education and asssociation: the bureaucrat in the reign of henry vi

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Page 1: Education and asssociation: the bureaucrat in the reign of Henry VI

Education and association: the bureaucrat in the reign of Henry VI

Janice Gordon Richter

This study concentrates on the personnel of the chancery and the office of the privy seal during the reign of Henry VI of England (1422-61). The educational achievements and involvements of these civil servants are examined to reveal how the qua- lities they bring to thejob affect the leuel of bureau- cratic service offered. Educational inuoluement af- forded the king’s clerks the opportunity both to make the contacts necessary to enter the king’s service and to prepare for the king’s service. At the various levels of the of$cial hierarchy examples are found of bureaucrats who were involved in education as students, patrons, benefactors, collectors, men who made original contributions to learning and men who used their learning to contribute to the efJient functioning of the bureaucracy. Further, their asso- ciations with a multitude of educational enterprises and with their fellow clerks assisted in the deuelop- ment of a group mentality and loyalty which contri- buted to a well-run bureaucracy.

Henry VI, who was neither a great warrior king like his predecessors nor a strong exe- cutive like his successors, may seem a rather lackluster monarch. His reign (1422-61) in- cluded a long minority with counciliar rule, shorter periods during which the king was incapable of ruling owing to illness, and pe- riods of civil war with chaotic changes at the highest levels of power. Given these dif- ficulties, Henry’s reign has been studied more for its contribution to the development of “decentralized and popular freedom”, Bi- shop William Stubbs’ famous Lancastrian experiment, than for its contributions to the development of “strong, efficient and cen- tralized administration” (Elton 1969:l). A period, like that of the reign of Henry VI, in which monarchial control was relatively weak, does make a good test case for the suc- cess or failure of routine administration. Although medieval administration was the creation and the instrument of monarchy to a large extent, vicissitudes in administrative history reflect not only the degree to which monarchical authority was asserted but also the degree to which the administrators and their assistants accomplished their task of delivering strong, efficient and centralized administration.

Institutions reflect the men I\-ho carry out the orders as well as the men I\-ho give the orders and the qualities the civil servant brings to the *job affect the ICY-cl of adminis- trative services offered. It is a misconcep- tion to belic1.c that “it is possible and de- sirable to write the historv of institutions apart from the men \vho worked in them... [Institutions] are born, develop, change and decay by human agencies. Their life is the life of the men who make them” (McFarlane 1973:280).

Journal of Medieval History 12( 1986) 81-96 0304~4181/86/$3.50 0 1986 Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland) 81

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This study focuses on the personnel of the o&es of the chancery and the privy seal, men who worked for offices which were the prime instruments of executive authority in this period. The lives of these bureaucrats reflected careful preparation for their posi- tions, whether through formal education or through an apprentice system. Their lives once in office reflected the common interests and loyalties which characterize the devel- opment of a group mentality and contribute to strong centralized administration. Nicho- las Pronay, in his study of the chancery in the late fifteenth century, discussed the de- velopment of a new kind of civil servant at the time of Henry VII, “highly educated, trained, and much travelled” (1974:87). During Henry VI’s earlier reign many of the king’s clerks showed interests and aspi- rations similar to these later clerks.

Further, an examination of the civil ser- vants’ background and education can make clearer how these men were able to acquire office. “How an individual acquired office is a matter of basic interest . . . the approach which offers the greatest promise of expla- nation as to how a new individual acquired a new office is that of attempting to deter- mine what contacts or connections he had with people in a position to confer such an oflice” (Beech 1976: 169). In examining the educational backgrounds and concerns of the king’s clerks, it becomes clear that they participated in various forms of learning and education both as a way of preparing for and as a wayaof obtaining their positions.

In order to illustrate the variety of train- ing which characterized these clerks, it is useful to examine- representative figures from each level of the hierarchy: those who are most prominent to those who are much

more obscure. At each level there are indi- cations that these are men who not only worked together, but extended their associ- ation beyond their offrce into extracurricu- lar activities. There are those men whose training and experience qualified them to be the heads of offrices, the chancellors and keepers of the privy seal, men whose lives are relatively well-documented. There are others, however, who are virtually obscure minor figures, such as the spigurnels and chafewaxes, who dealt with the sealing of chancery documents, whose very existence can only be gathered from a few references in the pages of chancery records.

