Science Review. 62(June 1968). pp.564-575
120
comparative analysis of the single parents in Dir and D. I. Khan shows the pattern of
socialization a bit different to the propositions of the above study. The structure of the
family in such cases have significant impacts on the pattern of children’s socialization and
their regime level sentiments and orientations. In joint families mothers have very less role
in the political orientation of the children. In the single families though they have
significant role but to a very minimum level they transmit or communicate regime level
sentiments to their children. In such cases the third proposition of the above study seems
potential. So this study builds an argument that father is the most significant and influential
factor and agent in the regime level socialization and understanding of the children.
4.9 THE SHAPING OF VOTING BEHAVIOR
Another very significant evidence the favor of family role in the socialization is the
shaping of voting behavior. Several studies suggest that family has a dominant role in
shaping voting behavior of the young. Political discussions and family’s political affiliation
tend to indoctrinate specific political norms and values in the individuals.
A recent study conducted by Rauf and Shah (2015), found that family has a
significant value and role in shaping the electoral behavior of the individuals in Charsadda
Pakistan.352
They classified family in different categories. Each category has its own
impacts on the voting behavior of the individuals. Other researchers have emphasized that
party identification in the beginning is the responsibility of the family and the parents.353
It is also argued by some scholars that the lack of party identification by individuals
can be because of the lack of communication (political) between parents and children.354
Both the JI and JUI affiliated families are very much active and cautious about the
352
Abdul Rauf & Hassan Shah (2015). Determinants of Turnout in Elections: A Case Study of 2008 General
Elections in District Charsadda. Frontier Women University Journal of Social Sciences. Summer 2015,
vol. 9. pp. 111-117 353
Angus Campbell, Philip Converse, Warren Miller & Donald Stokes. (1960). The American Voter. New
York: John Wiley and Sons. pp. 146-149 354
Philip Converse and George Dupuex. (1962). Politicization of the Electorate in France and United States.
Public Opinion Quarterly. Spring, 1962, vol. 26. pp 23-30
121
appropriate party identification to their children. They from the very young age identify the
parties to their children and get them engage in attending party arranged politico-religious
meetings and gatherings.
Communication and discussion on politico-social matters are considered to be an
essential part of the discussion within the family. In JI affiliated families the Ijtima-i-Ahli
Khana is one such prominent forum where both male and female members of the family
get together and discuss religious, social and political affairs and matters. Though the JI
affiliates do not consider the gatherings as something having political ends. For them it is
more of religious kind of gatherings. Yet the different religious issues which are discussed
in such gatherings are contextualized with the JI literature specifically with Maulana
Maududi’s writings. This way the children from a relatively very young age get acquainted
with the writings of Maulana Maududi.355
Children and the entire family affiliated to JI (in
some cases in Dir) use to participate in the annual gatherings of the party in national level
or provincial level.356
JUI affiliated families do not have any such gatherings until associated with
Tableeghi Jamaat. In the later case the family gather for the recitation of some Ahadith
(sayings of the Holy Prophet) from a book known as Fazail-i-Aa’maal. They call this
gathering as Taleem (education).357
A pure Tableeghi Jamaat affiliated family is least or
even not interested in politics but JUI affiliated Tableeghi family is having some political
ends in such gatherings as well. In majority of such gatherings the Fazail-i-Aa’maal’
explanations are supplemented with the explanations from other sources, specifically from
the literature produced by Deobandi Ulema. Besides these Taleemi gatherings no other
religio-political gathering happen within the family. Also that the focus of the family used
355
Zarawar Khan. October 26, 2016. 356
Ibid. 357
All the families affiliated to JUI are not associated with Tableegh. So the Taleem activity is not a kind of
customary activity in all the families affiliated to JUI. Furthermore, this gathering is potentially making
the young religious minded. Though no political discussions happens in such gatherings, yet the
religiosity aspect of such gatherings are helpful for religious political parties (more importantly for JUI).
122
to be not more on literature or written material but on direct communication and
instructions. Discussion about politics and the party (JUI) is very frequent and the children
get the identification of the party and politics directly from their parents and other family
members.358
However, due to the development in internet and media and specifically the use of
social media has enormous effects on the orientation and political behavior of the
individuals. Discussion and communication in virtual spaces are perceived to be more open
then in real spaces. Here the individual are openly involved in communicating their
political ideals with other fellows. This kind of orientations can be termed as the late
orientation or re-orientation. The virtual spaces give chances to the individual to think
critically and rationally and analyze their understanding of political and civic activities and
beliefs. It also makes them rational in accepting and rejecting any idea or claim. Apparently
the use of social media has limited the role of family in the socialization of the children but
it is also important to know that, do the families affiliated with JI and JUI allow their
children to use it? If yes at what age the children are allowed to engage in virtual and cyber
activities?
It is learnt that the religious families affiliated to JI and JUI normally do not allow
their children to use tools and devices by which they can have access to social media
during their early ages. However, during the late teen ages the (male) children are given
permission to use social media and internet (although in most parts of the area where the
fieldwork was conducted, majority of the people were not having access to internet).359
Now, this is very important in terms of socialization and political orientation. In their late
teen ages, the children belonging to politically affiliated JI and JUI families, had already
made their minds with some pre-occupied politico-socio- religious concepts regarding JI
358
Interview with Abdul Hakim Akbari, D. I. Khan, December 09, 2016. 359
Saltanat Yar (Chakdra, Dir, October 26, 2016) and Maulana Hamdullah (D. I. Khan, December 08, 2016)
123
and JUI. So, if they get engage in some online discussions regarding the political parties
they affiliated with, that may help in broadening their opinion and perspective regarding
some politico-social issues. It is also obvious that they might get influence from the
political program of some other political parties as well.360
It is clear from the discussion above that family and parents have a dominant role in
the socialization of their children. The parental teachings and indoctrination focuses
primarily on the personality building of the individuals. The children are taught, how to
interact with the outer world? and how to understand and look into the social and political
system of the society? Most importantly, parents and families transmit the children the
identification of political parties, leaders and ideologies as in the case of JI and JUI.
However, it is also a fact that parental role in socialization and transmission of
political and social ideals to the children are incomplete without other elements and agents
of socialization. Yet, a fundamental question arise here is “ do all the early learning of a
child in his family have political consequences and implications in his later life?
The more appropriate answer could be that all (kind of) learning of the childhood
may not have political implications in the later life of the children. Still, as, different
aspects of an individual life are very much integrated and conjuncted, it seems very
difficult to isolate those factors or learning which have political implications and those
which do not have political implications and consequences. For example the un-intentional
teaching about the personality building and authority structure (within the family) do have
360
FGD, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 25, 2016. Two of the respondents told that they
previously were associated with IJT but now they are active members of ISF i.e. Insaf Student Federation
(a student wing of Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf). One of the respondent was belonging to a JI affiliated family,
his parents and family members were not happy with his political affiliation with ISF. In their opinion
social media has played a significant role in making their minds about ISF and PTI.
124
political consequences,361
as Confucius “Filial Piety” ultimately leads to love for the prince
and ruler (in the case of party, the party head).362
Similarly, personality building and its different concepts also have implications on
individual life. The individual personality determine what he/she is to get in a society. This
aspect of the individual personality is more important in the political sphere and spectrum
in making leaders (political). It is because common people tend to give more importance to
a person who’s (political) personality and even look (physical appearance) is better than the
others.
JI case in this regard is a bit different from JUI. In the farmer case leaders are
systematically produced and trained. Those people (children) who have some political
background due to their family involvement in political affairs, prove to be suitable and
acceptable leaders within the party folds in their later life. It is also important that people
affiliated to JI have a specific mindset and orientation regarding politico-social
(contemporary) issues. So a child who is trained in a JI affiliated family would have been
developed his personality accordingly, hence would be a more appropriate option for
leading the people from the party platform.363
On the other hand admission to the folds of JUI is not subjected to any hard and fast
rules. Any person at any stage can join the party, not necessarily as a worker but as a leader
as well. Sometime, it become a challenging phenomena for the party workers to accept
such people joining as leaders, primarily because of the lack of training in the party folds
and secondly, because of (political) personality issues.364
4.10 FAMILY AND COMMUNICATION
361
Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p. 83 362
John D. Young. (1983). Confucianism and Christianity: The First Encounter. Hong Kong: Hong Kong
University Press. p.19 363
Zarawar Khan. October 26, 2016 364
Abdul Hakim Akbari. December 09, 2016.
125
The above discussion was on the role of family and parents in the socialization of
children. Now if we make changes in the environment of family and make different
categories of it, will there be any changes in the socialization process of the individuals? if
yes , to what extent? if no, then why?
Lets categories family in “Nuclear family” and “joint Family” along with the socio-
economic status of the family. Each of the category of family have different impacts on the
children political orientation and socialization. However, such a claim needs extensive
empirical evidences. In each of the case a single essential aspect of political socialization is
occupying a central role. That aspect and element is the communication pattern of
individual within the family.
Communication experience of individual starts at very early stage of individual’s
life within the family, based on two dimensional pattern of communication; “the pattern of
social-oriented communication and concept-oriented communication”.365
In the social-orientation pattern of communication, families emphasized on the
social dimensions of the society. This pattern of communication encourages the youngsters
to abide by the norms and values of the family and society, pay respect to the elders, avoid
confrontation and difference to authority and avoid conflicts.
Concept orientation pattern of communication believes in the free and an open
exchange of ideas and views. This kind of communication encourages the children to be
dubious, skeptical, curious and think logically. It encourages them to analyze things and
events themselves without anyone’s influence and with their own thinking capacity. It
makes the children to take their own stands on various issues, well grounded, logical and
rational according to their own understanding. Hence, such pattern of communication
within the family welcome conversations and disagreements.
365
Steven H. Chaffee, Jack M. McLeod, and D. B. Wackman. (1973). Family Communication Patterns and
adolescent Political Participation, in Jack Dennis (ed), Socialization to Politics. New York: Wiley
126
4.11 PATTERN OF COMMUNICATION AND TYPES OF FAMILIES
The two patterns of communication “the pattern of social-oriented communication
and concept-oriented communication” then divide the families into four types.
(a) A Laissez Faire family, which is not that much involved in communication with their
children. Its role and capacity is very low in both social and conceptual orientation of the
children. It provides very little knowledge and guidance either social or conceptual to the
youngsters. In this category the low income families are at the top. As the attention of the
family elders are more towards the provision of basic necessities of life and children are
equally involved in the economic activities with their family elders, therefore, they find
very less time for discussions over socio-political issues. Though there are substantial
number of families affiliated to JI and JUI, who have comparatively very less economic
resources, but their pattern of communication is different from laissez faire families.
(b) A Protective Family, is very much high in indoctrination of social dimensions of family
and society. Its basic objective is the indemnity of social harmony, avoidance of conflicts
and respect to the authorities/elders. Both JI and JUI affiliated families indoctrinate high
moral standards (according to the social environment of the locality) to their children. As
the respect for the elders is a social constrain, it is also portrayed as religious obligation. JI
affiliated families are exemplary in the transmission of the values of harmony and social
tolerance to their children. Some of the respondent criticized JUI affiliated people and
families for transmitting anti JI sentiments to their children.366
However, many respondents
from JUI denied the claim. In their opinion Ulema affiliated to Deoband school of thought
had some minor differences with JI founder Maulana Maududi. Those differences are not
that severe today, that children are also made part of it. Yes, they responded, if we consider
366
Maulana Shareer Khan, head Teacher Jamiah Ahya-ul-Uloom Blambat, Dir. October 26, 2016.
127
ourselves on the right path and direction, definitely, we would like our children to follow
the same path.367
(c) A Pluralistic Family, is much high in concept orientation and low in social orientations.
Such families are more open in encouraging their youngsters to engage in socio-political
debates, raise questions and logical and rational decisions. Families affiliated with JI and
JUI though encourage their children (male only) to engage in political discussions and
activities but they are not allowed to raise questions regarding their own parties. Hence
they are also not allowed to make their own decisions regarding any politico-social issue. It
can also be said that the communication between the parents and children are very much
unidirectional in nature. Parents usually focus the party of their affiliation and expect the
children to follow the same. The rational thinking and logical decision making of the
children which are the basic features of a pluralistic family are lacking. Therefore, the JI
and JUI affiliated families cannot be exclusively termed as pluralistic families.
(d) A Consensual Family, is actively involved in indoctrinating their children in both social
and conceptual pattern. Such family is encouraging and allowing the children to engage in
a free and open debate and develop their logical thinking, but at the same time it is also
focusing on the societal norms and values. It also indoctrinate the children to avoid
conflicts and confrontations.368
The families associated to both JI and JUI to a greater
extent transmit and teach their children the socio-political norms of the society. As their
main focus for the indoctrination is religion therefore, they are not that open and free in
providing their children a free environment for thinking independently and “rationally”.
They are transmitted the traditional family’s understanding of the politico-social and
religious norms and values.
367
Naseer Khan Nasir, D. I. Khan, December 08, 2016. 368
Chaffee, Mcleod and Wackman. (1973). Family Communication Patterns. pp. 81-89
128
The family emphasis on concept dimension both in JI and JUI is key to political
socialization. It enable the young and children to explore themselves and rationally analyze
the do’s and don’ts of politics. It also encourage the individual to actively engage in
debates and discussions which are essential in the positive personality development of
individual. This also encourage them extracting positive from opposite point of view,
which ultimately enable them to digest and accept oppositions in debates and discussions.
4.12 POLITICAL PARTY’S IDENTIFICATION
The political affiliation of the parents and family is very significant in the future
political orientation of the children. It is believed that children do affiliate themselves with
the political parties with which their parents are affiliated. In the developed worldthe
concept of consensual family, where children are often given free hand and open
environment to rationally adopt and follow any political ideology is very prominant.
However, in the developing world family’s role is much of an instructor. Parents and
family are to determine what political ideology their children have to adopt and which
political party they are to follow.
For example in Dir, in the case of Jamaat-i-Islami and in D.I. Khan in the case of
JUI three distinct mechanism for family role in the political indoctrination of their children
were observed.
(1) The first one is the “induction” effects and mechanism, where the head of the family or
some time known as the “opinion leader” induced and transmit the same political values
and attitudes he/she had himself, to the other members of the family. The induction
mechanism is much visible in the political indoctrination of the children.
During interview with many elders of the locality, they said that, they do not allow
their children to follow any other political party with some other ideology. However, when
they were asked whether their parents had allowed them to follow a specific political and
129
religious ideology? Their responses were that in the beginning they had faced problems but
with the passage of time the parents’ attitudes and opinion changed in their favor. Many of
the young activists of Jamaat were of the opinion that they are affiliated with the Jamaat
because their families were/are a part of the Jamaat. In their opinion Jamaat is their
family’s political party.
The best example of the induction effects according to Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955),
is the persuasion of the parents and elders for vote in favor of a specific political group or
party during elections.369
The shaping of voting behavior is the prerogative of the family’s
elder. He is to determine to whom the family will vote. The young and the female members
of the family have no say in the affairs related to politics and elections. Even in the absence
of the party’s candidate and irrespective of the party electoral alliance, if the young and
females are directed to use their vote in favor of a particular candidate, they cannot
refuse.370
(2) The second is the “homophile” effects, which denotes the concept of like minded
people living together with similar political orientations, values and attitudes in a same
political environment. Children in such an environment are exposed to continuous political
discussions and political stimuli, leading to the intra-family consistency.371
The continuous
exposure of children to similar politico-social contents and environment help them
streamline their political orientations and learning in a particular pattern and direction. The
pattern and direction is determine by the family head.
(3) The third one is the confounding effects. These effects within the family environment
are contextual and the impacts are different on different individual. The basic political
stimulus lays in the community, where political and civic participation and engagement is
369
Elihu Katz and Paul Felix Lazarsfeld. (1955). Personal Influence: the Part Played by People in the Flow
of Mass Communications. New York: Free Press. 370
Interview with ex-Senator Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, Provincial Amir JUI KP. Peshawar, November 27,
2016. 371
Gregory A. Huber & Neil Malhotra. (2013). Dimensions of Political Homophily: Isolating Choice
Homophily along Political Characteristics. Yale University: Institution for Social and Policy Studies
130
at peak. Huckfeldt and Sprague (1995) are of the opinion that in such environment the
effects of friends and neighbors are more on the individuals compared to the family and
parental influence.372
The confounding effects are more visible in those areas where the
societal collective politico-social role is more than an individual family. In such case the
pattern of political socialization is determine by the society and not by the family. JI in Dir
provides a perfect example in this regard. There are many people who have confirmed their
affiliation with JI because of the general environment around them.373
There can also be
some other stimuli which can attract the attention of the people because of some specific
reasons.374
CONCLUSION
Family socialization is an important element in both JI and JUI. It is the family
which is to decide, who an individual is to be politically. Family transmit the norms and
values associated and specific to any political party. The religio-political ideologies of JI
and JUI are transmitted and indoctrinated to the coming generation primarily in the
families. In that case JI affiliated families are having an upper-hand, because of a
customary practice of family gathering. Ijtima-i-ahl-i-khana is having significant
implications in making young (children) politically aware and acquainted with JI. JUI
families, though, are not having any such customary gathering, yet, they too focus on the
(politico-religious) personality development and transmission of norms and values
associated with JUI. However, family socialization is not the only and final socialization.
There are other agents and factors which supplement or replace the family
socialization. The most important in those agents is the “educational institutions”. Schools,
372
Robert R. Huckfeldt, & John Sprague. (1995). Citizens, Politics, and Social Communication: Information
and Influence in an Election Campaign. New York: Cambridge University Press 373
Focus Group Discussion. University of Malakand. Chakdara : Dir. October 25, 2016. 374
For example Hassan Ali Shah who is presently serving as Tehsil Naib Nazim Monda was previously
associated with Awami National Party. He joined JI in 2001 when US forces attacked Afghanistan. The
environment around him was very much in favor of religious political parties. JI in his home town was
comparatively in superior position, therefore, his inclination towards it seems to be an environmental
factor.
131
colleges and madrassas due to a different nature and structure from family, socialize an
individual in a different way. They are the agents who introduce an individual to the
society and outer world for the first time. The next chapter encompasses the role of
education institutions in the (political) socialization of an individual.
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CHAPTER – 5
ROLE OF EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN POLITICAL
SOCIALIZATION
Although parents in JI and JUI affiliated families have a dominant role in the early
socialization of the children, yet, schools and colleges are also playing a significant role in
the re-socialization of individuals. In fact schools and colleges are considered to be
nurseries and training camps for JI members and leaders due to the presence of Islami
Jamiat Talba (IJT), a student organization of JI. However, this chapter focuses more on
other aspects of school and college socialization rather than IJT. These other aspects
include curricular contents, curricular contents mediated by the quality of education,
teacher’s propagation of their own values in the classroom structured environment,
expression of their “own” values outside of the classroom in relatively in un/less-structured
environment, student affiliation/affection with a teacher(s) and the values they perceived to
have. This chapter tries to investigate the fundamental question of how the children are
socialized and indoctrinated in the ideology of JI and JUI in schools and colleges. It
discusses the role of educational institutions in the (political) socialization of the children.
The chapter discusses that, the role of a teacher is very much important and significant in
terms of communicating the curricula contents to the students in their own way and
methods. Their personal values, likes and dislikes and political affiliation greatly affects the
classroom discussions and learning. In Dir and Dera Ismail Khan, the party affiliated
members are running their own schools which are also instilling and implanting the party
religious doctrine in the children. In government schools, their main agents of socialization
are the Arabic or theology teachers, who, if, affiliated to the party are indoctrinating the
students, in the party religious ideology. This indoctrination normally based upon the
classroom and out of the class discussion.
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5.1 SCHOOLS AS SOCIALIZING AGENTS
In the societal and state level, indoctrination of specific norms and values to the
citizens, in the schools and colleges, are the specific and focused policy matters of the
regimes and governments. From Plato to the modern day, all the political philosophers
have emphasized on the need and significance of the (civic) education to the citizens.
Governments, regimes and political leaders are very much concerned with what is being
taught to the children in schools and colleges. They want to have such a friendly system of
education which can ensure the (regime) stability.
A school is an artificial institutions formally set up for the cultural transmission,
values transfer, harmonizing community members and socialization of individuals. It is
different from a community in a sense that it is deliberately and formally constituted for
specific aims and purposes. Schooling in the opinion of Schafft & Biddle is “the
appearance of organized instructional activity in which the position of the teacher is
differentiated from other positions in the system and given the explicit task of socializing
neophytes”.375
Schools in the opinion of some scholars are taking over the position of family in the
socialization and induction of the new members to the community and society. It is the first
large scale organization and institution of which an individual become a member. A school
in-fact, not only makes aware the individuals about what happens around them rather it
also reflects the wider activities of the society.
Schools do influence children and are having a dominant share in the making of the
future citizens. But their role is different from family in a sense that the contents, process
and procedure in the family indoctrination is not deliberate and intentional. While that of
375
Kai A. Schafft and Catharine Biddle. (2013). Place and Purpose in Public Education: School Mission
Statements and Educational (dis)embeddedness. American Journal of Education. 120 (5). pp. 55-76.
134
schools are deliberate and extremely intentional. It fundamentally rely on “who runs the
school”?
In this modern “government of the people’s” time, only an educated citizen can
reap the fruits of representative government and governance. Education can make
individual adoptable and it can espouse Herbert Spenser’s “survival of the most adoptable”
principle.
It is the education and the education system which socialize and prepare students to
become valuable members of the society and play meaningful roles in the development of
the society by holding specialized positions. Every society has some norms and values,
which maintain order and harmony among the community members. Educational
institutions play a vital role in instilling, maintaining and propagating those values, norms
and attitudes.
Education also helps in widening the mental horizons and understanding of the
students and instill in them new ways and techniques for looking into themselves and
exploring and evaluating their societies. Education offer opportunities to the young people
to equip themselves with the modern trends, techniques, norms and values for intellectual,
rational, emotional, social and political growth. Thus it helps a society to function and
perform its day to-day work in a broader perspective and according to the changing global
conditions and circumstances.
Zarawar Khan considers School “a form of social club”. It enables children to learn
and adopt their respective roles within the social and political sittings of a society. It gives
them the concept of laws and norms of the community which enable them to understand
their rights and duties and the responsibilities they are to assume and undertake.376
376
Interview with Zarawar Khan, Lal Qala Maidan, Dir. October 27, 2016. (Zrawar Khan in his late 60s is
one of the active members of JI in Manyaal Maidan: Dir. He was one of the founding member of IJT and
the party in the area. He remained General secretary of Tanzim-i-Asataza Pakistan (organization of the
teachers) and vice president of Tanzim-i-Asataza Khyber PakhtunKhwa, a teachers wing of JI. He also
135
In Hamdullah opinion, “as the school and educational institutions provide different
groups work and activities, therefore, the children learn how to share responsibilities and
ideas. Education teaches cooperation and tolerance to the students which are vital aspects
of a society in its social and political spheres”.377
Jamaat-i-Islami believes in an integrated and socially connected society.378
People
in a society are knotted together in different social relationships. Children identify these
relations in the families. However, as long as children remain only in contact with their
family members, the social relations within a society cannot last for a long. Children are
needed and required to have interaction with other people who are out of the family.
Zarawar Khan considers school, the very first place where children have the
opportunity to interact with the people out of the family. In his opinion it is the school
which implant the civic sense, values and understanding in the children. The most
important are the nationalistic feelings and character development of the children.379
likewise Elkin & Handel (1978) consider school, an agency (the first one after family), that
encourages the children to develop loyalties and sentiments which goes beyond the family,
resultantly linking them with the wider social order. In schools, the children for the first
time, come under the supervision of the people who are not the family members. Therefore,
remained District Education Officer Dir. Mr. Khan is jointly running a school, Hira Public School in Lal
Qala Maidan. He is also the chairman district Zakat committee Dir). 377
Interview with Maulana Hamdullah, D. I. Khan, December 09,2016. (Maulana Hamdullah an affiliate of
JUI is a head teacher in Madrassa Jamia Mahmudia Eid Gah D. I. Khan. He remained Amir of JUI Tehsil
D. I. Khan. He is currently a member of central executive council of the party. He studied geology (though
could not completed the degree) from University of Peshawar and got Bachelor of Pharmacy degree from
Gomal University D. I. Khan. He was important in the sense that he witnessed both school and Madrassa
socialization). 378
Islam ka Nizam e Hayat (Islamic way of Life). Maulana Maududi speeches, telecasted from Radio
Pakistan Lahore. January 06, 1948- February 21, 1948. http://tazkeer.org/literature/books/ accessed
3/12/2017 379
Zarawar Khan was of the opinion that school perform a great job in making children good citizen of the
polity. In his opinion it is the school which teaches the children how to live in harmony with the fellow
children and ultimately with fellow citizens in the society. October 27, 2016. Maidan: Dir.
136
their very first interaction with the society and the members of the society is done in a
school.380
For Zarawar Khan, classroom is an important place for the socialization of children.
It is very important that a child do many things in the presence of other children of his age.
Therefore, with the interaction, they learn many things. They learn how to behave and react
with a more formalized group members in some specific situations. However, as Coats &
Wagenaar (1999) suggested, during the initial interactions of a child with his peer group
members, he is not independent of his parents influence, expectation and perceptions.381
Hamdullah in response to this affirmed that due to age factor, children have to
follow the instructions of their elders and parents. The already learned norms and values at
home affect significantly the classroom and peer group environment. However, with the
passage of time and with more informal interaction with fellow children, a child learn more
and more values and accumulate and absorb the social norms of interaction within a
group.382
Similarly, Pollack & Freda (1997), also suggested that “classroom environment in
school socialization, occupy an important position”. In their opinion an open and relatively
free environment encourages the children and students to interact freely and openly with
the fellow students. Thus creating a suitable environment for the free flow of information
and values transfers. They have found in their research that “humor within the group
members in this regards plays an important role”.383
380
Frederick Elkin and Gerald Handel. (1978). The child and society: The process of socialization (3rd
ed.).
New York: Random House. 381
Rodney D. Coates and Theodore Wagenaar. (1999). Race and Children: The Dynamics of Early
Socialization. Education. 120(2). pp. 220-236. 382
In Hamdullah opinion some time it is very problematic for the teacher and fellow students in a madrassa to
accommodate a new student with his family values. The different social environment at home transmit
different values from that of Madrassa. Therefore, in the beginning of every new class every year, we
strictly prohibit all the students from discussion on politics and other related issues. 383
Judy P. Pollak and Paul D. Freda. (1997). Humor, Learning and Socialization in the Middle Level
Classroom. The Clearing House. vol. 70. pp. 176-178.
137
However, many of the JI and JUI associates contested “the humor element” within
the group. In their opinion the humor element is important but to a certain level and
limits.384
Similarly, in response to a question of “how do you create an open and workable
environment within IJT”? Many students were of the opinion that “it is the mutual respect
among the group members which encourages them to interact and makes it relatively a free
and open environment.385
Second to this, comes the role of a teacher. The role of a teacher is very important
in the socialization and social development of a child. A teacher very effectively asses the
students in achieving and maintaining balance between traditional norms/values and
rebellious attitudes of the students. For example Zarawar Khan, gives much weightage to
the role of a teacher in this regard. While narrating his story, he said that in the initial years
of his service, the school head teacher had a strong group and influential company of many
teachers within the school. This group was socialist in their beliefs. They used to
indoctrinate the communist way of life to the students. He challenged the group by
effectively narrating the students, the Islamic way of life.386
Similarly, Hamdullah was also of the opinion that a teacher has a significant share
in the indoctrination of some specific values to the students. In his opinion “the political
and ideological values transfer to the students in Madrassa are significant because of the
teachers”.387
It is a teacher who has to maintain and control the classroom environment.
Therefore, he can influence the students attitudes both directly and indirectly. There is a
well known quote that “if a teacher and a student can laugh together, they can plan together
and can work together”.
384
For example Mufti Khalid (in his early 40s, from Talash Dir, associated with JUI and a teacher in
Madrassa in Peshawar) told me that humor (mazaq banana aor mazaq urhana i.e. making fun of anyone)
is strictly prohibited in Islam. Talash, Dir. December 25, 2016. 385
Focused group discussion with the students in University of Malakand. October 24,2016 386
Zarawar Khan, October 27, 2016. 387
Maulana Hamdullah, December 09,2016.
138
Along with the important question of who runs the affairs of school? another
important set of questions can be, what is taught (communicated ) to the students in terms
of norms and values? and how or to what extent these have an impact(s) on the lives of the
students?
One way to answer these question can be the analysis of curriculum of the schools
and colleges. However, that is beyond the scope of this research, as the curriculum do not
have any material regarding JI and JUI and it essentially do not transmit any party based
political values to the students.
