ecology in the long view settlement histories agrosystemic strategies and ecological
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Ecology in the Long View: Settlement Histories, Agrosystemic Strategies, and Ecological
PerformanceAuthor(s): Karl W. ButzerSource: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Summer, 1996), pp. 141-150Published by: Boston UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/530500
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1
Introduction
The recent polemic surrounding he Columbian En-
counter served to underscore hat the most interesting
issues of today are those that cross disciplinary ines.
Whereas theoretical debates within archaeologyremain
ignored by other social scientists, bioarchaeological e-
search n Mesoamerica r the Pacific egion is widelycited
in the national or international iteraturedealing with
human ecological mpact.Archaeologywas highly visible
in earlier cientific xchangesabout agricultural r human
origins, and archaeology oday not only has an opportu-
nity but an obligation o becomeengaged n matters f the
human use and modificationof the environment.This
paper uxtaposesquestionsof Mesoamerican nd Mediter-
ranean and-useand environmental egradation, entered
on a regionalexplication f the complexity nd sophistica-
tion of adaptive trategiesn the Mediterranean orld.The
concludingsection identifiesquestions hat archaeologys
particularlyuited to address.
One of the unfortunate myths broadly disseminated
before and during the Columbian polemic was that of
ecologically-invisible ew World peoples. Living in har-
monywith nature,NativeAmericans upposedly mployed
environmentallyensitiveand sustainable gricultural rac-
tices that preserved he wildernessof the Americaswith
barelyperceptiblehuman disturbance. That claim, le-
gitimized by the Smithsonianvolume, Seedsof Cha
(Shetler 1991: 226), flies in the face of generation
archaeological esearch hat demonstrated arge pop
tions and ntensified griculturen Mesoamerica nd ot
partsof the New World, ncludingurbanism nd comp
social organization n some. Regardlessof an ethos
harmonywith nature, high populationdensitiesmust
providedwith food, and the record romNorth and So
Americaprovidescountlessexamplesof ridgedor ditc
fields, terracedhillsides, destroyed forests, or persis
roadways hat supplied energy for great mound site
monumental ities (Denevan1992; Doolittle 1992; W
more and Turner1992). To deny that New Worldpeop
humanized nd modified he environment, r created h
own cultural andscapes, s to reinforce he metapho
the 17th-centurypreacher,Cotton Mather,who refe
to them as primitiveaborigines,blending nto the fo
like beavers see Zuckerman 987: 144).
A more appropriate uestion o raise s whether he la
populations n centersof New World ivilizationwere a
to grow and persistwithout ecologicaldamage (Willi
1989; Butzer 1992a). Demographicpressuresand fi
resourceswill eventuallycurtail fallow cycles or req
expansionof agriculture nto fragilesoils, and the ac
mulatingevidence reveals hat there was no magical
mula to avoid the ecologicalconsequences.Around T
coco, in the Basin of Mexico, Carlos Cordova(pers
Ecologr in the Long View: Settlement
Histories, Agrosystemic Strategxes,and
Ecological Performance
KarlW. Butzer
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, Texas
TherecentColumbian olemic ontrasted eneficialNew Worldand usebefore 492
withdestructiveOld Worldand mana,gement.incearchaeolo,gistsre uniquely
equippedo document nd model on,g-termettlement nd land-usehistories,here s
both hallen,gend opportunityo empirically xamine heecolo,gicalmpactofparticu-
lar a,grosystemsithin on,g ime rawes. This aperexamines herisk-minimization
and ecolo,gicalfine-tunin,gf theMediterranean ,grosystem,nd its lon,g-termcolo,gi-
calperformgnce. heMediterranean cosystems theproduct f millenniaof co-evolu-
tion betweenheenvironment nd humanactivities,but traditional and usehasbeen
conservativend ecolo,gicallydaptive,despite poradic isequilibrium. hedeviations
from thenormposea number f testable ypothesesforfurtherxamination,not only n
theMed terranean e,gion utalso n other reas uchas the New World.
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142 Ecology
n the
LongView/Butzer
Butzer
1990).
Biologists
arecertainly
no
better qualif
than archaeologists
o
deal systematically
ith the hum
side
of that
interrelationship.
ike
most larger
proble
confronting
human
society
today,
ecological
issues a
sufficiently
complex
to demand
a new and
greatly
e
pandedmediumof interdisciplinarynteractionand c
laboration.
Archaeology
hould,
indeed
must,
be a ma
player. t
has unique
capabilities,
ot only to generate
indispensable
rchaeological
atabase,
but
also to und
stand ong-term
and
use
and ts implications.
The Mediterranean
grosystem:
Fine-tuning
and Risk-minimization
The
Columbian
polemic
serves
o highlight
some cr
cal issues
of
ecology in
the long
view,specifically
he
my
of the devastated
Colonial
andscape
Butzer
1992b).
D
early European
settlers
indeed introduce
agricult
methods, livestock,and technologiesthat promptlyd
graded
New
World cosystems?
s
a categorical
ssertio
is the
Mediterranean
grosystem,
with its cattle,
sheep,a
plow
technology
that
continuesto
be singled
out as
p
ticularly
destructive
(Klein
1920; Simpson
1952; S
1990;
Melville
1990). In
realitythere
are two
differ
issues
here,
one whether
this agrosystem
nd its comp
nents
are inherently
destructive,
he other
whether
t
transfer
f this agrosystem
o the
New
World utomatic
had a negative
ecological
mpact.The
firstof these
qu
tions
will here
be considered
n
some detail,
while
t
second is reviewed
n
the final
discussion.