In between are the various levels of mas- ters and clerks of the chancery and second- aries and clerks of the privy seal office who prepared for their office in a variety of ways. As Ralph Grifliths noted, “Fifteenth-cen- tury bureaucrats were literate men, they could handle sheaves of parchment and paper, compile bundles of accounts and memoranda, give receipts . . . affix seals to a variety of instruments and they could do all these things in French, English, and Latin” (l98@:117).

At the highest level of the bureaucracy, the chancellors and the keepers of the privy seal were the quintessential examples of the public servants who made their marks as the learned men and pious founders of their generation. The fifteenth century was a period of increasing interest in legal studies. Of the sixteen bureaucrats who held office under Henry VI at the highest level, ten had legal training - Henry Beaufort and John Kempe as chancellors, William Alnwick, William Lyndwood, Thomas Be- kynton, Adam Moleyns, Andrew Holes, Lawrence Bothe, and Robert Stillington as

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keepers of the privy seal, and John Stafford who held both offices in Henry’s reign.

Henry Beaufort, who was both chancellor and cardinal of England, studied civil and canon law at Oxford though he never re- ceived a formal degree beyond the M.A. (Emden 1957a:140). He was elected chan- cellor of Oxford University, one of four of Henry’s heads of the chancery and the privy seal who reached this high level of univer- sity administration.’ Various sources have, in error, given Beaufort a more ex- otic educational background. He formerly was credited with being educated at Aachen, an error corrected by A. B. Emden, who showed this was merely a misreading for Oxenford (Oxford) (Emden 1957a: 140). Beaufort may not have received a law de- gree, but the remaining nine of these men did. William Alnwick, who had a leave of absence for five years to study at an English university, received his doctorate in civil and canon law from Cambridge, as did Lawrence Bothe and William Lyndwood (Emden 1963:11, 70, 379-80; Otway- Ruthven 1939:170; Emden 1957b:llgl). Five of the remaining lawyers - Bekynton, Kempe, Moleyns, Stillington and Stafford - received doctorates at Oxford, Kempe at Merton College and Bekynton at New Col- lege (Kirby 1888:31; Emden 1957a:157, 1957b:1031, 1289, 1957c:1777; Holmes 1915:xvii; Diet. nat. biog. 18:862). Andrew Holes was the sole exception, merely receiv- ing the bachelor of law degree from Oxford, but he soon remedied this by obtaining a doctorate in canon law in Padua (Emden 1957a:949).

Oxford was the dominant educational in- stitution for the six non-lawyers as well (Aston 1980:8 l-2). Thomas Bourchier,

George and Richard Neville all studied in the faculty of arts at Oxford (Emden 1957a:230, 1957b:1347; Rosenthal 1970:16). Thomas Bourchier had formal training in theology at Oxford as well, making him the first archbishop of Canterbury to have for- mal theological training since the early four- teenth century (Davies 1982:59-60). Thomas Lisieux not only studied in the school of theology, but was also made northern proctor at Oxford.’ William Waynflete has customarily been associated, like Thomas Bekynton and Andrew Holes, with New College, Oxford, another example of that college’s association with the pro- duction of bureaucrats for the king’s service. Waynllete was a master of arts and a bachelor of theology at Oxford, but, in spite of his traditional association with New Col- lege, Emden was unable to find any confir- mation of his attendance at New College in its records (Emden 1957c:2001). All his life Waynflete did display a special affection for New College, a regard which seems to suggest he may well have been a student there (Diet. nat. biog. 20:996). He was cer- tainly assisted in his later career by Thomas Bekynton, a New College graduate who tended to use his influence as secretary to Duke Humphrey of Gloucester to help fel- low graduates of that college (Bennett 1944:318).

