ellabakerresearchpaper

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The Transformational Leadership of Ella Baker

PSC 785

Isaac Holloway

February 24, 2013


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Transformational leadership is a style of leadership in which the leader seeks to influence

followers in the interest of inspiring them to give more than what would be normally expected of

them (Northouse, 2010). As a result a transformational leader takes great care in developing the

motivations, skills, values and performance of their followers. To be successful in guiding

followers towards a change in values, high performance, and selflessness in service to the

ultimate goal a leader must make use of charisma and pattern the proposed values in order to

inspire their followers (Northouse, 2010). Transformational leadership as a theory was pioneered

by James MacGregor Burns (Northouse, 2010). Burns identiefies transformational leadership as

as a process where the leader creates a bond that inspires a heightend level of motivation and

morality in follower. Burns points to figures such as Mohandas Gandhi as an example noting that

the end result of Transformational Leadership is always rooted in the greater good (Burns, 1978).

Robert J. House a contemporary of Burns was at the time introducing his theory of charismatic

leadership. House suggested that charismatic leaders possesed certain traits. Housed identifed

those traits as dominance, self-confidence, morally secure, and a possessing a strong desire to

influence others. In addition House notes that charismatic leaders lead by example proving a

template for followers to emulate (House, 1976). Bass (1985) expanded upon the theoretical

work of Burns and House suggesting that transformational leadership motivates followers by

raising their level of awareness about the importance of their goals, transend their selfishness in

favor of the team or organization. Bass in his 1990 article From Transactional to

Transformational Leadership: Learning to Share the Vision, writes, Charismatic leaders have

great power and influence. Employees want to identify with them and they have a high degree of

trust and confidence in them. Charismatic leaders inspire and excite their employees with the

idea that they may be able to do great things with extra effort. Zhu, Wang, Zheng, Liu, and


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Mao (2012) in their study found that personal identification with ones Leader increased the

innovativeness of the followers, their identification with the organization, and reduced turnover. .

Ella Baker in her leadership capacities exemplifies these traits. Over decades of work Ella Baker

patterned a vision of group centered mass action in response to Jim Crow segregation and used

her skills, extensive activist network, and rhetorical abilities to influence anti-racist organizations

and develop the skills of those around her towards the goal of local leadership and mass

engagement irrelevant of class biases championing the idea that strong people do not need strong

leader (Elliott, 1996) (Payne, 1989). During her time with the National Association for the

Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC),

and Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) Bakers dedication to anti oppression

and mass action is apparent not only through her actions but also through her protgs, her

friends and associates, her clashes with organizational policy and the continued persistence of

her ideas after retirement from active public life (Ransby, 2003).

Ella Baker was born December 13, 1903 in Norfolk, Virginia and from age seven was

raised in Littlejohn, North Carolina. It was in Littlejohn where under the strict tutelage of her

mother and watchful eye of the Baptist missionary societies where Baker began to learn the tools

and values that serve as her foundation for her exploits as a leader and as an activist. Baker was

born into a family with a strong tradition of community responsibility and resistance of

oppression (Ransby, 2003). Both Ransby (2003) and Payne (1989) note that Baker grew up

listening to the stories of her grandmother whippings at the hands of her former master when she

refused to marry a man that was selected for her. In addition Baker watched her grandfather

utilize his relative privilege gained by owning his land rather than sharecropping to help build

and support other members or the Black community including mortgaging his property to help


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buy food for the community after a flood. Among Bakers other formative influence was her

motherand her mothers involvement in the local missionary societies as well as the rural

character of Littlejohn, North Carolina. Bakers mother, Anna Ross Baker was trained as a

teacher and was active within the local church. As an educator Anna Ross Baker made sure her

children we instructed in the areas of writing and grammar before entering a formal school and

as a middle class Christian woman, Anna Ross Baker made sure that her daughters were equally

well instructed in ladylike behavior. Anna Ross Baker raised her daughter Ella in the manner

typical of most middle class black of their day. This combination of class privilege and religious

adherence insured that Ella Baker and her siblings were constantly instructed on the concepts of

humility, service to those less fortunate, and the uplift of her race was her responsibility due to

the privilege that she enjoyed. During this particular period in history it was common for elite to

middle class black persons to view themselves as the representatives and exemplars of the race

(Payne, 1989) (Ransby, 2003). It was through creating this example and helping the working

class and the poor as well as less respectable classes such as drunkards or criminals to achieve

the respectability and status of the middle class was a worth endeavor for the cause racial uplift.