The basicMediterraneangrosystemhat canbe do
mented
from
Greek
and Roman
sources,
or verified
ethnographic
nd
archival
work,
was remarkably
ophi
cated (White
1970;
Dimen
and Friedl
1976; Spurr
198
Delaigue
1988;
Butzer1993b,1994;Wells
1992: 87-10
also
Burford
1993).
It had
four basic components
outfield
cultivation
of a selection
of grains
and
legum
suited for
local
soils and climate;
b)
infield tending
various
green vegetables
and condiments,
n
kitchen
market
ardens;
) orchard
rops,
not only
grapevines
olive groves,
but also
an array
f other
fruit trees;
and
livestock,
amongwhich
sheep,
goats,
or pigs
were m
commonlykept than cattle,with the exceptionof dr
oxen.
But specific
plants
and animals
are
less informative
characterizing
nagrosystem
han
their
systematicnteg
tion in terms
of ecology,
scheduling
and
managemen
cuisine
(Butzer
1988b).
Each of the
components
w
carefully
djusted
o the local
environmental
mosaic, a
included
winteras well
assummer
rops
hatwere
plan
tended,
and harvested
according
o an
elaborate
easo
schedule.
Their
micro-management
ncluded
complica
instructions
or
plowing,
spading,
ransplanting,
raft
communication,
1994) has
recently
dentifieda
seriesof
late
Aztec siteswithin
massive
heets
of alluvium,
derived
from soil
erosion
in the
foothills. Similar
implications
follow from
the limnological
work of
O'Hara,Street-Per-
rott, and
Burt (1993)
in the
Tarascan
eartland
of Lake
Patzcuaro,whereindigenous anduse provokedepisodes
of soil erosion
as
early as
1900 B.C.,
and soil destruction
peaked
during the three
centuries
prior
to the
Spanish
intrusion.
In
the Mixteca
Alta of
Oaxaca,
several
pro-
tracted
episodes
of pre-Conquest
soil erosion
have
been
identified.
Large-scale
eforestation
s even
verified
n Late
Formative
or Classic
contexts
in the
Basin of
Mexico
(Gonzalez,
Fuentes,
andFuentes
1980)
and coastalVera-
cruz
(Byrneand
Horn 1989)
.
Such evidence
raises
questions
whether
ndigenous
agri-
culture
was indeed
sustainable,
question
reconsidered
below.
It would
also seem
to urge
caution
againstwhole-
heartedly mbracing ontemporary,raditional griculture
as a system,
ather
hanas a
sourceof
information
o be
drawnupon
in selecting
more
beneficial
gricultural
rac-
tices and
strains f
crops(Butzer
1992a,1993a).
As repug-
nant as high-investment
echnodevelopment
s to most
of
us, it
would
be irresponsible
o
recommend
traditional
land
management
practices
imply
on emotional
or ideo-
logical grounds,
withoutpragmatic
esting
and
compara-
.
.
tlve eva.
uatlon.
Prehispanic
nvironmental
modification
s quite
perti-
nent
for conservation
rguments
r
issuessuch
as biodiver-
sity.
The early
Spaniards
encountered
deforested
land-
scapes from Mexico to Panama(Sauer 1966: 265-88;
Butzerand
Butzer
1993), some
of which
had been
recon-
stituted
by acentury
ago,
while earlier
phasesof
deforesta-
tion
are amply
attestedbypalynology
Rue
1989; Abrams
and
Rue 1988;
McDade
1994;
Piperno,Bush,
and
Colin-
vaux 1991).
Largeswaths
of
the Peten
rainforest
were
completelycleared
2000
years
ago, but
have sincerecov-
ered sufficiently
o be
citedas reservoirs
f primeval
iodi-
versity(Rice,
Rice,
and
Deevey 1985;
Vaughan,
Deevey,
and
Garrett-Jones
985).
That not
only challenges
ome
popular
assumptions
but,
more constructively,
ould be
used to
estimaterates
or the reconstitution
f forests
and
. . . .
thelr
specles dlverslty.
These
area few
examples
of archaeology
nterdigitating
with
problems
of ecology,
in both
the past
and present.
Much
of the
primary
work
on environmental
hange,
ecological
degradation,
r
sustainability
as
been monop-
olized by
biologists
or earth
scientists,
who
admittedly
have he specialized
kills
requisite
or certain
categories
f
analytical esearch.
But
contemporary
cosystems
are the
product
of
millenniaof
co-evolution
between
environ-
mental
componentsand
human
activities,
specially
ince
the establishment
f agricultural
ifeways
Birks t al.1988;
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Journcll
f Field
Archcleology/Vol.
3, 1996
1
pruning,
selectionor
application
of fertilizers,
watering,
and pest
control.
Intercropping
was the
norm for
fruit
trees
and outfield
crops,with
a growing
appreciation
hat
grass
allow,nitrogen-binding
egumes,
and crop
rotation
allhelped
to maintain
r restore
ertility.
