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Estonia: Relations between Christian and Non-Christian ReligiousOrganisations and the State of Religious FreedomTriin Vakker; Priit Rohtmets
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Estonia: Relations between Christian and Non-Christian
Religious Organisations and the State of Religious Freedom1
TRIIN VAKKER & PRIIT ROHTMETS
ABSTRACT
In this article we examine the religious situation in postsoviet Estonia. Traditionally a Christian
country, Estonia today is strongly influenced by its Soviet past. Only one third of the population
belongs to a particular religion, while nearly half the population say that religion plays no role intheir lives. The states attitude towards the various religions is remarkably positive and the
legislation concerning religious organisations is very liberal. Most believers in Estonia belong to
Lutheran and Orthodox churches. The biggest non-Christian religion is Estonian Native Religion,
and there are also Buddhist, Jewish and Muslim communities. In the late 1990s several problems
arose concerning legislation and religious studies at schools. Discussion of these topics found the
Christian denominations on one side and non-Christian religions on the other. Although the
question whether Religious Studies should be a compulsory subject in schools is still fervently
disputed, this now happens in the secular media, while discussion has more or less ceased amongst
the various religions. The dialogue between Christian and non-Christian religions is nearly non-
existent and there seems to be no will to intensify interrelations. If problems emerge, the
representatives of the various religions turn to the state rather than discuss them among themselves.
Introduction
The aim of this article is to give an overview of religious organisations registered in
Estonia, of the contacts among them and of their relationships with the state.
Just 29 per cent of the respondents in the 2000 census said they adhered to a
particular creed, while 34 per cent said they were indifferent to religion and 6 per cent
said they were atheists.2 In a poll in 2002 only 15.2 per cent of respondents said that
religion played an important role in their everyday life, while 28 per cent saidthat religion had no importance for them at all, and 2.3 per cent were negative towards
religion, one reason commonly given being too aggressive mission work (Kilemit and
No mmik, 2004, pp. 14 16). The percentage of atheists and people hostile towards
religion is about the same as in Nordic countries, but there is a relatively large number
of people who are indifferent or somewhat hostile towards religion, and this results in
a generally rather negative attitude in Estonian society to initiatives taken by the
various religious organisations.3
Religious organisations are clearly divided into two groups: Christian organisations
on one side, and all other religions registered in Estonia on the other. Christian
Religion, State & Society, Vol. 36, No. 1, March 2008
ISSN 0963-7494 print; ISSN 1465-3974 online/08/010045-09 2008 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09637490701809712
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organisations are gathered under the umbrella organisation the Estonian Council of
Churches (ECC) (Eesti Kirikute Noukogu), which is partly funded from the state
budget. In order to present their views more successfully, on 20 April 2001 the
representatives of non-Christian religions established the Round Table of Religious
Organisations (RTRO) (Usuliste Uhenduste Umarlaud).
Christian Organisations and the Council of Estonian Churches
The biggest religious organisation in Estonia is the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran
Church (EELC) (Eesti Evangeelne Luterlik Kirik).4 It has about 160,000 members of
whom about 40,000 are active.5 (In 2003 the total population of Estonia was
1,356,000.) The Lutheran Church has been the predominant church in Estonia since
the beginning of the sixteenth century. Estonia became part of the Russian Empire in
the early eighteenth century, and for a long time the EELC functioned according to
Russian regulations on religion. After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia the
Estonians were able to hold their first church congress (in May). The delegates wanted
a free church separated from the state, and referred to the EELC as a free peopleschurch (vaba rahvakirik). The congress set up a committee which developed a new
statute for the EELC; this was adopted in 1919. Until 1940, with over 900,000
members, the EELC played an extremely important role in Estonian society, with
clergy elected to parliament. Estonia became part of the Soviet Union in 1940, and
thereafter the number of members of the EELC fell drastically, the church was
dispossessed of its assets, half the clergy fled to the West, and most of those who
stayed in Estonia fell victim to repressions. Membership began to grow again in the
late1980s, coinciding with Estonias struggle for freedom. The number of members
reached its peak in 1992, and since then it has continually fallen, but the EELC is still
the largest religious organisation in Estonia. It has its own newspaper and atheological institute for its ministers.
