energy and buildings volume 16 issue 3-4 1991o

13
Energy and Buildings, 15 - 16 (1990/91) 837 - 849 837 Climate and Housing Form -- a Case Study of New Delhi ASHOK B. LALL, MADHU PANDIT,.NAVEEN KULSHRESHTA and PAUL APPASAMY B-25 Chiragh Enclave, New Delhi 110048 (India) ABSTRACT New Delhi's climate is a difficult climate to design for, being composite in nature: it experi- ences a dry-hot summer with temperatures up to 45 °C and winters with temperatures down to 3 °C and an in-between hot-humid season. The city of Delhi has a long continuous history and each stage of its development, from medieval times through the colonial period until the New Delhi of today, is to be found intact as a stand- ing record. Each period of the city's historical development has been marked by a distinct pattern of urban growth. It is interesting to note that while climate has been an important and constant factor, the overlaying of cultural, socio-economic and technological changes re- sulted in widely different forms of urban struc- ture being adopted. The changes in housing form that occurred through the three stages of the city's develop- ment were analysed systematically keeping cli- mate as a constant factor with the variables of construction, urban structure, social patterns and symbolic language being seen as dynamic counterpoints to understand the resultant built form. This was used to identify principles of housing design of the traditional and colonial forms of housing which could be adopted to serve present-day needs and to identify those irreversible developments which make our present situation significantly different from the past. The lessons learnt from the analysis com- mended: (a) from the traditional housing form -- the value of a tightly knit urban struc- ture that shelters both outdoor and indoor spaces, and the street and court as socially meaningful spatial configurations; (b) from the colonial example -- the use of vegetation as a microclimate modifier combined with a relax- ation of built density to respond more fa- vourably to humid and cold seasons. The factors that distinguish the present situation from the traditional and colonial situations are motorized vehicular access, relatively low mass of building construction materials and tech- niques, and the pressure on land causing high population densities and high-rise construc- tion. The lessons of this research are applied to two housing design projects for the middle- income group category of housing. These archi- tectural solutions, which aim at optimizing en- vironmental qualities for housing along with climatic comfort and energy utilization, suggest some limits of density and land-utilization be- yond which environmental quality and energy efficiency would decline. It is recommended that such design exercises be undertaken to estab- lish both the lower and upper limits of density and land-utilization for housing so as to provide a more holistic basis for fixing town planning norms. BACKGROUND New Delhi is a city undergoing rapid growth and change. The increasing pressures on urbanization are leading to progressive en- vironmental degradation. Whether it is with respect to natural ecology, energy efficiency, societal integration, or meaningful commu- nity expression in built form, there is a grow- ing sense of breakdown in the urban fabric of the city. There is a pressing need to evolve urban development parameters and principles for the design of the urban environment that are based on a holistic logic while recognizing contemporary realities. This paper presents some work towards evolving such parameters and design principles in the area of housing for the middle-income groups of the city's pop- ulation. Though the work described here has specific reference to New Delhi, it should be of value for other urban centres located in the same climatic region of North India. 0378-7788/91/$3.50 ~ Elsevier Sequoia/Printed in The Netherlands

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Energy and Buildings, 15 - 16 (1990/91) 837 - 849 837

Climate and H o u s i n g For m - - a Case S tudy of New Delhi

ASHOK B. LALL, MADHU PANDIT,.NAVEEN KULSHRESHTA and PAUL APPASAMY

B-25 Chiragh Enclave, New Delhi 110048 (India)

ABSTRACT

New Delhi's climate is a difficult climate to design for, being composite in nature: it experi- ences a d ry -ho t summer with temperatures up to 45 °C and winters with temperatures down to 3 °C and an in-between h o t - h u m i d season. The city of Delhi has a long continuous history and each stage of its development, from medieval times through the colonial period until the New Delhi of today, is to be found intact as a stand- ing record. Each period of the city's historical development has been marked by a distinct pattern of urban growth. It is interesting to note that while climate has been an important and constant factor, the overlaying of cultural, socio-economic and technological changes re- sulted in widely different forms of urban struc- ture being adopted.