For school socialization, other societal factors and agents cannot be ignored.388
These factors and agents may have direct and indirect impacts on a child behavior and life
than the school. Schools, thus, are not independent socializing agents for JI and JUI.
Socialization and the transfer of political values in schools occur in six different processes.
These processes with all their differences from one another, are not independent from one
another. They are somehow connected to each other and are highly value laden. It may also
happen that all or some continue at the same time.
5.2 CURRICULAR CONTENTS
Curriculum is consider to be the most important element in education. JI believes
that “school through the curriculum in a pre-designed and formal way, provides the
children knowledge and understanding of basic intellectual and educational skills i.e.
verbal expression, reading, writing, quantitative and cognitive abilities and skills”. It is the
388
The most important agent is the parents and family. As discussed in the previous chapter, the role of the
family is much important in shaping the politico-social behavior and pre-disposition of the children. The
influence of the family socialization remains for long. However, it does not have permanent impacts in all
cases. For example I found many affiliates in both Dir and D. I. Khan who were affiliated to JI and JUI
because of their teachers. In their cases the teacher role was more dominant then the family or other
socialization agents. On the other hand many of the respondents were of the opinion that due to their
families they were associated to JI and JUI. If the teachers or schools had any significant role, more then
that of parents and family, they would not have been affiliated to JI and JUI as in schools and colleges
many teachers are affiliated to political parties other than JI and JUI. So if the family influence was weak,
many of the children from JI and JUI affiliated families would have different political orientations and
preferences. Similarly, if the teacher’s influence was more than that of family, all the students in JI and
JUI affiliated teacher’s class would have JI and JUI affiliates.
139
curriculum and education which teaches the children language and allows and encourage
them to communicate with the fellow community members according to their respective
status and position in the society. Curriculum focuses on the “cultural achievements of a
society, therefore, it also provide the cultural basis of a society to the children and
students.”389
Maulana Gul Nasib Khan believes that curricular contents develop the “political
conscious and understanding of the children” from a very young age. “These understanding
at a very young age make the students aware of their political environment by identifying
to them their national friends, foes and heroes.”390
One of the main aim of education
institutions is the preparation of socially and economically productive members within a
society. It is the curriculum which provides opportunities to the members for enhancing
their vocational abilities.
However, both the JI and JUI associates are not satisfied with the curriculum
contents in Pakistan. For example in the opinion of Saltanat Yar391
and others, the
curriculum within Pakistan failed to assign the students their respective productive roles
within the society. It also lacks the ability to make them good Muslims and productive
members of the society.392
389
Muslim Sajjad. (1996, 3rd ed.). Islami Riyasat may Nizam-i-Taleem (Education System in an Islamic
State). Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies. pp. 120-124 390
Maulana Gul Nasib Khan is the provincial Amir of JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He also remained member
Senate, the upper house of the Pakistani Parliament. November 25, 2016, JUI secretariat Peshawar. 391
Saltanat Yar advocate is an active member of JI in Tehsil Adenzai. He contested 2013 provincial election
on JI ticket, but could not succeed. I met him in AFAQ regional office in Chakdara. AFAQ (Association
For Academic Quality) is an organization dedicated to improving education in Pakistan. It has a vision to
improve the literacy rate in Pakistan through a diverse range of services, including but not limited to
curriculum development, textbooks and children’s publications, model school development, teacher
training, youth promotion, career counseling and student assessment and evaluation. Saltanat Yar told me
that he has very deep and friendly terms with the regional director and they used to talk about the
curriculum and teachers training. Majority of the schools (all Hira schools) run by JI affiliates, teaches
AFAQ course and syllabus. 392
Interview with Saltanat Yar Advocate. Chakdara: Dir, October 24, 2016. Similarly other people from JI
and JUI were also having same responses. In their opinion it is now the responsibility of the aware and
learned people within the society to come forward and lead the future generation by indoctrinating them
with the appropriate knowledge of Islam and our local culture.
140
Zarawar Khan who is jointly running a private school in Maidan, Lal Qala, was
very much critical of the curricular contents of the state run schools. In his opinion the
curriculum of the privately run schools are far better than government schools in terms of
the needs and requirements of the modern day world. In his opinion JI in this regard is
doing great job by encouraging its affiliates for opening private schools and education
institutions in the country. He, however, was also against the promotion and projection of
some specific political values and ideologies in the curriculum. He clarified that JI affiliates
though running private schools in the locality, yet they are not using that for the promotion
of political ideals of the party.393
So which curriculum can be a good one? For professional educators, best curricular
contents would be the one which can prepare the young students for complex politico-
social life. Some educationalists have suggested the need of curricula which can involve
the students in different kinds of participatory activities, gathering, evaluating and
absorbing information, awareness about civic activities and participation and last but not
the least the knowledge about one’s rights. With the increase in physical and mental age
they should also be indoctrinated some regime level values, political conflict resolving
mechanism and most importantly the values of human rights.394
Zarawar Khan opined that
the subject of Ma’ashrati Uloom (social studies) needs more focus and attention. Presently
the social studies courses are to a larger extent promote the regime level values but failed to
prepare the future citizens for the complex socio-political environment in the region. They
also lack the potential of transmitting the students “true” nationalistic feelings of
Pakistaniat (being Pakistani). Furthermore, the contents of these courses are also lacking
information about individual rights (basic human rights), which is again a drastic need of
the time.
393
Zarawar Khan, October 27, 2016. 394
James P. Shaver. (1965). Reflective Thinking, Values and Social Studies Textbooks. School Review. 73
(Autumn 1965). pp. 226-257
141
Edger has as early as 1963, suggested the need for balanced social study courses.
He argued that “some values which are considered essential by policy makers like ethno-
centralism and patriotism can be change to a more civic nature if the students are exposed
to a more balanced course of social studies.”395
Maulana Rahimullah advocate in response to a question of whether curriculum has
any role in indoctrinating the students any political party ideology? Said that neither
government school curriculum nor private schools curriculum directly transmit and
indoctrinate any party ideology. In his opinion curriculum only develops a broader civic
sense of the students. Making students political and that too in some specific direction is
beyond the scope of the present curriculum contents in the province.396
It can thus be suggested that if students in Dir and D. I. Khan are indoctrinated the
JI and JUI ideology in schools are not because of the curriculum contents, but may have
some other aspects and factors as well. Furthermore, curriculum contents would essentially
transmit and indoctrinate similar values. But the case is different as all the students in a
school or even in a class are not having similar participatory values and behavior.
Curriculum only gives a broader civic sense. Exploiting that sense and directing that in
some specific political direction is beyond the capacity and approach of curriculum
contents. In fact here starts the intrusion of other processes of the school socialization.
5.3 CURRICULUM CONTENT MEDIATED BY THE QUALITY OF
EDUCATION
In Rahimullah opinion the question should not be “what is taught in schools?
Rather it should be how it is taught? Curriculum contents may have significant impacts on
making students aware of their political and social systems in a broader sense, but that too
395
Edgar Litt. (1963). Civic Education Norms and Political Indoctrination. American Sociological Review. 28
(Feb 1963). pp.69-75 396
Rahimullah advocate is an affiliate and ex-Amir of JI Malakand division. He is running a school-cum-
Madrassa in Adenzai tehsil and is having knowledge of curricula of government and private schools in
Dir. Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016.
142
is dependent on the methods and skills through which these are transferred and
indoctrinated to the students.397
For the proper transmission of curriculum contents to the students the most
important element is the effectiveness of the teacher and instructor. Methods of teaching
and teacher’s furnished and up-to date knowledge of the topics are the essential elements of
the effectiveness of a teacher. In the opinion of scholars “the teacher’s un-enlighten, non-
participatory and old fashioned method and behavior may severely affect the contents of
curriculum and nullify the anticipated benefits.”398
In Zarawar Khan opinion if a teacher is affiliated to any of the political parties, that
also can affect the contents of the curriculum. In case of JI and JUI, affiliated teachers can
easily and effectively instill and implant the ideology of their parties. No matter what so
ever the content of the curriculum is, the teacher can make it, mold it and fold it to fit it,
into the political ideology and spectrum of his political party. However, in his opinion all
the teachers affiliated to JI are not supposedly propagating the political values of Jamaat.399
On the other hand Tayyeb Akbari400
opined that majority of the teachers affiliated
to JUI are Arabic or Theology teachers. So they have to teach the respective courses to
their students, the way the students can understand them easily. There is nothing like
political ideology or political parties which the teachers teach and preach about, in their
classes. Yes, they do discuss with the students the prominent personalities of the land
(Indo-Pakistan) and their services to Islam and Pakistan.401
However, responding to another
question regarding the personalities and their role in the political indoctrination of new
397
Rahimullah, October 24. 398
David W. Johnson and Roger T. Johnson. (2008). Social Interdependence Theory and Cooperative
Learning: The Teacher’s Role. In ed. Robyn M. Gillies, Adrian F. Ashman and Jan Terwel, The Teacher’s
Role In Implementing Cooperative Learning In The Classroom. New York: Springer Science + Business
Media. pp. 10-16 399
Zarawar Khan. Lal Qala: Maidan 400
Maulana Tayyeb Akbari in his mid 30s is a practicing lawyer in D. I. Khan. He is Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
provincial General Secretary Jamiat Talba Islam (JTI), a student’s organization of JUI. Mr. Akbari has a
vast experience in interaction with students and teachers from Madrassas, schools, colleges and
universities. 401
Interview with Advocate Tayyeb Akbari, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.
143
comers to the party, Mr. Akbari was of the opinion that they (personalities) occupy a
central position and role in the history and development of JUI. Everyone affiliated to JUI
pay high tribute and respect to all those people (Ulema) who have struggled for Islam and
Pakistan.402
If the party is based on the philosophy and struggle of some personalities, will not
be preaching and propagating their respective roles in the religio-political development of
Pakistan a direct socialization tool in the hands of the teachers associated and affiliated to
JUI? In fact it is the most important tool and tactic in the hands of the teachers affiliated to
JI and JUI.
Nearly all political socialization scholars agreed on the point that the capacity of the
teacher is the key variable in instilling values and norms in the youngsters.403
Which is very
much true in the scenario Mr. Akbari has presented. The capacity of the teachers can be
judge from their effectiveness. Ryans (1964) in this respect suggested that “a teacher’s
certain qualities such as stimulation, organization and responsibility can effectively
provoke the thinking capacities and capabilities of the students and can affect their instinct
values.404
A teacher thus is considered to be playing very important role in the cognitive
orientation of the students. All those values and norms associated to the teacher will
effectively be transferred to them and hence will play a significant role in the attitude and
behavior change. Still, it is not necessary that all the children are indoctrinated the same
values and that all are to inspire from the methods and procedure of the teacher(s).
However, a question may arise that “if the content of the curriculum is somehow
knotted to a person’s personal qualities and behavior, how and to what extent the quality of
402
Ibid. 403
Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p.102 404
David G. Ryans. (1964). Research on Teacher Behavior in the Context of the Teacher Characteristic
Study. in Contemporary Research on Teacher Effectiveness. Bruce J. Biddle and William J. Ellena (ed).
New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp.67-101
144
education will contribute in the socialization process of JI and JUI? Furthermore, quality of
education cannot merely be limited to the effectiveness of the teacher and his qualification.
It is a complex phenomena, having some other factors as well. The importance of the
teacher and the effect of his personality on his students is needed to be analyzed
independently and separately from the curriculum contents. Here comes another process
and level of political socialization for JI and JUI.
5.4 TEACHERS EXPRESSION AND PROPAGATION OF PERSONAL
VALUES IN THE CLASSROOM ENVIRONMENT
It is a fact that in a classroom the discussions, debates and interactions are not only
academic but non-academic is well. Teachers not only discuss what is written in the books
(curriculum) but many more things. For instance sometime discussion starts on “current
affairs, some very prominent and burning issue of the time, history, art, literature, music
and sports etc.”405
Curriculum to a greater extent remains silent on different values especially those
values which are associated with practical politics. For example there is nothing in the
curriculum regarding JI and JUI practical politics and political ideology in any of the
course books taught in schools even run by organizations or people affiliated to these
parties. In such a situation the class teacher become a source of instilling these values in the
students. The teacher due to his exposure to a more independent and free life have a
different perspective and understanding of political events. The teacher thus communicates
his personal values and orientations to the students.406
A teacher’s personal values are more or less, regime level orientations, which are
lacking in curriculum. If he is involved in party politics, he would be having a different
perspective of the political issues and events. Furthermore, sometime a teacher seems to be
405
Louis B. Barnes, Roland C. Christensen & Abby Hansen. (1994). Teaching and the Case Method: Text
Cases and Readings (3rd ed.). Boston: Harvard University School of Business. p.4 406
Rahimullah, October, 24, 2016.
145
very much critical of the regime to a whole or of some specific policy. He expresses his
understanding and values in front of his students, irrespective of the fact that such
propagated values are contrary to the contents of the curriculum and books. For example
Naseer Khan407
while narrating his story of how he teaches in his classroom, added that “he
propagates JUI ideology in the classroom because it is his sacred duty to perform. Though
nothing “political” is discussed in the curriculum but being an active member of JUI, he
has to propagate the message to each and every Muslim. He was of the opinion that, as
teacher is believed to be more aware of the practical realities of life and the needs of the
time, so he has to propagate the appropriate political knowledge to the students”.408
In
response to another question “whether the party has assigned him and other teachers the
duty of propagating political values and ideology of the party”? He added that the party has
nothing to do with the teaching methods of any teacher. If a teacher consideres himself
Muslim and believes in Aakhirat and Qiyamat (the day of judgment), he must be teaching
his students the right path. For him the right path is the path of Ulema-i-Haq (The righteous
religious scholars). It is also important that curriculum discusses nothing about the current
issues and current public policy. Therefore, it solely fall in the domain of the teacher in
which perspective and frame of reference, he makes his students familiar with such issues.
For knowing the influence of teacher’s personal values and behavior on the
students, the most significant question can be “to what extent a teacher’s personal values
are adopted by students”? In response to this Abdul Hakim Akbari409
responded that “the
important aspect can be the investigation of reasons that why student adopt any values of
their teacher?
407
Naseer Khan is an active member of JUI Tehsil Kulachi. Currently he is teaching in Quaid-i-Azam
College D. I. Khan. 408
Interview with Naseer Ahmad Nasar. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 409
Dr. Abdul Hakim Akbari in his late 60s is a member of JUI central executive council. He remained Khatib
(prayer leader) Gomal University D.I. Khan for more than 30 years. He completed his Doctoral research
on Mufti Mehmood’s Life and his Religio-political contribution.
146
In his opinion a teacher (some teacher) is considered to be an ideal personality for
some students in the school. Students copy their ideal teacher(s) and start looking into the
things and issues from the teacher’s eye. The teacher’s values have some kind of sacred
status for the students. Such following, obeying and values adoption is more visible in
madrassa students. He termed that “a kind of Peeri-Mureedi relationship.” In schools, in
his opinion, those teachers who are teaching theology and Arabic, have their visible groups
of students around them. The formation of such groups are more or less based on the
teachers personal values and behavior with the students. In such groups the teacher is
believed to be a significant agent of socialization for the students. Based on the teacher’s
personal values, behavior and political inclination, the group’s locus of discussions and
interest is determine.410
These teachers also direct the students organizations within the universities and
colleges and educate them how to spread and propagate their messages and deal with a
situation. For example IJT affiliates in university of Malakand consider such teachers as
someone who have been installed and appointed (but not in the formal way) by the Jamaat
for the education, socialization and grooming of the future party members. In their opinion
though, apparently the whole organization seems to be in the hands of students as the
agenda and program of every meeting and gathering is prepared by the students and the
responsible people of the organization, yet in reality the organization is run by such
teachers. They use to advise the IJT office bearer, what to do? when to do? and how to do?
The office bearer are not bound to act upon the advises of these teachers, but due to their
affiliation with the party and most importantly their close relationship with the students,
admirable values and excellent behavior are key factors in their influential non-visible
position in the organization.411
410
Interview with Abdul Hakim Akbari, D.I. Khan. December 08, 2016. 411
Focused Group Discussion with IJT affiliates. University of Malakand, Chakdara, Dir. October 24, 2016.
147
In Zarawar Khan opinion when a teacher is propagating some kind of values in the
class, not mentioned in the curriculum, he is relatively talking from a higher position. This
difference in the position may have positive impacts in accepting the values propagated by
the teacher.412
The classroom environment is also having much importance and significance.
Normally, the classroom environment use to be very much structured. Even in schools
where the gap between the students and the teachers is very narrow and limited in terms of
discussions, debates and communication, classroom environment is naturally structured
and is relatively less open than the general environment of the school. This structured
environment of the classroom gives the teacher an authoritative position. Hence the
communicator and the recipients are occupying two different positions, it is a universal fact
that a person occupying a higher or authoritative position will be having more weightage in
his spoken words and are adopted easily and without much hesitation. So a teacher’s
personal values and norms do socialize students and make or tend to make them political.
In the case of those teachers affiliated to JI and JUI, the “political” discussions and
propagation are more often a routine activity. In the opinion of Hafiz Jamshid,413
the
classroom environment of the teachers affiliated to JUI or JI (in majority cases the theology
teachers) are more closed, authoritative and structured. The students are not welcomed and
allowed to ask or debate any religious issue. In the issues related to politics and specifically
with the policy/strategy of their parties (JI or JUI) the teacher’s words are supposed to be
accepted as final. Therefore, if a teacher continuously propagating some specific values and
412
Zarawar Khan, Lal Qala, Maidan 413
Hafiz Jamshid is a practicing lawyer in Lakki Marwat. He was affiliated with JTI (Jamiat Taluba-i-Islam)
and remained its provincial General Secretary. After 2013 general elections he has developed some
differences with the party and parted his ways. He joined JI and presently he is deputy Amir JI Lakki
Marwat.
148
students are not even allowed to question and debate any issue, it is obvious that students
will only be indoctrinated the specific political values and ideology.414
Yet, a more striking question one may raise here is that “is it really a teacher’s
personal values which inspire his students? or it is the authoritative position which makes
his students indoctrinated in some deliberative manner and way(s)? In fact these are two
different things. However, it is not necessary that both of these are independent of each
other. These questions are taking us to the next stage of school socialization.
5.5 EXPRESSION OF VALUES OUTSIDE CLASSROOM ENVIRONMENT
The structured environment of the classroom, limited time of the class and syllabus
requirements are few checks on a teacher in a school. Though teacher used to express and
try to indoctrinate his own values to the students, yet these checks limit his personal
ambitions. However, his interaction with the students is not limited to the classroom only.
The interactions with the students outside the classroom structured environment give him a
free hand for expression of his personal views, opinion and values in more free
environment and full freedom. The students also feel themselves relaxed in discussing
politico-social issues with the teacher in such environment. Normally, it use to be a one
way or uni-directional process. The teacher expresses his own view and opinion and
transmits his understanding and political views to his students in informal way and
discussions.
This informal discussion encourages the students to challenge any political ideals,
opinion and value of the teacher which he is expresses during the discussion or had
expressed even in the classroom. Similarly, the already adopted values of the students are
also discussed, debated and analyzed. However, these debates and discussions outside of
the classroom are limited only to those students who have some close affiliations to the
414
Interview with Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016
149
teachers. Normally, it use to be the same small group of the students. The alien (students
who are not permanent group members) though are not discouraged from discussions and
debates, still an open discussion only happens in the front of group members.
Zarawar Khan who also had his students group, was of the opinion that “every
teacher normally do not discuss and debate each and everything in front of all the students.
As he had his group, similarly, other teachers also had their groups. So if anything
important was to be discussed, it was to be discussed only in the front of his trustworthy
students. It was because every students had different politico-social approach for looking
and analyzing things and issues”. Furthermore, as in the school where he was teaching,
according to him, was a group of teachers, who had socialist inclinations and used to
propagate those values in the school. Therefore, it was very necessary and required to
discuss political issues and strategies with his group students only. In the beginning, though
his group was very small, but with the passage of time more and more students joined
them. And after some time they started Dars-i-Quran in the morning assembly.415
Research has suggested that any kind of learning can be facilitated by the
meaningful relationship of the students with the teachers not only in the classroom but
outside of the classroom as well.416
This personal relationship of the students with the
teachers have significant effects on the socialization and becoming political of the
students.417
Dean Jeroes is of the opinion that in this kind of outside classroom informal
interaction, personal values of the teachers are transmitted to the students. The students are
to a very less extents indoctrinated the regime level values.418
However, discussions with the students in the university of Peshawar, challenged
Dean Jeroes arguments and findings. It was found that majority of the students during their
415
Zarawar Khan. Lal Qala Maidan. 416
Philip Riley. (2011). Attachment Theory and the Teacher-student Relationship: A Practical Guide for
Teachers, Teacher Educators and School Leaders. New York: Routledge. p.21 417
Willis Margaret. (1961). The Guinea Pigs After Twenty Years. Columbus: Ohio State University Press 418
Dean Jaros. (1973). Socialization to Politics. p.106
150
informal discussions with their teachers, discuss community or regime level issues. Also
that both the teachers and the students are equally (to) comment on the politico-social
environment alike. Some students also held opinions that it used to be the teacher who is
supposed to speak for the most of time during their (teacher) discussions with them. Here
again comes the concept of authority and position. So logically who so ever having more
time and authoritative position during discussion will be more affective in indoctrinating
his personal beliefs, values and knowledge.
It can thus be argued that during such informal discussions, community or regime
level values are also transmitted and indoctrinated along with the personal values of the
teacher and communicator. However, this argument is based on the findings of a limited
number of students’ discussions with their teachers. Also that those students had some
basic background knowledge of political science (as a subject) at their undergraduate level.
One can claim that these aspects of the argument can potentially weak this argument. Yes,
of course and most probably the level of study and the background knowledge of the
students are two most important variables in this regard.
The respondents for that discussion in university of Peshawar were all
undergraduate level students, and interestingly they also showed interest in community and
regime level issues. If the level of study and their background knowledge of political
science and politics is reduced, we may have different findings. However, it is very
difficult to evaluate every responding student (on the basis of their background knowledge
of political science or say politics and their level of study) differently and separately.
Therefore, it is to be admitted that teachers in such informal discussions transmit political
values to the students. Now, these political values can be personal or can be community or
regime level. A valuable question arise here is “ do all teachers have informal interactions
with their students”? Perhaps not. Or if yes, then, what brings the teachers and students for
such informal interactions outside of the classroom? If something make them interact with
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one another, what compel the students to adopt the values of their teacher(s)? Here comes
the final process within the direct indoctrinated processes of school socialization.
5.6 TEACHER AS AN IDEAL AND ROLE MODEL FOR POLITICAL VALUES
An effective teacher can become an ideal and role model of his students. The
students because of the overt influence of their teacher, adopt certain behavioral traits of
their teacher. In such cases direct formal and informal interactions and debates with the
teacher is not necessary. The teacher’s likes and dislikes and his behavior may affect the
learning of political and social values of the students. Adaption of such values need
observation of the teachers. Teachers are made ideals and role models in different ways.
The most important and prominent is through direct interactions in the classroom structured
environment. In the classroom if a teacher gives special attention to any of his student(s)
that may produce some kind of personal relationship. The personal relationship is more
strengthen with the involvement of the outside of the classroom discussions. After
declaring or accepting a teacher as a role model and ideal, students try to adopt his values
and his way of life. They start looking into the things from their teacher’s eyes. Some
scholars are of the opinion that in such type of value transfer not only the personal values
are transferred to the students but some political values as well. The political values can be
personal level values to the community or regime level values.419
Another way of making some teacher ideal can be the stories and opinion of fellow
students. Students in schools do interact with one another. During their discussions with
one another they express their opinion regarding their teachers. In such discussions it may
happen that a student starts liking any teacher irrespective of the fact that he has not
involved with him in any kind of direct interaction. However, such liking may not remain
for long until and unless a direct interaction of some kind takes place. While narrating his
419
Robert D. Hess & Judith V. Torney. (1967). The Development of Political Attitude in Children. Chicago:
Aldine Publishing Co.
152
story, Zarawar Khan said that students within their group have done significant work for
convincing and attracting other students towards their circle. However, he denied the claim
that such convincing was based on his or some other teacher’s personal character. In his
opinion the students never used his name as triumph card for this purpose. It was the
universal message of Islam and the simplest way of Maulana Maududi for presenting it to
the fellow Muslims. Initially their focus was mainly to drag out those students who were
potentially becoming Atheists, from the clutches of the socialist group. They focused on
the character building and education of the students within their group. They formulated a
code of conduct for the group members which normally comprised of obligatory five
prayers a day and recitation of the Holy Quran. The students were also given books for
study related to Islam and the way of Islam. They were made aware of their respective
duties and responsibilities within Pakistan and being Muslims in the world. So all such
activities within the group proved fruitful. The grades of the students also got improved,
which satisfied their families and fellow students. This way they were able to attract not
only other students but their families as well.
In response to a question whether their group was becoming popular because of
character of the teachers (his)? He said that character is obviously important but the
message and the goal must also be a sacred one. Other fellow teachers were also bearing
good moral character, but their goal and aim was atheism while our was Theism and
Godliness. God helped us in our cause as he had chosen us (the Muslims) for wavering the
flag of Islam over the entire universe.420
Getting influence from someone and making someone ideal in school and college
students have different levels of influence and magnitude. In Naseer Khan opinion school
students due to their age and less exposure, make some teacher(s) idealize, a bit early and
the magnitude is comparatively high. On the other hand college students who have
420
Zarawar Khan. Lal Qala, Maidan.
153
relatively a high exposure are slow and time taking in declaring someone as their ideal
teacher. Naseer Khan considers teaching school children any political values is easy as
compared to college students. He suggests that the background knowledge of “the
political” also play a vital role in making some teacher as ideal in political values and
understanding. The source for the background knowledge of “the political” is usually the
parents and family. It is thus very significant for values influence and political norms
transfer and indoctrination.421
However, the issue of background knowledge of politics (as
an activity and not as a subject) can possibly be investigated in college or university level
students. School level children are younger and except their acquaintance with what is
taught to them in their social studies course, they have very little knowledge and
orientation of the regime level political values. Also because of their limited knowledge of
politics, they cannot challenge the views, opinion, ideas and ideals of their teachers. They
even don’t have a chance to discuss and interact with the teachers outside the classroom as
the college level students have.
5.7 THE CLASSROOM ENVIRONMENT
The classroom environment is not a part of direct and deliberate processes of
socialization in school. Yet, it has an important role in the socialization of the students. It is
always indirectly affecting the socialization and behavior of students. In other words all the
above mentioned processes have some kinds of direct and deliberative motives and designs
for indoctrinating some specific norms and values in the students and instilling in them
politico-social values related to JI and JUI. But the classroom environment has no such
deliberative design for indoctrinating students some specific values and in a specific
direction and pattern. The potential questions here are “what constitute the classroom
421
Naseer Khan, December 08, 2016.
154
environment? And how it can affect the socialization of the students in the direction of JI
and JUI?
Classroom environment (or say school) environment is comprised of students,
teachers, supporting staff, and last but not the least the school building. Every component
of this environment has an effect on the behavior and values learning of the students.
Students are the most important component of this environment and it has a great and
everlasting impacts on the personality development of individuals. Research shows that
personality of an individual is best developed through interactive learning with other fellow
beings.422
Students and youngsters can easily and effectively learn from other students or
the people of their age and position.
As the outside environment of the school is too much political (people in Dir are
very much involved in politics, not necessarily as political activities but as religious rituals
and obligations), therefore, the children and students are also significantly affecting with it.
The values transfer in such an environment have more like religious consequences rather
than political. However, it does not mean that these values will have no political outcomes
at all in the lives of individuals. In the long run the learned religious and social values are
consequently develop or change into political values.
In case of personality development values, those students who are more active in
interacting with fellow students have a higher degree of confidence level. This
“confidence” may not be called as something “political” value. However, in the later stages
of the life of a student/individual it has very positive politico-social consequences for him
and for the society. In this regard Rahimullah added that the present JI Amir Siraj ul Haq
was his junior in school. Due to his loud voice, they used to give him the responsibility of
speeches and talks in large school children gatherings. This has boasted his confidence
422
Thomas A. Angelo, Patricia Cross. (1993). Classroom Assessment Techniques: A Handbook for College
Teachers. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass
155
level with far reaching impacts in his political life.423
Similarly interactions with other
students provide a chance to individuals to evaluate things and events themselves and not
with the help and dictations of elders. It provides them the opportunity of discussions,
debates and raising questions.
It is also important to know that at the early stages of the life of a youngster, raising
of any question and debating the nature of an object or event may not have directly some
political consequences. But in the later stages this may enhance the ability of an individual
on wrongs and rights and just and unjust within a community and society. This may also
give a political language to his thoughts and feelings regarding a society and state, as in the
case of Siraj ul Haq.
