duncans cbss bengali booklet

8/18/2019 Duncans CBSS Bengali Booklet

1/21


2/21

-

(CBSS)


3/21

- :

[email protected]

.........

................

: ......


4/21

(DIL) . . -

DIL - DIL ’ - , .

.- , , - ( ) ( )

BIFR ( ) BIFR : ) )

) - ,BIFR

- BIFR BIFR . . .

-


5/21


6/21


7/21


8/21

, , ,

- - , / , / / - - - :

Table 2. Potential Yield Gap in Duncans’ Tea Gardens

Tea EstatesStandard Avg.Yield (Kgs/hec)

Yield gap (% of stan-dard yield) 1998-99

Yield gap (% of stan-dard yield) 2013-14

Dooars and TeraiBirpara 2000 13.75 -12.65Hantapara 2000 31.90 -15.00Dumchipara 2000 42.15 00.80Lankapara 2000 21.80 -32.05Tulsipara 2000 -1.95 -35.00Garganda 2000 39.05 -20.00Kilcott 2000 31.80 -15.15

Nagaisuree 2000 40.50 -43.25Bagracote 2000 44.45 -1.60Gungaram 1900 68.21 37.89

DarjeelingRunglee Rungliot 500 88.20 68.00Marybong 500 28.00 -18.40

Source: Survey of tea gardens, 2013-14, State Labour Institute, WB

- - - ,

- , - , - , , - -

( / ) - / /

- ,

,

, - — -

- , (TBI)

:

%


9/21

T a b l e 3 . A

n o v e r v i e w o f p l a n

t a t i o n

d e v e

l o p m e n

t p r o g r a m m e u n

d e r t a k e n u p

t o 2 0 1 1 - 1

2

N a m e o f

t h e

T e a

G a r

d e n

A r e a

( i n H e c

. )

A r e a

U n d e r

E x t e n

d e d P l a n

t -

i n g

( i n H e c

)

A r e a

U p r o o

t -

e d ( i n H e c . )

A r e a

R e -

p l a n

t e d ( i n

H e c . )

A r e a

I n

l l e d ( i n

H e c . )

A r e a

R e j u -

v e n a

t e d ( i n

H e c . )

A r e a

I r r i -

g a t e d ( i n

H e c

)

A r e a

U n d e r

D r a

i n a g e

( i n H e c

)

B a g r a c o

t e

4 7 7 . 2 1

0

1 4 . 4

2

3 . 0 8

0 . 5

0

4 7 7 . 2

0

B i r p a r a

9 7 8 . 3 9

0

5 9 . 6

2

5 9 . 6

2

0

0

9 7 8 . 4

0

D h u m c h

i p a r a

6 9 5 . 7 9

0

2 0

4

2 5

0

1 6 0

6 9 5 . 7 9

G a r g a n d a

5 2 8

0

6 5

4 5

5 0

1 7

1 2 0

5 2 8

G u n g a r a m

6 6 4 . 3 0

0

1 6 . 1

2

7

8 . 7 9

0

6 6 4 . 3

6 6 4 . 3

H a n

t a p a r a

6 5 5 . 0 0

0

7 0

6 2

8 2

0

4 0 0

6 5 5

K i l c o t

t

4 3 7 . 5 7

0

1 8 . 1

6 . 8 7

4 7 . 3 9

0

4 3 0 . 4

0

L a n

k a p a r a

7 5 8 . 4 5

0

2 4 . 4

6

2 4 . 4

6

1 3 . 0

1 6

0

0

7 5 8 . 4 5

M a r y b o n g

2 8 4 . 5 2

0

0

0

0

0

1 3 1 . 4 5

0

N a g a i s u r e e

6 2 9 . 9 2

0

9 . 5 7

9

4

1 2 . 2

4

3 6 2

6 2 9 . 9 7

R u n g l e e

R u n g l

i o t

1 8 3 . 9 7

0

0

0

1 2 8 . 7

1 2 8 . 7

4 0

0

T u l s i p a r a

4 7 7 . 5 1

0

2 3 . 9

8

7 . 3 8

0

0

1 6 0

0

T o t a l

6 7 7 0

. 6 3

0

3 2 1 . 2 7

2 2 8 . 4 1

3 5 9 . 3 9 6

1 5 7 . 9 4

3 9 2 3

. 7 5

3 9 3 1

. 5 1

% o

f T o t a l

T e a

H e c

t a r a g e

0

4 . 7 5

3 . 3 7

5 . 3 1

2 . 3 3

5 7 . 9

5

5 8 . 0

6

S o u r c e : S u r v e y o

f t e a g a r d e n s , 2

0 1 3 - 1 4

, S t a t e L a b o u r

I n s t

i t u t e

, W B

, , , ,

,

- —

DIL ,

- ., -

-

, ,

(*

-

-

-

, (

)