The changes in housing form that occurred through the three stages of the city's develop- ment were analysed systematically keeping cli- mate as a constant factor with the variables of construction, urban structure, social patterns and symbolic language being seen as dynamic counterpoints to understand the resultant built form. This was used to identify principles of housing design of the traditional and colonial forms of housing which could be adopted to serve present-day needs and to identify those irreversible developments which make our present situation significantly different from the past.

The lessons learnt from the analysis com- mended: (a) from the traditional housing form - - the value of a tightly knit urban struc- ture that shelters both outdoor and indoor spaces, and the street and court as socially meaningful spatial configurations; (b) from the colonial example - - the use of vegetation as a microclimate modifier combined with a relax- ation of built density to respond more fa- vourably to humid and cold seasons. The factors that distinguish the present situation

from the traditional and colonial situations are motorized vehicular access, relatively low mass of building construction materials and tech- niques, and the pressure on land causing high population densities and high-rise construc- tion.

The lessons of this research are applied to two housing design projects for the middle- income group category of housing. These archi- tectural solutions, which aim at optimizing en- vironmental qualities for housing along with climatic comfort and energy utilization, suggest some limits of density and land-utilization be- yond which environmental quality and energy efficiency would decline. It is recommended that such design exercises be undertaken to estab- lish both the lower and upper limits of density and land-utilization for housing so as to provide a more holistic basis for fixing town planning norms.

BACKGROUND

New Delhi is a city undergoing rapid growth and change. The increasing pressures on urbanization are leading to progressive en- vironmental degradation. Whether it is with respect to natural ecology, energy efficiency, societal integration, or meaningful commu- nity expression in built form, there is a grow- ing sense of breakdown in the urban fabric of the city. There is a pressing need to evolve urban development parameters and principles for the design of the urban environment that are based on a holistic logic while recognizing contemporary realities. This paper presents some work towards evolving such parameters and design principles in the area of housing for the middle-income groups of the city's pop- ulation. Though the work described here has specific reference to New Delhi, it should be of value for other urban centres located in the same climatic region of North India.

0378-7788/91/$3.50 ~ Elsevier Sequoia/Printed in The Netherlands

838

Our approach has been qualitative rather than quantitative. We started by trying to understand the dynamics of housing design through an analysis of the development of housing form in the history of the city. On the basis of this analysis we were able to define some guiding principles which have then been tested in two designs for contemporary hous- ing in New Delhi that were prepared in re- sponse to housing design competitions. The designs serve as illustrations of the potential of the principles being proposed and also provide empirical information for defining quantitative parameters on town planning norms - - such as density, floor-area ratios and ground coverage.

METHODOLOGY

The city of Delhi has a long, continuous history and we are fortunate that complete built environments from each stage of its de- v e l o p m e n t - from medieval times through the colonial period until the New Delhi of today - - are to be found intact as a standing record. This provides an ideal opportunity for a comparative study of the architecture and planning of successive periods. Now it is in- teresting to note that while climate has al- ways been an important and constant factor, the urban forms that developed in the suc- ceeding periods differed widely. Each period of the city's historical development is marked by a distinct urban pattern. It is the inevitable march of cultural, socio-economic and techno- logical change overriding the imperatives of climate that accounts for the differences. Evi- dently, climate by itself does not determine the form of the built environment.

In our search for guiding principles appli- cable for our needs today, we recognized that the present-day technological and cultural context precludes housing solutions that sim- ply imitate the past. We also recognized that al though design strategies which must ad- dress today's critical issues of ecology and energy conservation do have to be designed around the locus of climate, they would neces- sarily have to evolve a symbiotic relationship with the contemporary 'way of life'. They have to integrate social and cultural patterns and be economically and technologically feasible.

So our framework for analysis of the devel-

opment of housing form through the three main historical periods -- the traditional city of Shahjahanabad, the colonial capital of New Delhi, and the post-independence new city was designed to help us identify:

(a) principles of planning and design of the traditional and colonial forms of housing which could be adopted to serve present-day needs;

(b) irreversible developments which make for our present situation being significantly different from the past.

We should then be better able to state prin- ciples of planning and design that take advan- tage of lessons learnt from our past while recognizing present realities.