The second important component of the environment is teacher. Although a
teacher’s role in the socialization process is more of a direct indoctrinating element, yet he
also has a significant indirect role via environment of the school and class. Maintaining of
the classroom environment in a particular direction, pattern and design is the responsibility
of the teacher. It is he who has to provide opportunities to his students for the development
and promotion of positive and acceptable values. He has to allow and encourage the
students to participate in the classroom affairs and express freely their analysis,
understanding and views on a particular event and object. Such a participatory and
permissive environment at classroom can have broadly two types of political consequences.
First, it may help the students to evaluate and analyze any event or object (political or
social), without the fear and influence of teacher. Thus enable individuals to acquire and
reject any specific political values.
Secondly, research424
shows that a permissive classroom environment, where the
students are allowed and involved in decisions making themselves, rather merely receiving
423
Rahimullah, October 24, 2016. 424
Almond and Verba. (1963). The Civic Culture. Chpter-11
156
the decisions through the dictation and directions of the class teacher, in a structured
environment, contribute significantly in the development of “critical”, “reflective” and
“informed” citizens. The research emphasized that those students who have been in such
permissive and participatory environment can prove more confident and competent in
domestic and societal affairs (political /social).
However, Mufti Khalid is of the opinion that in the case of JI in Dir specifically, the
impartiality of a teacher (if he is affiliated to JI) in terms of a free environment for debate
and discussion is not possible. Because of the party’s strong hold in the area neither
students nor any teacher question any policy of the party.425
Salman Khattak was also of
the same opinion. In response to the question of a free and open environment in the
classroom, Mr. Khattak said that those teachers who are affiliated to JI don’t even permit
us to criticize the party in teachers informal discussions, how would they allow any student
in the class to discuss, debate and criticize the party. They only have the permission of
praising the party. So in such a situation an open and free environment can merely be a
dream.426
Similarly, the other components of the classroom environment have also impacts on
the personality building and value learning processes of the students. Location of the
school (campus), design of the building and facilities at the schools may have some
psychological impacts which need to be investigated properly.427
For example what is the
color of the school building and classroom? What paintings are hanging on the wall? What
messages and phrases are written on the hanging charts in the classroom? These all may
have very significant impacts on the personality development of the students. One can
observe the phrases from Maulana Maududi books and Alama Iqbal poetry on the charts
425
Mufti Khalid, Talash 426
Salman Khan Khattak, is lecturer political Science in Lal Qala Maidan degree college. October 29, 2016. 427
This is however, beyond the scope of this research. It can be very interesting and significant contribution
in behavioral and psychological sciences.
157
and walls of schools (Public and private) in district Dir. Even the newly constructed Lal
Qilla Maidan Degree college building is also bearing such phrases.
In Zarawar Khan opinion these phrases are very much motivating the students.
These identify to them the philosophies of the two great Muslim scholars Maulana
Maududi and Iqbal. These phrases remind them time and again what duty they have to
perform being Muslim “the chosen nation on the earth”. Maulana Maududi keeps on
reminding them that they have to spread the message of Quran in the whole world.428
Supporting staff and emphasis on the rules and regulations have also shares in
making the children political citizens. Obeying the rules and regulations at schools instill in
them the values of obedience and may produce respect for laws in the society and state.
The privately run schools and colleges (either by JI associates or JUI) emphasize more on
rules and regulation and discipline.
5.8 RE-SOCIALIZATION AT COLLEGE LEVEL
It is evident from the content and discussion in this chapter that the process of
socialization continues throughout the life of an individual. There are different agents
which socialize the individual at different times, spaces and contexts. College is one of the
prominent and important sub-agent of the education institutions in this regard. Though the
methodology, procedure and pattern of socializations in college or university level is
somehow the same as schools, yet the reasons for investigation of the process of
socialization at college level separately, are multi-folded. One of the most important
reasons is that, many students in the 3rd
world underdeveloped countries do not make it to
the university level education. It is important and significant to know that “What is/are the
428
I visited a school (Hira School), run by Zarawar Khan and two of his other associates. The color of the
building (blue, green and white) was signifying and symbolizing the JI flag. The walls of the schools were
painted with verses of Iqbal and phrases from Maududi. Similarly, the classrooms were also decorated
with charts, probably prepared by the students( as they were bearing different names with class number)
which were also projecting same messages. Even the principal office walls were full of such charts.
158
potential differences” in the acquired political values of a school and college level
students?
Secondly, at the colleges and specifically in universities, teachers have a kind of
free hand in designing their respective courses, processes and methods through which they
are to be presented to the students. This aspect potentially differentiate it from the process
of socialization at school level, where, the whole system is extremely structured.
Third, as the age of the students at colleges are relatively more than the school level
students, hence they are more aware of the political situation of the society and state.
Fourth, at the college level, regime level socialization is primarily focused. Not
only students, but all the agents and components of socialization processes focus the
regime level political values. While at the school, regime level values indoctrination are not
the primary concern. Students at colleges are considered to be of more revolutionary nature
than their counter parts in some non-academic environment. Their revolutionary ideas and
ideals make them potential anti-establishment proponents. How are these revolutionary
ideas propagated? And what (political values) make them anti-regime? These potential and
significant quarries differentiate the college level socialization from schools where neither
students are indoctrinated political values in some structured mechanism nor their focus
and intentions are indoctrinating regime level values.
Finally, at the college, students political activism, in the shape of political
associations and organizations also differentiate the college level socialization from school
socialization. Many students at the college level are actively involved, not only in students
politics but active politics.
An overview of the prominent political parties in different countries shows that they
are having students political bodies at college and university campuses. In Pakistan the
students political associations are controlled and coordinated through systematic ways by
the political parties. In many parties, for control and coordination specific/different wings
159
or persons are involved at central and provincial level organizational structure. For
example almost all the political parties within Pakistan are having students political
organization. JI in this regard is having an upper hand by having a significant presence in
the colleges and university campuses across Pakistan. Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT) is
considered to be the most organized student’s organization in Pakistan. JUI though also
have its students’ wing i.e. Jamiat Taluba-i-Islam(JTI) but it is not that much organized as
IJT is. In the opinion of JTI provincial general secretary “JTI is a Madrassa based students’
organization which is still to find its place in colleges and universities within Pakistan”.429
This phenomena of students political activism, significantly value the process of
socialization at college level. Moreover, these students’ political organizations are involved
in different activities which have some direct and indirect political consequences. After
realizing the need for separate investigation of college level socialization the question arise
is, what should be the contents of socialization at college level?
Political socialization scholars have focused this aspect and the need of the contents
at college level. Different scholars have different opinion regarding the contents of college
level socialization. Dean Jeroes (1973)430
for example argues that colleges and universities
are expected to transmit two types of political contents. The primary goal of college and
university should be the teaching and indoctrination of traditional and conventional values
of political participation. Political participation as expended by Latham et al (1959) is one
of the important regime level tasks of the colleges and universities. Not only political but
civic participation of the individuals make them active and better citizens of the society.
Educated and enlightened citizens are expected to influence and participate in Government
policies.431
429
Interview with advocate Tayyeb Akbari. D.I. Khan. 430
Jaros, Dean. (1973). Socialization to Politics. New York, Washington: Praeger Publishers. p.115 431
Earl Latham, Joseph P. Harris & Austin Ranney. (1959). College Standards for Political Science: A Policy
Statement. New York: Citizenship Clearing House.
160
In Zarawar Khan opinion making individual “good and participatory citizens”,
colleges work in two ways. One is directly inculcation of political values, which
consequently makes an individual a politically aware subject and citizen of the state.
Secondly, the indirect way of instilling some values which produce political results and
awareness.
In the indirect way, basic information regarding different objects and events (as
viewed by JI) are transmitted through different agents, which enhance the critical capacities
and capabilities of the individuals (students). This provide them a context and space in
locating themselves (attachment and affiliation in some capacity to JI and JUI) in specific
circumstances and situations. This also provide them an opportunity to interact with fellow
students regarding moods and patterns of different problems. In University of Peshawar,
for example different student organization have organized a kind of combined student
organization known as Muttahidda Talba Mahaz “united students front”.432
Both IJT and
JTI are the members of the “front”. Such social interaction have lasting effects and as
Edelstein (1962) suggests, have significant political components and ends for the
students.433
JI has taken much advantage from the college socialization of their workers.
Colleges and universities within Pakistan have produced almost all the top contemporary
leadership of JI. The top leadership of JI remained very active in IJT during their college
days. They acquired their first knowledge of active politics in colleges and universities.
However, the acquisition of such knowledge was not a result of some curricula contents or
some deliberative efforts of the government. Rather it was the platform of IJT and its
432
The United Students Front is organized for putting more pressure on university administration in case of
any issue faced by majority of the student of the campus. For example its agitations were very effectives
in 2013-14 against the increase of semester fees. 433
Alex S. Edelstein. (1962). Since Bennington: Evidence of Change in Student political Behavior. Public
Opinion Quarterly. 26, (Winter 1962). pp. 564-565
161
activities within the colleges which has significant contribution in the grooming up of these
leaders.434
On the other hand though JUI has very little share in colleges and universities in
producing top leadership for the party. However, Madrassas instead of colleges are
performing this job for them. In the opinion of JUI provincial Amir (Gul Naseeb Khan),
without a Madrassa education and socialization, it can prove very tough and difficult for a
leader within JUI to manage the affairs of the party and organize it. As majority of the
office holders within the party are associated to Madaris in one way or another, therefore,
dealing with them needs the same paradigm, terminologies understanding, mindsets and
environment. These basic things and requirements are somehow above the understanding
of common people (those who are not socialized in Madaris).435
In direct ways students are directly indoctrinated some political values through
some of their courses or curricular contents. Yet these courses are not necessarily making
the students active members and associates of a particular political party or group. This can
be termed as general political education and socialization of the students. As discussed in
the beginning of the chapter that one of the essential task of the Government is to
indoctrinate the young in such a way which can preserve the current political order or
status quo. So by means of such courses and curriculum contents the authorities concerned
try to manipulate the students values, their understanding of “political” and their political
views, direction and pattern of their political and social association.436
Government or the
socializing agents want to drive them in their line and direction. Or let say they want to
make of them (students) good, active and participatory citizens.
434
Rahimullah, Chakdara, Dir. October 24, 2016. 435
Interview with Gul Naseeb Khan Provincial Amir JUI, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. November, 27, 2016.
Peshawar 436
Marian Schick and Albert Somit. (1963). The Failure to Teach Political Activity. The American
Behavioral Scientist. 06 (January, 1963). pp. 5-7.
162
Secondly, though Government overtly emphasized on the participatory values
indoctrination in the students, yet some studies indicate that students become less
participatory in political activities after going college and university.437
However, students in Malakand University had a different view regarding political
involvement of the students. In their opinion though political and other social science
subjects educate the students about what “politics” is and how a state, government, society,
political party and a citizen should be? Yet the theoretical and practical realities of this
region are different. There are different factors and actors involved, that have significant
impacts on the students involvement in politics, which the course contents are unable to
counter.438
Furthermore, due to their idealistic approaches to objects and events, individuals in
college life have very strong tendencies of revolutions and rebellions. In such
circumstances they have very little respect for structured indoctrination system and values
of the government. They seem to be very critical of the desired democratic order.439
Hence,
here comes the basic question that what order, which is perceived and projected to be a
unanimous democratic order as considered and accepted by students as just and genuine
political order? If someone is participating in the political activities does it signify that he is
considering it a genuine and just political order? Or is he merely participating because he is
taught and indoctrinated to participate irrespective of his own personal likes and dislikes?
If someone is not participating even after the overt and excessive indoctrination for
political participation what does it mean then?
437
Adam J. Berinsky and Gabriel S. Lenz. (2011). Education and Political Participation: Exploring the Causal
Link. Political Behavior. 33(3). pp. 357-373; Charles Garrison. (1968). Political Involvement and Political
Science: A Note on the Basic Course as an Agent of Political Socialization. Social Science Quarterly. 49,
(September). pp. 305-314 438
Focused group discussion with the students of Malakand University, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 439
Different respondents during my field work in Dir and D. I. Khan were of the opinion that students in
particular and IJT and JTI affiliated students in specific have never ever been satisfied with the politico-
social system of Pakistan during their students ages. In the opinion of some IJT members the system is in
drastic need of Refinement and purification. Similarly, JTI provincial general secretary Tayyeb Akbari
was of the opinion that only sharia system can best serve the people of Pakistan and can provide them
socio-political justice. Neither the present system nor any other ism can truly represent the people.
163
In Kenneth's (1968) opinion "it means and signify that only participatory values as
desired by some scholars, are not just enough to be expected from colleges and universities
to transmit to the students. Colleges and universities are to give attention to some other
government and regime level values for students political socialization".440
Many, scholars are of the view that the Government attempts of
manipulating/shaping the curriculum is spoiled by the instructors and teachers. Though on
one hand it is important and significant for students to develop their own understanding
irrespective of what they are taught and by what means and process they are transmitted
political values? On the other hand many other agents are involved to socialize and
influence individuals in some undesirable way.
As political socialization is a continuous process, therefore, it is having different
agents, patterns and levels. School or college socialization is one of the levels. Individuals
after the initial acquaintance with the society in the family, moves over to school for further
enhancing their knowledge of family and society. They for the first time have to interact
with the people who are not their family members. This interaction proves to be very
fruitful in terms of learning new values. JI and JUI being the two politico-religious parties
within Pakistan, significantly focusing on individuals from even their adolescence. JUI
though is not that much successful in its school and college socialization and
indoctrination. However, it is more involved in the process of political indoctrination then
the other contemporary political parties. JI on the other hand is having considerable share
in schools, while socializing students and indoctrinating them in the party ideology. The
school kids are involved in different activities, and are dragged towards the party ideology
unintentionally. These school kids who have somehow indoctrinated the Jamaat way of
440
Kenneth Keniston. (1968). Young Radicals. New York: Harcourt, Brace &World. pp. 88-90
164
looking into things, events and issues and evaluating them, had a great chance of becoming
IJT affiliates and members in college and universities. In the whole process of school or
college socialization and indoctrination, there are different levels, process and agents
involved. These ranges from curricula, to classroom environment and then to the teacher
role. However, the most important agent of college and Madrassa socialization are students
organizations i.e. IJT and JTI. Which, because of their significance, needed to be discuss in
a separate chapter and under own headings. The next chapter tries to encompasses the
socialization of the students in IJT and JTI.
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CHAPTER – 6
POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION IN THE STUDENTS’
ORGANIZATIONS
This chapter discusses the role of student organizations in colleges, universities and
madrassas, and the socialization and education of the students affiliated to these
organizations. The chapter argues that the students organizations (IJT and JTI) in the
educational institutions across Pakistan provide an enormously significant environment to
the students and prepare them for their active political roles in the society. They work as
nurseries for JI and JUI by providing man power (socialized workers) and future
leadership. Both the organizations have systematic training and socialization procedures,
which are missing in other contemporary students’ religio-political organizations in
Pakistan. It also argues that the social interaction of the youth (students) and the acquiring
of new values and habits from their friends in IJT and JTI have enormous impacts, and are
important determinants of personality development and political implications in their future
lives. The socialized members of these organizations have almost uniform politico-social
values and have same understanding of political happenings and issues.
The previous discussion on the process and agents of socialization confirmed that it
is a continuous process and at different levels and stages of an individual’s life he is
exposed to different contexts. The different contexts and time and space factors have
different impacts and consequences on his life. He is subjected to adopt new norms, values
and ideals and has to leave some previously acquired norms and values.
Thus the process of socialization does not stop at a particular stage. It continues
throughout the life of an individual. Research has confirmed that the young (individuals)
are rejecting their family values (some, if not all) in favor of the values and way of life of
their friends at a specific stage of their life. This is very important for political socialization
scholarship. The questions what make individuals to adopt the values of friends? And how
166
and why are the friends or peer groups significant in terms of values indoctrination in the
individuals are of much importance while focusing on IJT and JTI and their respective role
in the socialization and preparing of future party workers.
The social environment and the thoughts, feelings and behavior of individuals are
closely associated with each other.441
The social environment has a significant impact on
the personality building and personality maturation of individual via interaction and
negotiation with other social beings.442
Therefore the social context is very much important
while studying and understanding the personality development and value adaption of an
individual.443
Group socialization theory emphasizes that social interaction of the children and
their acquisition of new values and habits from their friends have enormous impact, and are
important determinants of personality development.444
Islami Jamiat Talba in the
educational institutions across Pakistan provides an enormously significant environment to
the students and prepares them for their active political role in the society. It works as a
nursery for Jamaat-i-Islami by providing man power (socialized workers) and future
leadership.
6.1 ORIGIN AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF IJT
Though IJT was officially organized in 1947, yet the concept of formulation of a
student organization was put forward by Maulana Maududi even before the emergence of
Jamaat-i-Islami. Maulana Maududi in one of his addresses in February 1940 in
Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College Amritsar expressed his views about the need of
441
James William. (1890). The Principles of Psychology. New York: Henry Holt and Company. p. 110 442
Robert Hogan and Brent W. Roberts. (2004). A Socio-Analytic Model of Maturity. Journal of Career
Assessment. 12(2). pp. 207-217. 443
Franz J. Neyer, and Judith Lehnart. (2007). Relationships Matter in Personality Development: Evident
from an 8-Years Longitudinal Study across Young Adulthood. Journal Of Personality. 75(3). pp. 535-
568. 444
Judith Rich Harris. (1995). Where is the Child’s Environment? A Group Socialization Theory of
Development. Psychological Review. 102(3). pp. 458-489.
167
political struggle and strategy for furthering the Islamic cause in British India. He
suggested that a well organized students organization will supplement through its activities
for furthering the Islamic cause in India.445
Maulana Maududi’s dream came true after the
partition when 25 students organized Islami Jamiat Talba in December 1947 in Lahore.
Zafar-ul-llah Khan was elected as the first Nazim-i-ala.
IJT was initially envisioned as a missionary organization who’s primary
responsibility was expression and propagation of Islamic norms and values among students
in educational institutions within Pakistan.446
The strategies adopted for this were study
circles and all night study sessions. IJT leaders were made familiar with these strategies by
Muslim Brotherhood’s member Said Ramzan in Karachi. He also helped IJT leaders in
devising administrative structure for the organization.447
In the opinion of Israr Ahmad the focus of the IJT from its primary objectives
(missionary activities) was changed towards student politics in the early 1950s. Their main
opponents in the universities and colleges were the leftist student’s organizations. The
increased contest for more and more influence in the colleges made the IJT affiliates more
radical and proactive. They are now to measure things in absolute terms i.e. leftists/Marxist
or far from Allah and Islam. They are atheists and are the “others”. So a student can either
be leftist or Muslim.448
According to Bukhari (1989), this confrontation has given IJT a
world view and clearly determined its vision and conduct.449
IJT played a vital role off the campuses in the 1953-54 anti-Ahmadia campaign and
agitation. The campaign was launched by all the religious groups and parties but Jamaat-i-
445
Sayyid Abu’l-A’la Maududi. (1965). Tafhimat (Explanations). Lahore: Islamic Publication. vol.2. p.286 446
Khurram Murad & Prof Khurshid Ahamd. (2009, 28th ed.). Main Nay Jamiat say Kya Paya (What I got
from Jamiat). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. p. 17 447
Mujeeb ur Rehman & Salim Mansur Khalid. (1981). Interview with Khurshid Ahmad. in Jab Wo Nazim-i
a’la Thy (When they were president). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. vol. 1. pp. 127-28. 448
Rahman, S. M. & Khalid, S. M. (1981). Interview with Israr Ahmad. in Jab Wo Nazim-i a’la Thy (When
they were president). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. vol. 1, p. 91 449
Zahid Hussain Bukhari. (1989). Talaba Tahrik ka Ik Almiyah. (A Tragedy of the Student Movement). in
Salim Mansur Khalid, ed., Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol. 1.
pp.137–44.
168
Islami had to receive the brunt of the government for its significant share in the agitation
and law and order situation. The Jamaat Amir and founder Maulana Maududi was
sentenced to death by a military court (which was later commuted).450
IJT reacted strongly
to the sentence of Maulana Maududi. In the words of Umer Mansur “the student
organization ceased to view its task as the training of future leaders of Pakistan and instead
saw itself as a “soldiers brigade,” fighting for the cause of Islam against its enemies-
secularists and leftists inside and outside the government.”451
Until 1957 Maulana Maududi was much concerned about the over politicization of
the IJT in the educational institutions. However, when the Jamaat leadership themselves
decided the political fate for the party, the concerns of Maulana gradually lessened. IJT was
now to produce the future political leadership to the party.452
6.2 ORGANIZATIONAL CONSOLIDATION AND GREATER
POLITICIZATION
The decade of the 1960s was proved to be very significant and important for IJT in
terms of greater politicization in the universities and its organizational consolidation.
Jamaat-i-Islami very effectively mobilized it by diverting its attention from its all-time
rivals the leftist, towards the opposition of Ayub Khan. The Ayub Khan’s “modernist
interpretation of Islam” and authoritarian government was not acceptable to the religio-
political groups at that time. Maulana Maududi was one of the prominent critics of Ayub’s
Islamic and family reforms. IJT had given the authorities a tough time in the campuses
owing to the government educational policies and initiatives. The Tashkent agreement of
1966 (which ended the war between India and Pakistan) further fuelled the situation, which
450
Maulana Mawdudi’s sentence was later commuted by the governor general 451
Umar Mansur. (1989). Talaba awr Qaumi-o-Milli Masa’il (Students and National Issues). in Salim Mansur
Khalid, ed., Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol.1. p. 1 452
Sayyid Abu’l-A’la Mawdudi. (1986). Tahrik-i Islami ka Ayenda La’iha-i Amal (The future plan of action
of the Islamic movement). Lahore: Islamic Publications.
169
made IJT organizationally more integrated and consolidated. Politically its sphere of
influence became much wider.453
The political unrest in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) further dragged IJT towards
active politics, this time in the national front and with arms and ammunition for combating
Mukti Bahini activists. Al-Badr and Al-Shams the two paramilitary Jihadist groups were
launched by the organization in the East Pakistan. These groups were fully backed by the
military government in Islamabad and in Dhaka. IJT has accepted the responsibility for
providing recruits to these groups.454
It is believed that the decision of involving of the
organization in arms struggle against Bengali nationalists was taken by the then Nazim-i-
Ala Mati-ur-Rahman Nizami autonomously, but in one of his interview he clarified that
Maulana Maududi has sanctioned his decision and had given him the “go ahead” signal
after a meeting with him in January 1971.455
The catastrophic end of the war and the heavy loss of IJT supporters' lives in the
civil war once again started a debate within Jamaat-i-Islami about the over-politicization of
IJT. Many leaders including Maulana Maududi were of the opinion that IJT has forgotten
its agenda and commitment of religious work and is more involved in violent political
activities within the university campuses. However, being a political nursery for the Jamaat
future members and leaders, the party could not design any course of actions and directives
for the organization.456
During the initial years of Bhutto era IJT had swept the campus elections in all
major cities of Pakistan more importantly in Lahore and Karachi. Due to its excessive
453
Salim Mansur Khalid. (1989). Talaba awr Elan-i-Tashqand (Students and the Tashkent declaration). In
Salim Mansur Khalid’s Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol. 1, pp.
216-223. 454
Amin-ul-Haq. (1989). Al-Badr Commander Bolta Hay (Al-Badr Commander Speaks). In In Salim Mansur
Khalid’s Talaba Tahrikain (Student Movements). Lahore: Al-Badr Publications. vol. 2, pp. 326-54. 455
Mujeeb ur Rahman & Salim Mansur Khalid. (1981). Interview with Mati-ur-Rahman Nizami. in Jab Wo
Nazim-i a’la Thy (When they were president). Lahore: Idara Matboaat-i-Talba. vol. 2, pp. 234-235 456
Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1992). Students, Islam, and Politics: Islami Jamiat-I Tulaba in Pakistan. Middle
East Journal. vol. 46(1). p.65
170
involvement in politics and national political issues such as Bangladesh Namanzoor (Non-
Recognition of Bangladesh) movement of 1972-74, the anti-Ahmadiyah controversy of
1974, and the Nizam-i Mustafa (Order of the Prophet) of 1977, IJT got a recognition of de-
facto political party. As on one side this recognition took IJT to the zenith of its power, on
the other hand it severely manipulated and damaged its reputation as a peaceful and non-
violent student organization.
The organization established good terms with the military dictator Zia after his coup
d’état in 1977. Even one of the IJT president of the University of Punjab Student Union,
Javid Hashmi was appointed as cultural minister by the military dictator. It was given free
hand in the Pakistani universities from 1977 to 82 and had a significant and dominant role
in the campuses especially in terms of student admissions and faculty appointment.457
It also rendered significant services in the motivation and mobilization of people for
Afghan Jihad. Several members of the organization got “martyredˮ from 1980-90.458
IJT
relations with the military government got deteriorated in 1984 when the government
imposed ban on student unions, a move in the opinion of many IJT members primarily to
lessen the organization’s influence in the campuses.459
The organization strongly retaliated with the ban and started agitations against the
government. The membership of IJT in the campuses gradually decreased, which also
made the leadership to focus more on its organizational activities within the campuses
rather than involving in national issues.460
In 1987 Qazi Hussain Ahmad was elected the new Amir of JI which gave new
energy, hope and enthusiasm to IJT members. Qazi Hussain along with the basic
ideological goal of the party i.e. “Islamization of the constitution and system”, included
457
Trevor Fishlock. (1982). Fundamentalists put Universities in Peril. London Times, 6th September 1982. 458
Nasr. (1992). Students, Islam, and Politics. p. 67 459
Ibid. 460
Ibid.
171
socio-economic issues in his program and party’s focus. It was a kind of approaching the
common people strategy. Qazi involved IJT members in furthering his cause of
popularizing the party. The organization proved to be a vital force in campaigns for JI
candidates in various parts of the country in the 1988 and 1990 elections.
In 1991 IJT started an anti-US campaign (America Murdabad Mohim) for its
military intervention in Gulf war. An international conference on Kashmir was organized
in Pakistani Kashmir for highlighting the issue to international community. In the
following years IJT activities revolved around Jihadist activities of its affiliates in Kashmir
and in Afghanistan.
In 1996 IJT started golden jubilee celebration of its foundation. Different rallies and
gatherings were organized across the country. A general convention of IJT affiliates and
ex-members was held in Punjab University Lahore in 1997, which is believed to have been
attended by more than 35000 students.461
In the next two years security situation between Pakistan and India got very tense.
IJT organized different rallies and demanded the government to bypass the international
community pressure and conduct nuclear tests. In February 1999, Indian Prime Minister
Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited Lahore. Jamaat-i-Islami along with some other Islamist
parties called for a general strike.462
IJT played a dominant role in organizing rallies and
processions in Lahore and different other parts of the country.
In the next decade IJT focused more on campus based activities by organizing
different book fares, sports galas and youth festivals across the country. In 2008 Qazi
Hussain Ahmad JI Amir declined his re-election as Amir because of his health issues. Syed
Munawar Hassan was elected as the new Amir of the party. He became the first IJT Nazim-
461
Golde jubilee Convintion of IJT, 17-19 October University of Punjab Lahore.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=autMObwWCwY 462
BBC News, BBC online Network. Saturday Feb 20, 1999.
172
i-Ala who made his way to the top slot of the party. Siraj ul Haq who also remained IJT
Nzim-i-Ala succeeded Munawar Hassan in 2014 and became the new Amir.
6.3 ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
IJT is erected on excellent organizational structure and base. Due to its
organizational excellence it has been occupying a prominent position among similar
student organizations in campuses across Pakistan. The organizational structure is very
similar to JI, with the authority and command flow from top to bottom. At the top, there is
Nazim-i-Ala, Shura (consultative council) and Mutamid-i-Ala (Supreme General secretary).
Nazim-i-Ala and Majlis-i-Shura are elected by the IJT members from all over Pakistan.
Mutamid-i-Ala is appointed by the Nazim-i-Ala. The same structure is duplicated at
province, city and University level. At each level the respective members appoint their
Nazim and consultative council. The Mutamid at each level is appointed by the Nazim of
that level with the consultation and approval of the shura and Mutamid of the upper level.
At university, the structure is further divided into campus, department, class and hostel.
Members at each level elect their Nazim, however, in these lower categories there is no
consultative assemblies and councils. The Mutamids are appointed by the Nazim at each
level with the approval of the Mutamid university.