In addition to Anna Ross Bakers tutelage Ella Baker was engaged alongside her mother in the

local and regional Baptist missionary societies.

According to Ransby (2003), These auxiliary associations had been formed,

Baker explained, in order for the women . . . to be able to have some identity of their

own. At these meetings she observed not simply ritualistic expressions of faith but also

the business of applying religious principles, particularly the principle of Christian

charity, in the real world.


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In this spirit of charity these womens auxiliary associations participated in numerous activities

such as providing scholarships, helping the sick and elderly, sponsoring and orphanage as well as

supporting local grammar schools. Their service was not just limited to intra-community work

but also extended into the realm of activism through advocating for anti-lynching legislation and

challenges to segregation. Perhaps more importantly Ella Baker witnessed these organizations

being led by women. These were women who were creating their own policy, managing their

own finances, and conducting their own meetings. Witnessing this provided Baker with a sense

of her potential (Ransby, 2003). Payne (1989) notes that Baker in reflection about her child

recalls a kind of familial bond that took precedence over class status. A place where sharing and

informal adoptions were commonplace and where the relationships one forged were more

important than the money one made. It was this environment where Baker solidified the idea that

people needed a strong sense of themselves and their own strengths to be healthy and happy

(Payne, 1989).

Another critical influence in Ella Bakers childhood was the relative isolation of

Littlejohn, North Carolina. Ransby (2003) describes Littlejohn, North Carolina as a small rural

town where Bakers mother, Anna Ross Bakers family was located. This rural isolation is

significant in that it largely shielded Ella Baker and siblings from the day to day bigotry and

terror of white persons that was more common when Black communities lived in closer

proximity to white ones. Ransby (2003) notes that Anna Ross Baker proposed to her husband

that the family should relocate to Littlejohn, North Carolina from Norfolk, Virginia for this very

reason in addition to a dislike for the city, health concerns and out of concern for the childrens

education. In Norfolk as well as other cities across the south at the time of Ella Bakers birth

cities began to pass ordinance after ordinance severely restricting the rights of Black persons and


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enshrining anti-black racism into the city institutions. In addition to the social and political

limitations was always the underlying thread of mob violence. One such example occurred when

Jack Johnson a heavyweight boxer defeated his white opponent. Angry mobs of white citizens

took to the streets to terrorize Black citizens in what Ransby (2003) describes as an attempt to

reaffirm by collective violence the sense of white superiority that had been lost in the ring.

The close proximity of the city allowed for whites to impose upon, intimidate, and terrorize the

cities Black population in such a way that the rural isolation of Littlejohn denied. As a result Ella

Baker and her siblings were largely spared the humiliating indignity of anti-black bigotry helping

to maintain a positive self-image that was not well adjusted to humbling itself before the power

of whiteness (Ransby, 2003).

The next major influence of Ella Bakers values was her presence in the political and

cultural cauldron of the 1930s depression era New York City. Elliott (1996) describes New York

City at the time as a the focal point for radical leftist thought, writers, artists, and intellectuals of

every kind. Given the economic upheaval of the great depression created much discussion

concerning the state of the world and how it could be changed for the better. It was during this

time Baker spent time attending lectures and debates on the streets of New York absorbing

information and considering the merits of various ideologies including socialism and

communsim as paths for racial uplift (Elliott, 1996) (Ransby, 2003). During this time Baker

was heavily involved with a variety fo activities. She was on the editorial staff of two

newspapers focusing on the Black experience. Baker also got her first tastes of activism when

she worked with George Schulyer to form The Young Negros Cooperative League (YNCL) and

as she worked with the Womens Day Workers and the Industrial league. The YNCL was

organized around pooling the buying power of poor black in an effort to help assuage some of