We selected representative buildings and neighbourhoods from each historical period and analysed them through a matrix of deter- minants of building design. Climate was placed as a central constant whereas the vari- able factors of technology and socio-cultural change were seen as dynamic counterpoints. The broad headings under which these deter- minants were organized were:

(a) c l i m a t e - the ways in which the built environment interacts positively with climate through the cycle of seasons;

(b) c o n s t r u c t i o n - the implications of ma- terials, construction techniques, and organiza- tion of skills on the design of buildings;

(c) urban structure - - the rationale for uti- lization of land, systems of access and routing of services;

(d) social pat terns the relationship of buildings and spaces to the patterns of living, work and leisure, both in the home and at the community level;

(e) symbolic l a n g u a g e - specific forms of spatial and object design that embody social and cultural meanings.

Each of these headings in turn yielded a cluster of sub-headings. Thus, the matrix was formed by arranging these determinants ac- cording to their headings and sub-headings vertically, and arranging the examples of housing from the succeeding periods, in a chronological order, horizontally (refer to Ap- pendix 1). The observations entered in each coordinate of the matrix were then read as horizontal and vertical sets. The horizontal sets gave some understanding of the direc- tions of change and development that have been taking place. The vertical sets, on the

CLIMATE

PASSIVE STRATEGY FOR COMFORT

( ~ [ l l t ' l ) l ] ) t t l ~11 "x, 11[)t~[~ %l Vi i i I II1"('

Built Space

Open Space

Built Space

Open Space

Mar ADr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb

COMFORT ,I ZONE

[ ~l I[ II II I

Figure I

FAIR GOOD GOOD

POOR GOOD FAIR Figure 2

Space FAIR FAIR GOOD

Open

FAIR

POOR

Fig. 1, Summary of climatic performance of traditional, colonial and contemporary housing forms.

839

other hand, gave an understanding of how an archi tecture evolves towards solutions that satisfy a number of determinants simulta- neously.

CLIMATE PROFILE

New Delhi's climate is a composite climate (see Fig. 1). Temperatures range from a maxi- mum of around 45 °C to a minimum of about 3 °C. The diurnal variat ion of temperature, which is substantial (20- 25 °C) for most of the year, is dampened during the humid monsoon season. A two-month h o t - d r y season is the hottest. This is succeeded by a longer h o t - humid period. A period of comfortable weather follows before winter sets in. The winter, which is mostly co ld -d ry is of a longer durat ion than the h o t - d r y season. The weather turns pleasant once again before the beginning of summer.

Passive strategies to obtain comfort need to respond to ho t -d ry , h o t - h u m i d as well as co ld -d ry conditions. They are of four main kinds. First is shading and protect ion from exposure to external environment, i.e., control of insolation and insulation against heat and cold. Second is the use of thermal mass to dampen diurnal temperature variations. Third is the control of air movement. And the fourth is the use of vegetat ion as a modifier of micro- climate (Fig. 1).

The climatic performance of the representa- tive examples of housing from the three his- torical periods along with conclusions drawn from the analytical matrix are summarized below.

TRADITIONAL CITY

As representat ive of the tradi t ional city we picked a small section of the city of

840

~ o ~ 2 4 6

(a) (b)

/ \ .

t

(c)

Fig. 2. Examples of traditional housing, (a) Typical haveli. (b) Part plan of city showing dense contiguous construction with narrow streets and small courtyards. (c) Cutaway axonometric view of a typical haveli.

S h a h j a h a n a b a d , and looked closely a t two have l i s (Fig. 2).

The ch ie f c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the bui l t form are con t iguous bui ld ings wi th smal l court- ya rds and n a r r o w s t reets , which minimize ex- posu re to the ex te rna l e n v i r o n m e n t and p rov ide wel l - shaded in te r io r and ou t d oo r spaces, and a h e a v y bui ld ing mass which has

the effect of d a m p e n i n g the v a r i a t i o n s in dai ly t empe ra tu r e s .

This dense e n v i r o n m e n t pe r fo rms well for the h o t - d r y season. I t does not, however , per- form as sa t i s fac to r i ly for the humid and cold seasons s ince by the very n a t u r e of i ts densi ty, it inh ib i t s free a i r m o v e m e n t and p e n e t r a t i o n of sunshine . Pe rhaps the mos t s ignif icant

advantage of this built form is tha t the out- door spaces function as open rooms which are used for every kind of human activity at all times.