Thomas Langley remains the final and the unusual member of this group. In spite of having extensive intellectual abilities and interests, there is no definite indication that he attended any university (Rosenthal 1970: 13; Storey 1949:xi; Davies 1982:75-6). In every other respect, however, he appears to have followed the traditional path of the well-educated high-level civil servant: his

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(Weiss 1957a: 78-9). Thomas Bekynton, as well, used his time at Rome to become a friend of both Poggio and Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini. The latter described him as lit- teratus cultor and specifically praised the quality of his Latin (Weiss 1957a:83). Another major Renaissance scholar, Flavio Biondo of Forli, was fond enough of Bekyn- ton to write to inform him “of his intention to send him something which will both give him pleasure and be an addition, he hopes, to his treasures”, apparently one of Biondo’s own works (Judd 1961:75). The same group of Italian intellectuals also had a real respect for and extensive dealing with Adam Molyens; Weiss notes that not only did he amass a large manuscript collection but that his Latin style was so excellent that it approached the standard of the Italian humanists (Weiss 1957a82).

Even in the. field of Greek studies, Weiss finds the involvement of a member of this bureaucratic circle. George Neville, in addi- tion to his work as chancellor ( 1460-67), employed a Greek scribe called Emmanuel of Constantinople to copy Greek manu- scripts for him (Weiss 1957a: 144, 1958: 128- 9). Neville apparently also went to the trou- ble to attempt to learn some Greek, for manuscripts have been preserved contain- ing Greek notes possibly in his own hand (Sterry 1943:39; Mitchell 1955:38-g).

T. F. Tout depicted the learned civil ser- vant as having various characteristics: men who studied at the university; men who were patrons of learning, friends of other learned men, collectors of books, benefac- tors of universities; men who themselves made solid original contributions (1952:137). We h ave seen example after example of men who fulfill Tout’s require-

ments as students, benefactors, collectors, and patrons but men who make original contributions of their own are of necessity rare. In William Lyndwood, keeper of the privy seal from 1432-43, there is a perfect example of an original scholar. Lyndwood was not only a doctor of canon and civil law, but a legal scholar as well. In 1422 he began the Provinciale, sue Constitutiones Angliae which summarized and commented upon the constitutions of the synods of Canter- bury from Langton to Chichele, a work he finished in 1430 (Lyndwood 1679). On the basis of this work alone he had been called “an expert on procedure . . . with a remark- able knowledge of the common law of the Western church” (Jacob 1967:26-7). Lyndwood also contributed a scientific study of testamentary law, a lasting con- tribution to the understanding of the useful- ness of the will as a way of providing for the future (Sheehan 1963:76-7). His learning was not only useful to the legal practitioner; he also used it for his work in the govern- ment. He simplified and improved the lan- guage of diplomacy and raised the literary level and clarity of the language used in chancery and the privy seal (Judd 196 1:87; Jacob 1967:26-7).

It may not be surprising to find so much learning and involvement with book-collect- ing and patronage at these lofty levels of the bureaucracy, nor to find that many of these men associated with and assisted each other. To what extent, however, does a similar picture emerge for the less promi- nent levels of bureaucracy? Detailed knowl- edge of the education of the civil servant is less available when that servant is less prominent, yet although each individual’s life may not appear in detail there is enough

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information about the individuals as a group for the picture to become clear.

Tout cautioned, when writing of the clerks of the fourteenth century that “it is an illusion to think that ‘master of chan- cery’... were so called because they were commonly masters of arts or doctors of laws” (Tout 1967c:215-16). Rather they were called masters because they were the masters of the junior clerks. It was common for the masters of chancery in the fifteenth century to have educational backgrounds about which it is not possible to be precise, but for the thirty-live examined there were significant exceptions. Those masters of chancery who held the position of prothonotary, the prime registrar of chan- cery and advisor on foreign treaties, held doctorates of law. John Derby and John Stokes, both prothonotaries under Henry VI, held their doctorates of law from Cam- bridge, Derby specifically from King’s Hall (Emden 1963: 154, 558). Nicholas Pronay notes that by 1450 there was a doctor of laws in the chancery in addition to the prothonotary. Richard Wetton, unlike most masters in chancery, did not rise through the ranks but was made a master im- mediately upon receiving an Oxford docto- rate in civil law (Pronay 1974:94). Although his education is not known, William Mor- land’s involvement as an arbitrator in many canon law cases has led to the suggestion that he was trained in the law (Pronay 1974:91, n.lO).