, . %, . % . % ( )SPTF ,

, %

-

, %

,

,

%


10/21


11/21

- ‘ ’

, , DIL BIFR ,

,

,

,

,

,

,

-

Table 9. Trend in Auction Prices of Tea in India

Year Price (Kg/Rs.) Index of Growth

1998 69.50 100.00

1999 65.55 94.31

2000 61.71 88.792001 61.66 88.71

2002 55.96 80.51

2003 56.27 80.962004 64.54 92.86

2005 58.05 83.52

2006 66.01 94.972007 67.40 96.46

2008 86.99 125.162009 105.55 151.94

2010 103.55 148.99

Source : Statistical report of Tea Board of India

,

,

,

- , -

,

020406080

100120140160

1 9 9 8

1 9 9 9

2 0 0 0

2 0 0 1

2 0 0 2

2 0 0 3

2 0 0 4

2 0 0 5

2 0 0 6

2 0 0 7

2 0 0 8

2 0 0 9

2 0 1 0

Trend in Auction Prices of Tea in India

Price (Kg/Rs.) Index of Growth


12/21

- ( , ) ’ - - , ,

-

, - - - , , -

, . . , ,

- ,

, ,

, ,

, , , -

. . ,

, ,

. . . , -

- . -

. % , -

, - -

,

, - ,


13/21

Table 11. Export of Tea from India

Year Qty. (M. kgs) Value (Th. Rs)

1980 224.78 4325461

1985 214.937 7035904

1990 210.024 11133510

1995 167.996 12080156

1998 210.338 23094360

1999 191.719 19658684

2000 206.816 18986119

2001 182.588 16821115

2002 201.002 1753898

2003 173.684 15902128

2004 197.668 18411416

2005 199.05 18309786

2006 218.734 20065260

2007 178.754 18101095

2008 203.117 23929136


, . . % % %

— , ,

( , ), ( , ), - ,

Table10. Consumption and Per Capita Consumption of Tea in India

Year Produc-

tion(m. kgs)

Index ofGrowth

DomesticConsumption

(m. kgs)

Index ofGrowth

Average per capitaConsumption

(Grams per Head)

1975 487.137 100.00 221 100.00 403

1980 569.172 116.84 320 144.79 527

1985 656.162 134.70 452 204.52 574

1990 720.338 147.87 511 231.22 600

1991 754.200 154.82 524 237.10 600

1992 732.300 150.33 540 244.34 606

1995 756.016 155.20 585 294.70 615

1998 874.108 179.44 615 278.28 633

1999 825.935 169.55 633 286.42 642

2000 846.922 173.86 653 295.47 652

2001 853.923 175.29 673 304.52 654

2002 826.165 169.60 693 313.57 663

2003 857.055 175.94 714 323.07 672

2004 892.970 183.31 735 332.57 681

2005 945.970 194.19 757 342.53 691

2006 981.800 201.54 771 348.86 693

2007 986.430 202.50 786 355.67 696

2008 980.800 201.34 802 362.89 701


, -

% . % -

, %

Index of growthin Production

Index of growthin Consumption

Value (Th. Rs)

0

50

100

150

200

250

0

5000000

10000000

15000000

20000000

25000000

30000000

Qty. (M. kgs)


14/21

, , , —

% , ,

, ITA, UPASI ‘ ’ Re- port of the Task Force on Plantation Sector, 2006, the 65th Report of the Public Accounts Committee on ‘Role of

Tea Board in Tea Development in India’, 2012-13, the 102 Report on Performance of Plantation Sector— Tea

and Coffee Industry of the Parliamentary Committee on Commerce, 2012. , , ,

, , — ,

,

—

!