These characteris t ics of the built form can be said to have evolved in response to the climate, but they were equally the results of other important factors. The continui ty of buildings expresses a close-knit social struc- ture and the mutual dependence within social groups for security. Compactness of urban s t ructure is also a function of the limitations of t radi t ional modes of transport; proximity was a necessity for city functions. The mesh- ing together of a variety of activities into a dense s t ructure is a result of the overlapping relationships between work, home, and leisure.

It cannot be said that the tradi t ional city of Shahjahanabad provided an ideal solution for

climatic comfort, nor can one say categori- cally tha t climate was the primary factor in determining its form. Its validity lies in the fact tha t it was a balanced synthesis that served sociological and cultural needs as much as it dealt with a complex and variable climate to produce a fairly liveable environment.

841

COLONIAL CITY

In contrast to the dense, t ightly knit struc- ture of Shahjahanabad, the colonial capital of New Delhi is expansive and spread out with buildings set amongst lawns and broad tree- lined avenues. The colonial city would appear to be a complete contradict ion to the wisdom of the tradi t ional city! But it must be remem- bered that for the British, comfort in the In- dian climate was a major concern and that it was carefully provided for.

For our analysis we selected a housing es- tate that was built for middle-level govern- ment employees (Fig. 3). Here, the buildings are of a heavy mass, inner rooms are shaded by ample verandahs, and windows are pro- tected by projections. This provides a fair measure of protect ion to the indoor spaces against climatic extremes. In addition, the garden setting becomes a means of modifying the microclimate of the estate; avenues of trees, shrubs and lawns control dust and bring down temperatures appreciably. Homes group around the gardens to form garden courts and the surrounding roads and paths are designed as tree-shaded avenues. The garden is seen as

(a) (b)

ff" -Tl a i ~ , 1 =

D

(c) (d)

Fig. 3. Colonial housing. (a) Two-room flat. (b) Three-room flat. (c) Part plan of housing estate showing ar- rangement of housing blocks to form garden courts and streets. (d) Typical elevation.

842

an integral component of the spatial s t ructure of the housing environment.

In terms of indoor comfort, the colonial buildings perform better for the cold and hu- mid seasons when compared with the tradi- t ional city, as the openness of the environment allows easier access to winter sun and a freer passage for natural breeze. Round-the-year climatic performance of the built spaces is perhaps more satisfactory than in Shahjahanabad. But the open spaces around the homes being more exposed to the weather are usable only as recreat ion spaces during mild weather.

But the garden was not merely a device to modify microclimate. For the planners and designers of the time it was an expression of a cultural predilection to celebrate nature as an extension of the home. It was a part of the utopian dream of the Garden City which sought a re turn to a meaningful relationship with nature. The garden became a signifier of civilized living and of status. While bunga- lows, which were built for the top end of the social heirarchy, emulated the villa sur- rounded by gardens, collective housing for the middle and lower ranks was modelled on the squares of English towns where the garden courts with their symmetrical arrangements of the enclosing housing blocks were formal sym- bols of a social group.

Coupled with the idea of the garden was the arrival of the motor car. Motorized trans- port overcame the constraint of distance and encouraged horizontal dispersal of city func- tions. At the same time it imposed a new discipline of roads, junctions and roundabouts as a ra t ionale for s t ructur ing space.

The colonial city s t ructure therefore was an expression of a new set of cultural values on the one hand, and a function of motorized t ransport on the other. The city plan imposed an order whereby functions were segregated into discrete elements as opposed to the or- ganic cont inui ty witnessed in the tradit ional city. The imposition of these abstractions on city life brought about a complete change in the nature of public open space. Where the extension of the home had once been the nar- row lane and the bazaar, it was now replaced by the garden court, the tree-shaded avenue and the park.

This colonial legacy has influenced our val- ues and life-styles significantly. Our placing a

high value on the garden and the park as an essential component of the housing environ- ment has been one of its most significant as- pects. This value became embodied in much of the town planning legislation and designs of post-independent India, especially for new ur- banization, irrespective of climate or culture.

In the context of the climatic region typ- ified by Delhi, incorporat ing vegetation inte- grally in the city fabric has certainly proven its merit as a means of modifying microcli- mate, (apart from its inherent aesthetic ap- peal). But the extension of the garden idea toward an "openness" that results in the loss of a habitable public realm for the city is not appropriate.