Masters who had other forms of formal education are not lacking either. John Chamberlain was apparently a fellow of Oriel College and master of arts from Ox- ford by 1443 (Emden 1957a:386). William Normanton, a master of chancery, was

granted a license to study at Oxford or another English university for three years in 1415 (Emden 1957b:1364). Another mas- ter, John Faulkes, is given permission in 1426 to appoint a deputy to his rectorship while at the university or in the service of the king (August 1426. Calendar of entries in the Papal Register relating to Great Britain and Ireland 7:462). A reference to Master Thomas Manning, bachelor in degrees, may refer to the chancery master of that name; the dates are appropriate, but the name is a common one (Maxwell-Lyte 1934:38). For Master Richard Fryston two possible educational backgrounds are suggested in Emden. A Richard Fryston rented a school in Oxford in 1428; this is probably the source for Pronay’s suggestion that he attended one of the informal Oxford business schools (Pronay 1974:90; Emden 1957b:733). Th ese schools provided train- ing in “the arts of writing and Latin com- position, of speaking French, of drafting charters and similar documents”, training which could be put to practical use in the king’s service (Richardson 1941:259). The timing seems perfect as Richard Fryston’s career in the king’s service began in the next year, 1429. A Freston was also admitted to Cambridge in 145 1. Emden suggests that he may be Master Richard Fryston and as- cribes to him the chancery master’s positions and date of death (Emden 1963:243). In 145 1, however, Fryston had already served in the chancery for many years and there are no signs that he interrupted his career in this way.

It seems safe to conclude that the John Frank identified as a bachelor of canon law in 1415 is the same John Frank whose long term in the chancery ended during the reign

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of Henry VI (Emden 1957b:721). Although John Frank is an extremely common name, a connection is provided by the will of chan- cellor Thomas Langley. As was noted ear- lier, Langley included a John Frank among the recipients of his books. In this case Frank, who is referred to as a bachelor of canon law, received a copy of the Historia scholastica of Petrus Comestor (Jacob 1961:666). Since Frank was certainly close to Langley and often served as Langley’s proctor when he was too weak in his old age to attend parliament, he seems a likely choice to be remembered in Langley’s will. Further, in Frank’s own will there is a gift of El,000 to the provost and faculty of Oriel College, Oxford to enable Oriel to receive scholars, which suggests that he studied there at some point (9 January 1441. Cal. Patent Rolls 3:97).

For most of the masters of chancery even suggestions of formal education do not exist. Many undoubtedly prepared for their jobs with a combination of informal education and ‘on-the-job’ training. It is difficult to find indications of informal education in for- mal records, but indications of other kinds of informal involvement in education abound. If the chancellor and keepers of the privy seal were founders of universities and schools, collectors of libraries and benefac- tors on a large scale, those at the middle- level were most often involved in more mod- est enterprises often as the recipients of other people’s largesse.

John Frank, for example, was not only the recipient of Thomas Langley’s largesse, but continued the chain of association by involving two of his fellow chancery masters in his gift to Oriel. John Cammell and Nicholas Wymbyssh, as his executors, were

chosen to carry out the conditions of Frank’s gift to Oriel. As a result of their good work on Frank’s behalf, Cammell and Wymbyssh each earned two pairs of gloves from Oriel as an expression of the univer- sity’s gratitude (Emden 1957a:343, 1956c:2120; 9 J anuary 1441. Cal. Patent Rolls 3:97). The final link in this chain appears in Cammell’s own will where he is able to praise John Frank as one of his chief bene- factors (Weaver 190 1: 175-7).

Master John Springthorpe received sev- eral books including a psalter from one of Henry IV’s chancellors. Springthorp, in turn, left a psalter to fellow master John Hertilpole. Finally, in 1431, Hertilpole goes to the trouble to mention that the psalter he was leaving to the church of Gaynesburgh was given him by John Springthorp as a bequest in Springthorp’s 1424 will (Cava- naugh 1980a:428).