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the difficulties of the great depression in similar fashion to her grandfather mortaging his land to

help feed his community. In her work with the Womens Day Workers and Industrial league

Baker pretended to be a domestic worker to invesitage the conditions these persons had to work

under (Payne, 1989) (Elliott, 1996) (Ransby, 2003). Bakers undercover work as a domestic

particularly as an educated woman of the middle class as well as her work organizing the buying

cooperative for poor blacks demonstrates how Baker solidified her values of service to those less

fortunate and the importance of all people into praxis. It was in cauldron of thought and ideas

that was New York City in the 30s and Bakers participation where she met with the firsts tests of

her activist career (Ransby, 2003).

In 1941 Ella Baker was hired as an assistant field secretary for the NAACP. In her

capacity as a field secretary she was tasked with meeting with local NAACP chapters to conduct

membership drives as well as to help sustain or initiate movement building at the local level

(Ransby, 2003). It was the orientation of the NAACP at the time that the paramount endeavor of

civil rights work was litigation and have had success with that strategy. In order to continue

persuing the litigation strategy the NAACP needed a consistent revenue stream. That revenue

stream were the dues and fund that local NAACP chapters were able to raise. Payne (1989) notes

that by 1944 the NAACP had some 400,000 members who had no role in the NAACPs policy

development which was centralized in the National Headquarters in New York. To Baker this

was a massive mismanagment of the potential of the local NAACP chapters as well as being

undemocratic and authoritarian. This was an unacceptabe state of affairs for Baker so as field

secretary in her recuritment efforts rather than seek out the educated and professional elites as

was expected of here Baker sought out the masses the every day folk (Elliott, 1996) (Payne,


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1989) (Ransby, 2003). True to her values Ella Baker wanted to empower people to help

themselves. In this endeavor Baker sought out the masses where they might be.

Ransby (2003) writes, Baker wanted to build as large a base for the NAACP as

she could. She conveyed to Assistant Secretary Roy Wilkins her ideas for increasing the

Crisis circulation and bolstering my campaign efforts by visiting some of the pool-rooms,

boot black parlors, bars and grilles, with the aim of having a Crisis made available to

regular patrons of the business. These forays into traditionally male domains, obvious

gender transgressions, exemplify Bakers habit of pushing the boundaries of acceptable

behavior for a respectable, middle-class, married woman during the 1940s.

In order to successful with interfacing with the regular was necessary for Baker to be aware of

her class privilege. Ransby (2003) notes that Baker diligently worked to make herself accessible

in terms of her language and overall availability to the people she sought to recruit to the

NAACP. According to Ransby (2003) Baker had a favorite story of a woman approaching her

citing that they had the same dress. This type of personal identification was of paramount

importance because the people that Baker worked with as assistant field secretary in the

particularly in the southern states of Florida, Alabama, Georgia, and Virginia joining

organizations such as the NAACP was done at great risk of reprisal by local whites (Elliott,

1996) (Payne, 1989). Without Baker getting to know and inspiring personal identification it is

unlikely Baker have been as successful in her recruitment efforts. Baker was not always well

received however in an organizing trip to the Baltimore chapter of the NAACP, the chapter head

Lillie Jackson described by Ransby (2003) as a socialite bristled at Bakers disregard forthe

established traditions of seeking out elites as well as Baker meeting with the rank and file

members to gain and understanding their grievances with Jackson in what she perceived to be an


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affront to her authority. Despite this conflict with Jacksons Authoritarianism, Ella Baker

persisted with her appeals the regular people and in the process built and extensive network of

activists and friends that would serve her well in her future work with the SCLC and SNCC

organizations (Ransby, 2003). In 1943 Baker was appointed by NAACP leadership namely, one

Walter White, to the position of The Director of Branches. The manner of Bakers promotion

was indicative of the highly centralized authoritarian culture that Baker as an assistant field

secretary sought to undo. Baker was appointed to the position without notice of any sort.