CONTEMPORARY CITY

Today's housing environment is condi- tioned by many recent developments: • The availabili ty of electricity and electri- cally operated devices has meant both a rise in the acceptable standards of comfort and the ability to obtain comfort without relying on the building's s t ructure and envelope as a sensitive foil against climate. $ T h e new technologies of cement, steel, glass, etc., have resulted in buildings whose mass is as little as 60% of the mass of tradi- tional or colonial construct ion for the equiva- lent volume enclosed. This reduces the capability of the buildings to dampen the effect of temperature variations. • The privately owned vehicle is now occupy- ing more of the open ground. The park and garden located next to the home are being eaten up by roads and parking. • The economics of scarcity are beginning to create pressures on land which demand higher and higher densities of development.

Climatologically, due to their lighter con- struction, buildings now deal only moderately with the extremes of winter and summer (Fig. 1). By and large, it is found that open spaces have lost much of their value. The space be- tween buildings is being given over to the motor car. The green areas tend to be pro- vided as segregated entities or as undefined patches without meaningful or functional in- tegrat ion with the homes. They cease to func- tion as microclimate modifiers of the housing environment. The need for open or public

space to give cohesion and continuity to the city fabric, and the desirability of a useable outdoor environment are virtually forgotten.

The performance of contemporary housing construction is generally less satisfactory than the traditional or colonial forms for in- door as well as outdoor spaces. Poor microcli- mate control means that, for the extreme conditions of both summer and winter, there is a greater dependence on electrically oper- ated devices to obtain comfort. This is a sig- nificant area for energy conservation.

The above-mentioned weaknesses are amenable to a fair degree of correction by careful design, as argued below, but when densities are driven high by pressure on land (say above 120 dwelling units/hectare) it is found that the environmental optimum be- comes irretrievable.

LESSONS

(1) The lessons offered by the traditional architecture suggest that a t ightly knit built form is called for, to reduce exposure to the external environment and to compensate for a relatively lighter mass of building fabrics/ma- terials. Continuity and mutual sheltering and shading must be achieved. And the open spaces should also be contained and protected by the building forms.

(2) The colonial example suggests two fur- ther principles. Firstly, vegetation, which can be integrated at every scale of the housing environment (the home, the cluster and the neighbourhood), to become an individual as well as social asset serving both environmen- tal and aesthetic values. Secondly, while achieving a sense of protection to the open space, sufficient openness is still to be re- tained to enable insolation during the winter season and to promote adequate air movement during the ho t -humid season. This calls for a well-judged balance between closure and openness to optimize round-the-year perfor- mance.

(3) From the social and cultural points of view, the street and court character of the public spaces, which is employed in tradi- tional as well as colonial examples, suggest themselves as spatial patterns that provide a sense of community identity, have a human scale, and are functionally useful.

843

(4) Looking at present-day realities, the following factors are to be accounted for in the design of housing environments; these are factors that distinguish the contemporary sit- uation from the past. • The legacy of the colonial experience which places a positive value on greenery requires integration into the urban structure. Homes within a setting of lawns, flowers and trees, and with the preference for a 'green' aspect as an extension of indoor spaces are equated with a wholesome environment for living. • The motor car needs to be given its appro- priate place. The conflict between vehicular access, pedestrian movement and recreational space needs a balanced resolution. • The third factor is the growing pressure on land. It is to be ensured that progressive in- crease in this pressure, which is caused chiefly by the short supply of land, does not at tain levels beyond which a decline in environmen- tal quality will be inevitable. Design experi- mentation would need to establish limits of densities of development within which opti- mal environmental conditions can be ob- tained.

TWO DESIGN PROPOSALS

Two designs for housing environments which draw upon the lessons learnt above, are presented here for discussion.

The first design (Figs. 4 and 5) gave pri- macy to the application of the science of cli- matology. Each and every dwelling unit in the entire development, be they multi-storey flats, town houses, or walk-up apartments, had an ideal orientation which ensured insolation into the homes during winter and protection from the sun during the summers. The shallow depth plans in all buildings ensured good cross-ventilation. The spatial pattern that combined the homes, circulation routes, and recreational space with gardens and trees emerged from staggering identically oriented blocks to form court-like spaces of varying dimensions. These courts were protected from the eastern and western sun by virtue of their no r th - sou th displacement. The north sides of the buildings which were constantly under shade took the function of paved access paths, whereas the south sides had balconies and terraces with planters, looking onto gardens

844

Fig. 4. DDA housing: part plan showing clusters forming courts and gardens. Joint competition and M. N. Ashish Ganju for a competition for middle-income group housing called by the Delhi 1987.