Bequests of books from one generation of chancery to the next stress the family nature of the association. John Wakering, keeper of the rolls in the early fifteenth century, left his books to two of Henry VI’s masters who had worked with him in the chancery, Wil- liam Prestwyk and John Thoralby (Cavanaugh 1980b:899). Thomas Arundel, formerly chancellor of England under Richard II, left master John Bathe one of his books in 1413 (Cavanaugh 1980a:53). This is undoubtedly master of chancery John Bate or Bathe who was Arundel’s sec- retary at this time. Henry Kays, another of Henry VI’s chancery masters, was left a gift of books by a chancery clerk he worked with under Henry V (Cavanaugh 1980a:446-7).

Other masters in chancery were involved in more unusual educational enterprises. John Brokholes inherited scientific instru-

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ments including a distilling vessel, a calen- dar, and an astrolabe from a vicar who cal- led him meo magistro (Raine 1836:37). A specific scientific gift like this one suggests more than a casual interest in science. Chaucer scholars might like to know what happened to the copy of The Canterbury tales which John Stopyndon of the chancery in- herited in 1417. Richard Sotheworth, who left it to him, was a chancery clerk in the fourteenth century (Cavanaugh 1980b:798; Manley 1940:606-7). Stopyndon left many books and valuables in his will including be- quests to two of his fellow chancery clerks, William Normanton and Richard Selby (Cavanaugh 198Ob:826-7; Manley and Rickert 1940:606-7). Unfortunately there is no mention of his copy of The Canterbury tales and its whereabouts remains a mystery.

Being well-educated and well-trained was a necessity for a master in chancery just as it was for his superior. These men were no mere paper-pushers; their jobs required de- tailed knowledge of a variety of legal and bureaucratic tasks. The clerks were in- volved in their work; they were not merely passive followers of bureaucratic routine, but understood the theory and practice of their work. Like William Lyndwood, who was able to refine and simplify the language of the chancery, the masters were able to contribute suggestions for efficiency and see that these suggestions were implemented. The chancery remained a relatively efficient and successful branch of the government in part because it could be improved upon through the suggestions of these clerks who combined involvement with the day-to-day routine of the chancery with a, knowledge of legal and bureaucratic theory. The un- dramatic contributions of these bureaucrats

made for the slow but consistent adaptation of the administrative machine. This bureaucratic mentality and the clerks’ de- sire for efficiency also affected the other branches of government, since the work of chancery impinged on other organs of gov- ernment.

John Faukes, in the course of his service as a chancery clerk and master, exemplifies this innovative trend. In addition to his chancery post, he also held the position of clerk of the parliament, a post regularly held by chancery clerks. Although his ten- ure was not exceptionally long by chancery standards (his approximately thirty years in the chancery was about average; excep- tional could be applied to the tenure of Nicholas Wymbyssh who held oflice for over sixty years) it represented the lack of turnover in office which characterised the chancery. This lack of turnover gave the clerk both the time needed for and the in- terest in effecting change and improvement. John Faukes was apparently a systematizer by nature. While he was clerk of parlia- ment, he initiated the keeping of the Lords’ Journal in an effort to keep a record of the meetings he attended (Pollard 1942:58). His is the earliest English usage of the phrase ‘the common house’ (28 January 1450. Pol- lard 1938: 137, n.2). Well aware of the com- plexities of the institutions for which he worked, he and former clerk of parliament, chancery master Thomas Kirkeby, were able, when called before Sir John Fortescue and the judges of the exchequer chamber, to produce between them “the fullest and most authoritative contemporary account of medieval parliamentary practice with re- gard to the passing of bills, public and pri- vate, and their enrolment” (Pollard

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1938148). In the of&e of the privy seal, the second-

aries of the privy seal, men who held posi- tions comparable to those of the masters of chancery, were able to use their knowledge to contribute to a more efficient bureau- cracy. Robert Frye, a secondary in the early part of Henry’s reign, was not a university graduate, but his long tenure of office and knowledge acquired on the job gave him the opportunity to make improvements in the offtce of the privy seal, and, through his works as clerk of the council, in the council itself. The clerk of the council was often, al- though not always, a member of the privy seal o&e. When Robert Frye occupied the position, he contributed to the more efft- cient operation of the council by continuing the tradition of keeping careful records and may well have begun the practice of includ- ing the names of those present at meetings, as well as improving filing in the privy seal office itself (Brown 1969:18-19).