Ransby (2003) quotes Baker as saying, The manner in which I was appointed or

rather drafted as Director of Branches indicated a thought pattern that does not lend itself

to healthy staff relations. . . At no time had we [White and Baker] discussed the

directorship either in respect to me or to anyone else. . . . My right to an opinion in the

matter was completely discounted.

Despite this undemocratic process and being treated more as a tool rather than a respected staff

member Baker moved into her new position as The Director of Branches with the hope of being

in a better position to advocate for empowerment of the local branches. According to Payne

(1989) in her capacity as the Director of Branches Baker also became a more vocal critic of the

way the NAACP did business. It was her opinion that the success the NAACP legal success had

cause the organization to ignore their shortcomings. Payne (1989) quotes Baker as calling the

organization stale and uninteresting, overly concerned with the approval of whites, overly

dedicated to middle class respectability, as well as ignoring the merits of mass based direct

action tactics. In order to correct these things Baker lobbied directly for a more decentralized

regional and state based structure which was more attentive to local challenges rather than policy

being based down from the national office (Payne, 1989) (Ransby, 2003). In 1944 the NAACP


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had some 400,000 members who Baker should have been the focal point of struggle (Payne,

1989). Thorough her work as the field secretary Baker understood that NAACP branches often

faltered due to the concentration of power at the national office as well as in the hands of elitist

branch heads (Ransby, 2003). In an effort to correct these problems in 1944 through some

resistance initiated a series of leadership conferences. Ransby (2004) writes that The purpose of

the conference was to emphasize the basic techniques and procedures for developing and

carrying out programs of action in the branches. These leadership conferences were conducted

from 1944 to 1946 in 7 cities with more 150 delegates from seventy-three branches and six states

in attendance. The specific topics of discussion were individual and mass protest, political

pressure, education and propaganda, legal action, and cooperation and collaboration with other

groups (Ransby, 2003). By 1946 Bakers criticism and ideological clashing had created

resentment in the NAACP leadership who found her difficult and abrasive. It is safe to assume

that the combination Bakers gender, outspoken criticism, and attack on the centralized

authoritarian structure were the motivations for this criticism.

Ransby (2003) cites Bakers reasoning for resignation as follows, My reasons

for resigning are basically threeI feel that the Association is falling short of its present

possibilities; that the full capacities of the staff have not been used; that there is little

chance of mine being utilized in the immediate future. Neither one nor all of these

reasons would induce me to resign if I felt that objective and honest discussion were

possible and that remedial measures would follow. Unfortunately, I find no basis for

expecting this.

The combination of the push back on Bakers agenda from the NAACP leadership a new

responsibility to care for a nine year old nice caused Baker to resign from the Director of


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Branches post in 1946. This resignation however this was not the last of Bakers work with the

NAACP. Baker was also the president of the New York City chapter of the NAACP and

continued to work centering on equalizing education opportunities for grade school children and

in 1955 was asked by the mayor to serve on a board centered on school integration (Payne, 1989)

(Ransby, 2003). Bakers work with the NAACP exemplified her dedication to empowerment of

the rank and file members of the NAACP. Baker did not allow the centralized and authoritarian

organizational culture of the NAACP cause her to stray from her values. As an assistant field

secretary she sought to draw and incorporate regular people defying the politics of respectability

that dictated that it leadership and control should only be in the hands of the educated and

professional elite. In this break with the entrenched elitism of the NAACP Baker fostered a

relatable, accessible personal manner that inspired the less non-elite at great personal risk work

for racial justice as members of the NAACP. As Director of Branches Baker continued to

advocate for decentralization of power and a more active local branches in terms of direct action

and policy input organizing leadership conferences to empower local level activists fight their

own battles (Elliott, 1996) (Payne, 1989) (Ransby, 2003).

In the mid 1950s Baker along with Bayard Rustin, A. Phillip Randolph and Stanley

Levison formed the organization called In Friendship. It was the purpose of In Friendship to

provide material support and resources to persons undergoing physical and economic reprisals in

response to their activism (Elliott, 1996) (Payne, 1989) (Ransby, 2003). In Friendships

formation was catalyzed primarily in response to the Montgomery Bus Boycott. This famous

protest famously sparked by Rosa Parks planned and tactical refusal to give up her seat on a

Montgomery Bus. It is worthy of not that Parks attended one of leadership conferences initiated

by Baker. The 381 day protest generated expenses that In Friendship raised funds to help defer.