Over the centuries Orthodoxy has also consolidated its position in Estonia. In
1920 the Orthodox Church in Estonia became an autonomous church under the
jurisdiction of the Moscow Patriarchate. When Bolshevik persecution of the
Orthodox Church set in, involving the death of the Estonian bishop Platon and
the imprisonment of Patriarch Tikhon, the council of the church decided to ask to be
taken under the jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Constantinople. The
transfer took place in 1923. During the first Soviet occupation in 1941 the Orthodox
Church was united with the Moscow Patriarchate, but this was annulled after the
Germans occupied Estonia in the same year. After the second Soviet occupation of
Estonia, in 1944, and under pressure from the Soviet government, the Orthodox
Church in Estonia came back under the control of the Moscow Patriarchate. Many
members of the church, however, left the country and established an Estonian
Orthodox Church in Exile, which continued to maintain ties with Constantinople.
Thus two opposed groups first appeared within the Estonian Orthodox Church.
Estonia regained its independence in 1991 and in 1993 the exile church, now called the
Estonian Apostolic Orthodox Church (EAOC) (Eesti Apostlik ~Oigeusu Kirik) (known
officially in English as the Orthodox Church of Estonia) was registered and
recognised is the legal successor of the church of the Russian Empire. Protests from
the Moscow Patriarchate led finally to the registration of the Estonian Orthodox
Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (EOC-MP) (Moskva Patriarhaadi Eesti ~OigeusuKirik) in 2002. Thus two Orthodox Churches are registered in Estonia today
(Ringvee, 2003).
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During the period while Estonia was part of the Soviet Union the Russian
population of Estonia increased significantly, with the result that today the EAOC has
about 25,000 members, while the EOC-MP has close to 150,000 members. Services in
the former are conducted in Estonian; those in the latter mostly in Russian.
The membership of other religions is smaller. The other churches registered in
Estonia are: the Roman Catholic Church (Rooma-Katoliku Kiriku Apostellik
Administratuur Eestis) (about 6000 members); the Union of Free Evangelical and
Baptist Churches of Estonia (Eesti Evangeeliumi Kristlaste ja Baptistide Koguduste
Liit) (also about 6000 members); the United Methodist Church in Estonia (Eesti
Metodisti Kirik); the Estonian Pentecostal Church (Eesti Kristlik Nelipuhi Kirik); the
Estonian Conference of the Seventh-day Adventist Church (Adventistide Koguduste
Eesti Liit); the Estonian Congregation of St Gregory of the Armenian Apostolic
Church (Armeenia Apostliku Kiriku Eesti Puha Gregoriuse Kogudus); and the
Charismatic Episcopal Church of Estonia (Eesti Karismaatiline Episkopaalkirik).
In 1989, when the states attitude towards religious organisations had grown
considerably more tolerant, the members of six creeds formed the ECC as a vehicle
enabling its members to relate to the state and express their opinions more clearly.Today the ECC has ten member churches (all those listed above).6 The main
challenges facing the ECC are developing ecumenical work and solving problems in
the area of religious education. The ECC also plays an important role in training
prison and army chaplains, and conducts socio-religious studies on the moral and
other values of Estonians. It has developed into an active partner with the state. It has
regular meetings with representatives of state institutions with the aim of contributing
to legislative work.
Non-Christian Religious Organisations and the Round Table of Religious
Organisations
A wide range of non-Christian world religions is registered in Estonia, but their
membership is well below that of the Christian churches.