There are two categories of the affiliates: first is Rafiq (friend) and the second is
Rukn (member). Rufaqa are those members who are agreed upon the procedure, goals and
program of IJT and promise to fulfill the jobs assign to them by the organization. Rukn or
Arkan are the top and important category of IJT. Only members from this category can
hold administrative offices. As this is the most important category, so there are few
requirements and qualification for that. Any student who is enrolled in any government or
private educational institution can apply for membership through the local Nazim by filling
in a proforma for membership (Goshwara-i-rukniyyat). The local Nazim after evaluating
173
the requirements for membership sends that proforma to Nazim-i-Ala through the Nazim-i-
Soba of the province with his comments. The Nazim-i-Ala finally approves or reject the
membership form. But in case of rejection he has to seek the approval of the Shura for
that.463
There is also another unofficial category of the members called Hamies
(supporters). They are loosely affiliated students to the organization with no official
responsibilities.
6.4 SOCIALIZATION OF THE MEMBERS
IJT overtly emphasizes and focuses on the training (Tarbiyat) of its workers. There
is a syllabus and list of books for the members which each of the member from his
category is required to read before being inducted in that category of membership.
In the category of Rafiq one has to read about eighteen books and pamphlets along
with the memorization of few Surah from the Holy Quran (see appendix 1). They are also
required to read two small books of Ahadith and Tafseer (exegesis) of few Surah of the
Holy Quran. Seven of these books are Maulana Maududi’s books on different topics
ranging from understanding different issues in Islam to the proper way of preaching and
understanding Jihad in the way of God. In the list two booklets of Naeem Sadiqui Tameer-
i-Seerat k Lawazim (essentials of character Building) and Apni Islah Aap (Self
Reformation) are very important in terms of character building of the students. Two books
are related to IJT and its importance in one’s life.464
Syllabus for Rukniyyat consists of around Twenty Eight books (see appendix ii).
Each Rukn is required to learn correct reading of Quran with complete translation. He is
also required to memorize few other Surah and Ahadith. Preface of Tafheem-ul-Quran and
463
Constitution of Jamiat. Article 4-12. http://tazkeer.org/scan/?itemid=1701. pp.8-11. 464
Akhtar Abbas. (n.d). Main Jamiat ka Hissa kio Banu (why should I become a part of Jamiat).
http://tazkeer.org
174
exegesis of several other Surah are also the part of the reading list. Along with Islamic
literature (a major part from Maududi’s literature) this list also contains Alama Iqbal’s
poems. Member students are suggested to get basic knowledge about Muslim world history
and geography.
After approval of Rukniyyat (membership), a Rukn is required to read several other
books and pamphlets (see appendix iii). In this stage he is required to memorize some parts
of different Surah. He is required to read Maulana Maududi and Maulana Amin Ahsan
Islahi’s complete exegesis of Quran i.e. Tafheem-ul-Quran and Tadabbur-i-Quran
respectively. Two books of Ahadith (Maariful Hadith complete, 4 volumes and Riyad us
Saliheen complete, two volumes) are also part of the reading list. Apart from Maududi’s
books, this list includes two books of Yusuf al-Qaradawi and one of Mohammad Qutb
(brother of Egyptian scholar and activist Syed Qutb). The members are also required to
acquaint themselves with the geography and brief history of the world.
Acceptance to IJT ranks is linked with completing the required readings. The same
procedure of reading the course books is followed for moving to the higher ranks. Vali
Nasr (1992) declared this “ideological conformity”. In his opinion if these courses on one
hand indoctrinate the JI ideological views to the students on the other hand they are also
made familiar with the IJT tactics, procedure and practice. They are provided a world view
and a specific frame of reference in which they are to look and evaluate things and issues
(national and international).465
Each of the member is closely observed by the Nazim of the respective unit. The
Nazim is required to maintain the record of activities of each member in a diary which they
call roz-o-shab (day and night). The record and activities consist of the academic
performance, study related to religion and recitation of Quran, time spent in mosque for
prayers, and time given to organizational work. The diary or record book is kept safe and
465
Nasr. (1992). Students, Islam, and Politics. p. 71
175
up-to-date by the Nazim of the unit because he is to submit it regularly to his high ups for
evaluations.466
IJT members and associates are required to attend regular training camps and other
programs and gatherings. These gatherings include weekly gathering of the class,
department or hostel units, and monthly gathering of the campus unit. Besides this other
gatherings of the university, city or province are also held. A grand annual gathering of all
Pakistan IJT members is held every year in IJT headquarter Lahore.
IJT organizees different activities for its affiliates and other university students
every academic year. The most important events among these are holding of book fares,
Quran Classes and sport galas. Though in University of Malakand and Gomal University
D. I. Khan IJT has not arranged any big event, yet, they are successful in arranging
different training (tarbiyat) workshops and Quran classes (Fihmul Quran Classes). IJT in
University of Peshawar on the other hand has been successfully arranging different events.
For example it has arranged two days Quran classes in (March 13-15, 2013 and April 27-
29, 2016), five days annual Quran classes (May 12-16, 2014, May 11-15, 2015 and May
09-13,2016), at University of Peshawar besides a two days (March 30-31, 2013) training
workshop for IJT affiliates in Almarkaz-i-Islami Peshawar. Sports gala and youth festival
are also the annual activities of campus Jamiat University of Peshawar. The book fares
activity of IJT at University of Peshawar started in 2010 and they have arranged 8 annual
book fares. Beside this, different one day conferences on different topics, debate
competitions, poetry and cultural events and get together with teachers are also held.467
All such activities carry the broader goal of effectively indoctrinating its affiliates
the ideology and ideals of Jamaat-i-Islami and attracting the other non-affiliates toward its
folds and sphere of influence.
466
Focused group discussion with IJT members University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 467
https://www.facebook.com/pg/CampusJamiat/events/?ref=page_internal
176
IJT also focuses high school children. In Dir the high school wing of IJT “Bazm-i-
Shaheen” (society of eagles) is very active. It’s slogan is “Naik bano, Naiki pailawo” (be
pious and spread piousness). The organization arranges different activities for the high
school students including study circles, study tours, sport tournaments and prize
distribution ceremonies for talented students etc. It also issues monthly magazines468
for
the school children, focusing mainly on children’s character building and making them
naik. The contents of the magazines include historical events and personalities in Islam,
especially their achievements and struggle for Islam and Muslims in their childhood and
early youth. Although there is hardly any political materials in the magazines, yet, they
prove very helpful for IJT in terms of students recruitment in IJT in colleges. It is believed
that those who remained connected with this organization as active members and readers
essentially become IJT affiliates later in colleges.469
Those students who don’t get a chance
for further studies after high school, affiliate themselves with the party, Jamaat-i-Islami. So
potentially this organization from the high school level makes the students politically
affiliated to JI.
6.5 ROLE IN POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
Literature suggests that peer and friend groups have significant impacts on the
behavior and personality development of individuals.470
The personality development not
only include general values acquisition but political as well. Similarity in characteristics,
being important factors of friend groups, are needed and required in political perception,
analysis and interpretation of political events and objects. In other words, similarity, to a
larger extent in the political perception and understanding is important element of friend
468
There are five different magazines and digests, issued and distributed by IJT for school children. These are
Shaheen-i-Iqbal Digest, Paigham Digest, Saathi Digest, Roshni Digest, and Shahbaz Digest. 469
Focused Group Discussion, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 470
Rebecca G. Adams and Rosemary Blieszner. (1995). Aging Well with Friends and Family. American
Behavioral Scientist. 39(1). pp. 209-224.
177
groups. IJT in this regard has significantly achieved similarity in the characteristics of its
associates.
The political consequences of IJT in the socialization of its members and other
affiliates can be analyzed in three different ways.
6.5.1 Transmission of a Particular Culture
The influence of groups and group members on the political opinion and behavior
of individual is a highly research area in political and social sciences. The social
relationship of the individual in a social sitting controls the individual desires, interactions
with others, affections, attachments, love, hate and prestige as Fiske has suggested in his
views. The behavior of individual is changed and controlled due to the relationship
pressure and influence exerted on him under Fiske’s four models.471
Student organization
and friend groups or (in our case IJT) are responsible for transmitting not only personal
values such as party identification and choosing political ideas and ideals, but also transmit
the generally accepted consensual political ideals and values at the community and regime
level.472
Although in University of Malakand students’ organizations and their activities are
not allowed (however, IJT is having its organization, and carry out its activities secretly).
The common students in such an environment normally do not need affiliation with any
organization, however, the case is very much different in University of Peshawar and
Gomal University D. I. Khan. Due to the competition for political power and influence,
students organizations attract and influence common students with different tactics
(sometime they also use violent means). In such a situation, affiliating oneself with any
organization becomes indispensable for some students.
471
Alan P. Fiske. (1992). The Four Elementary Forms of Sociality: Framework for a Unified Theory of
Social Relations. Psychological Review. Vol. 99. pp. 689-723. 472
FGD with IJT, University of Malakand, October 24, 2016.
178
On the other hand those students and individuals who have some contacts with any
students organization within the university are prone and subject to absorption of
(consensual) political values. IJT not only believes in political struggle but practices it by
actively involving its affiliates in political activities. They have made a kind of political
system and setting for themselves in the university campuses.
Khwaja Faiz473
is of the opinion that “as Jamaat-i-Islami struggles within the
country for a consensual political culture, similarly, IJT works for a peaceful environment
within the university campuses”. In response to a question of “why IJT is more involved in
violent activities in campuses than in other organizations?” Mr. Faiz said that “IJT
considers itself custodian of Islamic culture in Pakistan which was founded in the name of
Islam. So if IJT notices anything un-Islamic or someone is doing any un-Islamic, un-ethical
or immoral act, it is their duty to stop that by force.” And that the organization is ready and
prepared for stopping and blocking any such move in universities which aimed at making
the universities and campuses secularize, modernize and westernize. IJT has been dealing
with anyone responsible for any such activity and move.474
Humaira Iqtidar considers Jamaat-i-Islami a staunch critic of the “Modernity” of the
West and its secular values and ideals. In her opinion the harsh response and criticism
comes from Maududi’s literature.475
Historically JI has also agitated against the
government on many issues and occasions which it considered against the perceived
Islamic and Pakistani culture.476
Such precedents and literature has set up the culture of forcefully stopping anyone
whom IJT considers doing something un-Islamic (for example sitting with a female student
473
Khwaja Faiz is the president of Association of Traders in Chakdara Bazar. He Remained associated with
IJT and was the first Nazim of IJT in Malakand University. 474
Interview with Khwaja Faiz, October 24, 2016. Chakdara: Dir 475
Humera Iqtidar. (2011). Secularizing Islam? Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamaat-ud-Dawa in Urban Pakistan.
USA: University of Chicago Press. p.58 476
As JI has severely agitated against Ayub Khan policies related to Family laws and education in 1962-65.
Sayyed Vali Reza Nasr. (1994). The Vanguard of Islamic Revolution: The Jamaat-i-Islami of Pakistan.
US: I. B. Tauris Publisher. p.161
179
in any lawn or canteen or celebration of Valentine’s day in the campuses etc). Such issues
on one side if produce law and order situation in the campuses on the other side gain a
“violent” name for the organization. Even in March 2010 a student of Engineering
University Peshawar died due to a clash with IJT activists on a pity issue of playing music
in his hostel room. The university remained closed for few weeks.477
Saltanatyar is of the opinion that though IJT is over-politicized and has become
more violent yet it is very successful so far in introducing the consensual norms and values
of JI in the students and other affiliates, thus occupying a central position in the
transmission of prevailing political culture of the party, regime and Pakistan as a whole.478
Many people within the Jamaat see the role of IJT because of its enthusiastic youth and full
commitment very important and significant. For example Shareer Khan considers IJT and
the youth affiliated to JI as the real force for the revival of Islam (Ihya-i-Islam).479
However, a question may arise that why youth is much focused and is more
important for JI in Pakistan? Historically there are two explanations: students had played a
significant role in the creation of Pakistan, so the Jamaat leaders were aware of the
energies, potential and commitment of the students. Furthermore, after the partition,
students politics was ignored by the Muslim League, which created a great vacuum and
space. Jamaat was the only party having the potential for influencing the youth
effectively.480
Secondly, many restrictions, control and ban on political parties in different
times made the parties to focus more on student politics and continue their imitative
struggle against the authoritative regimes of Ayub, Bhutto and Zia. Though JI was least
477
Daily Dawn Karachi, March 20, 2010. 478
Saltanatyar is a practicing lawyer and JI activist in Chakdara, Dir. He was also an active IJT member in his
student life. He said that he use to solve the IJT issues in University of Malakand. He further added that no
JI member in his area allowed or provoked IJT members in University of Malakand for violence. Violent
scuffles are very less in the university, however, if there are any, JI leaders and elders of the locality set
together and solve the issue. October 24, 2016, Chakdara: Dir. 479
Shareer Khan is the head teacher in Madrassa Ahya-ul-Uloom Blambat Dir. October 25, 2016, Blambat:
Dir. 480
PILDAT, Proposed Revival of Students’ Unions in Pakistan: Discussion Paper, Islamabad, Revised:
September 2008.
180
affected with the restrictions and bans, yet, to counter other students organizations it had to
focus on IJT.481
In the opinion of some scholars totalitarian regimes greatly focus on children and
youth education and socialization. They introduce specific youth programs and activities
for engagement of youth and transmission of specific and desired goals and norms.482
For
this purpose, production, projection and promotion of different youth organizations in
schools and colleges and other work places are established which serve the regime’s
purpose in maintaining the status quo and instilling the regime favored political values in
fellow citizens. A most suitable example in this regard can be the establishment of “Red
Guards” in socialist China.
In the late 60s during the great cultural revolution, the need for youth involvement
was severely felt. The Maoist regime felt that without the proper engagement and
involvement of the youth, the revolution could not be successful. Actually by involving the
youth they were expecting to achieve three goals as described by Lifton (1968).483
First, they expected to gain commitment and enthusiasm from the youth, for the
new drastic changes in the society. The commitment and enthusiasm of the youth ensured
the implementation of the universal goals of the great “cultural revolution”.
Second, their aim in involvement of the youth was to symbolize the features of the
“great cultural revolution”. History is evident of the fact that without proper projection,
promotion affiliation and symbolism of any kind of norms and values, and their
transmission to other can merely be a dream. The revolutionaries were aware of the fact
that only the youth can serve their aim in transmitting their universal aims and goals to
other fellow beings.
481
Iqbal Haidar But. (2009). Revisiting Student Politics in Pakistan. Gujranwala: BARGAD. p.32 482
Haavelsrud Magnus. (2009). Reviewed Works: Education, Political Socialization and Extremism:
Educating against Extremism. by Lynn Davies. British Journal of Sociology of Education. 30(1). p. 117 483
Robert J. Lifton. (1968). Revolutionary Immortality. New York: Random House.
181
Thirdly, establishing new sphere of norms, values and goals can only be achieved if
the old and existing institutions and norms are destroyed. The revolutionaries knew that
only youth can attack the old institutions and ideas and help in establishing new cultural
and social values.484
Therefore, the regime successfully engaged the youth in the whole
process and became able to completely overhaul the society and system.
Maulana Maududi was also having an authoritarian approach and was accepting no
flexibility in what he called the mandatory part of the Shariah.485
His intention was to
educate and train a group of people who are not only equiped with Islamic knowledge but
are also capable of organizing and managing all the affairs of a modern state and
government.486
If on one side, he was opposed to modern Western educated Muslims on
the other he was also having concerns about the traditional Madrassa educated Ulema. In
his opinion the “old-fashioned schools are fasten to their conservatism to such a level that
they have lost all touch and association with the modern world”. People who are socialized
in such educational institutions used to be disconnected with the practicalities and problems
of the modern world. These institutions cannot produce people and man power equiped
with modern day knowledge along with their Islamic identity. Jamaat-i-Islami has to
produce such a work force, and for that purpose universities are to be focused so that when
an individual completes his education he is not only a modern educated individual but also
equipped with Islamic knowledge.487
Youth for JI can serve all the three purposes which
the youth served for socialist China.
JI and IJT therefore, focus on the education and political socialization of modern
educated youth. Furthermore, community and regime level political participatory values are
affectively influenced by friend groups or student organizations. Group discussion on
484
Ibid. pp.31-41 485
Khalid B. Sayeed. (1957). The Jamaat-i-Islami Movement in Pakistan. Pacific Affairs. vol. 30(1). pp.59-68
(67) 486
Syed Abul ‘Ala Maududi. (1952). Jamaat-i-Islami: Maqsad, Tareekah aur Laeha-e-Amal (Jamaat-i-
Islami: Aim, Movement and Framework). Lahore: 3rd edition. p.41 487
Sayeed. (1957). The Jamaat-i-Islami Movement in Pakistan. pp.59-68
182
political objects and events, acceptance and rejection of a particular context or explanation
of an issue and inclination towards particular ideal and ideology are significantly
influenced by these student groups which associate them to a particular culture.
6.5.2 Transmission of Specific Political Norms and Values
As discussed earlier, family as an important agent of political socialization is
responsible for the indoctrination of specific political values in the children. However,
during the interaction of the children with other (Group members) a deviation can be seen
in their political behavior. This change in the understanding and analysis of political
values, events and objects is due to the group discussion about political events and political
parties.
Although, in the previous chapter it was discussed that many of the IJT members
come from the families who already have some level of acquaintance and association with
JI, however, majority of the students affiliated with IJT get their first lesson of politics and
political activism in the folds of IJT. So for those students who are not being indoctrinated
JI ideology in their families, IJT can prove a vital re-socialization agent. So the
transmission of “particular norms and values” can be more visible in such students. The
particular norms and values are “enhanced organizational skills, habits of study, interest
and participation in political and civic activities, modesty and religious practices”.488
Thus for those (new) students, values and norms like these prove significant
components in their behavior change. Some scholars believe that due to difference in social
background and family socialization, different students while entering in some friend
groups or students organizations may produce some dissentious norms and values.489
However, IJT affiliates don’t accept this argument. In their opinion IJT members work in
488
FGD with IJT members, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 489
Robert Putnam. (1966). Political Attitudes and the Local Community. American Political Science review,
60,(September): 640-655,; Gentzkow M. Shapiro, J. M. (2011). Ideological Segregation Online and
Offline. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. vol. 126. pp. 1799–839
183
complete harmony and everyone is having similar politico-social understanding of events
and issues.490
Differences (if any) cannot remain for long in IJT, hence subjected and
pressurized for equality, equilibrium and similarity in values. Consensual environment is
tried to be maintained by some agreed upon specific political values and understanding
which effectively absorbs the differences in values and understanding among the members.
The newly acquired and adopted values of the new IJT members are the group appropriate
and accepted politico-social values, so they have to live with them.491
A groups politico-social values and norms thus become more important for an
individual than his earlier personal or family values. It can therefore, be argued that as the
new members are exposed to deliberate manipulation in terms of value transfer and
indoctrination, the manipulator (IJT) can mold the political behavior of the associated
members in its desired direction. However, due to a pre-designed socialization process and
training, the transferred politico-social values are almost constant and similar for each
coming generation. Environment and context do induce new ideas in the organization but
the overall education, training and socialization of the members remain the same. This
similarity and continuity has made IJT more stable because of the connectivity with the
previous generations. This culture of continuity has also proved fruitful for JI because IJT
is continuously producing man power, workers and leaders to the party with similar values,
organizational skills and ideological commitment.
6.5.3 IJT Creates A Subculture of their Own
As discussed earlier, the element of equality and similarity in norms and values
among IJT members are the important factors in maintaining the organization united and
active. For avoiding any inconvenience in the group relationship, the members are to agree
490
FGD with IJT members, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016. 491
Ibid.
184
upon a kind of their own culture and environment of does and do nots. The respect for the
senior member of the organization is an important aspect of this culture.
IJT subculture encompasses study circles, debate competition and book fairs. It is
also involved in welfare activities i.e. admission support in term of accessing and filling in
of correct admission forms.492
It is also note worthy that during the admission days IJT use
to establish admission camps within the campus in Peshawar. All the members are assigned
duties for different days and times. For the new comers it regularly organizes welcome
parties. The new students are also assisted in getting their university ID cards and hostel
admission.
IJT members consider themselves distinct and different entity within the university
community and society. They try to express their differences in different ways. Their ways
of talking, behavior, eating, and dressing are different from the members of other students
organizations within the campuses.493
These all constitute a different culture for them i.e.
the subculture of IJT.
492
Iqtidar. (2011). Secularizing Islam? p. 58. 493
FGD with IJT members, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. October 24, 2016.
185
6.6 JAMIAT TALBA ISLAM PAKISTAN (JTI)
Jamiat Talba Islam Pakistan is the student organization of Jamiat Ulema Islam. It
was established in 1967/68 in Multan.494
The central leadership of JUI at that time was
attracted by the students’ political activism across the country. The conventional
educational institutions had three types of students organizations at that time. The newly
emerged people’s student federation, the leftist “National Student Federation” and Islami
Jamiat Talba. All these students organizations were giving tough time to Ayub Khan’s
administration in the university campuses for his policies regarding education and
economy.495
JUI leadership realized that Ayub government was the guest of few days. He will be
announcing new elections, so they need to reorganize the party and start working for the
coming elections. However, they had very few members educated in universities. Majority
of the party workers were madrassa graduates. So in the opinion of Mufti Mehmood the
party should also organize the students and utilize their potential not only for the party but
for the greater cause of Islam.496
The party felt the need of its introduction in the university campuses because the
already three political organizations were creating a significant gap between different strata
of the society. One group was inducing in the students pro-Marxist ideology, the other was
striving for division on ethnic and nationalistic basis. The third group though Islamic in
nature but in the view of different Ulema was spreading Maududi’s modern thoughts of
Islam in universities. It was also regarded as a violent Islamist organization, because of
which many students were distancing themselves not only from IJT but Islam itself.
494
Interview with Abdul Hakim Akbari, December 09, 2016, Dera Ismail Khan. Abdul Hakim Akbari is a
member of JUI Central Executive Council (Markazi Majlis Shura). He remained JTI president and was
present in the very first meeting for the organization in 1967 in Multan. 495
Ibid. 496
Ibid.
186
Furthermore, there was a huge gap between a university graduate (mister) and a madrassa
graduate (mullah).497
The Ulema realized the need for eradicating this difference of mullah and mister
and bringing them on one table. They view this difference as, “the creation of colonial
masters, the British.” The colonial masters wanted to divide the nation into different
categories and create differences in them. This difference also had a special “tag” and
material utilities. A graduate from a college or university was given more attention in terms
of government jobs and services as compared to a madrassa graduate.498
So the organizers were expecting two kinds of outcomes from JTI. First it will
introduce the politics and political struggle of the Ulema in universities and colleges.
Secondly, it will eradicate the mullah mister difference and will bring both “classes” of the
society on same page and table where they both collectively can serve Islam in a better
way.499
6.7 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES
The primary goal of JTI is “the individual and collective struggle and efforts for
seeking the pleasure and acquiescence of Allah the Almighty (Raza-i-Elahi ka Hasool)
according to the principles of Quran and Sunnah under the guidance and leadership of
“Righteous Ulema” (Ulema-i-Haq).”500
For this purpose the organization considers the
propagation of the true faith, belief and ideology the most significant and important
elements.501
JTI being the students representative organization of JUI effectively takes part
497
Ibid. 498
Ibid. 499
Interview with Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 500
Constitution of JTI Pakistan, Article 2. 501
Maulana Tayyeb Akbari, Provincial General Secretary JTI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, December 08, 2016, D.
I. Khan.
187
in propagation and promotion of the “true” Islamic faith. The propagation is not limited to
college and university students but to all the Muslims.502
The true faith and ideology consist of several other components after belief in
Allah. The finality of the Prophet Mohammad (Peace be Upon Him) is the most important
and integral part of this ideology. A person cannot be a Muslim until and unless he affirms
the finality of the prophet Mohammad (PBUH). JTI will protect and safeguard the belief in
the finality of prophethood. JTI considers the devoted and pious companions of the
prophet, “the standard of truthfulness and religiosity”. All the members of the organization
are seeking guidance from the lives and struggle of those pious companions in every aspect
of their individual and collective lives.503
In Maulana Akbari opinion JTI’s aims and goals are not limited only to
contemporary political struggle but to reconnect the students with their glorious past and to
prepare them for their future roles and responsibilities as well. The implementation and
introduction of Islamic education system in Pakistan can be the first step in reclaiming their
glorious past. It is the top priority of JTI to struggle for Islamic system of education, which
is free of all kind of differences and prejudices. Only such a system can efface the
differences between different people and classes of the society. It will also ensure similar
and equal opportunities for all. Most importantly it will obliterate the mister and mullah
concept.504
Maulana Tayyeb considers the organization very important and significant for
instilling the feelings of unity and patriotism among the students. In his opinion, the
patriotism is not only association and expression of love to one’s homeland but the Muslim
ummah as well. JTI is prepares them for jihad, a jihad with pen and a jihad with
knowledge. For this purpose the organization focuses on the character building of the
502
Ibid. 503
Ibid. 504
Interview with Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan
188
students on the moral grounds set forth by the pious companions of the Prophet and the
Ulema. It also focuses on the intellectual capacity building of the students to prepare them
for the establishment of a true Islamic society.505
JTI also strives for the solution of
students problems in Pakistan. Its aim is “to be an organization which can (will) redress the
ill and perversive propaganda of the Orientalists against Islam. It has to thwart and prevent
the a-religious and irreligious movements of the enemies of Islam through which they
spread atheism and disbelief among the people in general and Muslim youth and students
in colleges and universities in particular.506
6.9 ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
The organizational structure is divided in four levels. At the top is the central
organization, then each of the four provinces has their organizations. Each province is then
divided into different district organizations, which is further divided into local
organization. The local organization’s structure is not specified in the constitution. It can be
divided in different units like Tehsil or towns. These units are then divided into union
councils and village councils.
Universities are considered as individual units. However, except Gomal University
D. I. Khan the organization is not active or even does not posses any organizational
structure. Those Madrassas where boarding facility is available for the students are also
recognized as separate units.
The administrative activities of the organization are carried out by the president and
the general secretary (Nazim umoomi). The president is assisted by two vice presidents and
the GS by two secretaries. Other members of the administration are included but not
limited to finance sectary and press secretary. The president and the GS for central and
provincial organization are elected for three years while at the district or unit their term is
505
Interview with Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 506
Constitution of JTI, Article 3(10).
189
one year. They are elected by the members of general council of each level through secret
ballot.507
However, the members only have the choice to vote one out of five candidates
whose names are suggested by the “guardian” (Sarparast) of the respective level. The
guardian is appointed by the general council of Jamiat Ulema Islam at the respective level.
The guardian is responsible for looking after the student organization and provides them
guidance in religio-political and social issues.508
There are three councils in the organization at each level. The first, the most
important and powerful is the General council (Majlis-i-Umoomi). This council consists of
all the adjunct and full members of the local organization. The local organization sends one
member to the district council on every ten local members. The district similarly elects one
member to the provincial council upon every ten members. The provincial council elect
one member for central council for every three members in the provincial council.
As all the members are elected at the local organizations, they thus are first
responsible to their local organizations. Although president of each level is the
administrative head yet he and his whole cabinet is responsible and answerable to the
general council. The final authority of decision making in each level lies with the general
council. All the decisions are taken with mutual consultation and on majority basis. The
central general council is responsible for making and approval of procedure and rules of
business for the administrative council of the organization. It has to look and approve the
amendment in the constitution of the organization.
The president of the respective level can summon a meeting of the general council.
The meeting can also be called upon the written request of the 2/3rd members of the
general council. The central and provincial organizations are required to convene the
general council meetings once in a year, while the district general councils are to meet
507
Constitution of JTI, Article 9. 508
Interview with Hafiz Jamshid. December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat.
190
every four months. The local organization must hold the general council meeting in every
two months.
The second council is called the consultative council (Majlis-i-Shura). The number
of members for shura is fixed for each level. In the centre it has 36 members including all
the presidents and general secretaries of the provinces. All the rest organizations have 21
members. 1/3rd members of the shura at each level are appointed by the guardian of the
respective level. Its duration is the duration of the administrative council of the
organization. However, it can continue till the next election and the announcement of the
next shura.
The administrative council of each level is responsible to the respective shura.
Administrative council is also required to present the budget for approval from the
respective level from shura. The constitution has also given the responsibility to shura for
preparing and distributing literature and syllabus for the members.509
However, the organization still lacks any specified and required literature and
syllabus as IJThas for each category of the members. Abdul Hakim Akbari said that during
the early days of the organization they tried to prepare a specified course of literature for
JTI members but they could not do it. Recently in 2015-16 he has again tabled his proposal
regarding specified literature not only for the JTI members but for the party associated
workers and members as well, to the central shura of JUI. The shura has approved his
proposal, but due to some internal differences between JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
provincial Amir and G.S, the idea is not yet materialized.510
Each member of the shura is required to attend all the meetings. However, if he
fails to do so in two consecutive meetings, the president calls written explanation from him.