1 entry by Ashok B. La11 Development Authority,

which would receive the winter sun. The repetitive urban form. The court spaces and north-south distance between buildings was the paths lack clear definition and symbolic determined by the angle of incidence of the significance. midday sun in mid-winter. The single orienta- The second design (Figs. 6 and 7) for tion, although ideal from a climatological another housing project placed primary im- standpoint, both for outdoor as well as for indoor spaces, resulted in a regimented and

portance on creating socially and culturally meaningful forms. It also made a deliberate

845

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~ V 7

COURT "OUSE5 ©OUmT C0URT .OUSTS n o w . o u s e s

Fig. 5. DDA housing: typical cross section. All residents face southwards such tha t main rooms, balconies and gardens receive the winter sun. The area adjacent to the nor th face of buildings is paved and used for circulat ion of pedestr ians and vehicles. Jo in t competi t ion entry by Ashok B. Lall and M. N. Ashish Ganju for a competit ion for middle-income group housing called by the Delhi Development Authority, 1987.

1

Fig. 6. NTPC housing: site plan. Tight kni t clustering of dwelling uni ts to form community garden courts (9). Controlled vehicular access (shown shaded) along an internal street and a peripheral motorable road. Competit ion entry by Ashok B. Lall, for NTPC Housing at NOIDA, near New Delhi, 1989.

846

6

L

Fig. 7. NTPC housing: part plan showing clustering of houses around small garden plots and forming definite streets. Competition entry by Ashok B. Lall, for NTPC Housing at NOIDA, near New Delhi, 1989.

attempt to see the housing design as a comple- ment to the surrounding urban develop- m e n t s - so as to complete the formation of streets and avenues to make well-defined neighbourhood elements.

Drawing upon the analysis of both tradi- t ional and colonial examples, where orienta- tion as a principle to govern the planning is rarely followed, we sacrificed the theoret ical ideal for the most advantageous orientation. Not having the design fix of identical orienta- tion enabled a freer modulation of building mass to achieve: • contiguity of s t ructure and mutual shading; • a definite formation of streets, courts, en- trances and enclosures to give a richly ex- pressed hierarchy of socially significant and functional spaces; • a hierarchy of green spaces, from the small private garden to the shared courtyard and finally, to the public park; an intimate inte- grat ion of these with the buildings provided human scale and a sense of protected and sheltered open space.

We assumed in this design that the treat- ment of wall surfaces and window openings would be varied according to the dictates of the orientat ion of each location. As was cus- tomary in t radi t ional and colonial architec- ture, devices such as screens and awnings would be used to control sunlight.

Scale and intensity of development The vertical scale of the designs is worth

discussing briefly (Figs. 8 and 9). If one looks at the relationship between the volumes of built and open spaces, it will be seen that a scalar balance between horizontal and verti- cal dimensions of the protected open s p a c e s - the streets and c o u r t s - is to be maintained. The volumes should provide a sense of shade and shelter, without completely cutt ing out the winter sun from the lower parts of buildings and the ground. The closure of space should also permit a reasonable per- meability for air movement. The houses need to remain close to the ground in order to benefit from the microclimate generated by

Fig. 8. First design.

Fig. 9. Second design.

vegetation. And, very importantly, human scale, which is a function of an intimacy of open spaces without an overpowering domi- nance of surrounding buildings, is to be en- sured.

We believe that the two projects illustrated here optimize this overall balance, and that any further densification of development and increase in heights of structures would have a negative impact. The designs do indicate cer- tain limits of density and floor-area ratios if holistically optimized environments are to be planned.

The indicated upper limits are around a density of 120 dwelling units per hectare, per- mitting an average construction height of four stories, with 70% of the ground kept open to the sky.

Apart from the loss in environmental qual- ity that results when these limits are ex- ceeded, the impact on energy consumption is also negative. The consumption of energy em- bodied in building materials increases dramat- ically for tall structures. Whereas four- to

847

five-storey construction can be managed using load-bearing brickwork and stabilized mud- block construction, taller structures become dependent on an extensive use of steel and cement, which are energy-intensive construc- tion materials.