No visible Evidence of Decline in Labour ProductivIn the first place, while production of tea has increased at a CAGR (Compound Annuof 2.24 % from 1950 to 2006, the tea hectarage and the overall employment of labour period have increased at CAGRs of only 1.03 % and 0.50 %, respectively. Thus, it growth rates of both tea hectarage and labour employment fall short of growth rate oan industry which is predominantly labour intensive in nature and where there is no dence of advancement of mechanizations in plantation agricultural activities like pluckor maintenance of tea bushes and whatever little technological progress has been mmainly in the manufacturing stage in the factory, increase in production surpassing incemployment and planted area certainly does not reveal lower labour productivity.On the contrary, itis not possible to increase the production of tea unless the productivity of the labour isOneimportant additional justification that might be attributable to the enhancement of labour over time is the fact that declining bush productivity (to be discussed below at a grea been set in Indian tea industry long ago due to high old age of tea bushes. It is, in fact, productivity which seems to have a remarkable effect in offsetting this yield retardinkeeping this century old industry highly viable and profitable over the years.

Lowest Wages in the Organised SectorSecond, there is no denying of the fact that existing wagesof tea industry workers are the lowest among the in the organized/formal sector such as jute mills, textileindustries or coal and copper mines. This concernat the ministerial level and in a recent report of NationalAdvisory Council ( NAC) onWelfare of tea PlantatioLabour. Furthermore, it is reported in some stuwages of plantations labour are even lower than s

er schedule employments like agriculture, stone security services, construction and maintenanceetc. To get an idea of exact magnitude of wage dispawe make a comparison of wages of workers in Ttation Industry with the wages of workers in otma jor industries inWest Bengal, namely, jute Industry,Cotton Textile Industry andEngineering Industry for year 2007. It is to be noted that in all of these indwages of workers are regulated by industry-witite agreement. First of all, we look at the follow


15/21


16/21

Table.14. Comparison of Tea Industry Wage With Other Industrial Employments

Sector PeriodWage

( Rs./day)tea sector wage as a %

of wages in other sectors

Jute Feb, 2015 to April, 2015 423.85 47.19

Cotton Textile Feb, 2015 to April, 2015 334.57 59.78Engineering Group A Feb, 2015 to April, 2015 442.05 45.24Engineering group B Feb, 2015 to April, 2015 444.03 45.04Tea Plantation 1.4.2015 to 31.3.2016 200.00 100.00

NOTE: (A) Engineering (other than central public sector units): Group A= those employing between 50and 249; Group B= those employing 250 to 100 and 1001 and above. (B) The wage of tea plantation is

calculated as the sum of two components: (i) The cash wage of Rs. 122.50, and (ii) The monetary equivalent

of fringe benets are taken to be grossly Rs. 77.50.

Source : Labour in West Bengal , 2014-15

As the table shows, the tea industry workers still happen to be the lowest paid workers within the or-ganised sector.We may notice that tea sector wage as a percentage of wages paid in the jute, CottonTextile,Engineering Group A andEngineering Group B can be figured out at 47.19%, 59.78%, 45.24%and 45.04%, respectively.On an average, a representative daily rated tea worker is ex pected to get just49.31% of the wage in comparison to the wage of an unskilled worker engaged either inJute or CottonTextile orEngineering sector. A logical conclusion that can be arrived at from this analysis is that thewage disparity has remained nearly unchanged during 2014-15 as compared with the previous period2006-07.

Why this Painful Wage Gap?An important inquiry that need to be carried out in the context of comparative wage analysis concthe tracing out of the factors which are largely attributable to the persistence of sizeabtween tea plantation industry and other industries in the organised sector. Before we gis to be admitted in the first instance that, so far as tea plantations industry is concernewage settlement rounds concluded so far have failed to evolve and establish fair, scie parent principles and norms in respect of in respect of fixation of wages, determination of extra leaf prices or on thequestion of legitimate claim of D.A. and such other various important fiscOnthe contrary, some sort of unprincipled ‘ad-hocism’ has long been reigning over the eindustrial relation in Tea Plantation with its obvious concomitant ills and far-reachingquencesfor the sustainable earnings and livelihood of the workforce engaged in this industry. abusive means of ad-hocism seems to appear as the primary reason why wages in tea p been kept abnormally low even towards the end of the second decade of 21st centuryMoreover, thismight also ex plain why the tea workers have gradually been put in a state of perpetual huerty with the passage of time. Now we seek to address below at length the most pressingquestion of‘principles’ or ‘norms’ that must be governing fixation of wages in all scheduled industry in the cincluding tea plantations industry.