Stockraisingncludedanucleusof householdanimals, s
well asherds
of sheep
and goats
moved under
closesuper-
vision
within the municipal
ommonage
or in a seasonal,
transhumant
ycle
between
lowlands
and adjacent
high-
lands
(Vassberg
1984; Halstead
1987;
VVhittaker
988;
Butzer 1988a;
Boyazoglu
andFlamant
1992).
Goats and
sheep provided
dairy
products
or wool,
with selective
culling
of young
male animals
and occasional
laughter
of
an adult
female n times
of food
shortage.
Animalgrazing
on stubble
after
he harvestprovided
ndispensable
manure
foroutfield
crops.
Herdsof
pigs were
restrictedo environ-
ments
with oak
woodlands hat
allowedseasonal
attening
on acorns.Finally, attlewerecommonlyraisedon prime
pastures
and bred
to produce
draft animals.
Only
at the
peak
of Roman
urbanism
was cattle-raising
racticed
with
improved
breeds,
to supply
meat and
dairy
products to
urban markets
(White
1970;
Garnsey 1988;
Butzer
1992b).
This
Mediterranean
grosystem
emphasized
risk-mini-
mization,by a
sequence
of autumn,
winter,
spring, and
early
summerplantings
hat
anticipated poradic,
early
or
late,
killing frosts.
The
mix of outfield
agriculture,
or-
chards,
and infield
gardenswith
micro-irrigation
ll re-
ducedthe
risksof prolonged
summer
drought.
Livestock,
less vulnerableo climaticperturbations y virtue of their
mobility,offered
another
bufferagainst
ubsistence
tress.
Animals also
suppliedmanure
or fuel,
fiber,
and animal
proteinthat
further
reduced subsistence
risk.
Finally, he
production
of
grains, freshvegetables,
preserved
fruits,
cheeses
and hams, eather
or wool,
and above
all, wine
and
olive oil, represented
viablebutflexible
commercial
om-
ponent. That
in turn
favored ntra-
and
interregional x-
change networks
(Renfrew
and Wagstaff
1982;
Osborne
1987; Garnsey
nd VVhittaker
983; Garnsey
1988). Dur-
ing periods
of population
growth
and regional
ntegration,
such
networks
provided ncentives
or
optimizing
market
opportunities,mitigating he dangersof periodicsubsis-
tencestress
hrough
nterregional
averaging.
In
view of the
deep-seated
North European
and
North
American
biasesand
misconceptions
bout
the traditional
Mediterranean
grosystem,
t is ironic
that it was
one of
the world's
most diversified
ural
economies,
its stability
predicated
n highly
complex
management.
The interlock-
ing, risk-minimizing
trategies
were so effective
n
antici-
pating
periodic
shortfalls
hat disastrous
amines
on the
scale
experienced
n NWEurope
during
medieval
and early
modern times
had no counterpart
n the Mediterranean
Basin. Furthermore,
ts
commercial
components
cou
readilybe
scaled back
duringperiods
of declining
urb
ism, lower
population
evels,and
reduced
regional nteg
tion, but
expanding
again duringtimes
of economic
a
demographic
rowth.
Thusrural
populations
ould
adj
theirallocation f laborandsurpluseso changingdema
across
he centuries,
or compensate
or local
crop
failu
in some years
by greater
market
eturnsduring
others.
Extensive
pastoralism
was integral
to
the flexibility
that
agrosystem,
s a means
o utilize
extensivemounta
ous landscapes
nsuitable
or agriculture,
without
comp
ing for arable
and.
It also servedas
a pioneer
orm
land use in the
resettlement
of depopulated
areaswh
could only
gradually
be converted
to agriculture.
Rec
experimental
tudies
of pasture
management,
roductiv
and
nutrient
cycles have yielded
unexpected
resu
(Bernaldez
1995)
Traditional
management
created
parklandegetationof open treesthroughregularprun
and the
controlled
use of fire
(Trabaud
1991). Wild
a
semi-domesticated
legumes
were
naturally disper
through ivestock
movements,
enriching
unimproved
p
tureswith
nitrogen
as well as phosphates.
The
tree cano
favors
microclimatic
sheltering,
and liveoak
litter
s
nificantly
mproves
soil nutrient
levels.
Even bushy
shrubby
matorral vegetation
protects
against
erosion a
enhances
nfiltration,while
its leaves
provide
browse a
its woody
partscan
be converted
o charcoal.
In other
words, the ecology
of supposedly
unimpro
pasture land
in the
Mediterranean
Basin is
larg
beneficial,ts structureanddominant ormsreflecting
evolution
n response o
summer
water stress
and hum
manipulation
Bernaldez
1991, 1995).
Such
managed
vironments
represent
a controlled
subclimax
format
and
are known
by the
Spanish term
dehesa.From
t
perspective,
ranshumance
anbe seen
as an effective
co
plement to
agriculture
as well
as a sustainable
orm
utilization or
marginal ands.