The greater height of buildings distances the indoor spaces from the advantageous microclimate generated by vegetation. They are more exposed to the elements, resulting in a higher dependence on electricity for comfort. Needless to say, taller constructions also become dependent on electricity for the transport of piped services, people and goods.

An increase in population density is accom- panied by an increase in vehicular density. Here again, we feel that beyond the limits of density indicated above, the problems of protecting recreational and pedestrian areas from the intrusion of the motor car, will require more expensive and energy-intensive solutions such as underground or multi-storey parking.

The designs shown here concern them- selves with the upper limits of the intensity of development for housing environments. This paper deals with urban housing for the mid- dle-income groups with the average dwelling unit size approximately 80 m 2. We recommend that similar exercises in design need to be performed to determine the lower limits. At lower densities too, costs of transportat ion and distribution of services become uneco- nomic. Microclimate control becomes less effective, apart from losing the potential of a public realm that forms a meaningful city structure. Operational limits defining the de- sirable intensity of housing development suit- able for the urban expansion of Northern Indian towns of the composite climate belt can be arrived at by conducting prototypical design studies. The limits so arrived at should be used to guide future urban development plans, thereby redressing the balance in fa- vour of a humane and ecologically sound envi- ronment for our homes.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

S. Prasad, A study of courtyard houses in hot-dry and hot humid regions of Northern India, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Royal College of Art, London, 1987.

8 4 8

A P P E N D I X 1

Shahjahanabad {Traditionall

Lodi Estate Sheik Scrai Anandgram ( G o v t staff quarters} {Group housing b~, (Advocacy for aided self- (Colonial} housing agencyl help community housing}

{ Contemporar))

Comments

Climate • Shading

• Air Movement

• Modif3,ing microclimate

Narrow access routes shaded by buildings and contiguous development

3-storey dense carpet of buildings dampens temper- ature variations within the urban fabric

Roadside trees for shade

Greenery for shade and cool

Partial mutual shading of units. Shaded access

Trees

Needs specific research

Urban structure • Open space

Public

Private

Garden grounds at "town" level Small "chowks' at neigh- bourhood level Narrow streets

Courtyards, terraces, few gardens

Housing blocks form Housing blocks forming garden court pedestrian streets, and, Broad planted avenues paved green or parking

courts

None? Private front court, bal- Roof terrace? conies, terraces

• Movement and Tree-like hierarchic strut- transportation ture of streets, cul-de-sacs

Predominantly pedestrian with quiet vehicles

Network hierarchy Broad network with cul- Primaryimportancegiven de-sac for vehicles but to authorized transport diffused network for pede- But with shaded pave- strian movement ments No service lanes Segregation of service Clear separation and ex- functions service lanes pression of pedestrian No conflict seen between movement and vehicular vehicular movement and movement play area

• Allocation of functions

Only salient social func- tions pre-determined: city market, mosque, palace Occupation of land accord- ing to social sets of varied functions although func- tions are distinguished by building type

Single function Single function

Construction (process) • Relationship Household Institution

1 M~ister mason, craftsmen Engineer/architect

Common pool of crafts Contractor people used by all members ,~ of neighbourhood User

Promoter

MarkTeet "NArchitect [ User}

Promoter Y

Promoter ~ Contractor

Centralization of design Household become passive consumer with no involve- ment in production pro- cess but user can exercise some choice

• User's role Each household directly involved in building its own home. Neighbour- hood environment formed by accretion of individual building acts

Centralization of design Household becomes pas- sive consumer with no involvement in produc- tion process Design determines 'total ' environment housing as employment benefit

Construction (labour) O Organization Common pool of master Contractor-based Contractor-based

of labour masons and craftsmen used construction construction organization by all members of neigh- organization bourhood

• Selection Masons/craftsmen selected Selection on basis of Selection on basis of tom- on basis of reputation competitive rates petitive rates

Increasing scale and complexity of construction organization

No parks within neighbour- hood Hierarchy of spaces from 'family' to 'extended family' to outsiders

Transitions along the hier- archy implied rather than physically marked

Pedestrianized environment accessible by emergency vehi- cles

Salient social functions pre- determined, occupation of land according to km No distinction between home and workplace