509
Constitution of JTI Article 12(7). 510
Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari remained the central president of JTI. Regarding the specified literature he
was of the opinion that it is very much necessary and required. The central shura has given the task and
constituted a committee comprising of the provincial Amir Gul Nasib Khan and GS Shuja ul Mulk.
However, the two have many differences between them on many administrative issues due to which the
task of syllabus could not yet be completed.
191
Failing to satisfy the president, if he again got absent from the third meeting in a row, his
membership in the shura will automatically be ceased.
The third council is the administrative council (Majlis-i-Aamila). It consists of those
members of the JTI who administer the affairs of the organization in their respective level.
The most important task is carrying the activities and day-to-day business of the
organization. It has to keep the record of the activities of its respective level organization.
Every level Aamila is responsible for implementing the decisions and policies of the
Aamila of the upper level. The collection of donation from the members at their level is
also included in its duties. Each member is required to donate a nominal amount every
month, which is divided in four parts. A major part is spent at the local level for organizing
different activities. One part is send to the district organization, another to the provincial
and the third one to the central organization.511
Central Aamila is required to meet every three months, provincial every two
months, district once a months and the local every fifteen days. If any member failed to
attend three consecutive meetings the president can call explanation from him and can
suspend or terminate his membership from Aamila. All the decisions are taken on majority
basis and then sent to Shura and Majlis-i-Umoomi of the respective level for approval. In
such cases the quorum for the Aamila and shura is 1/2 of their members and for Majlis-i-
Umoomi 2/3rd of the registered members. All the important issues are discussed in each
council and decided on mutual consultation and on majority basis.512
Aamila is also responsible for keeping the log book and detailed record of activities
of the organization. For example most importantly it has to keep record and details of all
the associated members at the particular level. Secondly, it is also expected to keep the
record of monthly income and expenditure. The major source of income is the donation of
511
Maulana Tayyeb, D. I. Khan December 08, 2016. 512
Ibid.
192
the members, so the organization (the finance secretary) has to keep record of the donation
of every member.
6.8 MEMBERSHIP PROCEDURE
There are two categories of members in JTI, adjunct members (Maavin) and the
Members (Arkaan). For the adjunct members it is not necessary that he should be student in
any college or Madrassa. Every Muslim (male) if his age is not above 21 years and fully
agreed with the goals, aims, objectives and procedure of JTI, can become the adjunct
member. The constitution of JTI has explicitly defined what the term “Muslim” means.513
It is also required for the adjunct member that he should not be a member of any other
organization or a public servant. An individual can get the full membership of JTI if he
remains adjunct member for two years. So it can also be termed as the first stage of JTI
membership.
The second category of the membership is Rukn (a full fledge member). This
category of members is important in the sense that they are the one who occupy the official
or administrative slots of the organization. The membership is granted to a person who
remained adjunct member for two years and has a clean record of activities within the
organization. A member must be a student in any Madrassa or college or university. He is
also required to practice and abide by all the essentials and practice all the elements of
Islam. He also must not be associated to any other political organization. He should not be
holding any public office or government service. Any such person after completion of his
required two years association with the organization as adjunct member can apply for
membership. His respective local organization head (president) issues him the membership
513
Ibid. Article 4.
193
card and brings that in the notice and record of the central president through the district and
provincial organization.514
The membership in JTI is till the study duration of the member. Even a person can
remain member till one year after the expiration of the study and schooling. However, he
can be removed or his membership can be suspended up-till sixty days if he is found in
violating his terms of oath which he has taken while accepting the membership.
Every member is first responsible and answerable to the local organization which
keenly observes the activities of the members. In case of the violation of rules or if a
member is found creating differences and separate groups, the president of the respective
organization will prepare a charge sheet against him and will present it in the general
council of the local organization. The council if approves the charge sheet, will forward it
to the central president via provincial organization. The final authority of expulsion or
termination of membership lies with the central organization. The member will be given
sixty days for his response and explanation. After his explanation or sixty days time, the
president can terminate his membership or re-instate him.515
6.10 SOCIALIZATION OF THE MEMBERS
The basic idea behind the establishment of JTI is the education and socialization of
the students. “The organization was not established for involving the students in politics.
The leadership of JUI neither in the past nor in the future will allow JTI to involve in
political activities. Their only responsibility is educating themselves with what is an
appropriate Islamic ideology and what services they are required to render for the country
and Ummah”.516
514
Ibid article 4(1-10) 515
Interview with Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 516
This was told me by Qamar Zia, who remained general secretary JTI Gomal University in 2002-04. He
was quoting Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman, Amir JUI Pakistan. In Mr. Zia opinion JUI leadership was very
much against the political activities of JTI in campuses. They at the university were always discouraged
194
Khalid Mehmood who remained an active member of JTI in Gomal university
narrated his story of their meeting with Maulana Mohammad Khan Shirani (a JUI
prominent leader and ex-member and president of JTI and ex-chairman of Islamic Ideology
Council). Mr. Mehmood said that they had some official meeting of JTI with Maulana
Shirani who was very critical of the organization. Maulana Shirani was of the opinion that
“if he being at this level in the party and Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman the Amir of the party
do not allow and involve their children in active politics during their studies, why other
people (students) get involved in any kind of politics. And how and why should he or the
Amir ask and demand others of any kind of political activism in their Madrassas and
universities. The first priority of every student should be education and getting knowledge.
Yes, he can only advice them to keep in-touch with the Ulema and that’s it.”517
The primary focus of JTI is making students familiar with the religious personalities
and their struggle and contribution for, particularly independence of India.518
The
organization gives much attention to different conferences, seminars and guest lectures in
the name and memory of those Ulema. The main socialization tactic can thus be these
gatherings.519
Maulana Tayyeb is of the opinion that religiosity plays an important role in the
socialization of JTI members. If a member is religious minded he can easily be
indoctrinated the political values and ideology of JUI. Conferences in this regard have
proved very helpful.520
These conferences are attended by prominent scholars who are
given a topic for talk. The organizers normally name such conferences or conventions as
training conventions (Tarbiyati conventions), Afkaar e Shaikh-ul-Hind convention
from involving in any political scuffle with other student organizations. They were also not allowed to
involve in any kind of strikes which could cause any harm to their studies. November 30, 2016, Peshawar. 517
Khalid Mehmood in his late 30s remained Senior vice president of JTI in Gomal University D.I. Khan in
2002-2004. Karak, December 04, 2016. 518
Interview with Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat. 519
Interview with Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 520
Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.
195
(thoughts of Shaikh ul Hind), Maqasid-i-Taleem conference (objectives of education) and
Azm-i-Inqilab conference (determination for revolution) etc.521
In Maulana Hamdullah’s opinion “such conferences if on one side keep the students
away from active politics on the other side transmit them political knowledge and
ideology”. In response to another question regarding heroism and role of personalities in
socialization of the JTI members, Maulana added that “the struggle of Ulema in Indo-
Pakistan is not something new, it can be traced back to Mujaddad Alaf Sani who revived
Islam in his time in India. Then Shah Wali Ullah and his sons remained active for the cause
of Islam. After that the sacred cause was espoused by Deoband movement. So it is a chain
of events and personalities which are very important to be transmitted to the coming
generations. JUI is the continuation of Mujaddad Alaf Sani and Shah Waliullah’s
philosophies for us the personalities and the cause both are important. We try to teach the
new members how those people struggled and fought for a sacred cause. It is very
important to idealize them and their struggle”.522
JTI is considered as a Madrassa based students organization. For Hafiz Jamshid it is
true to a larger extent. Though he remained the provincial general secretary of the
organization when he was in university, however, in the beginning it was a madrassa where
he was introduced to the organization. In his opinion the basic cause of it can be the
passiveness of the organization in colleges and universities. Students, normally, approach
and associate with those organizations which are active, and can solve their problems with
the administration and other student organizations. JTI is not doing all these activities
openly and on a larger scale.523
In Madrassas all the students have same environment and same values are taught
and transferred to them. They have no opposition at all. Even the teachers also have similar
521
Ibid. 522
Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 523
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat.
196
values and approaches towards political issues and events. Therefore, all of them are
associated with the same political organization, in Deobandi madaris that is JTI.524
Because
of the lack of any competition, political activities are very rare. Study burden on students in
madrassa is more than in colleges and universities. The students are usually not free for any
such activities.
Some madrassas even being run by JUI affiliated people, do not allow the students
to be a part of any political organization. For example, though, Jamia Halimia Darra Pezu
is run by JUI affiliated people and has been producing prominent Ulema who are very
active in JUI but the administration has banned every sort of political activities for the
students. The students have the JTI organization and membership in the madrassa but all
the activities are carried out off the madrassa premises. In such a situation how can the
organization be active.525
On the other hand in university campuses politics and political activities require lots
of resources which JTI is lacking. The only mean of income it has is the monthly donation
of the members which is not enough for activities. Also that the organization is not
financially supported by the party leaders and other affiliated workers because of their
policy of a-politicization for it.526
According to Hafiz Jamshid, the friendly behavior and openness of JTI members in
universities are big tools in attracting new students in the organization. In their time in the
university, they never ever reacted at any personal issues of the students like that of IJT
members, for example they never stopped or tend to stop the grouping and sitting of male
students with the female in the university. Never caused trouble with other students in
playing and listening to music. Never forced any student to abide by a particular order or
524
Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan 525
Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 526
Ibid.
197
obligation of Islam. Even JTI members in the hostels used to listen to music and play cards
with their friends.527
JTI provides a suitable platform to those students, who, to some extent have
religious inclination but don’t want to participate actively in political activities in
universities. Those students whose families are affiliated with JUI are constitute the major
part of the organization. For the new members the joining process can be divided in
different phases, however, differentiating one phase from the other is a difficult task. Also
inclusion and joining of each member is based on different context and situation.
In the first phase the new members are influenced and attracted by the behavior,
attitudes and beliefs of JTI members. As discussed above the behavior of JTI members
remained very friendly and open from the very beginning so someone even not joining it, at
least develops respect for the organization. Secondly, the non-violent character and
passiveness in political activities in university campuses also develope positive images of
the organization. However, very few people formally join the organization, which can be
its big failure.
In university campuses, students join one political organization or another because
of their expectations and needs. For example some students consider Islami Jamiat Talba
suitable for them because it can help them in getting their work done in the administration.
IJT can provide and facilitate them in the allotment of hostel rooms and in case of rivalry,
protection from the opposite person or organization. Similarly, other organizations also
facilitate their affiliates in different capacities (right or wrong). But the case with JTI is
very much different. The organization is joined by those students (in particular) who do not
have any such expectations. JTI also do cares for its associates and members but not in the
way other organizations do.528
So in this phase all those who give up their expectations
527
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat. 528
Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.
198
chose to become a part of JTI. Hafiz Jamshid is of the opinion that it is not possible to be a
part of any organization without expecting something in return. JTI affiliates if on one side
expect mutual friendship and respect from the group members and party leadership on the
other side they consider it a service to Islam. In their opinion and belief, being a part for the
cause of Islam will get them reward in the eternal life. So the expectations are more for the
next life (life after death).529
In the next phase the further socialization of the newly associated members starts.
They are motivated to attend different training gatherings (tarbiyati ijtimaat) of the
organization and the party. Such gatherings give them some insight of JUI political
ideology and strategies. In Hafiz Jamshid’s opinion students in this phase if socialized
properly remain firm and with full commitments to the party in the future. Majority of such
students associate themselves with active politics in one way or the other.530
Many associates of JTI leave political activities after completion of their studies.
One cause of it can be the passive nature of the organization. Another can be the lack of
mechanism and organizational setup for the alumnae of JTI. Unlike IJT (the farmer
members remain connected with one another and with the organization after completion of
their studies in the name of “Halqa-i-Ahbab”) JTI has no such mechanism and
understanding.
JTI leaders and members believe in mutual respect and harmony. They have set a
tradition of inviting the leaders and representatives of all the student organizations and
societies in university when they organize any event or program.531
In madrassas no political groups and organizations are allowed to function other
than JTI. So the students have no choice but to join JTI. It is also a fact that madrassas in
Pakistan are based on sects and their religious ideology. Every sect has their own madrassa
529
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakki Marwat. 530
Ibid. 531
Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.
199
network. So if anyone is studying in Deobandi (JUI) affiliated madrassa he has to follow
Deoband political ideology. All the students before joining any madrassa have the
knowledge and information about the religio-political ideology of those running the
madrassa and those teaching there.532
Also that majority of the students who join madrassas
for religious education belong to such families who have some religious inclinations.
Therefore, in majority cases new students have already been put on track by their families.
In madrassas the activities of the students inspire the new students for joining the
organization. For example in madrassa Jamia Halimia Darra Pezu majority of the students
are associated with the debating society which regularly arranges debates on different
topics. Maulana Tayyeb who also graduated from the same madrassa said that the society
plays a significant role in attracting new students. The students here are given training for
speeches in public. The administration though does not allow anyone for any political
activity, yet the affiliated students carry out the activities of JTI in disguise of the debating
society.533
The goals of the organization are very simple and clear to everyone in a madrassa.
“Struggle for the cause of Islam”, which JUI is doing very effectively and efficiently
among the religio-political parties in Pakistan. The students in Madaris are to be Ulema in
the coming days. Therefore, they only have the choice to join JTI if desire association with
JUI in future.534
CONCLUSION
Students’ organizations are the nurseries of JI and JUI. Students from colleges and
universities provide workers and leaders to JI and from Madrassa constitute a major part of
JUI. The political ideologies, approaches and strategies are indoctrinated and taught to
532
Maulana Hamdullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 533
Maulana Tayyeb, December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 534
Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.
200
students in colleges and universities. Both IJT and JTI have the blessings of their respective
parties, however, the farmer seems to be more independent and autonomous in its
administration and decision making. JTI on the other hand to some extent is in the hands
and grip of the party. Guardian at each level has to look after and supervise the activities of
the organization. He also has the authority in selecting candidates for national election. IJT
has its own shura which take decisions accordingly. Their autonomy and independence
was more visible during Zia rule, where the organization was busy in protests and the party
was unable to convince them. Regarding the socialization of the members, IJT is ahead of
JTI. IJT is having a systematic and centralized system for the training of the new members,
with more focus on the literature. The organization has designed a syllabus for each
category of the members. The office bearers of the organization also keep the day-to-day
activities record of the members. It is also very active in organizing different activities in
campuses. JTI though is passive in campuses but active in madrassas. Though today
majority of the members in JI and JUI are socialized and indoctrinated in educational
institutions, yet there are other members in the parties who were not inclined towards the
party in educational institutions. How these other people are socialize(d) and indoctrinated
for joining the party?
Joining and leaving of any specific group or party is subject to certain contexts and
some other agents. These other agents provide adequate knowledge regarding a group or
party. Media or mass media is one of the other agents which indoctrinate the people and
transmit to them politico-social ideologies. Media has enormous and significant impacts on
the lives and behavior of the people and it is considered an important agent in the
socialization and re-socialization of individuals. The next chapter explores the impacts of
media in indoctrinating political ideologies specially those of JI and JUI to the people.
201
CHAPTER – 7
POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND MEDIA
This chapter discusses the role of media in the political socialization of JI and JUI
workers. It specifically focuses on how modern media and communication tools are used
and utilized by JI and JUI. With the common tools of communication, both the parties also
compete for the control of loudspeaker of the mosques. Mosque occupies a central position
in the propagation and indoctrination of political ideologies of religious parties in Dir and
D. I. Khan, so whosoever controls the mosque is controlling the whole muhalla
(community). Because of the excessive commercial nature of the traditional media, both
the parties are unable to take any significant advantage of it in terms of propagation of their
ideology and political program. Though JI is trying to fill this gap with the maximum use
of social media, JUI affiliates and leadership arerelatively less familiar with the modern
social media and communication tools.
7.1 AN AGENT OF SOCIALIZATION
Media is the forth gigantic agent of socialization. It has significant impacts on the
personality development, opinion making, values transfer and political indoctrination of
individuals. Its impacts are visible not only in relatively a younger age but at every age
during the life time of individual. Scholars and researchers are of the opinion that the
impacts of mass media starts at an early age of two and continue throughout the life of
individual.
Media or mass media are the different tools and processes which facilitate or tend to
facilitate communication between a sender of a message and a receiver. It includes but not
limited to radio, television, films, newspaper, magazines, cell phones, internet and social
media.
202
Jamaat-i-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam being religio-political parties compete
for political power in Pakistan. They need their ideology, program and strategies to reach
not only to their followers but to public in an effective and convincing way. For
propagation of their ideologies both the parties are using different tactics and media,
ranging from print to electronic media and now social media. Along with the conventional
print and electronic media, this research also focuses on some other medium especially
mosques, effectively used by both the religious parties for indoctrinating and propagating
their political ideologies in Dir and D. I. Khan. The basic questions which have been
investigated are, how and what role media play in the political socialization and
indoctrination of the people in Dir and D. I. Khan? And how JI and JUI use different media
for propagating their political ideologies?
This chapter analyzes the role of media in JI and JUI socialization of their workers,
under different theoretical perspectives and models. The effects of media on the behavior
and personality development of an individual can best be described and evaluated through
the “general learning model”, applied by “Barlett and Anderson”535
and “Buckley and
Anderson”.536
This model, which is basically derived from the ‘general aggression model’
provide an excellent framework for studying the media effect in both short term and long
term. The model tends to describe those procedures and processes by means of which
character and behaviors of individuals are affected. It shows that how an environmental
stimulus affects the social behavior of a social being in a specific context for a short time
and long term. For example, in the elections 2002 when an alliance of six religious political
parties was made, people in huge number joined JUI and JI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Maulana Gul Nasib Khan linked it with the effectiveness of propagating the program of
535
Christopher Paul Barlett & Craig A. Anderson. (2013). Examining Media Effects: The General Aggression
and General Learning Models. Chapter in E. Scharrer (eds.), Media Effects/Media Psychology. Blackwell-
Wiley, Hoboken: NJ. pp. 1-20 536
Katherine E. Buckley and Craig A. Anderson. (2006). A Theoretical Model of the Effects and
Consequences of Playing Video Games. Chapter in P. Vorderer & J. Bryant (eds.), Playing Video Games -
Motives, Responses, and Consequences. Mahwah, NJ: LEA. pp. 363-378
203
religious alliance.537
Some people however, left the parties after their government was over
in 2008. We can call such changes in behavior “a short-term behavior changes”.
The effects and consequence for short term behavior changes are for a relatively
short period. However, these changes can be transformed to long term behavioral changes
if the individuals are repeatedly exposed and encountered to specific stimuli and social
interactions. Repeated exposure to certain ideas, ideals and material can permanently or for
a long-time affect the behavior, habits, beliefs and tendencies of individual in a specific
social environment. Miraj Khan in this regard gives the example of Dir, where majority of
the people are associated with JI and are being exposed to similar social environmental
stimuli. Different mediums and modes of interaction with one another remained same for a
long time. The people’s association, therefore, with JI and promotion and propagation of
the norms and values associated with them is constant and producing long term behavior
effects on them and the new members of the society (children).538
Regarding socialization of workers and propagation of JI ideology in D. I. Khan
Zaid Muhibbullah believes people learn and develop their behavior, habits, beliefs and
attitudes from interaction and encounter with others through different medium (either in
real world or in virtual space). What is learned, and how is it learned is determined by the
context and environment to which an individual is exposed. Also the magnitude of the
context and methods of the propagation are important in the same way. JI in D. I. Khan
depends more on fictional space and environment than the real one, which is why the
organization is not that strong and active as in Dir and Malaknad.539
So the effects of the
socialization of JI and its ideology on general public are relatively short term effects.
537
Interview with Maulana Gul Nasib Khan, Provincial Amir JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, November 25, 2016,
Peshawar. 538
Miraj Khan is JI youth general secretary for Tehsil Blambat Dir. November 24, 2016, Blambat: Dir 539
Zaid Muhibbullah is a practicing lawyer and the District Amir of JI D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016, D. I.
Khan.
204
In Mufti Khalid’s opinion propagation of norms, values, ideology and socialization
of the people, either for short term or long term, requires two basic elements. First,
environment (some sphere) and the second is media or some other tools. For example, JUI
in Dir is very difficult to gain any electoral success because of the lack of both the required
elements. The general environment is not in the favor of the party and the conventional
media of propagation and indoctrination (mosques in this case) are not in the hands of
Ulema associated to JUI.540
This environment can also be called public sphere. The environment or public
sphere is very much important and significant for socialization of the people. Habermas
defines public sphere as “a zone between the state’s political institutions and private sphere
of the individual citizens”. He argues that the role of media is much crucial in shaping and
maintaining the public sphere.541
In other words if JUI and JI do not have media or
different mediums (in mufti Khalid’s view mosques)542
, they would not shape public
spheres for themselves.
The most important aspect of public sphere is that, a debate and discussion is
facilitated and created here. The debate normally encompasses the in-efficiency of state
institutions and the public representatives, regarding the failure in the delivery of promised
services for the social welfare and progress of the locality. JI and JUI (can) exploit the
debate and discussion on religious grounds, by again and again calling for a social system
based on the principle of Islam.543
540
Mufti Khalid is press secretary JUI Dir. December 23, 2016, Talash: Dir 541
Jorgen Habermas. (1991). The Structural, Transformation of Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of
Bourgeois Society. Boston: MIT press. pp 14-25 542
Mosques are important for propagation of political ideology. It is generally believed that who so ever (JI,
JUI) run the affairs of a mosque, have significant ideological impacts on people of the community. The
Friday prayer sermon in this regard is considered very important, because the imam use to propagate
about those things and issues, which are relevant to his political (party) ideology or thoughts. (Mufti
Khalid) 543
Maulana Saadatullah Khan is first cousin of JUI chief Maulana Fazal ur Rehman. December 09, 2016, D.
I. Khan.
205
This is where the opinion of the people is shaped and they are (tend to be)
indoctrinated a specific politico-religious ideology. However, the context and the public
sphere is not uniform for all the people and places in terms of debates and values transfer.
For uniformity in the transmitted values and socialization media play its role. The debate at
a specific context and situation is voiced and transformed by media.
Now by looking into the socialization of workers and propagation of ideology and
party program of JI and JUI, three basic components are essential. Individuals or citizens,
debate and discussion and public sphere. In Maulana Hamdullah opinion, individuals and
citizens in today’s world of easy access to modern information communication, are
becoming very rational, hard calculators, self-decision makers and capable of having
debates and discussions on different issues and events, while some carrying very valid
arguments. Sometime it seems very difficult to deal with such people and convince them
regarding the party, merely on religious slogans. Their debates and discussions, for most of
the time, revolve around essentials for a good and welfare society, according to the essence
and concept of representative democracy. In his opinion “as all the individual and citizens
are equal, therefore, no one has the right to manipulate the decisions of other or even state
institutions. The party, therefore, is needed to make any sort of decisions and policies after
extensive discussions and debates between the citizens and the party representatives”.544
This is where the role of communication starts. Communication between different
people and with the party workers and leadership facilitates the process of socialization.
According to Habermass, communication have much more weightage in these processes. It
is one of the most important and essential elements and factors which validate the existence
of public sphere.545
544
Maulana Hamdullah an affiliate of JUI is a head teacher in Madrassa Jamia Mahmudia Eid Gah D. I.
Khan. He remained Amir of JUI Tehsil D. I. Khan. He is currently a member of central executive council
of the party. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 545
Habermas. (1991). The Structural, Transformation of Public Sphere. pp. 177-178
206
Habermas public space is situated between the private space of the citizens i.e.
family and personal affairs and states or political space i.e. the executive, judicial and
legislative spaces. In such a context media play a vital role between the different spaces.
Media create , validate and maintain public sphere for debates and discussions and help in
aggregating public opinion. It can be seen as the promoter of the interests of the dominant
actors in the society and system. Who are those dominant actors, are determined by the
possessions of the tools and means of media. Whosoever has those tools and means, will
have a significant role and say in promoting their interests, values and ideology. Schatz
Winfried (1997) opined that media can manipulate public (sphere) because of the personal
interests of the owners. The owners thus are (can be) the influential individuals or groups
with political powers within a society.546
7.2 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT OF INDIVIDUALS
Although people associated to JI and JUI are more or less socialized in families and
education institutions (colleges and madrassas), yet, media (conventional) also play an
important role in this regard. Theoretically, the long-term impacts of media on the
personality development of an individual can be studied in the light of cognitive constructs,
cognitive emotional construct and emotional construct concepts. Although these three
seems to be different but they are very much inter-related processes in the personality
development studies in behavior and social sciences. These fall in the domain of cognitive
constructivism school of thought.
Cognitive constructivism opposed to social constructivism holds the idea of
learning and knowing from individuals’ perspective. It describes the mind as individual and
thus restricting its domain to the individual head only. The theory is based on the classic
work of Jean Piaget, a Swiss psychologist. The theory is basically a debate about the
546
Schatz Winfried. (1997). Changes of Mass Media and Public Sphere. The Public. vol. 5(1997). pp. 57-69.
207
individual (children) behavior development and values acquisition. It has two major parts
i.e. the ages and stages component and theory of development.547
The ages and stages component of his theory describes and predicts “what
individual (children) can and what they cannot understand at different age and time”. The
development theory debates on how individual develops cognitive abilities.
Though contexts play a significant role in the socialization and particularly political
motivation of individuals, yet, political parties such as JI and JUI can only exploit or utilize
the specific situation and context for short duration. As the Piaget theory suggests and
proposes that human being cannot be indoctrinated or given any such information which
they can understand and use at once. So if anyone is voting for JI and JUI in a particular
election or constituency, it does not signify that (s)he is indoctrinated the ideology of the
party, rather it is the context or situation which is playing its role.548
In Piaget view
individuals construct their own knowledge from the information provided to them.
However, the construction of any such knowledge, the experience (political and social) is
also kept in mind. Experience and previous knowledge of any object and issue helps
individual create schemas, which are not something stagnant, closed and fixed. These are
changed, enlarged and transformed to a more sophisticated stage through the assimilation
and accommodation of further knowledge and experience.549
Thus JI and JUI (have to) do a
continuous indoctrination process, where the individuals are transmitted and transformed
norms, values and political ideologies.
Construction and acquisition of new knowledge regarding any object and issue are
because of some stimuli and information. The stimuli and information are to affect the
seven basic emotions as Ekman (1992) has described. These are anger, fear, sadness,
disgust, happiness, surprise and contempt. All other emotions of individual are the result of
547
Jean Piaget. (1936). Origins of Intelligence in the Child. London: Rutledge and Kegan Paul. 548
Mufti Khalid is press secretary JUI Dir. December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir. 549
Piaget. (1936). Origins of Intelligence.
208
these seven basic emotions.550
These emotions are affected and stimulated through
communication and interactions with other fellow beings.
For political indoctrination and socialization in JI and JUI these seven emotions are
stimulated with different tools and techniques. For example JI since its inception is against
the western way of life and system of government. In the opinion of Aziz (2001), Maududi
considered three components of modern (western) world and civilization evils: Western
democracy, secularism and nationalism. According to Maududi these are un-Islamic and
evil in nature.551
JI affiliates still hold the same opinion. So this concept of Maududi is
transmitted to the people by producing fear and anger in them. For example the fear of
dominance of western way of life and values. The values as perceived to be un-Islamic,
which will ultimately subdue the Islamic identity of the people as being Muslims and
Pakistan as being Islamic republic. The fear produces anger in the people which is utilized
by JI by projecting itself as the defender of Islamic identity of Pakistan and Muslims in
Pakistan.552
JUI also uses different emotional stimuli and tactics for seeking the attention and
empathy of the common people. The most important in this regard, according to Maulana
Sadaatullah Khan is the safeguard of Islamic way of life. In his opinion after the 9/11
incident, law enforcement agencies in Pakistan made the life hard for the Ulema who are
considered to have had soft corner for Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The religious
seminaries across the country were suddenly declared as the breading places for producing
and promoting terrorists which was something illogical and absolutely unacceptable for
JUI leadership. JUI effectively countered the propaganda by organizing a series of different
conferences with the name Tahaffuz-i-Deni Madaris Conferences (Protection of religious
seminaries conference) across Pakistan. The common people were told that Madaris do not
550
Paul Ekman. (1992). Are there Basic Emotions? Psychological Review. vol. 99(3). pp. 550–553. 551
Aziz. (2001). Pakistan’s Political Culture. p. 262 552
Zaid Muhibbullah, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.
209
have any role in promoting terrorism. These are the places where religious knowledge is
given to the students and not guns. These are the places where the common people are
guided regarding the principles, values and teachings of Islam. So it is important to protect
these centers of Islam. JUI has taken that responsibility on its shoulders and the people
must back them.553
The emotions of sadness, disgust and contempt were addressed by
instilling in them fear of losing Islamic way of life, values and traditions.