According to the census of 2000 there were 1387 Muslims in Estonia. They form
two congregations. The Estonian Islamic Congregation (Eesti Islami Kogudus),
registered in 1994, sees itself as the legal successor of the congregation in Narva that
was established in 1928. Muslims have thus been in Estonia for a long time, and have a
positive attitude towards Estonian culture. For example, according to the statute of
the Estonian Islamic Congregation, one of their main tasks is to promote positive
attitudes towards the Estonian national cultural heritage and traditions as well as to
help the members of the congregation to integrate into Estonian society through the
Estonian language, history and traditions (Linnas, 2004, p. 41). The Estonian Sunni
Congregation (Eesti Muhameedlaste Sunniitide Kogudus) was registered in 1995. It was
established by a group of former members of the Estonian Islamic Congregation as a
result of personal differences and conflict between two ministers. Estonian Sunnis and
Shiites work together, however. Most Muslims in Estonia are Sunnis; most of the
Shiites are Azerbaijanis.
According to the census of 2000 there were 622 Buddhists in Estonia, although the
active membership of the two registered congregations seems to be no more than 100.
There is a non-profit Buddhist organisation called The Friends of the Western Buddhist
Order (Laane Budistliku Vennaskonna Sobrad). Many members of the Buddhistcongregations are socially active, but congregations as such tend not to be socially
involved, apart from their membership of the RTRO (Po lenik, 2004, p. 92).
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In addition to the Muslims and Buddhists the non-Christian religious organisations
registered in Estonia include the Jewish Religious Community of Estonia (Eesti
Juudiusu Kogudus), the Union of Estonian Jewish Congregations and Organisations
(Eesti Juudi Koguduste ja Organisatsioonide Liit), the Congregation of Krishna
Consciousness in Estonia (Krishna Teadvuse Eesti Kogudus), the Union of Estonian
Bahai Congregations (Eesti Bahai Koguduste Liit), the Estonian Nyingma Tibetan
Buddhist Congregation (Tiibeti Budismi Nyingma Eesti Kogudus) and the Estonian
House of Taara and Native Religions (Maavalla Koda). The latter regards the native
Estonian religion as embodying the centuries-long Estonian cultural tradition; it holds
that Christianity was forced upon the Estonians and is not natural for them (Maausust,
n.d.). The movement started in the late 1980s, when a group of history students began
studying sacred groves. It continues to grow, and now has the largest number of
members among the non-Christian organisations (about 1500). One reason for this is
certainly the fact that it is the most active of the non-Christian religions; it says that it
tries to oppose the domination of the Christian churches (Press Release, 2002).7
Relations between the Christian and non-Christian Religious Organisations and their
Relations with the State
According to Ilmo Au, the head of the Religious Affairs Department of the Estonian
Ministry of Interior Affairs (Eesti Vabariigi Siseministeeriumi usuasjade osakonna
juhataja), the situation in Estonia is unique, because all religious organisations are
able to work together. If differences exist, they arent emphasised and they dont form
the basis of conflicts and intrigues. Mr Au also notes that a situation in which Sunnis
and Shiites can work together is quite unusual. According to him all this is an excellent
example of the effects of democratic policies and very good legislation (Eestis, 1995).
Estonia has been very highly rated in international studies as well. The Churchesand Congregations Act (Kirikute ja koguduste seadus) which was passed on 11
February 2002 has received especially positive feedback. Nevertheless, from time to
time the non-Christian organisations protest against alleged religious freedom
infringements. In most cases these complaints are made in the form of protest letters
from the RTRO; often, however, criticisms are voiced by representatives of individual
religions. The House of Taara and Native Religions is definitely the most active in this
respect, blaming both the state and the larger (usually Christian) religions for
breaching religious freedom or for hidden attempts to establish an Estonian state
church.
Problems can be divided into two main categories, which are both subjects of
discussion in wider Estonian society: (1) problems connected with legislation that is,
with religion-state relations; and (2) problems connected with religious education,
chaplaincy and alleged attempts by the EELC to gain the status of an Estonian state
church that is, with interreligious relations.