The unanimously accepted norms which should act as a guide for all wage-fixing authorities in-cludingMinimumWage Committees,Wage Boards, and Ad judicators etc. in all scheduled indusin the country are known to be the15th Indian Labour Conference (ILC) norms. Thesthat

i) In calculating the minimum wage, the standaing class family should be taken to comprise thsumption units for one earner (two adults and nors), the earnings of woman, children and ad being disregarded.ii) Minimum food should be calculated on the ba net intake of 2700 calories, as recommended byAykroyd for an average Indian adult of moderateiii) Clothing requirements should be estimated on thsis of a per capita consumption of 18 yards per annumwhich would give for the average worker’s famia total of72 yards.iv) In respect of housing, the norm should be tmum rent charged by Government in any area f provided under the Subsidized IndustrialHousing Schemefor low income groups.


17/21

There have been made some important additions to the aforesaid ILC norms following the judgmentdelivered by theHon’ble Supreme Court in 1991. In its judgement, the Supreme Court has ruled thatchildren’s education, medical requirement, minimum recreation including festivals, ceremonies and provision for old age, marriage etc. should further constitute 25 percent of the total minimum wage.

However, as far as fixation of wages for tea plantationslaboures is concerned, a historical in justice had beencommitted to them through the decision of the CentralWage Board for Tea Plantation Industry in 1966 totake 1.5 units of consumption to determine the need based minimum wage instead of 3 units of consump-tion as agreed upon in the15th Indian Labour Con-ference (ILC). This apart, the other obligatory norms,such as those concerning housing, clothing, minimumfood requirement etc. have hardly been taken care ofin an appropriate manner in the process of wage set-tlement so far. Needless to say, because of such vi-olations in the ILC norms to be employed in wagedetermination, a tea worker has only been left with theoption of being an ill paid worker.

The planters’ circle often points to the fact that a tea worker also receives non-monetary entitlementsfor their families, such as housing, medical facility etc. under the provisions of Plantation Labour Actand food ration and free fire wood entitlements as provisioned by various tripartite agreements. Thecost of provisions of such non-wage entitlements is referred to as the social cost of tea production. Theargument that put forward by the planters is that the adding up of the monetary equivalents of suchwelfare facilities would make wages much higher than the present nominal wage. Thus, high socialobligations towards plantation labourers have escalated the cost of production of Indian tea. They arenow even demanding that the burden of this social cost should be shared by the government at least partially, if not fully. But as we have ex plained in details above, even if the inclusion of social costinto the wage calculation would push up nominal wages to some extent, the fact remains that still itwould be considerably less than the corresponding minimum wage prevailing in the organized sector.

Another pressing problem concerning the wage fixation process for the daily-rated tea workers isthat it is devoid of any consideration ofVariable Dearness Allowance (VDA) which is basically meantas a devise to maintain their real wages fixed, if not improved, in a situation of a rise in consumer price index (CPI). Because of this severe shortcoming, once the wage is fixed, it is bound to erode in

real terms in the interim years due to rise in CPI.*1 The absence ofVDA has the dire consequence thathaving been failed to earn any kind of inflation-ad justed wage rate, the daily rated tea workershad to face unbound misery and vulnerability in a situation of sustained price-hike thhas been ex periencing without any check. Likewise, while there is a provision of paymVDA inother industries for the purpose of ad justment or neutralization of the effect of any rise in CPIon aquarterly basis, no such inflation ad justing or neutralizing provisions for wage regulation any existence in the tea plantations industry for the daily rated workers who constitute labour force. The deprivation of tea garden workmen from receivingVDA benefit has the implicatithat they are unable to ad just in an appropriate manner and at an regular interval the rising cindex. It follows from the preceding discussion that the wages tea workers have not oabysmally low but also have not been made inflation ad justed or neutral so as to enable them to up with the rising cost of living index.