Robert Frye contributed to the improve- ment of the government’s day-to-day routine; Thomas Kent, a secondary in the latter part of Henry’s reign, made his con- tribution in the legal sphere. In contrast to Robert Frye, Kent was very well-educated. He studied at Oxford and at Pavia in Italy and held the doctorate in both laws (Emden 1957b:1038; Baildon 1896:108). He fur- thered his legal education by reading widely in the field. When Kent was dying in 1469, he arranged that his collection of twenty- eight books on civil and common law be left for the use of the officials of the court of Canterbury. This collection became the basis for the library around which the com- mon lawyers formed their professional soci- ety (Squibb 1977:2-3).

The masters of chancery and secondaries of the privy seal were relatively prominent members of their society. In a world in which eduction was valued and rewarded, those of lesser status were likely to be less educated. Certainly it is more difftcult to find available information about the educa- tion and educational contributions of the forty-one lower-level chancery clerks examined. But again there are exceptions which assume greater significance given the general lack of evidence about university at- tendance. As Guy Fitch Lytle emphasized, “Since matriculation and class lists are lack- ing, many students (especially those who withdrew before taking a degree) left no rec- ord at all of ever having attended the uni- versity” (1984:218).

The Nicholas Newton, for example, who was described as a rector of Ford in North- umberland and received a bachelor in canon law in 1438, is surely the same man as the Nicholas Newton who was rector of Forde at the same time. His education un- doubtedly provided the means for his rise in the chancery (17 February 1434. Cal. Patent Rolls 2:332; Emden 1957b:1359). Another chancery clerk, Richard Sturgeon, prepared for the chancery by studying civil law as a fellow of New College (Lytle 1978:441). Two other possible identifications are less convincing. A dispensation was given in 1445 for a John Payne, bachelor in decrees, to be absent at the University of Oxford for two years. The dates are correct for the clerk of that name who served in the chan- cery in the 1450s but the name is quite common (Maxwell-Lyte and Dawes 1934:49). Little is known of a clerk, William Colyns, who served in the chancery in the 1440s. Whether he is the same as the Wil-

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liam Colyns, clerk of the diocese of Salis- bury, who held the B.A. in 1429 is not clear. The dates are possible, but again the name is a common one (May 1429. Calendar of entries in the Papal Registers 8: 145). An un- common name provides a better connection between Baldwin Hyde, a clerk who served the chancery at the end of Henry’s reign, and the Baldwin Hyde who received a bachelor in canon law in 1471-72 from Cambridge (Emden 1963:324). Baldwin Hyde was deposed from chancery in 147 1; possibly he used his time to finish an inter- rupted education and pursue a legal career in less official spheres.

Although most chancery clerks remained in the chancery throughout their working lives, Hyde was not the only exception. Thomas Playter, after several years as a chancery clerk, chose to work primarily for the Paston family as their secretary and legal advisor. In his case he was able to’use the legal knowledge acquired in the chan- cery to obtain employment with this prom- inent family. Numerous references to him appear in the Paston Letters; many of their letters were written by him (Davis 1971a and b). The dependence of various mem- bers of the Paston family on Playter is clear. Margaret Paston advises her son John in 1470 (Davis 1971a:352):

if ye shuld be at my lady of Suffolk, it [were] neces- sary to have Playtere there wyth you if ye shuld en- gross any appoyntmentes wyth here at that tyme, for she is sotill and hath sotill councell wyth here; and perfore it were wele ye shuld have summe wyth you that shuld be of your councell.