Hafiz Jamshid554
calls it a pure political strategy of JUI which has nothing to do
with Islamic practices. He holds an opinion that JUI is much successful in attracting people
by appealing to their religious sentiments, but in real, the party is not much serious for the
Islamic cause. That is why it is losing its credibility. In response to a question regarding the
electoral gains of JUI, Hafiz Jamshid replied that JUI may win seats in Lakky Marwat,
Banno and D. I. Khan, but it does not mean that common people are unanimously up for
their (JUI) tasks and demands. They win because people do not have any other option.
Whenever, they got an option, they gave their decisions in favor of other candidates. The
basic issue is educating and socializing the voter and the affiliates. Has JUI effectively
socialized the voter or has only appealed to their religious sentiments during elections? Had
they done that, there would not have been any possibility of winning elections against JUI
in the southern region of the province.555
The most important tool in the hands of religious political parties for socialization
and indoctrination of the people is the loud speaker of the mosque.556
In this regard the
Friday prayers sermon is significant. In those sermons, even political campaigns are carried
out for the parties’ candidates contesting elections.557
553
Maulana Saadatullah Khan, December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan. 554
Hafiz Jamshid is JI vice president Lakky Marwat. He was previously an active member of JUI and had
also remained provincial general secretary of Jamiat Talba Islam (a student organization of JUI). Hafiz
Jamshid left JUI on the grounds of its non-serious attitude toward the Islamic cause in Pakistan. 555
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Lakky Marwat. 556
Maulana Sami Ur Rehman, ex-JI Amir District Karak. November 14, 2016. 557
Ibid.
210
The whole process is based on the magnitude and contents of interactions between
the party officials and common people. But is it possible to quantify the magnitude of every
interaction and contents to which an individual is exposed? Obviously not. Every kind of
individual interaction is not possible to be quantified, yet to a significant level, the
individual exposure to conventional media and the content of media can be quantified,
calculated and evaluated.
7.3 IMPACTS OF THE MEDIA
Scholars argued that the behavior, beliefs and attitudes which are learnt from media
are based on and determined by the content of media and the exposure of individual to it.
For example Funk et al (2004) in their study found that long term exposure to violence in
media develops pro-violent attitudes and behavior in the individual.558
If media shows
some kind of positive contents, the effects on the personality development of individuals
will be positive and vice versa. Also, that the impacts of the media socialization and
indoctrination are for a long time. Therefore, this need greater attention in political
socialization scholarships.
Both JUI and JI being religio-political parties, are very conservative and selective in
terms of media contents for their children. During the early childhood, the parents’ role in
media or selection of contents of media is highly significant. Researchers are of the opinion
that the parents’ involvement in the selection of media contents promote positive effects
and the children’s chances of exposure to the negative impacts of media reduces.559
For JUI affiliated families the negative impacts of media are the Western cultural
attacks on Islamic culture and way of life. In their opinion the contents of media are
558
Jeanne B. Funk, Heidi Bechtoldt Baldacci, Tracie Pasold and Jennifer Baumgardner. (2004). Violence
Exposure in Real life, Video Games, Television, Movies and the Internet: is there Desensitization?
Journal of Adolescence. 27(1). pp.23–39. 559
Douglas A. Gentile, Rachel A. Reimer, Amy I. Nathanson, David A. Walsh and Joey C. Eisenmann.
(2012). Do you see what I see? Parents and Child Report of Parental Monitoring . Family Relations.
61(2012), pp.470–487. See also Amy I. Nathanson. (1999). Identifying and Explaining the Relationship
Between Parental Mediation and Children’s Aggression. Communication Research. 26(1). pp.124–143.
211
absolutely not acceptable and recommended for their children.560
In the opinion of Fazal
Rehman Baloch,561
though usage of conventional media is neither encouraged nor
discouraged in D. I. Khan (he was again and again giving the example of his family and his
close associates), however, the parents’ role in selecting and regulating the use of media is
specifically focused in JI affiliated families.562
The role of parents and their involvement
can be described in different ways in different families (affiliated to JI and JUI) in D. I.
Khan.
7.3.1 Watching TV Together
The most important and effective way of selecting and regulating media and the
contents of media for individuals (family members and children) in JI and JUI affiliated
families is the watching together of parents or elder family members with the younger
one.563
In Mufti Khalid’s opinion JUI affiliated people and especially Ulema if are
watching TV, that’s only limited to news channels. Normally, they watch news and talk
shows to get themselves updated of what is happening in Pakistan and around the world.
Dramas and films are neither watched by these Ulema themselves nor they allow their
family members and children to watch.564
Watching of television programs, films, documentaries and other contents of
children’s interests can have very positive impacts on children’s behavior development. For
example Salomon (1977) argues that co-watching of an educational learning or any other
program with the parents or family elders on television can enhance children’s learning
capabilities and abilities. It promotes the confidence level of the children and they feel free
560
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash: Dir. 561
Fazal Rehman Baloch is a practicing lawyer affiliated to JI. He is chairman district Zakat committee D. I.
Khan. He remained in JI district organization on different position, including press secretary. 562
Fazal Rehman Baloch, December 06, 2016, District court: D. I. Khan. 563
Zarawar Khan, November 28, 2016, Lal Qala Maidan, Dir. 564
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir
212
and confident in absorbing and discussing new ideas.565
However, Mufti Khalid opined that
it is not possible for all the parents to co-watch all the programs on TV. There are two
reasons, the content of the program and the the engagements of the parents. As majority of
the JUI affiliates are very much selective in viewing and watching different programs,
therefore, because of age factor the contents of all the programs may not necessarily be
absorbable and understandable to the children.
The interest of the children also matters in this regard. For example many associates
of JUI watch News channels which obviously are not of any interest for the children.
Similarly, a significantly number of Ulema used to be very busy in madrassas and
mosques, teaching children. So they themselves have very little time for watching TV.566
Some scholars argue that all the contents of media cannot be co-viewed with the
children. Co-viewing some contents may also have some negative impacts on the children.
For example Nathanson and Cantor (2000) found that if parents are co-viewing any violent
content on television, it can promote pro-violent attitudes and behavior in the children.
Children may consider any violent content appropriate if their parents are co-viewing with
them.567
In Mufti Khalid view, if he and other Ulema start watching TV with their children,
it might give them the impression that we have allowed them to watch it. Television with
all its utilities is still considered by many Ulema as a devil box (shaitani sandooq).568
7.3.2 Monitoring and Restrictions
Miraj Khan considers the use of television and other related tools important and
essential aspects and elements of modern world. In his opinion, TV and other related tools
(especially laptop) are unavoidable for the new generation. Every object has a positive and
565
Salomon, G. (1977). Effects of Encouraging Israeli Mothers to co-observe Sesame Street with their Five
Years olds. Child Development. 48, pp. 1146–1151. 566
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir. 567
Amy I. Nathanson, and Cantor, J. (2000). Reducing the Aggressing Promoting Effect of Violent Cartoons
by Increasing Children’s Fictional Involvement with the Victim: A Study of Active Mediation. Journal of
Broadcasting and Electronic Media. 44(1). pp. 125–142. 568
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016.
213
negative aspect. It mainly depends on how one uses it. Same is the case with TV and
laptop. If parents cannot watch together with their children, they can at-least monitor the
contents, but complete ban on any such tools is not a wise approach. Or at-least JI youth is
not in favor of any such approach.569
Islami Jamiat Talba (IJT) affiliates also hold the opinion that parents should
monitor the content of media and then allow or restrict their children exposing to them.
Along with the content, parents should also manage and control the time allocation for
watching TV or a specific program on any other medium. Because extensive media
exposure not only consumes significant time of children but also affects their school
performance.570
Parents’ management of time will lower the average time consumptions as
Atkin et al (1991) and Rideout et al (2010) have found in their studies.571
Similarly, this
will also enhance better and positive performance in school.572
Mufti Khalid suggests that restriction and monitoring may also produce
responsibility and positive attitude development in the children. It may also instill in them
the knowledge of what is appropriate and what in-appropriate by their families and parents.
In the long run, it can have community level socio-political consequences because the
children eventually learn the norms and values of the society from within their families.573
7.3.3 Mediation and Conversation
Hafiz Jmashid considers the cultural and value system of Pakhtuns and Muslims
within Pakistan very much compatible with Islamic way of life and value system. The
569
Interview with Miraj Khan, general secretary JI youth Tehsil Timargara Dir. November 26, 2016. 570
Focused group discussion with IJT affiliates, University of Malakand, Chakdara: Dir. November 24, 2016. 571
David J. Atkin, Bradley S. Greenberg & Thomas F. Baldwin. (1991). The Home Ecology of Children’s
Television Viewing: Parental Mediation and the New Video Environment. Journal of Communication.
41(3). pp. 40–52; Victoria J. Rideout, Ulla G. Foehr, & Donald F. Roberts. (2010). Generation M2: Media
in the lives of 8-18 year olds. Merlo Park CA: Henry J Kaiser Foundation. 572
Douglas A. Gentile, Sarah Coyne, & David A. Walsh. (2011). Media violence, physical aggression and
relational aggression in school age children: A short-term longitudinal study. Aggressive Behavior. 37(2).
pp. 193–206; Douglas A. Gentile, Paul J. Lynch, Jennifer Ruh Linder, David A. Walsh. (2004). The
effects of violent video game habits on adolescent hostility, aggressive behaviors, and school
performance. Journal of Adolescence. 27(1). pp. 5–22. 573
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash, Dir.
214
social setting and value system of Pakhtuns is in severe danger from Western cultural
values. The threat is due to the excessive use of media especially TV. He called that
“Tehzibi yalghaar” (cultural attack) of the West. However, he also opined that the uses of
modern communication tools are also unavoidable. In such a case the parents’ role is much
important in selection of the contents and explaining that to their children.574
Mediation and conversation regarding the contents are perhaps the most important
aspects of parental involvement and their role in the use of media. In mediation parents are
actively involved in conversation with their children while explaining to them the contents
of media. Children of different ages and context may get very different images and
messages from a television contents as compared to its actual and real message. If parents
explain to them the actual meaning and situation it can enhance the learning and critical
knowledge of children.575
Active mediation and involvement of parents also reduce the
negative effects of media especially the effects of advertising on media.
7.4 IDENTITY FORMATION AND PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT
Many associates of JI and JUI who were interviewed for this research considered
media a tool for identity formation and personality development. For example in Hafiz
Jamshid’s opinion media has made the communication between different people easier and
due to this many people at the same time are connected to each other, absorb similar
contents and exposed to almost similar effects. All these similarities unite them for some
greater politico-social consequences in the future. Media categorize the people on the basis
of who is to follow what, with what impacts and abstain from other impacts and
consequences.576
574
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016, Main Bazar, Lakky Marwat. 575
Patti M. Valkenburg, Marina Krcmar, and Sandy de Roos. (1998). The Impact of a Cultural Children’s
Program and Adult Mediation on Children’s Knowledge of and Attitudes Toward Opera. Journal of
Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 42(3). pp.315–326. 576
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016.
215
Erikson (1968) in his research on youth identity crises found that the identity
formation is one of the key tasks of individuals (teens).577
Identity creation and formations
is an essential part in the behavior development and evolution. It is that set of beliefs,
attribute, values, desires and principles based on which an individual consider himself
unique and distinctive from other fellow beings. Media play an important role in the
identity formation of individual.
Warburton (2012b) found that the media with which the young identify themselves
may incorporate in their personal and social identities.578
Media also help them in the
formation of group identities.579
This is what in Hafiz Jamshid’s opinion, JI and JUI
affiliates are afraid of. As long as, it is in the hands of the people unaware of the Islamic
way of life and culture, may transmit and indoctrinate inappropriate values and norms in
the new generation. It may provide them an identity far from the one JI and JUI are
struggling for in Pakistan. Hafiz Jamshid termed the situation alarming for the Islamists as
they do not have any alternative program and way-out to redress the maladies of media
dominated by people with Western way of life and culture.580
In Mufti Khalid’s view, most of the programs on television and radio specifically
focus a specific group or class. This specific group is distinguished from others because of
some distinctive features. These programs highlight and try to influence individual with
those features. For example many programs on state owned Television transmission are
specifically for different classes of people. Radio Pakistan Peshawar also has different
programs for different people: for example Hujra program was very much famous across
577
Erik H. Erikson. (1968). Identity: Youth and Crisis. New York: Norton. 578
Wayne A. Warburton. (2012b). How does listening to Eminem do me any harm? What the research says
about music and anti-social behavior. In Wayne A. Warburton & Danya Braunstein. (eds.). Growing up
fast and furious: Reviewing the impacts of violent and sexualized media on children. Sydney: The
Federation Press. pp. 85-115 579
James D. Fearon. (1999). What is identity (as we now use the word)? Unpublished manuscript, Stanford
University, USA. Available online at http://www.stanford.edu/fearon/papers/iden1v2.pdf. Accessed 14th
March, 2016. 580
Hafiz Jamshid, December 05, 2016.
216
the area in Dir. This program focused activities in a Hujra in Pakhtun society. On the other
hand some people have also acquired licenses for their own FM radio transmissions. In this
case the very famous example is that of Maulvi Fazal Ullah581
in Sawat.582
However, it should also be noted that the effects or the identity formation may
always not be “positive”. Some contents in these programs may help in the formation of
“negative” identity formation. Or say for example its effects will always not be “positive”.
Continuous and extensive exposure to a certain content on media regarding a class or group
produces and promotes a distinct behavior in individuals. The feelings of “we and they”
“love and hate”, “respect and disgrace”, “affiliation and alienation” may be produced and
affected by the media contents. For example Mufti Khalid said that he knows many JUI
Ulema in Sawat who irrespective of excessive propaganda of “radio mulla” on Islam and
Islamic revolution, never sided him and his violent movement.583
Similarly, internet also has effects on the identity formation. However, the
magnitude may vary from the effects and impacts of conventional media. One probable
reason may be that in the internet an individual may chose any program with the content of
his choice but in radio and television he has not that freedom.
In the opinion of Zarawar Kahn identities and group affiliation are the most
significant aspects of any political system. In his words, though JI does not believe in
nationalities based on language or other ethnic group, however, in a broader perspective the
national identities make an individual nationalist and national citizen of a state and JI
believes in it.584
581
Fazal Ullah is the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan head. He was having his own FM radio station in Swat, where
he used to deliver speeches and was preparing the people of the locality for an “Islamic revolution”.
Because of his terrorists activities across the country, a military operation was launched in Swat and
adjacent areas. Many people including Mufti Khalid believe that one of the reason of his success in
convincing the local population in the beginning was his effective use of his FM radio. Mufti Khalid told
me that because of that he was also known as radio mulla in that locality. 582
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016. 583
Ibid. 584
Zarawar Khan, November 28, 2016.
217
JUI affiliates in Dir hold a different opinion on groups, based on political ideology,
ethnicity and language. In the opinion of Haji Amin, district general secretary JUI, group
identities are very important in the political spheres within a society and a state. For
example different people identify themselves on the basis of some features and start socio-
political struggle for the development of their groups.585
These identical groups, with the
passage of time evolve into political parties and political groups whose significant function
is formulating and shaping public opinion. This feature of these parties and groups make
the government responsible and responsive.
Another important feature in the identity formation is the identity formation based
on ethnic, racial, linguistic and religious grounds. Each of the group uses media for the
promotion, projection and propagation of contents useful for their group interests. For
example JI is much successful in distributing the party literature within its affiliates. It has
a reading pack and a course for the members. Each member is required to read those books
and other required literature.586
If on one side identification and identity formation polarize the society, on the other
side they also ensure and safeguard the rights of depressed classes and groups in a society.
Propagation of a group values and making other members of the society aware of such
values is not possible without the use of media. All such groups use media in different
shapes not only for enhancement of their groups but for the general awareness regarding
their groups within the society.
7.5 SOCIAL NETWORKING
Creating and maintaining social networks with the help of websites such as
Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn and WhatsApp etc. is a healthy and developmental aspect of
the social behavior of the people in the 21st century. Such websites help people in
585
Haji Amin Ullah, General Secretary JUI, district Dir. December 25, 2016. 586
Maulana Sami Ur-Rehman, JI (ex) Amir, district Karak. November 10, 2016, Tarkha Koi, Karak.
218
developing and maintaining social and interactive relationships with one another across the
world. In fact these websites have faded away the concepts of physical boundaries. Social
media is playing important role in the everyday life of today’s youth. In fact it has become
an essential component of youth lives. Social media provide them with opportunities for
engaging with peoples of a wider community. They provide them the opportunity to
explore their hidden qualities and capabilities by discussing various issues and debate
openly with many people at the same time. Discussions and debates enhance the
understanding of the individuals and they become able to generate and explore new ideas.
Social media also help in the development of tolerance among the people, by
providing a common platform to diverse communities. For example in the opinion of Miraj
Khan, on Facebook in Dir, different pages and groups have been created, which have
members from almost all the political parties and groups of the community. These people
discuss different political and social issues, which is definitely, very helpful in bringing
them together and making them working on a common platform for common socio-
political cause.587
This also helps them understand each others views, attitudes, habits and
culture. “Thus in the same waythey help in the creation of a kind of universal culture.”588
In Mufti Khalid opinion the people are getting mature in the use of social media, as
compared to the last three to four years. This maturity can be seen in the debates and
discussions of the people in different pages and groups of the people in Dir.589
7.6 INTERNET AND SOCIAL MEDIA AS A VIRTUAL SPHERE
Habermas theory and concept of public sphere have been digitalized, and is now
transformed into the concept of virtual sphere. Internet does provide a public space to the
citizens, where they communicate and debate on issues related to the public interests.
587
Miraj Khan, November 26, 2016,Timargara, Dir. 588
Gwenn Schurgin O’Keeffe, Kathleen Clarke-Pearson. (2011). The Impact of Social Media on Children,
Adolescents, and Families. Pediatrics, 127. pp. 800-804. 589
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016, Talash: Dir.
219
These debates and communications are very much significant for the civic participation of
the citizens, for example regarding PTI popularity in Dir was seen by Mufti Khalid and
Miraj Khan as because of social media. In their opinion it was social media and its
excessive and effective use which popularized the party in Dir and though it was not
successful in winning any assembly seat, yet it has shown its strength.590
Many of the
people who did not have any kind of interest in the politics, are now actively participating
in the political processes. On the other hand JI and JUI who were not giving much focus
and attention to social media and internet are now actively engaging with the local people
in the virtual sphere. Both JI and JUI have their local official facebook pages where the
activities of the local organizations are propagated.591
However, while considering the concept of public sphere and the active
involvement and engagement of all the participants in remote areas and societies like Dir
and D. I .Khan, a question may arise that, can internet and social media really formulate a
public sphere or it is just a utopian public sphere? Or is it increasing the civic participation
of the citizens or just questioning the impacts of online deliberation?
This can be evaluated on the basis of two aspects of online communication, i.e.
“flow and access to information” and “reciprocity”. These two aspects are discussed below
in detail.
7.6.1 Flow and Access to Information
Kaid (2002) Argues that internet provides a flow of information to the citizen who
have access to it. It addresses a limited and specific number of people.592
While considering
590
For the National Assembly NA-34 PTI candidate Muhammad Bashir Khan got second position by
securing 45503 votes. JI candidate Shahib Zada Muhammad Yaqub won election with a narrow margin
(securing 46968 votes). JUI Fazlullah remained 3rd with 22535 votes. (Election Commission of Pakistan,
https://ecp.gov.pk/) 591
Mufti Khalid, December 23, 2016. 592
Lynda Lee Kaid. (2002). Political Advertising and Information Seeking: Comparing Exposure via
Traditional and Internet Channels. Journal of Advertising. 31(1). pp. 27-35.
220
JI in Dir, in the opinion of Zarawar Khan, approximately593
more than 85% of the people at
the age of 40 and above, affiliated to JI do not use internet and other tools of modern
communication technology. One probable reason is the lack of internet service in many far
flung areas in Dir. In Zarawar Khan opinion, though internet and social media are
considered to be effective media of communication in the modern world, however, they kill
and waste lots of time, which can be utilized in many other valuable ways. So, involving
and engaging in social media or internet activities, people of my age group prefer to read
some good book, focus on the education and training (tarbiyat) of their children and
grandchildren and involve in some community related welfare work.594
Some other scholars595
believe the virtual sphere provided by internet cannot be
termed or taken as a public sphere. For them public spaces belong to all. However, the
public spaces provided by internet can only be used by those who have access to internet
and modern technology. A large number of citizens in Dir and D. I. Khan have no access to
it. There are many remote areas where people even do not have mobile network. In Naseer
Ahmad opinion, besides the limited network coverage in different areas in D. I. Khan and
particularly in Kulachi Tehsil, the people’s own interest in using internet and other
associated tools of modern communication is very low. As majority of the people affiliated
to JUI have a madrassa education background and serve in different madrassa and
mosques, they have very limited time to utilize in these kind of activities. Therefore the
593
He was not having any statistical data but it was his wild guess. His argument was, most of the people at
the age of 40 or above, affiliated to JI are unaware of the use of modern technology. 594
Zarawar Khan, November 28, 2016. 595
John V. Pavlik. (1994). Citizen access, involvement, and freedom of expression in an electronic
environment, In Frederick Williams & John V. Pavlik. (eds.), The people’s right to know: Media,
democracy, and the information highway. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. pp. 139-162; Sinikka Sassi.
(2005). Cultural Differentiation or Social Segregation? Four Approaches to the Digital divide. New Media
Society. vol. 7(5). pp. 684-700. London: Sage.; Frederick Williams. (1994). On Prospects for Citizens’
Information Services. in Frederick Williams and John V. Pavlik. (eds). The People’s Right to Know:
Media, Democracy, and the Information Highway. pp. 3–24. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
221
public spaces or the virtual spaces provided by the internet are not open spaces (particularly
in Kulachi Tehsil) and may not transform into public spheres.596
Some scholars believe that such digital spaces promote inequalities in the society
and classes, genders and races among those who are informed and those who are not.
Therefore, a public sphere in such an unequal status cannot be possible.597
In Miraj Khan’s
opinion youth in JI being actively involved and engaged in online communication is more
informed than the other members of the party. They can convince people easily and
effectively regarding party policy and strategy on issues and events. The basic reason is
their active involvement in debates and discussions not only with party affiliates but with
the affiliates of other parties as well. This give them more space and exposure in evaluating
the policy or strategy from different angles and aspects. The youth in JI is the new
emerging class of the affiliates with access to modern communication tools and
information.598
Some scholars also criticize the multi-facet nature and use of internet, as a
communication medium alone. In their opinion internet and other modern communication
technology are used for entertainment purpose as well.599
Miraj Khan too, consider it a
source of entertainment along with a communication and information tool. In his opinion,
internet has given access to vast resources in terms of entertainment and education. It has
also made it easy for the user to keep with them a huge collection of different books and
other resources. JI youth is significantly taking advantage from the different books of
Maulana Maududi and other JI literature available online. JI Youth also suggests different
596
Naseer Ahmad is a member district executive council JUI district D. I. Khan. He also remained press
secretary Tehsil Kulachi D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016, Quaid-i-Azam College: D. I. Khan. 597
Kevin A. Hill, John E. Hughes. (1998). Cyber Politics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet. New
York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 598
Miraj Khan, November 26, 2016. 599
Scott L. Althaus & David Tewksbury. (2000). Patterns of Internet and traditional media use in a
networked community. Political Communication. vol. 17(1). pp. 21-45.; Dhavan V. Shah, Nojin Kwak,
Lance R. Holbert. (2001). Connecting and disconnecting with civic life: Patterns of Internet use and the
production of social capital. Political Communication. 18(2). pp.141-162.
222
movies, talk shows, documentaries and other programs, related to Islamic history, culture
and values to the affiliates, which obviously has an entertainment aspect along with the
education and training (tarbiyat) of the workers.600
Because of the multi-facet use of the internet and consequently engaging and
addressing a specific class of the people, and such uses of internet, made it difficult for the
researchers to declare internet public spaces as public spheres. The relevance of this face of
internet to public sphere has become irrelevant.601
As public spheres are required to give
equal opportunities to all the individuals of the public spaces and provide them a chance to
openly participate in the public debate. However, in case of internet it is argued that it only
facilitates the political elites, for example in Dir and D. I. Khan those party workers and
leaders are more successful in attracting the party leadership’s attention who have more
involvement in internet and online communication. Such people have lots of social media
followers, who are engaged in a specific way, the individual wants.
In the opinion of Tayyeb Akbari such political elites have their own motives and
agenda, and try to communicate with their electorates (follower) accordingly.602
This
concept of political elites is more visible in JUI as compared to JI. In Maulana Hamdullah’s
opinion, JUI is more flexible in accommodating new comers from other parties. These new
comers, though, have not ascended to the leadership slots as per the party’s conventional
procedure, yet, due to their political weightage (personality), position and followers, they
occupy a leadership role in local party organization’s decision making.
The main tactics and tools in their hands is reaching out and influence the party
workers. Internet and specifically social media are playing a significant role for them in
600
Miraj Khan, November 26, 2016. 601
Moy Patricia, Manosevitch Edith, Stamm Keith, Dunsmore Kate. (2005). Linking dimensions of internet
use and civic engagement. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly. 82(3). pp. 571-586.; Peter
Dahlgren. (2005). The internet, public spheres, and political communication: Dispersion and deliberation.
Political Communication. 22(5). pp. 147-162. 602
Tayyeb Akbari, December 06, 2016.
223
this regard.603
In the southern districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa the admission and inclusion
of “leaders” into the party (JUI) is more visible, for example in District Karak it has
become a kind of custom within the party to introduce new candidates for every election.
The new candidates are those people who have recently joined the party.
In Manzar Javid opinion, if JUI has to do electoral politics, it has to bring such
people and candidates in the election who potentially can compete, and have the required
resources and manpower. Those who join the party for elections have obviously both
positive and negative impacts on the party and the ideological workers, yet, it is the need of
the time and space. These new people have definitely a social base and support of the
people. So, when they join JUI their supporters also shift with them to the new party. Many
people from there then become the permanent affiliates of the party. In response to a
question of how these newly joined party “leaders” convince the local party workers over
their presence and role in the party affairs, Manzar Javid responded that these people have
resources and have media teams which facilitate them in connecting more and more
workers of the party. They organize and finance different activities related to the party, and
thus make and secure an acceptable position within the party. The most challengeable task
for them is to train their own followers (who shifted with them from the other parties) in
the use of media tools in support and defense of them and the party. The personal social
media pages of such people in this regard are playing a significant role.604
In Grossman’s
(1995) opinion such political elites also have more tools, methods and measures to access
any kind of virtual public spaces. Therefore, they used to be more capable and successful in
manipulating the public agendas in those virtual public spaces.605
603
Maulana Hamdullah, December 07, 2016. 604
Manzar Javid Advocate is a local leader of JUI district Karak. His wife remained JUI Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly member from 2002-2008. He also intends to contest election, but is not
that much sure of the party ticket because of the joining of two other potential candidates in his
constituency. December 02, 2016, Mitha Khel: Karak. 605
Lawrence K. Grossman. (1995). The Electronic Republic. New York: Viking.; Wayne Rash. (1997).
Politics on the Nets: Wiring the Political Process. New York: WH Freeman & Co
224
So in any situation these virtual spaces are in the control of political elites, and thus
they cannot fulfill the requirement of Habermas public sphere hence may become a vehicle
for political elites hegemony. However, besides the hegemonic use and utilization of the
internet and social media by the party elites in JI and JUI, they also provide information
regarding the party policies and strategies in response to the government initiatives and
policies, to the common affiliates of the party and hence connect the citizens (party
affiliates) to the party and then to the government. Abramson et al (1988) termed such
information and connection based on the new media technology, between the government
institutions and the citizens very important and significant in the development of
democratic culture within states. It is indeed the very first pre-requisite of responsive and
responsible governments.606
Websites of JI and JUI are considered to be providing information only, thus
resembling the traditional media’s one way communication process. It can be termed as the
flow of information in one direction, and whosoever is controlling the flow of information
remains relatively in advantage, for manipulating, controlling and changing the individual
and ultimately the public behavior. But in case where political parties are involving and
engaging their workers in policy formulation processes, internet can be used as a tool for
two way communication. Social Media can play a significant role in this regard. However,
in the opinion of Rafiullah neither JI nor JUI policy makers bother to include the common
affiliates of the party in policy formulation even in a local level. In his opinion consents
and suggestions from the common members and affiliates is not a difficult task, if the
leaders are willing to do that. Social media has made it quite easy for all the political
parties to approach their workers. So if anyone can approach their workers for their
606
Jeffrey B. Abramson, Christopher F. Arterton and Gary R. Orren. (1988). The electronic commonwealth:
The impact of new media technologies on democratic politics. New York: Basic Books.
225
political activities, why don’t they involve them in the policy formulation processes of the
parties.607
In the two way communication process through internet, political parties at the
same time are (will be) the sender of the information and receiver of public opinion. People
(party workers) on such forums (can) interact with the party leaders, and can criticize,
evaluate and suggest changes in policies.