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With the success of the boycott and the Supreme Courts decision to desegregation transportation

Baker was eager to find ways sustain and spread such militant energy and guide it towards other

issues. In the afterglow of the Montgomery victory Baker, Rustin, Levison, and the emergent

Martin Luther King Jr. produced a series of seven working papers entitled Southern Negro

Leaders Conference on Transportation and Nonviolence. It was from these working papers and

Bakers connections to Rev. C. K. Steele established during her field secretary days that the

SCLC was formed (Elliott, 1996) (Payne, 1989) (Ransby, 2003).

The SCLC was a loose association of racial justice organization with a planning

committee made up of southern clergy with Baker as acting executive director. It is worth noting

here that the twice Baker served as acting executive director for the NAACP she was never

officially installed into the office and this was due to sexism and religious bias. Baker had the

strategic know how, the motivation and the connections to see to the SCLCs success but due to

the fact that Baker was not a member of the clergy a fact that her gender insured and that she was

a woman violating the politics of respectability expected of a woman at that particular time she

was never treated with the full measure of respect that she earned.

Elliot (1996) writes that, Her status was also precarious because she found

herself at odds with the ministers due to their unwillingness to outline job descriptions

and thereby provide a solid organizational base. In addition, the treatment of female

staffers was obviously chauvinist. Secretaries were expected to work considerably longer

hours than were ministers, who were held to a much more flexible work schedule.

In addition to the sexism Baker also began to clash with the leadership style of SCLCs leader in

one Martin Luther King Jr. The source of Bakers dissatisfaction with King was his charismatic

leadership style that it invited and encouraged adulation and worship. This was at odds with


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Bakers group centered leadership which focused on empowering persons to be their own leaders.

Ransby (2003) notes that tension within the SCLC was heighten by Bakers harsh criticisms of

King.

According to Ransby (2003) In Bakers view, the celebrity status that the

movement afforded King was not an aberration but rather a product of a dominant culture

that promoted individualism and egocentrismShe argued that activists often

unwittingly replicate the values and attributes of those they oppose, which becomes a

detriment to the movement. While many black leaders criticized racial hierarchies in the

dominant society, they recreated hierarchies based on class, gender, and personality

within the movement itself.

Much like the NAACP, the SCLC was entrenched in a middle politics of respectability and

overly concerned for how they appeared to white audiences. Much of the friction between Baker

and King is rooted in their leadership styles and the formation of their values in the Black

Church as an institution. In this particular period of history the church functions not only as a

place of moral instruction and thus value formation but also a place of skill building. There were

different values imparted to King and Baker based upon the expectations created by their

respective genders and as a result shaped how King and Baker implemented their skill sets

through their leadership. King was born into an elite Atlanta family and was groomed for the

ministry. Within the Church clergy are often referred to as shepherds alluding to divine authority

but also a responsibility for their charges. While Baker was also born in to a relatively elite

circumstance as a woman she was groomed to assume the respectability of a lady and serve in

quietude and humility indicating a responsibility to others. Though both reared in the Black

Church and ardent advocates for racial justice the gender expectations formed the values that


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manifests as Kings charismatic great man and Bakers group centered transformational

leadership (Barnett, 1993) (Elliott, 1996) (Nance, 1996) (Ransby, 2003). It is important to note

the sexism that Baker and other women workers with the SCLC and civil rights movement as a

whole appears to be this glaring oversight however it can also be explained through the gender

ideology of the Black Church. Barnett (1993) notes thatin the Southern social structure of the1950s, women were expected to adhere to the adage that they should be seen, not heard, and in