Throughout this study, the emphasis has been on the family character ,of associations formed in the bureaucracy. For some clerks the family character of their office assumed

a literal significance; these clerks were able to use their influence in office to find places for their own family members. An early example is found in the family of John Mapilton the Elder, who began his career in the chancery of Henry IV. He was still serving as a chancery master under Henry VI at the same time his son, John Mapilton the Younger, began his own successful career as one of Henry’s chancery clerks (Richardson 1978:359; Somerville 1953:456; List of early chancery proceedings 1963:53). In a later example, a 1481 grant in the patent rolls states that Richard Ive should have the office of clerk of the crown of chancery just as his father, Thomas Ive, a chancery clerk under Henry VI, had (2 1 May 1481. Cal. Patent Rolls 31272). As the number of clerks who were married increased, the number of clerks using their position to help their families also increased.

For the seventeen privy seal clerks studied, information about formal educa- tion was even less in evidence than for the clerks of the chancery. One privy seal clerk, Richard Prior, who served Henry VI for more than forty years, was chosen by Cardi- nal Henry Beaufort to be one of his executors and assist in carrying out Beaufort’s gift of 500 marks to Oxford Uni- versity (Anstey 1868a:333). Two other clerks, during long tenures in office, used their time, as their colleagues in the chan- cery had, to implement on-the-job improve- ments. Henry Benet and Thoma’s Frank to- gether seem to have begun the practice of privy seal clerks writing their names at the bottom of privy seal writ; prepared by under-clerks, thus testifying to the correct- ness of the writs (Maxwell-Lyte 1926:34). Henry Benet also applied his organizational

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talents to his work as clerk of the council, keeping a detailed set of minutes at council meetings (Griffiths 1984:68).

Although the average privy seal clerk did not have the kind of influence or fame to make him more than an obscure figure, there is one notable exception. Thomas Hoccleve was a clerk in the privy seal offrce for almost forty years extending into the be- ginning of the reign of Henry VI. Although not well-educated in the formal sense, Hoccleve was nevertheless one of the nota- ble poets of the fifteenth century. His poetry focused on advice to the prince and in- cluded much biographical information use- ful to understanding the life of the bureau- crat of his day (Hoccleve 1897, 1892). Al- though Hoccleve combined writing poetry with his life as a privy seal clerk and was constantly in search of patrons, he seems to have received most of his grants and an- nuities because of his bureaucratic work (Richardson 1978:24). He was interested enough in his government work to assemble a large collection of royal letters to serve as writing models for notarial work (Cheney 1972:187).

Clerks of the more subordinate branches of the chancery, such as the almonry where the poor went to obtain legal aid, continued the pattern of an educational personnel. William Marchall, clerk of the almonry in the latter part of Henry’s reign, may be the same William Marchall as the one who left Winchester College in 1425. The timing is right and both William Marchalls were born in Woodstock (8 February 1438. Cal. Fine Rolls 17:73). Another clerk of the al- monry, Thomas Asshecombe, valued the books accumulated during his work in the chancery enough to make them an impor-

tant bequest in his will (Weaver 190 1:209- 10):

Also I bequeathe to Thomas Pery my newe register unbound and my 2 rolles of the tours of the Chaun- eerie and all my other bundles and bokes longyng to the tours of the Chauncerie.

At the lowest ranks of the administrative hierarchy references to education are no longer vague - they are nonexistent. The men like the chafewax or the spigurnel were, understandably, humble men. Refer- ences tend to be made only to their exis- tence and the terms under which they served, occasionally to their land-holdings. Rarely do we reach beyond to see evidence of a network of personal relationships. A notable exception is John Morker, a spigur- nel of chancery, who was able to arrange that his son, Thomas Morker, be brought into the chancery as well (27 October 1453. Cal. Fine Rolls 19:68). Thomas rose to the rank of chancery clerk, a case of medieval upward mobility.