7.6.2 Reciprocity
Another important aspect of online communication is reciprocity. Reciprocity,
mutual trust and respect for other’s opinion are the important features of Habermasian
rational debate in his public sphere. When all these elements of Habermas rational debate
combine in a public space it can effectively generate public debate and hence formulate
public opinion.
Now the question is whether JI and JUI, if engaging their workers in online
communications are giving space, respect and trust, and reciprocally to their workers? In
Miraj Khan’s opinion, as far as JI youth is concerned, it is giving respect and weightage to
the opinion, ideas, and policy suggestions of its affiliates in Dir. The broader policy is
obviously, formulated in Peshawar and Lahore, yet for the implementation of policies, each
level organization is responsible to design its own strategy. Affiliates of JI youth are more
closely connected with modern communication tools, and are using internet resources more
often, therefore, strategies are also designed in the virtual spheres. The most important
aspect of such communication is that all the members are given a free hand to discuss and
debate the opinion and ideas of the other fellow member. However, such debates are for the
most of the time very lengthy and time consuming. So in case of some urgent strategy,
607
Rafiullah remained a Nazim IJT Government Degree College No.1 D. I. Khan in 2005-2006. Presently he
denied his political affiliations with JI. However, he said that his whole family has political affiliation with
JI. His elder brother is an active member of the party. Rafiullah has a vast friend circle including some
very active members from JUI. He said that they usually have debates and discussions over the political
parties and their treatment of workers. December 09, 2016, Min Bazar, D. I. Khan.
226
communication in the open virtual spaces is mostly a failure. It is also important that, as
such communication and discussions are open because of the nature of social media,
therefore, sometime outsiders are also involved in the debates. In such a situation Miraj
Khan prefers Whatsapp and chat groups.608
On the other hand, in Mufti Khalid’s opinion, JUI affiliates and the party itself are
not that involved in online communication, therefore, the reciprocity concept seems invalid
in that respect. However, it has now becoming a vital and necessary aspect and tool for
political activism and campaign, and the party is slowly and gradually shifting its attention
towards it. Different leaders and local level organizations have their official social media
accounts and pages where the party affiliates are engaged in debates and discussions.
Normally such debates are not utilized for policies formulation or strategies designing as
those are done in official meetings of the party only. Yet, these kind of debates are
considered important and essential for the workers training and their debates with the
affiliates of other political parties. Mufti Khalid reminded about a training session of the
JUI affiliated district press secretaries of the party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. He
said that the party leadership and other trainers stressed and focused more on the ways a
JUI affiliate and an office bearer should talk to and engage in discussion with the members
of other political parties on internet and social media. They were told that they have to
behave in a proper way, and should not behave the way other political parties’ workers do
(he especially referred to Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf’s workers and their dis-respectful and
abusive behavior with other parties’ workers in social media).609
Hill and Hughes (1998) have found that, online (media) communication has,
though, provided a large public space to many online media users, the opportunities to
608
Miraj Khan, October 26, 2016. 609
The training session, Mufti Khalid was referring to was held in JUI Provincial secretariat Peshawar on
November 25, 2016. I (wajid) had also a chance of attending two sessions of the said event. Mufti Khalid,
December 25, 2016, Talaash: Dir.
227
interact with each other across physical boundaries. Yet, they fail to ensure the fact that
people belonging to different cultural backgrounds and socio-political setups have
relatively reasonable understanding of each other.610
That is why rational debate and
discussion and reciprocally involving and engaging party affiliates is still at far in Dir and
D. I. Khan and especially in JI and JUI. Uslaner (2004) in his research claimed that online
communication only (or at large) takes place between those individuals who already know
each other.611
Tayyeb Akbari in this regard is of the opinion that this principle does not apply to
those who are at the leaders’ slots, for example he himself is Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s
provincial general secretary of Jamiat Talba Islam (JTI), so he has to be in contact with
many people on social media. These people, majority of them are obviously JTI and JUI
affiliates, but other parties’ members are also being engaged in discussions and debates on
different political issues. On different pages and groups, he managed on social media,
many people criticize the political strategies and policies of JUI and JTI and he warmly
respond to them (almost) all and engage them in constructive debates. In response to a
question regarding PTI affiliates’ behavior and their criticism regarding JUI on pages, he
added that “all the people of other political parties always do not criticize JUI and Ulema
for generating some constructive debates and discussion. Rather their aim is to dishonor
and disgrace the leadership of JUI. There are normally some baseless allegations and
propaganda against the Ulema, and if they do that continuously, they are blocked and “un-
friended”.
As all the debates and discussions are open to all, JUI and JTI affiliated members
directly learn many things from such engagement. First, who is to engage in discussion
610
Kevin A. Hill & John E. Hughes. (1998). Cyber Politics: Citizen Activism in the Age of the Internet. New
York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 611
Eric M. Uslaner. (2004). Trust, Civic Engagement, and the Internet. Political Communication. 21(2). pp.
223-242.
228
with? Second, what is to debate on, and what is to be avoided? Third, how to behave in
responding some other party member? And lastly, not to disgrace and dishonor other
political leaders.612
Uslaner argument can also be challenged because, in today’s world online
communication is not limited only to known people. There are hundreds of thousand
groups and pages, individuals, irrespective of their mutual acquaintances, are the members
of, and follow them, on social media as in the case of Tayyeb Akbari. As far as the
involvement and engagement of the people in debates and discussions under the reciprocity
concept and principle are concerned, there are several aspects of online communication
which need clarification and debate, while looking into any such debates and the people’s
participations in it.
First, if the group members do not know each other, are they engaged in two-way
communication? In Miraj Khan’s opinion, as far as the personal social media accounts of
the JI affiliates are concerned, majority of the people they add and be-friend with, are those
who are known to them. “Yes, in public pages and common groups many people are
unknown to each other. But they engage in discussion and debates with them”. As far JI
youth official pages are concerned, again majority of the people who follow the pages are
in one way or another affiliated to JI and JI youth. Here, if they engage in some discussion
and debate would be, a debate and discussion between known people (though they may not
be knowing each other personally, but the common platform, JI and JI youth become their
identity and recognition).613
Secondly, looking into the page or group magnitude and followers number, what
proportion of the members express their opinion on issues commonly debated in the groups
and pages? This is very important aspect of online communication and engagement. All the
612
Tayyeb Akbari, December, 07, 2016. 613
Miraj Khan, October 26, 2016.
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people in any social media group do not engage in all the debates and discussions, for
example in Miraj Khan’s opinion, only very few affiliates of JI youth are active in (all)
discussions and debates on social media and specifically on JI youth pages. So in such a
situation, can anyone claim that the social media or internet is providing a (virtual) public
sphere based on the principle of reciprocity?
Thirdly, what used to be the direction of the flow of information and
communication? In online communication the direction of flow of information occupy a
central role. Though in social media the direction of the flow of information is multilateral,
yet, the parties related official groups and pages are controlled and managed by people
assigned for that task. For example JI youth Dir page is run by a team headed by the youth
press secretary, under the supervision of youth president. Similarly, other party related face
book pages are managed and run by people who are assigned the duty.
Similarly, JUI provincial head Maulana Gul Nasib Khan official page is also run by
his media team and personal assistant.614
In such official pages, obviously, the flow of
information is from the one who runs or administers the page. The administrators are to
decide and filter which information are to be provided to the page followers and at what
time. The common members and followers thus do not have any significant share in
controlling the direction and flow of information.
And lastly, who (how many) is controlling the page on group? Obviously, the
official pages of political leaders and parties (both JI and JUI) are not controlled by every
member of the social media page. It is therefore, enabling very few individuals (who
manage the official pages) to manipulate and control the direction and flow of information.
So, it can be argued that if online communication is taking place between two or more
unknown individuals the element of reciprocity cannot be ensured in most of the
communication.
614
Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, November 25, 2016, Peshawar.
230
It also produces fragmented spheres of communication and interaction, rather
producing a single shared virtual public sphere. For a relative degree of reciprocity in
communication and interaction on internet and social media, all communication must be
made two directional. It should be a communication and discussion on some topic of
shared interest. And lastly, all such communication be open for all the members of the page
and groups for creating and promoting a rational discourse.
7.7 COMMERCIALIZATION
Commercialization is the most significant aspect of modern communication
technology. It has also been a great challenge for JI and JUI as Maulana Gul Nasseb said.
In Maulana’s opinion religio-political parties are not getting much time and space in the
traditional media because of the commercial interests of media groups. Everything in
media is based on the purchase capacity of a person or group. Religio-political parties and
especially JUI do not have enough resources to buy some space for itself in the mainstream
media.615
This is perhaps a serious concern and vital factor in front of researchers, who are
determined in declaring internet and modern media tools as public sphere. It has become
commercialized in such a capacity that it looks like an “international shopping mall”. All
the digital communication taking place online are not value free. Research shows that
media or specifically internet has the priority of profit making and marketing tools. It is
very less concerned with civic participation and democratization.616
In Mufti Khalid’s opinion JUI instead of relying on the conventional media and
consuming its resources and energies for its due share and space, is focusing more on how
to avoid and counter the effects of media on the party affiliates. As media in Pakistan is not
615
Ibid. 616
Daniel Schiller. (1999). Digital capitalism: Networking the global marketing system. Cambridge: MIT
Press.
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impartial and not concerned with any genuine political and social cause and struggle, rather
it speaks for those (political parties and individuals) who can pay them or can help them in
some other way.617
Obviously, its role cannot be denied in social and political sphere.
Media do two basic things in political affairs and formulating public opinion i.e. agenda
setting and framing the narrative.
7.8.1 Agenda Setting
It is the media which is to set the agenda for any public discussion or debate. Media
propagate and project what is to debate and discuss and how to discuss it. As it is
considered to bridge between the public and government, therefore, it directs the
individuals where to go. In Abdul Hakim Akbari’s opinion, JUI counters any such move of
the media which the party considers against the Islamic values and culture. The most
important challenge for the leadership and the party in this regard is how to safeguard the
party affiliates from the negative impacts of the media, and how to make them believe that
what is being projected and what agenda is being set by the media is not in-line with the
party policy and ideology?
The party in such a situation do two things for reaching to its affiliates. First, it
organizes different meetings, processions and gatherings and explain to the common
members and affiliates, what is right and what is the other way around. What is appropriate
and what they should avoid, being a part of JUI. Secondly, though, it is done unofficially,
yet it is also a significant way for reaching out to the common affiliates and other people.
The prominent Ulema affiliated to the party are directed to raise the issues in their Friday
sermons in the mosques they are leading the prayers in. Those Ulema explain the role of
the conventional media on the specific issue to the common people and especially to the
617
Mufti Khalid, December 25, 2016.
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JUI affiliates. This is an effective tool of keeping safe the party affiliates from the negative
impacts of the media.618
7.8.2 Framing the Narrative
It is obvious that a society is based on some kind of generally accepted norms,
values and narrative (political/religious). These narratives of the society are re-shaped and
re-framed by media. It is the only potential tool which propagate the agenda of public
debate and then develop the propagated and accepted narrative. In Gul Naseeb Khan’s
opinion the most important example in this regard is the stereotypical projection of the
Ulema. The attachment of religion with extremism and terrorism and relating Madrassa
education with ignorance and fundamentalism. This narrative was shaped recently (after
September 11), and is continued. The party has organized different public meetings and
gatherings (Tahaffuz-i-deni Madaris conventions) in different parts of the country for
countering this narrative of the media.619
In the above cited situation, media is playing a significant role. However, this role
of media is not free of commercialism, elitism and their hegemony as the affiliates of both
JI and JUI considered it. For knowing the relation of a media channel to any issue and its
objectives, it is very important to know that, who is controlling the media and how
information are communicated to the users? Do they have any intentions of real political
and civic engagement of the citizens or the propagation of any kind of contents has some
commercial and economic interests and benefits for them?
Obviously, without commercial interests media cannot function. Therefore, it can
be argued that a commercialized media cannot remain un-biased and neutral. While setting
the agenda, it must be keeping in mind its personal and group interests. Therefore, personal
618
Abdul Hakim Akbari (member central executive council of JUI), December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan. 619
Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, November 25, 2016, Peshawar.
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likes and dislikes and material interest of the owners of media and communication tools
will occupy central position in the settled agenda.
Furthermore, due to the elites’ hegemonic control, media will always favor the
narrative of ruling elites. In other words, it is an effective tool in the hands of elites to
control the people. As JI and JUI never formed a government of their own in the centre and
rule over the state, hence, it is very difficult for them to get a proper space in the main-
stream national media. Neither of the two are considered to be a national level alternative
political forces to occupy and replace the existing ruling political elites. The ruling politico-
religious elites manipulate the agenda setting and narrative framing of public debates in
public spheres.
Therefore, in such a situation where the very tool of communication is in the hand
of elites, a rational and fruitful public debate is not possible. Public will be used by the
elites like puppets.620
In all such situations, the Habermasian public sphere concept
becomes merely an illusion for the affiliates of both JI and JUI in the virtual spaces.
CONCLUSION
The concept of public sphere is very much important in relation to political
socialization and political and civic engagement for political parties and especially for
those who have very limited share in the main-stream conventional media like JI and JUI.
Public space and public sphere provide opportunities to the individual members for
enhancement of their political knowledge regarding the internal politics of the party,
society and political system of the state. Therefore, its discussion in political socialization
scholarship is very much relevant.
The discussion in this regard showed that, though the internet and social media have
much potential for changing the politico-social conditions of “the political” through
620
Miraj Khan, October 26, 2016, Dir.
234
engaging individual in different activities. Yet, all the information and different online
activities for individual citizens are not value free. The commercialization of media is a big
hurdle in the way of neutral virtual spheres and particularly for JI and JUI affiliates. The
subjective and biased nature of internet and new media has changed the direction of
individual political socialization patterns in political parties i.e. JI and JUI.
The internet and new media has also created inequalities and has produced a new
class of haves and haves not in the remote societies like Dir and D. I. Khan. All the party
affiliates in these areas do not have access to internet and mass media. So all the people
cannot utilize of internet and new media equally. It has digitally divided not only the
citizens but the same party affiliates as well. Most of the unconnected members of both JI
and JUI consider it irrelevant to them. As access to them is not free, the cost of it has also
made people to stay away from it. On the other hand some members of the parties do not
have the required infrastructure for using internet and new media. Similarly, language
barriers are another hindrance in the way of internet usage mostly for JUI affiliates
(majority of them have graduated from madrassa and not from the conventional schools
and colleges). Finally the issues of illliteracy and lack of skills and trainings, potentially
weaken and lessen the use of internet and new media tools for both JI and JUI.
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CONCLUSION
While studying the consensual and conflictual political culture in Pakistan with
respect to JI and JUI the most striking question which comes to one’s mind is, how far it is
possible for a socialized worker to accommodate people (workers) from opposite politico-
religious ideologies? The political history of Pakistan is evident of the fact that political
parties and specifically JI and JUI show different nature and attitude at different time, for
example the very emergence of JI and JUI are the outcome of consensus building and
disagreements at the same time. JI was founded to provide an alternative Muslim
leadership to the people in the sub-continent. Maulana Maududi was neither convinced
with the political position and understanding of Jamiat Ulema-i-Hind (JUH) nor with the
ideology and program of All India Muslim League.
JUH was sharing its opinion and understanding of Indian nationalism and
nationhood with the Indian National Congress. In their opinion, Muslims in India were
living together with Hindus and other religious communities for centuries, therefore, all of
them constitute a single nation. On the other hand Muslim League (ML) advocated the
concept of Muslim Nationalism for the Muslims of India on the basis of their religion.
Maulana Maududi rejected both the concepts and held an opinion that Muslims in the
Indian sub-continent were a separate nation in all respect, but they could not be confine to a
specific boundary and areas. The idea of Muslim league for a separate homeland for
Muslims will confined Islam and Muslims to a geographical location. Furthermore, he was
not satisfied with the procedure and program of JUH for the cause of Islam in British India.
Therefore, he organized his own organization (Party of Islam). It was to strive for iqamat-i-
deen (establishment of religion) primarily focusing on the revival of the individual role in
an Islamic society. The holy community was to make a way for an Islamic revolution.
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Similarly, the emergence of JUI was also the result of differences and
disagreements between different Ulema in JUH. The first example of the conflictual
political culture within the religious political parties was the formation of Kul Hind Jamiat
Ulema-i-Islam (KHJUI) in 1945. It was the first formal kind of faction from JUH. All the
leaders of KHJUI were previously associated with JUH both religiously and politically.
However, the latter’s pro-congress attitude and more specifically its concept of composite
nationalism brought spilt in its folds. A large number of Ulema who had great name and
fame within the Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband had reached the conclusion that Indian National
Congress was an anti-Muslim organization. Among other Ulema, Maulana Shabbir Ahmed
Uthmani was more vocal in this regard. Maulana Uthmani resigned from the membership
of JUH and refused to participate in the annual conference of the party at Saharanpur from
4-7 May 1945. Some other Ulema also joined hands with Maulana Uthmani in response to
their differences with their parent organization (JUH) on the same grounds i.e. Congress
and the concept of nationhood.
Another significant example of the consensual political culture was the gathering of
31 renowned Ulema from different schools of thought of Islam, in January 1951 in
Karachi. They discussed and debated different aspects of an Islamic state and agreed on 22
fundamental principles of Islamic state and constitution. Drafting a unanimous and agreed
upon framework for an Islamic constitution was a landmark achievement of the religio-
political parties and Ulema. It was a great example of consensual political culture within
the religio-political parties of Pakistan.
The coming years were a kind of conflictual political culture for both the parties. In
1953-54 a group of Ulema in East Pakistan under the leadership of Maulana Athar Ali
Khan objected over the partys policy of association with Muslim League, and announced
that, they would contest the forthcoming provincial elections under the banner of Nizam-i-
Islam. In their opinion Muslim League was not fully committed for the implementation of
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Islamic law in Pakistan, therefore, the Ulema should part their ways with it. Nizam-i-Islam
was later on re-organized and replaced with Nizam-i-Islam Party. It made electoral alliance
with other political groups in East Pakistan.
On the other hand a convention of Ulema was held at Multan in October 1956 in
which a new organization of the Ulema, Markazi Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam West Pakistan
(MJUIWP) was founded. Maulana Ahmad Ali Lahori was selected as the president of the
new Ulema organization. The MJUI objected the formation of MJUIWP but did not go for
active confrontation. In the coming days it proved to be a representative organization of the
Ulema of Pakistan. MJUI and its organizational network became inactive shortly afterward.
In the similar way JI ranks were also shaken by differences within the workers over
different ideological issues. The most important among these was the decision of the
Jamaat to enter into electoral politics for the persuasion of the ideological goals of the holy
community. The Mochchi Goth session of 1957, cost Jamaat many close affiliates,
including Ulema. They parted their ways with JI on the issue of participation in politics.
The most important example of consensual political culture is the agreement of all
the political parties for the constitution of 1973. The constitution of 1973 was a consensual
document and almost all political forces agreed upon the nature and structure of the state
and government.
Zia regime and Afghan jihad are the two significant issue where the affiliates of JUI
were found perplexed. On one hand the party was a prominent member of Movement for
Restoration of Democracy (MRD), (a PPP led alliance of several political parties, which
was struggling for the restoration of democracy in the country) on the other many affiliates
of the party considered Zia as a true Muslim leader, who had done much for the
Islamization of the constitution. JUI officially remained away from Afghan Jihad but could
not maintain this policy at the workers level, as majority of them associated with madaris,
perceived to be the breeding places of jihadists.
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Another important example in this regard is the formation of Muttahidda Majlis-i-
Amal (United Action Front), an alliance of six religio-political parties. In the general
election of 2002, MMA managed to get majority in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and formed
government. However, different issues emerged in the coming years and MMA reached to
its fate. Affiliates of both the parties in Dir and D. I. Khan considered the alliance a golden
period for both the parties. There were many grievances of the workers against each other
but the overall environment was quite consensual for all. Interestingly, JI affiliates in Dir
showed their willingness and eagerness for future political alliance with JUI, but in D. I.
Khan they said the party should not go for an alliance with JUI. JI affiliates were of the
opinion that they would prefer to contest the coming elections by their own, instead of
making any alliance with JUI in D. I. Khan. The similar, situation was observed in JUI. Its
affiliates in D. I. Khan were willing for a religious parties alliance or the revival of MMA,
but in Dir they had concerns with any such alliance. Some of the JI affiliates from Karak
were of the opinion that in case of alliance, the seats distribution between both the parties
was basically done on the principle of the party influence and their average electoral gains
in each constituency. On the basis of such distribution of seats JI cannot claim any seat in
the southern districts and JUI in Malakand and Dir. So that’s why JUI affiliates in Dir and
JI affiliates in D. I. Khan do not want any such alliance to happen.
How far the party policy or strategy regarding a specific issue is seen by the
workers as compatible with their political education and ideology? This is perhaps very
important issue in political parties and specifically, those parties who socialize their
workers under a specific politico-religious ideology, program and way of life. Political
parties in general design and devise their strategies according to the time and situation, but
the way the workers are socialized, they use to have a broader understanding of what
strategy their party is going to adopt. Because of their thorough socialization, they have a
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clue of dealing and handling a specific situation (because of the party stance and some
previous experience in similar issues).
The formulation of policy and strategy regarding an issue, has a direct relation with
the workers responses in the party. If it is an ideological party then every individual
member is aware of policy formulation process and the broader parameters of the policy.
The workers in such a party are to be convinced by the fact that the respective policy is in
line with the party’s ideology and its general program. If it is against the ideological
commitment of the party, the workers may reject any such policy or strategy.
Both JI and JUI are considered as ideological parties with very clear programs by
their affiliates. The policy formulation processes are mentioned in the constitutions of both
the parties. Both have central executive councils which are to make policies and approve
suggestions from the members and heads. Policies regarding electoral alliances and ticket
allotment for suitable candidates often produces dis-satisfaction in the workers. In this case
JUI affiliates used to have more concerns than JI. As new entries (joining of the people
from other political parties) in JUI are more frequent in the southern region of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, and the joining people are often granted party tickets for contesting elections
(because they have resources and personal influence in the area). Such a situation often
produced grievances in the party workers as they considered the new electable personalities
injustice to the old workers.
The responses to the party decisions in such situations are different. Respondents
from JUI were of the opinion that the tickets decisions and making alliances or seat
adjustment are taken by the party executive council at each level with a majority vote. All
the prominent workers and leaders at the particular level are taken into confidence while
making any such decision. However, if any worker still does not follow the party policy, he
is issued a show cause notice. The annoyed worker normally has three options with him i.e.
either to remain silent on the issue and keep home (not involving any of the party related
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events), show his resentment in the party folds but keep involving and engaging in the
party affairs, and leaving the party. The third option is a severe one as if an affiliate leaves
the party, wins elections as an independent candidate and afterward wants to rejoin the
party, he will not be re-admitted in the party folds.
JI affiliates on the other hand did not remind any such issue on the distribution of
party tickets. JI always give tickets to its genuine, tested and old workers. Those who join
the party are not admitted merely for award of party tickets. Furthermore, the party policy
is also clear on distribution of tickets. A candidate for contesting elections is selected
through a secret ballot within the party (at a particular level). Workers who show their
interest or campaign for ticket within the party are not considered for the ticket (it is the
party’s clear stance that whosoever desires openly for the ticket will not be considered for
it).
Workers in D. I. Khan and Dir had some concerns about the party decision of
boycotting the 1997 and 2008 elections. In their opinion boycotting an election push a
political party on its back foot and remove it from the political process in the country. This
costs the party in two ways. First, as in representative government, all the developmental
projects are approved by the people’s representatives, therefore, every member of the
parliament tries to bring maximum projects to that area which he has got elected from. This
way he will focus more on the areas and people who have (and potentially will) support(ed)
him. JI when boycotted the elections, it has provided a chance for other political parties to
grove their roots in the areas.
Secondly, when a party is being represented, its members and affiliates consider
themselves a part of the political process in the country. They have their interests in the
day-today political development. The party, no matter, if is in government or in opposition,
is to engage continuously its affiliates regarding its political strategies and policy initiatives
in respect to a particular issue or event. This way their political education and socialization
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continue. When the party is not in the parliament, the socialization process and political
education of the workers are halted, which ultimately cause the party electoral loss in the
elections.
Categorization of the two different political parties’ socialized workers on the basis
of parties’ success in influencing and convincing them in favor of party policy or strategy,
is a difficult task. The basic issue in such a categorization is the party policy formulation
process and the pattern of engaging its workers. JI affiliates were of the opinion that,
policies in the party are formulated keeping in view the broader socialization and political
education of the workers, for example the party can never make an electoral alliance with
ANP or PPP in Dir or D. I. Khan. The workers would not approve any such policy of the
leadership in which their ideological values are at stake. So the leadership while devising
any strategy or policy keep in mind the understanding and the nature of socialization of
their workers in JI.
JUI leadership on the other hand projects a different pattern of policy formulation
and decision regarding electoral alliance with other political parties and groups. Any such
decision is made by the central leadership and executive council and is communicated to
the workers later on. In the opinion of Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan all the affiliates are not
able to understand all the political situations and the need for a specific political strategy.
Therefore, before devising and adopting any strategy (at the national level) all the affiliates
are not possible to be involved. Secondly, politics has a specific meaning for JUI. The
leadership believes that if the party and the affiliates gains any sort of political benefits
which are not contrary to the ideological commitment of the party, political alliances can
be made with any political party. In the party leadership opinion political alliance
formation is a political strategy and does not necessarily affect the ideological commitment
of the party, for example formation of coalition government with NAP, PPP, ANP,
PML(N) and being a part of MMA did not cause any ideological loss to the party. Rather
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such an experience with other political parties has broadened the general perception of the
common people in Pakistan regarding religio-political parties in general and JUI in
particular.
The party is very much successful in convincing its workers on the formulated
policies and strategies. In the opinion of Mufti Khalid, though the strategies of JUI do not
seem popular and something hardly acceptable to the party affiliates at the beginning, yet,
the workers accept them, mainly because of the past experience and party stance on similar
issues.
Ideological commitment of the leadership in JI shapes their political strategy, while,
in JUI the political strategy and alliance with other political parties are considered to be the
need and requirement of the time for the safeguard of the Islamic identity of the state and
political benefits of the workers. This makes the workers and leadership of JUI more
accommodating in terms of electoral alliances with other political parties. JI workers can
hardly agree on any such alliance and coalition with other political parties which are far
from their political program and ideology. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa after 2013 elections,
JI is a coalition partner with Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf (PTI) which is considered to be very
much similar in different aspects, but the common workers in Dir have severe concerns
over this policy of the party. Irrespective of the similar stances of both the parties on social
justice and anti-corruption campaign, the common workers in Dir are not in favor of any
future alliance with PTI. Many instead of other political parties, preferred JUI for a grand
electoral alliance for the coming general elections in 2018.
If both the parties affiliates accept electoral alliances with other political parties and
groups, what makes them to accommodate and give space to the other parties programs and
(political) ideologies? There are always give and take formula in electoral alliances in Dir
and D. I. Khan. If an alliance is made on the provincial level, the formula is applicable for
all the regions within the province. If it is a kind of some seat adjustment within a specific
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locality, the formula is only applicable to that area. JUI in D. I. Khan usually, does seat
adjustment with other parties and individuals within D. I. Khan. The formula is normally,
supporting some (other group) candidate for the provincial assembly seat, in return to get
support for the National Assembly seat of Maulana Fazal-ul- Rehman. This has proved
very effective for the party. The workers are convinced over such alliance and seat
adjustment. In their opinion Maulana Fazul-ul-Rehman’s seat is more valuable for them as
compared to provincial assembly seat.
JI affiliates are usually reluctant for any such local seat adjustment in Dir and D. I.
Khan. In some of the affiliates opinions, JI does not care much about electoral gains. It is a
movement and can continue and perform its duties anywhere and everywhere. Other
affiliates considered it the ideological commitment of the party and workers. In their
opinion the party workers will only approve electoral alliance with a party of similar
ideological program and commitment.
For JUI affiliates electoral alliance is an important and essential aspect of political
strategy and ideological commitment. The party, if in power can effectively strive for
Islamic cause. Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan affirmed that any electoral alliance with
individual or group is made on certain principles. The party never ever agreed on any such
alliance which the workers considered to be against the party ideology and general
program. So “if any alliance which is not meant to distance us from our ideological
commitment, and helps us for our Islamic cause, there is no harm in going for that. The
workers keep in mind the consequences and the end of any such alliance”.
JI workers unlikely JUI affiliates, consider the party “a movement” (tehreek).