Community

User Crafts

%, J

Designer

Each household to be directly involved in building its own home Community-level design guided by architect

C o m m o n pool of designer/ craftsmen to b e used by all members of neighbourhood

For the middle class, imme- diacy of playground and symbiotic relationship be- tween house and garden seen as integral components of housing form For the poor citizens, home- making encompasses open rooms for living, work and play No 'parks' needed

Motor car ownership and desire for direct access by vehicle enforces its own spa- tial order A pedestrian precinct at the community level connects to motor transport system at higher level The degree of motor in- trusion permitted into a housing environment is a variable

Mix of activities was natural to traditional settlements Present-day attitude assumes a need to protect housing environment from interfer- ence by all other activities This attitude springs from those who may be well to do with means of transport and servants etc. Does that permit the luxury of seclusion?

I. Employer and promoter- built housing is now a real need arising from mobility of employment

2. Construction process in- volving centralized design and large-scale capital-inten- sive building methods are a consequence of ( I ) above

3. User needs require ratio- nalization into 'standard' profiles

4. Increasing alienation of user from processes of de- sign and construction mili- tate against (3) above being sensitive

5. Need to devise methods of interaction to return 'con- trol' to user Anandgram model?

849

Skills

Social patterns • Security

( Social conflict)

• Community

• Home and livelihood

• Leisure

• Play

• Maintenance

Symbolic language • Expression

of status

• Expression of community

Signs • Entrance

• Boundaries

Skills of applied decoration Decorative crafts relied Construction systems integral part of architec- upon marginally more capital-intensive rural meaning Decorative crafts not

required

Shared architectural lan- Institutional image con- guage with individual ex- veyed in architectural pression form

Technology of decentralized low-capital crafts Decorative crafts sought to be provided

Deliberately structured rela- tionships and intense interac- tion ~Design' resulting from above process seen as articulation of aspirations and demands

Individual security = Security not a concern Security not a concem for Extended family security Social conflict--fear of riots collective security for designers designers Caste group security due to communal and class

tensions and organized crime (drugs. burglary) exist to- day. though not always ac- knowledged by the planner

Caste identity = neighbour- Uniform employee status Social groupings not re- Community = neighbourhood New urban housing tends to hood andcommon employer = lated to neighbourhood Nuclear identity within ex- have only the one dimension

neighbourhood Disperate community tended family grouping of class for community The exception being employ- ers and cooperative housing

Close interweaving of resi- Residences separated Residences separated from Home = work In present metropolitan so- dence and trade from work/shops work/shops ciety, work for majority is

away from home

Leisure for men Evening walk Evening walk Two-in-one For the middle classes, T.V. streets conversation Play in garden Play in garden is a major group activity shops conversation Radio Radio, T.V. Individual leisure activity at

Reading home more common due to audio gadgetry and maga- zines

Within house Planned children's play- Planned children's Within houses Organized sport, e.g., Streets grounds playgrounds Between houses cricket, football, etc., require Open areas in city fabric? Open grounds Maidan more grounds

Private land by residents Maintenance by Maintenance by resident's Maintenance by residents Shift in sense of responsibil- Public areas by state (dry employer association and public ser- ity for maintenance of corn- latrines, etc.) Social segregation of vice agencies mon property toward an

"menial' class/work impersonal "authority' provision of service lane

Individual status finds ex- pression within a cohesive urban structure

Sense of community expressed by: (1) Character of street (2) Integrating work and

living quarters

Collective status defined by the institution with- out room for individual expression Individual homes are subsumed under the in- stitutional image of the 'block'

Sense of community ex- pressed as court around green

Breakdown of language

Garden as symbol of community Front (proper), back (dirty)

Individual units are ex- pressed but without dis- tinction of status

Sense of community ex- pressed as streets and courts

Courts and streets clearly defined as symbols of community

Significant

Strong signals, e.g.. Windingness of streets

--Width of streets ---Hierarchical access sys-

tem Formation of mohallas, sometimes with gates

Extended family clustered around its own open space away from the street which is a place for exchange be- tween different groups within Anandgram and between Anandgram and the city

Important

Highly developed sense of boundaries, closure and prox- imity

Icon[paradigm Collective palace Wants to be a villa