Given this scenario, there is hardly any substanclaim being insisted persistently by the planterthat tea industry is losing its competitive edge doly and internationally due to high labour cost.On the con-trary, one might reasonably state that the existing wagedetermination practices, which are totally devostandard principle and norm or criteria, is likelyvide them with ample scope for cost cutting in prWhat is noteworthy for theWest Bengal tea industrythat the planters even today feel that fixing a minimumwage is absolutely unnecessary as because to thethe workers are not being paid a low wage in the

1 * In other industries, viz. Jute, Cotton, Textile and the Engineering sectors, workers are entitled tothe payment of D.A at both xed and variable rates. The payment of D.A at a xed rate is made once at the time ofwage xation while the award of D.A at a variable rate, usually on a quarterly basis, is given in the interim years, thatis say, in the years between two successive rounds of wage settlement. It is interesting to note in this connection that,as far as basic wages are concerned, they are apparently much higher in the tea industry from those that govern theother industries. But the fallacy is that D.A given at a xed rate is essentially a kind of basic wages to which a dailyrated tea plantations worker has no entitlement. Moreover, it is of much higher magnitude than the amount of actual

basic wage. Thus, in reality the basic wage is suf ciently higher in other industries in comparison to tea industry.But a point to be noted here is that, a low rate of basic wage as well as provision of xed DA is unacceptable, andit has been purposefully kept at a low level so as to deprive the employees of cent percent neutralisation of possiblewage-erosion due to any hike in CPI. As far as deprivation through these exploitative means are concerned, the teaworkers seem to be little different from workers in other industries.


18/21

The ploy of “productivity linked wages”Third, apart from ex propriating the benefit of cost saving through pushing wages at the bottom line,the planters can be seen to benefitquite a lot from the introduction of the system of“ productivitylinked wages”, with its introduction since 2005, presumably underthe pressure of the largest planters’ body inWest Bengal and As-sam, namely, the Indian Tea association (ITA). This system wasintroduced on the pretext that wages delinked with productivity hasdisastrous effect on production and productivity in any industryand the tea industry is not an exception to this. Thus, it has been insisted that there is a need for theintroduction of this formula for intensi-fication of works for the workers. Un-der this system, a tea worker is eligi- ble for receiving the daily wage on thefulfillment of the condition of plucking afixedquota of tea leaves. The disincentive toworkers who fail to pluck the mandatoryquo-ta has been the deductions from his daily wage proportional to the gap between assigned task andactualquantity of plucking. There is also an incentive price for the workers in the form of extra leaf price (E.L.P) for plucking leaves in excess of the set task.

The cost implications of this disincentive system of wage payment are easy to understand. First,quite often it be-comes difficult for a worker to fulfill the assigned task forvarious reasons which are outside the control of the work-ers such as low yield of tea bushes due to ageing problem,adverse weather conditions, inadequate care, manuring,

irrigation etc on part of the management. The cost of thismanagerial deficiency could be easily passed on to the teaworkers through deductions of wages. Second, the pres-sure to meet the assigned task often lead workers, especial-ly the women workers, to bring in her dependent, eitherelder or minor, to assist them in plucking leaves to meetthe productivityquota. This would again lead to consider-able cost saving in terms of using unpaid workers.

Declining bush productivityFourth, as noted above, the management of tea plantations now most payment of“ productivity linked wages” as they firmly utter that a segmen

workers are not fulfilling the basic task i.e. plucking despite receiviwages. Thus, it is mainly the presumed decrease in labour productishirking which is cited as the ma jor cause of concern for them.

Now the contentious issue of productivity viewed from two perspectives either from tspective of productivity of labour or from tspective of productivity of tea bushes. The ag bushes has significant implications for produold bushes gradually become less productiverally, bushes over 50 years old are conside productive. Thus, labour productivity could hmade responsible as a source of productivityhad productivity not been pulled down due to problem of tea bushes.