Mediterranean
gropast
systems
were not
only tightly ntegrated
but carefully
m
aged.The
demiseof
pastoralism
uring he
last 50 year
part
undergovernment
pressure,has
led to expansio
unproductive,
thorny and
bushy
matorral
(Toma
1977; MontoyaOliver1983; Bernaldez1991). Much l
the
analogouschaparral
f
southern
California,
t i
potential
tinderbox,
waiting
to explode
in wildfires
also destroy
nterfingering
oodland
Le Houerou
198
The Bottom
Line:
Long-term
Performance
of the
Mediterranean
grosystem
This ecological
analysis
of the
Mediterranean
gro
tem serves
o explicate
he complex
web of strategies
are designed
to minimize
vulnerability
and risk. Th
reflectnot
only the
cumulative xperience
f
10 millen
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144 Ecologyn theLongView/Butzer
of agriculturalrial-and-errorn
a summer-dry,ubtropical
climate? ut also local and external
nnovations hat were
tested, adapted,
and disseminated.This historical
rajec-
tory can be amply
econstructed y archaeologynd docu-
mentary ources.It can also be independentlymonitored
from geoarchaeological
ecordsof alluviation n
response
to soil erosion, or from bioarchaeological
ata on chang-
ing vegetation.There now are
over three dozen, detailed
and dated pollen
cores from all around the
Basin that
record ocal
land use and ecological modification
over at
least the last six to eight millennia.
Without elaborating
n thatinvestigation nd
its meth-
odological underpinnings
here, these palynologicaldata
allow a) qualifieddistinction
of pastoraland agricultural
indicators , ) identification
f basicagriculturalmodes,
and c) semiquantitativessessment
of vegetation distur-
bance, deforestation, r secondary egeneration f wood-
land (Bottema,Entjes-Nieborg,
nd van Zeist 1990).
Such resultsdiverge rom charcoal
r seed identification
from site flotationstudies, because
hey representa com-
posite picture
for a larger area, much of it unutilized,
rather han the disturbed nvirons
of a site. Pollen spectra
of the same
age from a lake or swampcore andfrom an
archaeological ite within the
same watershed also are
radically ifferent
van Zeist and Bottema 1991: fig. 41a
versus 41b). Long pollen cores
tend to be limited in
resolutionby sampling ntervals,
and dating must all too
often be interpolatedbetween
widely spacedradiocarbon
dates. Yet the advantagesare obvious, with a relatively
continuous trace of compositeecological change,
some-
times punctuatedby strong regional
perturbations, om-
paredwith the
discontinuous ecordsand much
sparser r
secondaryarborealrecord typical
of charcoaland seeds
from an archaeological
ite (see Vernet, Badal,
and Grau
1983; Vernet,Thiebault,and Heinz 1987; Miller
1991).
This is primarily
matterof scale, but it is more
than that,
because survival
of more distant woodlandswithin the
samewatershed
acilitates cologicalrecovery s the
degree
of disturbance
s reduced. n that sensethe multiplewater-
shedsof complex
environments uch as those of
the Medi-
terraneanBasin also differ fundamentallyrom mid-oce-
anic, slandecosystems, he ecology
of which can be more
rapidlyand
perhaps rretrievably egraded Flenley
et al.
1991; Kirch
et al. 1992).
Equally o
there areproblems n reconcilingpollen
core
data with episodes of destructive
and use inferred rom
soil erosion as recorded n dated
colluviumor alluvial ills.
Such geomorphological riteria
normallyare discontinu-
ous, documenting
rupturesof soil and slope equilibrium
(vanAndel,
Zangger,and Demitrack1990; vanAndel and
Runnels 1987). Yet the nature
of cause-and-effectn the
crossingof such a threshold
s open to interpretation
part
becausechannel ills,overbankdeposits,
debris lo
and
colluvial spreads reflect different
processes, and
remainsdifficult o exclude extreme
weather events a
their recurrence ntervalfrom a complementary ole
erosion
or deposition.Equallydifficults exact datinga
accurate
orrelationwith a particulartage
of a local set
ment
history (e.g., Wells, Runnels, and Zangger 199
Bell
and Boardman1992: Section C).
For example,do
initial
clearance,ong-termpressure, r
the constructio
partial versus otal)
abandonment f agriculturalerra
push disturbance or
degradation beyond that crit
threshold
hat promotes soil erosion in a particular r
Last
but not least, a pollen core will
sample a uniq
column of sediment,
whereas oil erosiondataarespati
distributedn a complex
andscape, r must be linked
difficult ateral correlations.Not surprisinglyhe res
may
diverge,as evidentfrom comparison
f two interp
tations of Lake Lerna
in the Greek Argive Plain (Ja
1993
versusZangger1991). Ideally, alynological
eco
should be supplemented
by measurements f magn
susceptibilityhat give
a continuous,quantitative rac
mineralsediment accretion,
potentiallysensitive to s
erosion
n the catchment.
For
our purposes,episodesof soil erosion
give a sig
for disequilibrium hat
complements the palynolog
data
nterpreted ere. Ideallyall thesecategoriesof inf
mation
require omparison nd discussion,
againsta ba
groundof regionalsettlementhistory(that is rarelyav
able), but that indeed
would require book-len
presentation.
What follows is an outline
that seeks
identify basic patterns
and place certain archaeolo
. . >
ssues
lnto tocus.