From the highest to the lowest ranks of the chancery and the privy seal, a similar picture emerges. The education and train- ing required for the position varied. Sophis- ticated administrative positions, especially in the relatively undifferentiated structure of medieval administration, called for well- educated men with a variety of educational experiences. The less demanding positions could be filled by men who prepared with less formal education, many of whom learned the details of their duties on the job. The tendency to form associations which went beyond the duties of the office was consistent at all levels of the bureaucracy. Chancery and privy seal staff formed associ- ations and involved themselves in the learn- ing of their day and the details of bureau-

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cracy in a way that went far beyond the demands of their jobs. All this activity con- tributed to the creation of a common loyalty and tradition which went far to explain the kind of long tenures seen in these offices and the permanent associations developed out- side the offrces which carried over into the larger society - long tenures and associa- tions which contributed to the delivery of an efficient, well-run bureaucracy.

Notes I Emden 1957a:140. In addition to Beaufort, Thomas Bourchier and George Neville were chancel- lors of Oxford University (Emden 1957a230, 1957b: 1347); Lawrence Bothe was chancellor ofCam- pdge University (Diet. nat. biog. 2:849).

Emden 1957b:1197; 1964:23. The proctors were official representatives for the whole university, and performed a wide variety of administrative duties. The northern proctor was elected by the masters of the north, that is English masters from north of the River Trent, a category which included the Scats (Kibre 1948:161-5).

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Appendix

Ofjces held in the chancery and the jxiuy seal Each man mentioned in the above study is listed under the highest offrce he attained in Henry VI’s service (1422-61).

Chancery Office of the privy seal

Chancellors (Total: 8) Henry Beaufort Thomas Bourchier John Kemp Thomas Langley George Neville Richard Neville John Stafford* William Waynflete

Masters of chancery (Total: 35) Keepers of the rolls

John Frank Simon Gaunstede Thomas Kirkeby Robert Kirkeham+ John Stopyndon+

Prothonotaries John Derby John Stokes

Keepers of the hanaper Henry Kays Robert Mouter (Robert Kirkeham) + (John Stopyndon) +

Other masters of chancery John Bate John Bekyngham Richard Bekyngham John Brokholes John Cammell John Chamberlain John Faukes Richard Fryston Robert Groute John Hertilpole William Hill

c

Thomas Manning John Mapilton the Elder William Morland William Normanton John Pemberton William Prestwyk John Roland Richard Selby John Sheetield Henry Shelford John Springthorp John Thoralby Thomas Westhorp Richard Wetton Nicholas Wymbyssh

:hancery clerks (Total: 42) Clerks of the crown

Thomas Haseley Thomas Ive Richard Sturgeon William Swerendon

Other chancery clerks John Alkyn Hugh Ardern Peter Aumener William Bolton Thomas Brigge John Broke Thomas Buk Richard Cable John Chese Richard Colman William Colyns John Dale Robert Fen Henry Garstang

William Godyng John Hill Baldwin Hyde James Kelom John Louth Richard Loy John Mapilton the Younger Thomas Morker John Naylor Nicholas Newton John Ongham John Payne Thomas Playter John Ratheby William Ruddynge Roger Rydley Thomas Shelford Thomas Shipton Thomas Smyth Thomas Tetisworth John Toller Henry Upton Henry Wyndesore Hugh Wynkley

Clerks of the almonry (Total: 5) Thomas Asshecombe Nicholas Bailly William Marchall William Rous Robert Walsham (Waskham)

Spigurnels (Total: 3) Geoffrey Godelok John Morker John Shelton

Chafewaxes (Total: 1) Thomas Baker

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Appendix contd.

Chancery Office of the privy seal

$Keepers of the privy seal (Total: 9) William Alnwick Thomas Bekynton Lawrence Booth Andrew Holes Thomas Lisieux William Lyndwood Adam Moleyns John Stafford Robert Stillington

Secondaries of the privy seal (Total: 2)

Robert Frye Thomas Kent

Privy seal clerks (Total: 17) William Alberton

William Alton John Bagot Thomas Beaugrant Henry Benet John Brewester John Claydon William Flete John Foston Thomas Frank John Hamond Abel Hessill John Hethe Thomas Hoccleve Richard Langport John Offord Richard Prior

* Stafford is also keeper of the privy seal under Henry VI. t Stopyndon and Kirkeham held both offices under Henry VI.

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