Ironically, the old age distribution of tea bushes has remained at the core of the poor pformance of the tea industry over the decades. In most of the older and larger plantatirelatively older and less productive bushes continues to remain high. The data furnisheon age of tea bushes inWest Bengal show that the area under older bushes (that is, more thof age) as a share total plantations has changed from nearly 54% in 1980 to nearly 42% in 2002. As tdata are aggregative in nature without showing trend in the large tea plantations sepwell be presumed that this change is largely because of proliferation of new tea gardeWest Ben-gal since early 1990s. This prediction is further corroborated by the fact that the shar bushes of less than five years in the Terai region became almost doubled from around80

to 19.22% in 2002. It is to be noted that new tea plantations inWest Bengal had marked its incepin the Terai region. It is also to be noted that the share of area under tea plantations thathe young and economically productive age group of 5-30 years has marginally decli34% in 1980 to 32% in 2002. This seems to suggest that older and larger plantations havvesting enough for uprooting/replantation. In the absence of timely investment in ex pansion of tea areaunder new plants, many of these plantations have been ex periencing high negative growth rates inin recent years. This apart, the other factors contributing to declining bush productivdrainage system, insufficient use of manures, and lack of irrigation (as analysed abovxtof Duncans’ tea gardens).What is noteworthy is that declining productivity due to poor perflabour is very commonly used by the employers’ organizations as an effective tool of band is used as a cover for managerial deficiencies.

o cost sav ng t roug pus ng wages at t e ottom ne, lot from the introduction of the system of“ productivity

005, presuma y un erWest Bengal and As-

ITA). This system was w t pro uct v ty as

tivity in any industry this. Thus, it has

ouo-wage

ourt , as naymentwor erswages.hirking


19/21

Inelastic nature of tea demand in the domestic marketAn important concern that is now being raised from the planters’ circle is that the rise in labour costdoes matter for them as it is e x pected to increase the cost of production which, in turn, can create anover-supply situation through inducing prices to rise in the market. However, from our knowledge ofelementary economic theory, we know that the responsiveness of market demand and supply to changesin prices is largely dependent on the price elasticity of demand. If demand is found to be elastic, thenit has the implication that a small increase in price will lead to a substantial reduction in demand andcreate an over-supply situation through leaving the commodity unsold. Moreover, this might lead toshifting of consumer demand from tea to other substitute products such as coffee, thereby leading tofurther contraction of the market. On the contrary, if demand has inelastic nature, there would not beany significant changes in demand and supply even if there is a r ise in price. Thus, if demand is inelasticin nature, the e xcess production problem would not suppose to be occurred. If this be the case, no one

arguably be worried, provided he doesn’t have some other ob jective to pursue, about the problem ofhigh cost of production in terms of its effect in the form of demand-supply mismatch.

An important finding of a recently conducted tea marketstudy by FA O reveals that demand for tea in the domesticmarket is inelastic with respect to price. This carries theimplication that price has an insignificant role to generateany adverse impact on the consumption of tea in the do-mestic market. This essentially means that there is practi-cally no threat of market contraction in terms of decline indemand, even if higher prices are charged due to much pro-claimed reason of ‘higher cost of production’. The blendersand packers in the retail market are supposed to take fulladvantage of this pattern of consumer behaviour in settingthe price as it has been reflected through prices getting skyrocketed in the retail market of tea. The producers too are,in fact, benefitting enormously from this inelastic natureof demand as price virtually gets delinked from the cost of

production. Thus the logic, which is purportedly cited bythe planters, that high cost of production means high pricewhich, in turn, means loss of tea demand hardly has anyrelevance in the conte xt of present scenario of domestic teamarket. As noted earlier, at present, the share of domesticretention of tea is more than 80% of the total production.

DIL

,

— , , , , DIL- BIFR DIL-

, DIL DIL- , , , ,

, , BIFR ,

, ,

,

DIL ,

,


20/21

Bibliography

1. Asopa,V. N. (2011). ‘India’s Global Tea Trade-Reducing Shares, Declining Competitiveness’,Allied Publishers Pvt. Ltd,K olkata.

2. Baner jee, S. (2014). ‘ Nurturing Resistance:Agency and Activism ofWomen Tea PlantationWorkers in a Gendered Space’, PhD DissertationPaper, the University ofEdinburgh.

3. BIFR. (2012).Order on Duncans’ Referral, Case No.70/2006.

4. Dacholia, Abhishek, Aditya Thakur,K aushikChoudhury,K ushagraMerchant, IndradhanuMi-tra, SumitK e jriwal,and Surabhi Goyal. (2006).