In general,vegetation
was relativelyundisturbedun
about
5000 B.C. (calibrated)n the eastern
Mediterra
region
and until roughly2000
B.C.
in
the westernBa
Nonetheless, herewere
scattered pisodesof moderat
intense
disturbance,due to agropastoral
ntrusion in
local
catchments, enerally ollowedby
partial r comp
woodland
recovery.There also is some
evidence of s
erosion, varyinggreatly n intensity rom place to pla
and timing (van Andel,
Zangger, and Demitrack19
Bruckner
1986; J. T. Abbott, personal
communicat
1994).
A combination f agriculture nd ncipient
arboricu
(chestnut,walnut) s
firstevident n Syriaby 5000 B.C. a
in Greece about 3000
B.C., but olives or grapes, a
hallmark
of true Mediterranean griculture
Goor a
Nurock 1968; Stager
1985), are only verified ater
Palestine
hortlyafter3500
B.C.;
in Greece
about2000 B
and
in the western Mediterranean fter
500 B.C. (Bar
-
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Journgl
f Field
Archcleology/Vol.
3,
1996 1
treesover
others
afterabout
1700 B.C.
(Bottema
1984;
v
Zeistand
Bottema
1991).
This synopsis
givesa
glimpse
of the complexity
of ec
ogy in the
long term.
The
history
of land use
and lan
scapeecologyin the Mediterraneanasinwas
a checke
one, with punctuated
changes,
ong
intervalsof
stabi
and
shorter
episodesof
mismanagement,
eriodically
terrupted
byecological
recovery.
Despitea recent
spate
archaeological
r documentary
tudies
devoted
to lon
term
settlement
and
land-use,
particularly
n Greece
(e
Renfrew
and
Wagstaff1982;
Keller
and
Rupp
198
Snodgrass
1987; van
Andel
and Runnels
1987; Cher
Davis,
and Mantzourani
991;
Wells
1992),
but also
n t
Levant
and
Spain, he
rural
histories
of largeareas
rem
little explored.
But
what stands
out
is that
this relati
modest
environment
has
supported
agricultural
opu
tions across 5-10 millennia, and urban societies
some
20004000
years.
Whereas
the landscape
has
deed
been
humanized,
modified,
impaired,
or alter
traditional
gropastoral
ystems
havemaintained
heir b
sic productivity
across
200
generations
or more.
For
purposes,
n the
long test
of history,
Mediterranean
an
use systems
have
been sustainable,
despite
sporadice
dence
for
destructive
human
intervention
in
time a
space.
Implications
for Mesoamerican
Land-use
Histories
This Mediterraneanecord appearso be analogou
the morefragmentary
vidence
currently
merging
fr
Mexico
and Central
America.
That
should
not be surp
ing because
long
ecological
records
will
not reflect
idealized
relationship
between
people
and
their envir
ment,
but
rather he harsh
realities
of
events
or circu
stances
hat
could
not be controlled.
Intervals
f destr
tive
land use
in Prehispanic
Mesoamerica
are
not
indictment
against the
conservationism
of New
Wo
agrosystems,
ny more
than they
are
of their
Medite
nean
counterpart.
Both traditions
mbodied
millenni
experience
that
was translated
nto
a refined
system
minimizesubsistencerisk.Both, in the main part,w
successful
n achieving
that goal,
although
interna
external
stress
at
times required
a shift
of prioritie
short-term
survival,
with
unfortunate
but not
gener
irreversible
cological
repercussions.
Just
what happened
when
the
Mediterranean
gro
tem was
transferred
o
Mexico and
superimposed
indigenous
systems?
The limited
impact
of Spanish
i
stock and
agriculture,
s now
documented
Butzer
199
1995;
Butzer and
Butzer
1993,
1995),
is once ag
. . .
counterlntultlve:
1986;
Jahns1993;
Reille
1979,
1984; Runnels
and
Han-
sen
1987; Reille
and
Lowe
1993; Menendez
Amor
and
Florschutz
1961).
That
E-W
gradient s
compatible
with
directarchaeological
vidence
or
olivesor grapes
or
their
products(Jashemski 979; Stager 1985; Heltzerand Ei-
tam
1987;
Zohary
and
Hopf 1993),
as well
as for
plow
agriculture
nd possibly
hillside erracing
see
Wells1992:
29-57,
123-130).
In some
places,
but not
in others,
the
apex
of agricultural
evelopment
ed to
modest
soil ero-
sion (van
Andel, Zangger,
and Demitrack
1990; Butzer
1993c).
Unexpected
s that
this agrosystem
ubsequently
wasregressive,
s
earlyas
300 B.C.
in someareas,
or as
late
as
A.C.
1000
in others,
with
woodland
reconstitution
dur-
ing
the early
or late
Middle
Ages (Reille
1976,
1977;
Lamb,
Eicher,
and
Switsur1989;
Bottema
1984;
Ikuni-
holm
andStriker
987).
LocalagriculturaleclineduringClassicalimes(Argive
Plain: Jahns
1993;
western
Anatolia:
van
Zeist
and
Bottema
1991)
reflected
provincial?
rban
decay n
some
areas
ontrolled
by
Rome andmay
have
been accentuated
by soil
destruction.
Agricultural
ecession
s also
apparent
during the
Greek
Dark
Ages about
1000 B.C.
(Bottema
1984).