Politics and specifically parliamentary politics is something having secondary importance
for them. They consider any political strategy acceptable and valid for them if it is in line
with the ideology and broader program of the party. So a sort of flexibility, accommodation
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and acceptance for alliance with other political parties and groups is very minimal as
compared to JUI affiliates.
Political parties are considered to be the tools for articulation and aggregation of the
people’s interest in a political system. Their ends are the creation of institutions of
governance according to the will and choices of the common people. They are to aggregate
the choices of the people so that they (people) can architect and erect a system(s) of their
own.
A developed political system is based on three fundamental aspects of the citizens;
first, increased and significant level of participation of the citizens in the political processes
in the polity; Second, identification of their importance for the functioning of democracy;
and third, their interest and inclination towards political socialization.
Political parties use different tools and agents for instilling the party ideology in the
common people. These people after socialization and education, take part in the policy
formulation and political strategies devising for the party. The party because of its
socialized workers adopt specific policy and strategy for an event or issue. It is also
important that all the members and workers may not have their consensus over a specific
policy of the party. In such a situation, a worker has different choices for showing his
dissatisfaction over the party policy. He shows his resentment either by voicing against the
policy within the party folds. Or stay silent on the issue or in extreme cases leaves his party
and join some other party or make his own party (normally a faction of his previous party).
Political socialization is generally done by four basic agents; the family, schools,
peer groups and media. How political parties utilize these four agents for the socialization
and political indoctrination of citizens is a significant area of research, yet with some
theoretical and methodological issues.
The basic and most important issue in political socialization research is the lack of a
uniform theory. As the whole process consists of different stages and different agents,
245
therefore, it is not possible to explain all with a single theory. However, the different
concepts and variables used in socialization research connect the different agents of
socialization to one another.
Different variables were used for the in-depth analysis of the whole process in JI
and JUI. These variable were quantified with different concepts, for example the most
important is Political Interest (Interest associated to political phenomenon and affairs) of
the workers and other affiliates of both JI and JUI. Political interest for us is the interest of
the party affiliates in the political affairs and activities in the area. The most important
queries in this regard were, whether or not an affiliate attend party meetings? Does he
permit his other family members (especially his children and women) to involve in party
related affairs? Does he regularly deposit his monthly donation/membership fee? Is he
involved in political campaign for the party candidates in elections? Has he himself ever
thought of taking part in elections?
In response to attendance of party related gatherings and meeting almost all the
respondents from both the parties said that they attend such meetings. However, few
affiliates from JUI in D. I. Khan who were not holding any position (administrative) in the
party local setup, were of the opinion that they do not attend meetings of the executive
councils because they need not to attend. They only attend the general body meetings
(majlis-i-amoomi) because of their membership. In respect to general gatherings of the
party they not only themselves attend, but also motivate and mobilize other people to
attend.
JI affiliates in this regard were found more involved and interested in political
affairs and activities. All of the respondents admitted that they submit their monthly
donation/membership fee regularly (some said they submit it monthly, other six months
and some, of the whole years at once, this is used to be a nominal amount ranging from
Rs.65/m to Rs.150/m based on the financial position and membership status of the affiliate
246
in the party). Another aspect of JI affiliates in this regard is the involvement of their
children and women in political activities of the party. JI while holding public gathering
also make arrangements for the female members of the party, for example if an affiliate in
Dir has a wife and five kids, he has to take his kids in turns to the party gatherings. JUI
affiliates do not have any arrangements for gatherings and other activities in the party.
Therefore, they usually do not involve their women in political affairs. Their women are
involved only during elections for casting their votes.
Regarding political campaign, JI affiliates are more involved, not only in the
campaign but in fund raising for the party candidate as well. The local organizations (party
setup) used to assign them different tasks, areas and days for the election campaign of the
candidate. The local organization heads are required to submit the report of every
member’s performance to the high ups. JUI affiliates on the other hand are not bound to
such an active involvement in the election campaign. They also do not have to raise money
for the campaign of the candidates.
In context to interest in contesting elections, most of JUI affiliates were interested
in contesting elections at different levels. However, their main concern was the
unavailability of financial resources. Very few of the JI affiliates showed their interest and
desire of contesting elections. Some said that it is the party which has to decide that who
has to contest election. If at any level the party puts this responsibility on their shoulder,
they would not refuse. Some others said that they do not want to contest elections
(probably because of their government jobs).
Regarding political discourse, JUI affiliates were more concerned about the
political situation and unrest in the country. Many respondents said that they discuss the
political situation of the country with other people in the area. They try to debate and make
the people understand about the possible consequences of the current unrest created by the
opposition political parties especially Pakistan Tehrik-i-Insaf. They consider the opposition
247
protest as something which only aimed at sabotaging democracy and democratic culture in
Pakistan, for example the provincial head of the party Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan opined
that PTI has been doing all this on the direction of someone else. He did not mention “that
someone” but he certainly was talking about the military.
JI affiliates on the other hand talk about JI’s different initiatives and strategies
regarding different issues. For example the most important and burning topic for them was
corruption of the ruling elites i.e. Nawaz Sharif and his family. JI has involved itself so
much in the campaign against the corruption that many respondents while narrating the
positive points and aspects of JI, put “free of all types of corruption” on the top of the list.
Some prominent political workers in Manyaal, Maidan, were of the opinion that the party
would probably contest the next general elections (2018) with this slogan. In their opinion
people are discussing this political issue (corruption) more than other.
For the JUI affiliates the most important and most debated topic regarding
government policies is the PTI led Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial government. In the
opinion of the majority of the affiliates the provincial government policies as a whole are
disastrous. The affiliates were neither satisfied with the much projected and promoted
police reforms nor with education or health reforms. Many of them connected such reforms
to a foreign agenda or a demand of NGOs, who in their opinion, are running the provincial
government instead of PTI and other allies.
JI affiliates also discuss the provincial government policies in their circles.
However, some very staunch affiliates (who were more ideological and somehow not in
favor of electoral politics) were of the opinion that the common people and affiliates of JI
in Dir are not much satisfied with the overall performance of the government. They also
showed their concerns regarding the un-natural alliance of JI with PTI, especially, their
concern was about the public gatherings of PTI with mixed participation of male and
248
female and the open musical shows. They said that they discuss all these issues with one
another and even in the party meetings.
Regarding political discussions and debates with their children and women, JI
affiliates affirmed that they discuss political issues in their families. Their woman also
participate in such discussions. In this regard the Ijtima-i-ihl-i-Khana is the most important
forum. This forum is normally reserved for religious discussions, yet it is also used for the
political training and education (tarbiyat) of the children and women. They are made aware
about different political issues in the country and also the JI policy and strategy regarding
those issues.
JUI affiliates do not have any such general customary gathering in the family.
However, many respondents told me that they do Taleem (associated with affiliates of
Tableghi Jamaat, in which someone reads some Hadith or story from Fazail-i-Amaal. They
call it their syllabus of the organization). This is also an important forum for family
gatherings, not such political, yet very significant in terms of making the family members
more religious. However, every family is not supposed to do Taleem unlike the Ijtima-i-Ihl-
i-Khana in JI.
Political Efficacy was coupled with different questions with the broader theme
revolves around the belief of the affiliates that they can affect the political outcomes within
a political system with the help of their political activism through their parties. The most
significant query in this regard was the affiliates’ belief on political processes. A set of
questions for this variable were regarding the satisfaction of the affiliates with the
prevailing political system in Pakistan. Their opinion on the (suitable) procedure for the
implementation of their desire political system. Their understanding regarding JI or JUI
(successful political struggle) for an Islamic system in Pakistan. And most importantly, the
affiliates’ satisfaction with their affiliation to JI or JUI.
249
Regarding the prevailing political system of the country JUI affiliates were satisfied
with the desire for implementation of Islamic Ideological Council recommendations for the
Islamization of the constitution. In their opinion the system was adopted with the mutual
consensus and understanding of learned Ulema and religious scholars during the process of
framing the 1973 constitution of Pakistan. They have done their work and provided us a
constitution, the nature of which is more Islamic. It is now the duty of rulers to implement
the recommendation of Islamic Ideological Council.
JI affiliates on the other hand are considered to be more revisionists. In the opinion
of many affiliates, the present system was not truly an Islamic system. It drastically needs
overhauling. Furthermore, the democratic setup so far has been failed in introducing
Islamic system in the country. Therefore, they were not satisfied with it. Other affiliates
were of the opinion that though the present democratic system was a complete failure in
Pakistan, but we (the people) have to revive and refine it. We do not have any other option
except to recognize this system of government.
Regarding the desired political system both JI and JUI affiliates agreed that it is a
Sharia based Islamic system. JUI affiliates are more inclined towards the political process
for this purpose. They consider it the only possible way in the 21st century. In their opinion
without a proper political process, the sharia based Islamic system in Afghanistan was not
accepted and recognized by the outer world (even including Muslim countries). So they are
determined to continue their struggle for an Islamic cause. Their approach is more of a
bottom-up approach in which they are to convince the common people regarding the
Islamic system and then with the help (vote) of these people, reach the helm of affairs and
change the system accordingly.
JI affiliates on the other hand were of the opinion that the whole system need an
extensive overhauling which is not possible with an evolutionary process of democracy.
They still believe that revolution of the Islamists is the only possible solution. However,
250
none of the members advocated violent means for such a revolution. In their opinion, the
political elites and those who controll the affairs of the state are required to be focused. If
they accept and recognize Islamic system as the ultimate solution for the country,
revolution is obvious. Their approach is more of a top-down approach.
JUI affiliates regarding the success of JUI politics were found satisfied. In their
opinion, their significant success is the safeguard of the constitution of 1973. They consider
this constitution an Islamic constitution which need to be accepted upon and be protected
from any kind of distortion and other changes contrary to Islam and sharia. In their opinion
JUI alone is performing this sacred duty in the parliament.
For JI affiliates the present Islamic clauses in the constitution are because of JI
efforts during Zia era. They have done much for Islamization of the constitution and are
still working for this cause.
Satisfaction with the party affiliation proved to be a bit difficult and challenging as
all the affiliates were found satisfied with their parties. In that those (ex)-affiliates who
have left their parties (JI and JUI) were focused. There were many such former affiliates of
both the parties in Dir and D. I. Khan who left their parties on different grounds. Some left
their parties on the grounds of their un-satisfaction with their parties political program and
strategies for the cause of Islam. For example many ex-affiliates in D.I. Khan were of the
opinion that JUI remained no more a party for an Islamic cause. Ideally, it is still seeking
the support of common people in the name of Islam, but in reality it became only a political
party just like other political parties. The affiliates are more concerned with their personal
gains. Some have also personality (leadership) issues with the local leadership, other
criticized the single family (Maulana Fazal-ul-Rehman family) role and hold on the party.
Similarly, in Dir due to their grievances and other differences with the local party
leadership, some of the JI affiliates have also left the party. They accused the party for
being diverted from its main cause “the Islamization of society”. In their opinion the party
251
is no more up for its sacred mission for the cause of Islam. In the beginning it was a
movement, but now it has become purely a political party, whoes main aim is to win
elections and come in government. The party damn care about the ideology. It only strives
for power.
Civic Tolerance variable is related to, support and acceptance for the rights of all
within an area or polity, due process of law, freedom of speech, recognition of lawful and
legitimate diversity with the society and all the basic rights of the citizens. Affiliates of
both the parties affirmed their unconditional respect for the law of the land and the political
and ethnic diversity (based on religion).
JUI affiliates in D. I. Khan said that due to significant presence of Shiite Muslim
sect, have close relations with them in terms of electoral alliance and seat adjustment in
elections. Though a banned organization Sipah-i-Suhaba Pakistan (perceived to be
involved in killing of Shiite in different parts of Pakistan) has its origin from JUI, yet today
(all) the affiliates and leadership have distanced themselves from that organization.
Similarly, they also have close electoral relations with Brelvis in D. I. Khan. Regarding
PTI, the affiliates were very aggressive and a kind on non-tolerant.
In Dir however, JUI affiliates showed their concern over the growing influence of
Ahl-i-Hadith. In the opinion of JUI district general secretary, these people are more
extreme in their day today affairs. They are non-political and do not believe in political
struggle. Because of them the peaceful environment may deteriorate once again in Dir.
For JI affiliates in Dir, Awami National Party and JUI affiliates are not much
acceptable. Awami National Party poses a serious threat to them in different areas. JUI on
the other hand is their competitor for religious vote and also because it was in electoral
alliance (on different seats) with ANP in the last elections of 2013 and local government
elections 2015.
252
Political Knowledge variable is referred to the affiliates knowledge about different
political events and issues within their parties and their knowledge about the political
system of Pakistan.
In this regard JI affiliates had significant knowledge about different issues in JI.
Some of the affiliates connected that with the required readings and syllabus for the JI
affiliates. The workers have been keep updated about the party history and its role in
different political events. Majority of the affiliates are the permanent readers of the JI
official magazine Tarjuman-al-Quran, which not only gives them Jamaat perspective on
contemporary issues but also provides them insight of the historical issues and JI responses
to those issues. The respondents were quite capable of presenting and depending the party
stance on different issues.
JUI affiliates on the other hand do not have any required syllabus for their members
and affiliates. Though they had excellent knowledge about the present political situation
and political system of Pakistan, yet, all of them were not quite able to defend and present
their party stance on different historical issues and events.
The Spectator Politicization was to show that how much contents (essentially
political) is consumed by an individual in the media i.e. print, electronic and social media.
The most striking query in this regard was whether or not an affiliate is attached to media
(any kind). The trend of the use of social media in both the parties’ affiliates was also
focused. In this regard JI affiliates showed more interest than JUI affiliates. For example
they were regular reader of Trajuman-al-Quran and other party related literature. On the
other hand JUI monthly magazine Al-Jamiah was not read by every member and affiliate of
the party. Similarly, it was found that many of the JUI affiliates consider watching
television a sin and forbidden in Islam. JI affiliates held the opinion that it is a modern
communication tool and is unavoidable. In their opinion it can be and should be used in a
positive way.
253
The level of use of social media was also very different. Though the young
generation (youth) affiliated to both the parties actively engaged in social media, but the
elder or the affiliates older than forty years of age are not that active and involved in social
media. In JUI majority of that age group affiliates are not acquainted and familiar with the
modern communication tools. JI affiliates were found familiar but many said that social
media kills lot of precious time of an individual. Therefore, they gave it very less time.
They however, held an opinion that interaction on social media with the affiliates of other
political parties may produce positive impacts on social media users. It can promote
consensus among the different users if used for discussions and debates based on rational
and logical arguments.
The difference in the acceptance and accommodation of other political parties in
terms of electoral alliance and coalition is rooted in the socialization process of the two.
Although the agents of socialization of both the parties are the same, yet, the differences in
approach and procedure of agents make the two different and distinct politico-religious
parties in Pakistan. For example family and parents are considered to be the most important
agent of socialization. JI families are much concerned about the socialization (siyasi
tarbiyaat) of their children. They provide them party literature and involve them in political
activities (bringing them to political meetings and gatherings). The gathering of the family
(ijtima-i-ihle khana) is one of the important aspect of family socialization within JI
affiliated families.
JUI affiliated families are not having any such family gatherings, yet, they also give
much attention to the socialization (tarbiyyat) of their children. As majority of these
families are having ulema and hafiz, so the children are also persuaded to carry on their
religious education in mosques and madrassas.
Families of the affiliates of both the parties decide about the future endeavors of
their children. They decide what their children are to read, whether they are to go to a
254
madrassa or to a school and which school or madrassa they are to go. The families also
control the friend circle of their children. The voting behavior and preferences are also set
by the families and the elders.
Family socialization was found much stronger in JI families in Dir. None of the
respondent identified any individual who is socialized in the family and had left the party
afterward. In JUI few individuals and their families were identified by the respondents in
Dir, D. I. Khan and many other part of the province (though any of such individuals and
their families could not be accessed and could not be verified independently). So for JI it is
producing the real ideological workers.
Teachers’ (affiliated to JI or JUI) role are undeniable in the socialization process in
the educational institutions. They effectively manipulate the school/madrassa environment
and the syllabus and socialize the students in their own way and procedure. Student’s
organization in schools and colleges and madrassa are providing future leadership and
socialized workers to both the parties. IJT in this regard is more organized and successful
as it has a proper socialization program for the political and ideological indoctrination of
the students. JTI though non-visible in colleges, yet has a strong network in JUI affiliated
and supervised madrassas across the country.
JI is ahead of JUI in using modern communication tools. Its workers are more
involved in social media and conventional media. They are more aware of the advantages
of the usage of modern communication tools. The social media official accounts and pages
of the party and leaders are more effectively used by JI affiliates. JUI affiliates are still to
decide whether the usages of internet and modern communication tools are halal or haram
in Islam (many respondents (above 40 years of age) from JUI considered it haram).
Regarding the socialized workers’ contribution in the broader political culture,
democracy and consensus development in the country, the different approaches and
procedure in socialization of the workers, both the parties are promoting different cultures
255
of democracy and consensus building in the country. Due to a more “political stance and
strategies” of JUI leadership, the workers are open to accommodate any other political
party for electoral alliance or coalition government. The workers believe that they can more
effectively strive for an Islamic cause while in power. They also project that their alliance
with others are always under clear principles which they never compromise. They are
convinced that any political strategy which is not against the democratic system in Pakistan
can be workable for them. The party even being in coalition government have time and
again differ with the government policies on different issues. The central Amir Maulana
Fazal Ul Rehman is considered to be the most successful political mediator in different
political issues between the government and the opposition parties. He has solved many
political issues and resolved deadlocks between political parties. He has therefore, earned a
good name in the political spectrum of Pakistan.
JI affiliates seems to be more concerned about their own ideological commitment.
For example they boycotted the general elections in 1997 and in 2008 when it was realized
to them by the leadership that taking part in these elections was not helpful for their
political and ideological objectives. The workers believe that ideology of the party comes
first. It, itself is the mean and an end to a mean. Political strategy of an alliance with
another political party or a group can only be acceptable to the workers if the ideology and
political approach of the other party is to a great extent similar to that of JI. So in such a
case a pure political alliance (not ideological) is very hard for the workers to accept. The
revisionist nature of the party leadership (historically) and their commitment for an Islamic
revolution are the two basic factors in the way of accommodating other parties for purely
political strategies (alliances and coalitions).
256
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INTERVIEWS
1. Daud Jan, IJT affiliate in University of Peshawar. December 15, 2017, Peshawar.
2. Fazal Rehman Baluch, JI district Amir D. I. Khan. December 6, 2016, D. I. Khan.
3. Hafiz Jamshid, JI Naib Amir Lakki Marwat, also remained Jamiat Talba Islam
provincial general secretary. December 5, 2016, Lakki Marwat.
4. Hassan Ali Shah, Tehsil Naib Nazim Monda, Dir. October 26, 2016, Monda, Dir.
5. Humayun Khan, Tehsil Nazim Monda Dir, also remained JI Tehsil Amir Monda.
October 26, 2016, Monda, Dir.
6. Khwaja Faiz ul Ghafoor, president trade union (Anjuman-i-Tajiraan) Chakdara
Bazara, Dir. He was the first Nazim of IJT in University of Malakand. October 24,
2016, Chakdara, Dir.
7. Malak Rahat Ullah, a local PTI leader tehsil Timargara. October 25, 2016,
Timargara Dir.
8. Manzar Javid, a local JUI leader district Karak. October 14, 2016, Karak.
9. Maulana Abdul Hakim Akbari, a central shura member of JUI. December 09, 2016,
D. I. Khan.
10. Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, provincial Amir JUI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. November
25, 2016, Peshawar.
11. Maulana Hamdullah, head teacher in Madrassa Eid Gah D. I. Khan and member
central shura of the JUI. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.
12. Maulana Sami Ur Rehman, farmer JI district Karak Amir. November 02, 2016,
Karak.
278
13. Maulana Shareer Khan, head teacher Jamia Ahya ul Uloom Blambat. He is a
member provincial Shura of the party (JI). October 25, 2016, Blambat, Dir.
14. Miraj Khan, JI youth Tehsil Blambat general secretary. October 24, 2016,
University of Malakand Chakdara, Dir.
15. Mohammd Tayyeb Akbari, provincial general secretary JTI Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
December 08, 2016, D. I. Khan.
16. Mufti Khalid Mehmood, press secretary JUI district Dir. December 25, 2016,
Talash Dir.
17. Naseer Khan, teacher in a private college in D. I. Khan and information secretary
Tehsil Kulachi, D. I. Khan. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.
18. Qamar Zia, former campus general secretary of JTI Gomal University D. I. Khan,
in 2002-2003. October 05, 2016, Peshawar.
19. Rafi Ullah, former IJT member and president D. I. Khan 2006-2007. He is currently
associated with JUI. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.
20. Rahim Shah, head librarian, Jamia Ahya ul Uloom Blambat Dir. October 25, 2016,
Blambat, Dir.
21. Rahim Ullah, former Amir JI Malakand division. October 24, 2016, Chakdara, Dir.
22. Rehan Ullah, student in Jamia Ahya ul Uloom Blambat and associated with Jamiat
Talba Arabia. October 25, 2016, Blambat, Dir.
23. Sadaat Ullah, first cousin of JUI Amir Maulana Fazal ur Rehman and former JUI
district Karachi (East) Amir. December 09, 2016, D. I. Khan.
24. Salman Khan Khattak, lecturer political science, government degree college Lal
Qala Maidan. October 27, 2016, Lal Qala Maidan.
25. Sheer Zamin Kaka, one of the founding members of JI in Dir, a honorary member
of the central shura of the party. October 25, 2016, Blambat, Dir.
279
26. Sultanat Yar, JI runner-up contestant in 2013 general elections PK-95. October 24,
2016, Chakdara, Dir.
27. Wasif Ullah, member IJT social media team University Campus Peshawar.
December 20, 2017, Peshawar.
28. Zaid Mohibulla, president JI lawyer’s wing D. I. Khan, and former district Amir JI
D. I. Khan. December 8, 2016, D. I. Khan.
29. Zarawar Khan, former president Tanzim-i-Asatiza Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. October
27, 2016, Lal Qala Maidan.
30. Zia Ullah, Nazim IJT University of Malakand. October 24, 2016, University of
Malakand Chakdara, Dir.
280
APPENDICES
Appendix – I
Syllabus for Rifaqat (Friends)
Hifz (Memorization): Nimaz (prayer) along with Dua-i-Qunoot, Nimaz-i-Janaza with
translation, Sorah-i-Fatiha, Al-Takasur till Sorah Al-Nass.
Tafseer: Sorah-i-Fatiha, Sorah Al-Zilzaal till Sorah Al-Nass
Hadith: Mashal-i-Rah by Abdul Razzaq Kodwawi, Forty Selected Ahadith by Khuram
Murad
LITERATURE
S.No Book Author
1 Khutbaat (1st, 2nd) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
2 Denyaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
3 Shahadat-i-Haq Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
4 Dawat-i-Islami aor Es Ka Tariqa-i-Kaar Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
5 Banao Aor Bighaar Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
6 Jihad Fi Sabeel Lillah Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
7 Mohammad Arabi Inayat Ullah Subhani
8 Nabi-i-Karim ki Nimazain Tahir Rasool Qadri
9 Taamir-i-Serat kay Lawazim Naeem Siddiqui
10 Apni Islah App Naeem Siddiqui
11 Taleem Al-Islam Mufti Kifayat Ullah
12 Khalid kay Naam Zafar Jamal Baluch
13 Main Jamiat Ka Hissa Kiyo Bano Akhtar Abbas
14 Main Nay Jamiat say Kiya Paya Khuram Murad/Khurshid Ahmad
15 Haqooq-Al-Ibaad Bint Al-Islam
16 Addab Zindagi kay Akhtar Abbas
17 Geography and History of Pakistan CD, DVD
281
Appendix – II
SYLLABUS FOR RUKNIYYAT/OMEDWAR-I-RUKNIYYAT (CANDIDATE FOR
MEMBERSHIP)
Quran: Proper and correct recitation of Quran with translation (Sayyed Abul Ala
Maududi).
Hifz (Memorization): Sorah-i-Baqara (last section i.e. Roku), Sorah Al-Furqan (last
section), Sorah-i-Luqman (2nd section), Sorah Ha’a Meem Sajda (Ayat 30 to 36), Sorah
Al-Infitaar, Sorah Al- Ala, Sorah Wadduha till Sorah Al-Naas
Tafseer: Muqddima Tafhem Al-Quran, Sorah Al-Fatiha, Sorah Al-Baqara, Sorah Al-
Anfaal, Sorah Al-Yousaf, Sorah Al-Noor, Sorah Al-Ahzaab, Sorah Al-Hujraat, Sorah Al-
Saff, Sorah Infitaar, Sorah Al-Aala, , Sorah Wadduha till Sorah Al-Naas.
Hadith: Zad-i-Rah, Rah-i-Amal, Intihab-i-Hadith
Fiqh: Asaan Fiqa (1st and 2nd)
Literature
S.No. Book Author
1 Islami Nizam-i-Zindagi aor Us kay
Bunyadi Tassaworaat
Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
2 Sunnat Ki Aaeini Haisiyyat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
3 Tanqihaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
4 Tehrik aor Karkun Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
5 Tajdeed-o-Ahya-i-Deen Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
6 Al-Jihad Fil Islam Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
7 Taalimaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
8 Muhsin-i-Insaniyyat (PBUH) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
9 Fariza Iqamat-i-Deen/ Maaroof-o-
Munkar
Sadruddin Islahi/Sayyed Jamal-ud-
Din Omri
10 Al-Farooq/ Shaheed-ul-Mihraab Alama Shibli Naumani/ Sayyed
Omer Talmsani
11 Deen may Tarjihaat Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi
12 Islami Nizam (Ek Fariza, Ek Zarurat) Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi
13 Haqiqat-i-Bayyat Prof. Ghulam Azam
14 Deen par Istiqamat kay Lawazim Mohammad Salih Al Manjad
15 Karkuno kay Bahmi Taaluqaat Khuram Murad
16 Assas-i-Deen ki Taameer Sadruddin Islahi
17 Adaab-i-Zindagi Maulana Yousaf Islahi
18 Jab wo Nazim-i-Ala Thay (1st, 2nd) Tareekh-i-Jamiat Committee
19 Roodad-i-Jamaat-i-Islami (1st, 2nd)
20 Inqilabaat-i-Aalam, Dastoor-i-Jamiat and
282
Dastori Safar
21 Iqbalyaat (Shikwa, Jawa-i-Shikwa,
Iblees ki Majlis-i-Shura)
Alama Iqbal
22 A short History and Geography of
Muslim world
CD, DVD
283
Appendix – III
SYLLABUS AFTER RUKNIYYAT (MEMBERShip)
Hifz (Memorization): Sorah-i-Baqara (First section i.e. Roku), Sorah Aal-Imran (last
section), Sorah Bani Israel (9th section), Sorah Al-Jasiah, Sorah Al- Saaf, 30th Para
(Chapter, Complete).
Tafseer: Tafhem Al-Quran (Complete),Tadabbur-i-Quran (complete).
Hadith: Maarif-Al Hadith, (complete), Riyad-al-Saliheen (complete)
LITERATURE
S.No. Book Author
1 Al Rahiq Al Makhtoom Safi Ur Rehman Mubarakpori
2 Dawaat-i-Islami aor os Kay Mutalbaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
3 Islami Tehzib aor os Kay Osool-o-Mubadi Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
4 Parda Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
5 Khilafat-o-Molukiyyat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
6 Tehrik-i-Azadi-i-Hind aor Musalman (1st, 2nd) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
7 Tehzibi Kashmakash may Ilm-o-Tehqeeq ka
Kirdaar
Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
8 Tasrihaat Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
9 Maashyaat Islam Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
10 Al-Quds Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
11 Tafhimaat (1st, 2nd, 3rd) Sayyed Abul Ala Maududi
12 Islam may Halaal aor Haram Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi
13 Bighaar Kaha? Dr. Yousaf Al-Qardawi
14 Islam aor Jadeed Zihn kay Shubhaat/ Islam aor
Maghrib kay Tehzibi Masaail
Mohammad Qutb
15 Hasan Al Bana ki Dairy Khalil Ahmad Hamdi
16 Rasool-i-Khuda ka Tariq-i-Tarbiyyat Siraj Uddin Nadwi
17 Secularism, Mubahis aor Mughaltay Tariq Jan
18 Islami Riyasat may Nizam-i-Taleem Muslim Sajjad
19 Sayyed Badshah ka Qafila Abad Shah Pori
20 Islam ki Daawat Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri
21 Islam, Insani Haqooq ka Pasbaan Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri
22 Aorat aor Islam Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri
23 Musalman Aorat kay Haqooq Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri
24 Dawlat may Khuda ka Haq Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri
25 Infaaq fi Sabeel Lillah Sayyed Jalal ud Din Omri
26 Iqbalyaat (Kulyaat-i-Iqbal) Alama Iqbal
27 World geography and short history CD, DVD