‘Study of Labour Condition in Tea Gardens of New Jalpaiguri (Public SystemsManagement:Pro ject Report)’.K olkata: Indian Institute ofManagement. Retrieved from http:/ /cry.org/re-sources/pdf/LabourConditions_IIM_report.pdf.

5. Damodaran,H. (2008). Banias and Beyond: TheDynamics of Caste and Big Business inModernIndia, CASIWorking Paper No. 08-04, Universi-ty of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

6. Datta, Rathin. (2005). ‘The Legacy Continues- AHistory of PriceWaterhouse, Lovelock& Lewisand Pricewaterhouse Coopers Pvt. Ltd.’.

7. Duncans Industries Limited. Documents retrievedfrom the company’s official website: www.dun-cans-tea.com/tea.htm.

8. Dutta, Priyanka. (2015). ‘Women Tea Planta-tionWorkers of North Bengal and the politics ofWages andOtherEntitlements’, IJHSS,Vol. 3,Issue7.

9. Government ofWest Bengal. ‘Labour inWestBengal’, various issues.

10. Indian LabourYear Book, Labour Bureau, Govt.of India, Shimla,Ministry of Labour andEm- ployment, various issues.

11. Indian Tea Association. (2007). Document on‘Wages and Fringe Benefits Calculation’.

12. John,J and PallaviMansingh. (2013). PlantationLabour Act 1951and Social Cost The case of

Tea Industry, NRPPD Discussion Paper No. 26,Centre for Development Studies, Trivandrum.

13. K umar, G. ‘Growth and Prospect of Tea Industryin India’, dissertation submitted for partial fulfill-ment of PGDM-IR M course of SchoolOf Man-agement Sciences,Varanasi.

14. Labour Department, Government ofWest Ben-gal. (2013). ‘Synopsis on Survey of Tea Gar-dens’, State Labour Institute.

15. Mazumdar, Abhi jit. (2015). ‘O pinion:HungerValley’, retrieved from http://www.newsmen.in/news-item/opinion-hunger-valley

16. Mishra, D.K , V. Upadhyay, and A. Sharma.(2012).‘Unfolding Crisis in Assam’s Tea Planta-tions-Employment andOccupationalMobility’,Routledge, new Delhi.

17. National Advisory Council. (2015). Recommen-dations onWelfare of Tea Plantation Labour.

18. NBTPEU. (2011). ‘Memorandum on Fixationof aMinimum wages for Tea PlantationWork-ers engaged in Tea Plantation Industry inWestBengal’.

19. Roy, Abhi jit. (2011). ‘Cha BaganeK uasa’(writ-ten in Bengali), published in the book Palabadal,edited byMadhumoy Pal, Gangchil,K olkata.

20. Sarkar,K ingshuk. (2015). ‘Wages,Mobility, andLabourMarket Institutions in Tea Plantations:The Case ofWest Bengal and Assam’, NRPPDDiscussion Paper No. 46, Centre for Develop-ment Studies, Trivandrum.

21. Sen, Ratna. (2009). ‘TheEvolution of Industri-al Relations inWest Bengal’,Cornell UniversityILR School, retrieved from http:// digitalcom-mons.ilr.cornell.edu/intl.

22. Singh, C. U. (1984). ‘Goenkas PullOff BiggestCoup in Indian CorporateHistory’, India Today,August 15, 1984.

23. Tea Board of India. ‘Tea Statistics’ and ‘Tea Di-gest’, various issues.


21/21

L a n k a p a r a

G a r g a n

d a

D h u

m s i

p a r a

T u l s i p a r a

H

a n t a p a r a

M

a d a r

i h a t

L a n d

P r o j e c

t

B i r p a r a

D i m

d i m a

N a g a i s u r e e

K i l l c o

t t

B

a g r a

k o t e

G o a

l g a c

h h T e r a

i L a n

d P r o j e c t

P a t a g o r a

T e r a

i L a n

d P r o j e c

t

G a n g a r a m

R a n g l

i - R a n g l

i o t

M a r y b o n g

T e a G a r

d e n s o w n e

d b y D u n c a n s - G o e n

k a g r o u

p

L a n d

P r o j e c

t s o w n e

d b y D u n c a n s - G o e n k a g r o u

p

T e a G a r

d e n s o w n e

d b y D u n c a n s - G o e n

k a g r o u

p e a r l

i e r