Distinctive
n several
reas
s strongpastoral
distur-
bance, in
western
Anatolia
and northern
Greece
about
1200 to
800 B.C.
(Bottema
1984;
van Zeist
and Bottema
1991:
82), in Iberia
around
1000
to 500 B.C.
(Stevenson
and Harrison
1992),
or in Palestine
and Northwest
Africa
fromA.C.
900 to 1400
(Baruch
1986;
Reille
1976, 1977;
Ritchie 1984). These represent imes when the areas n
question
wereexposed
to
pastoralist
nvasions
rom
either
temperate
Europe
or
the adjacent
eserts,
and such
distur-
bancesometimes
ed
to substantial
oil
erosion.Ironically,
however,
he pollen
records
of northern
Greece
showthat
forestdegradation
ncreased
pecies
diversity
by an
order
of magnitude
Bottema
1984); biodiversity
ssues
n tropi-
cal and temperate
orests
are
not identical.
A
combination
of charcoal
tudies
and
palynology
ug-
gests
that increasing
human
modification
of the
environ-
ment accentuated
a
climatically-induced
egetation
shift
during
mid-Holocene
times,
favoring
a
changefrom
de-
ciduousto live oak woodlandand an increasingpromi-
nence
of matorral,
eginning
at
some point
between
4000
and 2000
B.C.
(Vernet,
Badal,
and Grau
1983; Vernet,
Thiebault,
and
Heinz
1987).
A recent,
discriminating
study
in sw
Spain (Stevenson
and Harrison
1992)
argues
that
experimentally
managed
grazing,by
meansof
control-
led use
of fire,
was underway
ince
4000 B.C.;
by 500 B.C.
the local
dehesa
system
had beenperfected,
with no
basic
change hrough
Roman,
Islamic,
or
Christianimes.
Alter-
natively,in
the temperate
woodlands
of Anatolia
and
northern
Greece,
sylvopastoral
practices
favored
some
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146
Ecolo,gy
n the
Lon,g
View/Butser
1.
The
Spanish-Mediterranean
grosystem
was sim-
plified n the
New
World,
becauseof
ecological
constraints,
insufficient
manpoweror
agronomic
expertise
amongthe
European
ettlers,
and
limited
economic
competitiveness
versus
ndigenous
agriculturalroductivity ndproducts.
2.
The
indigenous
agrosystem
xpanded
ts
own
reper-
toire
of
cultivars,
especially
by
incorporating
Mediterra-
nean
fruit
trees in
the
highlands, or
citrus
fruits
and
bananasn the
lowlands, he
last
ntroduced
rom
Africa ia
the
Canary
slands.Outfield
and
nfield
cropsand
manage-
ment
remained
ittle
changed.
3.
Given he
almost
unlimited
pasturesying
beyond
he
northern
imitsof
indigenous
agriculturen
Mexico,
stock-
raising
became ess
controlledbut
farmore
mobile
than in
the
Mediterranean
orld.After
nitial
conflict
with
indige-
nous
farmers,
tockraisers
ere
pushedout to
the
frontiers
bygovernmentpolicy.Balanced gainstdamages ustained
and
landslost, the
indigenous
peoples
did derive
mpor-
tant
benefits rom
European
ivestock:
educed
ubsistence
risk;
improved
nutrition
with
significantly
more
animal
protein;
and
manure-for their
fieldsor
fuel
for their
fires.
4.
Probably s a
result
of high
livestockmobility,
here
s
no
evidence
or
vegetation
changeor
soil
erosion
duringat
leastthe
first
centuryof
colonization n
Mexico
contrary
to
well-entrenched,
popular
assumption.But
for
reasons
that
are
unclear,
he
Colonial
government
attempted
to
interdict
ire
management f
range
ands,
possibly
because
it
couldnot be
properly
ontrolled,
as a result
of the
labor
shortageandthe inexperience fhiredherders.
5.
Finally,
angible
evidencefor
ecological
disbalance,
including
stream
alluviation
with
eroded
soil
products,
only
becomes
apparent
during the
course of
the
18th
century,a time
of
rapid
demographic
expansion(C.
D.
Frederick,
personal
communication,
1995;
C.
Cordova,
personal
communication,
1995). But
that
comes on
the
eve
of
proto-industrialization
nd
in the
wake of
funda-
mental
economic
change,
not only
in Mexico
but
also in
eastern
North
America.
Concluding
Hypotheses
In retrospect, t is the temporary xceptions o agricul-
tural
stability n
the
long-term
Mediterraneanecord
that
suggestthe
most
interesting
nferences.
A,grosystennsvolve
hro?,gh
riatl
atnd
rror; arly
ol,gric?l-
t?re
wats
xperinnentatln
natt?Wre,tnd
nitiatl
echnostratte,gies
were
xploitattive,tnd
often
ephenneratl.
ubstantial
cologi-
cal
damagewas
done by
very
small
groups
of Neolithic
people
duringfairly
brief
periods
(Kohler-Rollefson
nd
Rollefson
1990).