Southern Baptist churches women's place was in the pew and out ofthe pulpit in addition to

idea that it was felt women would be less respected by white opposition and less palatable to

sympathetic white audiences. Nance (1996) offers two suggestions as to why this sexist behavior

was tolerated by women workers in the civil rights. The first because the women knew that

without their work the infrastructure if not the movement itself would crumble denoting an

understanding of the power they wielded even if unacknowledged by their male peers. The

second is that they sincerely believed that racism was simply the more important battle. Given

the working conditions which Payne (1989) cites Baker as saying during her tenures as the acting

executive director of the SCLC she worked out of her purse and phone booth rather than a proper

office in addition to the SCLC depending upon her network Baker likely reasoned along the

same lines. In Baker work with the SCLC as Ransby (2003) note she worked to carry out various

programs around voter registration and establishing respectful treatment in public

establishments. Nevertheless Baker still managed to form grassroots connections with the

Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights (ACMHR) who had the largest based of poor

member of any other racial justice organization headed by Fred Shuttleworth a well-known

militant firebrand, the United Christian Movement (UCM) headed by C.O. Stimpkins in

Shreveport, Louisiana who also worked closely with working class and poor communities, and


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the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF) an interracial organization working for racial

justice headed by Carl and Anne Braden. These relationship are significant because they

represent Baker remaining true to her values of group centered transformational leadership by

partnering with and lending her skills as an organizer, speaker, and strategist to these grassroots

organization and their dedication to empowerment (Ransby, 2003). Bakers most clear break

with the SCLC manifested in a speech on June 5th

1959 for the ACMHR where Baker affirms a

basic right to self-defense and questions nonviolence as a tactic in the face of extreme violence

as was experienced by Black communities in the south. This is significant as this was as King

was returning from India affirming a practice of nonviolence in the tradition of Gandhi. The

differing leadership strategies of King and Baker are evident here. Kings embrace of

nonviolence suited the middle class Christian politic of respectability in which his leadership

represented. While who was more widely connected to the working class and the poor who bore

the brunt for racial injustice questioned nonviolence as a tactic in the face of violence and terror

that middle class persons were less likely to encounter (Ransby, 2003). In a joint venture and

Bakers last major action as member of the SCLC, the SCEF and SCLC set out to hold a set of

hearings to pressure the enforcement of the 1957 civil rights act entitled The Voteless Speak.

the spontaneous decentralized movement that came to the limelight. This movement grew into

SNCC in which Bakers vision of the transformational group centered leadership would be

realized (Payne, 1989) (Ransby, 2003).

In the aftermath of the Sit In movement a highly confrontational form direct action which

spread from city through networks of friends and family being organized and planned on the

local level Baker sought to sustain the momentum and energy of the Sit In movement and so the

Southwide Student Leadership Conference on Nonviolent Resistance to Segregation was


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organized. Baker, because of her experiences with older racial justice organizations took great

care to insure that that the students remained uninfluenced. Baker structured the conference so

that it would private away from the media so that they could not create leaders and

spokespersons and shield the students from annexation by the NAACP and the SCLC by

resigning her position from the SCLC and as Ransby (2003) notes reprimanding King and other

SCLC leaders for what she perceived to be a plot to subsume the student movement. The

students at the conference formed SNCC with Baker as it advisor. As an advisor Baker used her

extensive networks of contacts to provide these students with the necessary experience to

accompany their desire for direct action. As Payne (1989) writes, Baker was also instrumental in

preventing a split in the organization over whether SNCC should pursue voting registration

which was indirect action in contrast with the direct action confrontations like the sit ins that

brought them all together.

Elliot (1996) writes, Baker was fond of using the Socratic Method. She asked

questions and the students discovered answers. They debated for hours, and meetings

could last for days. If someone remained quiet for too long, Baker would engage the

person in conversation and then announce to the group that he or she had something to

say. The students trusted her because, rather than dictate policy, Baker guided them to

solutions. She spoke their language (Dallard, 1990). When the organization debated the

merits of a voter registration drive versus direct action, Baker suggested that they use

both tactics. Her knowledge of people and resources was especially helpful to students

who needed to connect with organizations and families in the South

Bakers relatable nature and ability to speak the language of the young organizers is impressive

given that she at his time in the 1960 was many years their senior at nearly 60 years of age. She


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