Whether
uch
eventswere
so
maladaptive
as to
require ocal
abandonment
nd
settlement
dispersal
into
new
areas
Butzer
1990) is
unclear,
but
acrosssome
regions
there
are a
number
of
intervals
with very
l
archaeological
isibility,
ypically
asting
rom
500 to 10
years.Most
of
these fall
between
the early
Neolithic a
the early
Bronze
Age, and
they
are
verifiedby
local set
mentsurveys.
C?
lattive
xperience
ho?ldselect
or
vnore
onse
tionist
strattegies.y
BronzeAge
times
much
larger
pop
lations
had ess
impacton
forest
or soil
cover
handid th
Neolithic
predecessors.
?bsistence
xperiences
atbout
to
vnininnize
oth
lon,g-tertn
nvirontnentatl
atvnat,g
short-tertn
?bsistenceisk.
Diversification
f
agrono
strategieswas the
key to
reduced
subsistence isk,
as su
gested
by
continuing
amplification f
the
repertoir
orchard
and garden
crops,
and
tentative
evidence
th
seasonal
transhumance
ystems
were
being
operatio
ized.
Nonetheless,
increasingand
more
persistentpr
sureson resources einforcedhe Holoceneclimatic re
to
a
more xeric
vegetation, hus
creating
he
character
subclimax
vegetation
communitiesof the
Mediterran
world.From
then
on, the
Mediterranean
nvironmentw
more
or less
continuously
managed
as an
artificial
cos
tem that,
on the
whole,was
sustainable.
Expatnsion
tnd
westward
ro,gressionf the
Medite
neatn
at,grosystenn,
ith its
diagnostic
olive
and
grapepr
duction,
representsoth
t
intensificattio
atnd onn
nerci
zattionof
prod?ction,
inked
to the
developtnentf
?W
centers tnd
heir
vnarket
ennatnd.
ommercialization
plies a
redirectionand
refinementof
management
pr
tices,such astheseasonalworkcalendar,nthedirection
risk-reducing
but
production-satisfying
trategies th
meet
market
demand.
That n
turn
requires
ntensifica
and
greatercapital
nvestment
in
technology,
cultiv
livestock,
and an
appropriate
nfrastructure
f
buildin
roads,
and
agricultural
andforms.
Subsequent
regress
or
reexpansion
f such
commercial
griculture
hould
ha
closely
paralleled
egional,
urban
histories.
At some
po
urban
demand
and
high rural
populations
ould place
t
ecosystem tself
under
stress,
riggering
periods
of deg
dation.
Destructive
pastoral
land use
was not
endemic, b
region- and time-specific. n part it was linked to t
incursionof
new
peoplesfrom
other
ecozones,
suggest
thatt
rior
environtnentatl
xperience
atnnot
e
tratnspla
ontonew
ecolo,gies
itho?t
nitiatldoltnat,ge.
nly
long-te
environmental
xperiencewill
encode
reasonably
ccur
information
as to
how to use
a
particular
nvironme
matrix,or as
to the
dispositionof
micro-scale
activit
selection of
crops
and
animals,and
related
managem
strategies.
Equally
o,
however,
uncontrolled
pastoral
ploitation
was
facilitated y
political
devolution.
Thissu
gests
that
politicoll
nstatbilitytnd
r?Wratl
nsec?Writ
-
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Journgl
of Field
Arehgeolo,gvv/Vol.
3,
1996 1
seatrch
nterests
tre,geoatrchateolo,gy,
ult?ratl
colo,gy,
tnd
the
interfatcef
atrchivatl
oc?vnentattion
tndhistoricatl
chateolo,gy
n
vnedievatl
patin tnd
coloniatl
Mexico.
Matil
in,g
atddress:
epatrtvnent
f
Geo,gratphy,
niversity
f
Texats,
ustin,
TX 78712.
Abrams,
Elliot M., and
David J.
Rue
1988 The
Causes
and Consequences
of Deforestation
amo
the
Prehistoric
Maya,
HHmoln
Ecolo,gy6: 377-395.
Baruch,
Uri
1986 The
Late
Holocene Vegetational
History of
LakeK
neret (Sea
of Galilee),
Israel, Polleorient
2 (2): 37-48
Bell,
Martin,and
John Boardman,
eds.
1992
Polstolnd
PresentSoil
Erosion:
Archoleolo,gicoll
lnd
G
,grolphicollerspectives.
xford:
Oxbow Monograph
22
Bernaldez,Fernando
Gonzalez
1991 EcologicalConsequencesofthe
Abandonment
of Tr
tional
Land
Use Systems
in
Central Spain,
Opt
Mediterrolneennes
5:
23-29.
1995
Western
Mediterranean
Land-use Systems
as
Ante
dents
for Semiarid
America,
in
B. L. Turner
a
A. Gomez
Sal,
eds., Globoll
Lolnd Use
Choln,ge.
Mad
Consejo
Superior
de Investigaciones
Cientificas,
13
149.
Birks,H.
H., H.
J. B. Birks, P.
E. Kaland,
and D.
Moe, eds.
1988 The
CHltroll
Lolndscolpe:olst,
Present,
olndFHtre.
Ca
bridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
Bottema,
Sytze
1984 Palynological
nvestigations
n Greece
with Special
R
erence
to Pollen
as an Indicator
of Human
Activi
Polloleohistoriol4 (1982): 257-289.
Bottema,
Sytze,
G. Enqes-Nieborg,
and Willemvan
Zeist, eds.
1990
Moln's
Role in the
Sholpin,g
f the Eastern
Mediterro
Lolndscolpe.
otterdam:
Balkema.
Boyazoglu,
Jean,
and
Jean-ClaudeFlamant
1992
Mediterranean
ystems
of Animal
Production,
n J
Galaty
and
D. L. Johnson,
eds., The
World f
Polstoro
Herdin,g
Systems
n
Compolroltive
erspective.
New Y
Guildford
Press,
353-393.
Bruckner,
Helmut
1986 Man's
Impact
on the Evolution
of
the PhysicalEnvi
ment
in the Mediterranean
Region
in Historical
Tim
GeoJornoll
13:
7-17.
Burford,
Alison
1993
Lolnd
olndLolbor
n the Greek
World.
Baltimore:
Jo
Hopkins
University
Press.
Butzer,
KarlW.
1988a Cattle
and
Sheep from
Old to
New Spain:
Histor
Antecedents,
Annolls,Associoltion
f Americoln
Geo
phers78:
29-56.
1988b Diffusion,
Adaptation,
and Evolution
of
the Spa
Agrosystem,
n
P. J. Hugill
and D.
B. Dickson,
eds.,
Trolnsfer
lndTrolnsformoltion
f Ideols lnd
Molteriol
C
tre.
College Station,
TX:
TexasA&M
University
Pr
91-109.
red?Wse
ncentives
or conservattionist
natng,gennent
f re-
sources,
s long-term
optimization
takessecond
place
to
short-term
urvival.
Finally,
implistic
assumptions
bout the
efficacy
of dif-
ferent andethicsin differentculturesshouldbe avoided.
Latnd
thics epresent
deatls,
whetherxplicitly
ncorporatted
in thephilosophicgl
r costnolo,gicatl
eatltn,
r tratnstnitted
n
a vnore
rat,gvnattic
tnd eculatr
phere.
he
cognitivedimen-
sions
of the
Mediterranean
grosystem
re
revealed
n an
explicit,
didactic literature
represented
by
agronomic
works that
span
some 2500
years (Butzer
1993b,
1994).
The concept
of
good husbandry
ervades
uch Graeco-
Roman,
medieval,
nd Islamic
writings,
not as
an ideology,
but
as a matter
of economic
rationale
and proper
civic
behavior.
Judgement
s best based
on
an assessment
of
performance
Tuan
1968),
rather han
on simplistic,
de-
ductive nferences.
It requires
no
emphasis
hat these
concluding
observa-
tions
represent
estable
hypotheses
hat
can be
reformu-
lated
to match
other
regionaland
diachronic
ontexts,
and
fallwell
within the interests
of many
archaeologists.
hisis
where
I see
the productive
ntersection
between
archaeol-
ogy and
ecology in
the long
run.
Archaeologists
are
uniquely
quipped
o document
and modelnot
only
long-
term
settlement
and land-use
histories,
but also
to place
these
in the
broader
ntellectual
erspective
hey
deserve.
Acknowledgments
I remaindeeply ndebted o JuanF. Mateu Universidad
de
Valencia)
or the
many nsights
he provided
nto
Medi-
terranean griculture
nd cuisine
over
manyyears
of col-
laboration
n the
field.My interests
n long-term
sustain-
ability
wererefined
as a
resultof
the symposium
Arqueolo-
>ffz:
Lathuellat
del hombre
n el
ecosistemat
editerratneo,
organized
by Bernardo
Marti
Oliver and
myself,at
the
Universidad
nternacional
MenendezPelayo
in
Valencia,
July 1-5, 1991.
I have
also
profited
rom repeated
discus-
sions with
my
students
CharlesD.
Frederick,
Carlos
E.
Cordova,
andJames
T.
Abbott,
currently ompleting
dis-
sertations
on
long-term
ecological
change
in Mexico
and
Italy.More indirectly, havebeenaffectedby the novelsof
MarcelPagnol
that
so vividly
capture
he ethos
of persist-
ence in
the rural
Mediterranean
world. An
abbreviated
version
of this
paperwas
given
at the
PlenarySession,
Society
for Arnerican
Archaeology
Meeting
in Anaheim,
CA,
April 1994.
ICatrlW
Butzer
(D.Sc.,
University
f Bonn,
Gertnatny,
1957) is
R. C.
DicksonCentenniatl
rofessor
f Liberatl
Arts
att he
University
f Texgs,
Austin.
His current
re-
-
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148
Esolo,gyn the
Lon,gView/Butser
1990
A Human
Ecosystem
Framework or
Archaeology, n
E. F.
Moran, ed., The
Ecosystem
pproolchn Anthropolo,gy.
AnnArbor:
Universityof
Michigan
Press,91-130.
1992a
Ethno-agriculturend
Cultural
Ecology in Mexico:
His-
torical Vistas and
Modern
Implications,
Benchmolrk
1990, Conference f LoltinAmericolnistGeo,grolphers7-
18:
139-151.
1992b The
Americas
before andafter
1492: An
Introduction o
Current
GeographyResearch, n K.
W.Butzer, ed.,
The
Americols efore
olndafter 1492.
Cambridge, MA:
Black-
well,
345-368.
1992c
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