Problems Connected with Legislation
The House of Taara and Native Religions argues in favour of indigenous national
religion. It holds that mission work and religious conversion are forms of mental and
cultural violence that decrease lifes diversity. It gives examples from history showing
that tens of millions of people have been killed and hundreds of peoples and culturesdestroyed as a result of missionary activity and religious intolerance over the last
millennium. It argues that religious freedom is under threat in Estonia because the
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states religion policy is unbalanced, taking account only of the interests of certain
Christian organisations, for whom the situation is much better because of state
subsidies and support (Usuvabadus, n.d.). According to the RTRO religious
legislation in Estonia is based on the arguments and interests of Christian creeds,
and several laws have been passed that hamper the practice of other religions (here
they apparently mean laws on military and prison chaplains, and also the fact that the
ECC is funded from the state budget) (Usuliste, 2002a).
Statements of this kind in the Estonian press by representatives of non-Christian
religions were especially frequent before the passing of the 2002 Churches and
Congregations Act. Non-Christian religious organisations argued that the law was
conceived in a Christian context and that they might fail to meet the new registration
criteria. Article 7 of the law stipulates that religious organisations must include the
words church, congregation, union of congregations or monastery/nunnery
(kirik, kogudus, koguduste liit, klooster) in their official name.8 In a letter to the legal
affairs committee of the Estonian parliament dated 20 February 2002 three non-
Christian religious organisations expressed their worries about religious discrimina-
tion in Estonia and claimed that the law was not in conformity with the EstonianConstitution and breached internationally recognised human rights norms
(Presidendile, 2002).
The concerns of the non-Christian religions led them to unite in setting up the
RTRO on 29 November 2002. The RTRO has addressed a number of issues. It
highlights problems with the media, which are said to broadcast a lot of Christian
programmes but to give inadequate coverage to other religions. Another cause for
concern is the official protocol for celebrating state holidays, which in most cases
includes the participation of national leaders in church ceremonies. The RTRO claims
that the situation is inappropriate because only one third of the people living in
Estonia are Christians; most Estonians, they say, have expressed no religiouspreference. The RTRO argues that psychologists rather than chaplains should be
deployed in the army and prisons, on the grounds that they are religiously impartial
(Usuliste, 2002b). It has also addressed issues over religious education in schools:
there should be more coverage of the history of religion in a range of subjects, instead
of religious studies with an arguably Christian background.
The RTRO repeatedly protested to the parliamentary legal affairs committee about
the new legislation. The committee did not agree that the word congregation had an
exclusively Christian meaning. According to the law a congregation is a voluntary
union of individuals practising the same religion, the activities of which are based on
its statute. The RTRO then turned to the president of Estonian Republic and the
chancellor of justice. As a result a group of experts was convened, and in 2003 it
concluded that the terms used in the law, including congregation, had a Christian
background and were therefore Christian concepts. The chancellor accepted this
conclusion. The head of the department of religious affairs also agreed that the law
should be urgently amended so that the register of religious organisations would
include other historical terms besides church, congregation, union of congrega-
tions and monastery/nunnery (Kaasik, 2003). Parliament passed the amendment in
2004, making it possible for the House of Taara and Native Religions to register their
organisation under that name.
Problems arising out of the 2002 legislation have thus been overcome and, as far as
the nature worshippers are concerned, the only remaining outstanding issue isdetermining the status and the mapping of their sacred hills, making it possible to
treat them equally with churches, mosques and synagogues as sacred locations.
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Thanks to the efforts of the civil servants of the department of religious affairs,
however, a preliminary compromise has been reached, according to which the sacred
groves will become protected sacred areas.
Problems Connected with Religious Studies
The question of whether religious studies should be a compulsory subject in Estonian
schools has been a source of controversy since the early 1990s. Soon after Estonia
regained its independence in 1991 there was widespread support for the idea of
introducing religious studies into the school syllabus. Various church bodies began to
draft courses. Three syllabi were compiled, in 1991, 1993 and 1997; they were all
Christian-based, bearing characteristics of the denominations that compiled them, and
although various schools used them none of them gained general acceptance.
The question became lively again towards the end of the 1990s, when Tartu
University and several churches cooperated to compile a new syllabus for religious
studies. The course introduced every major religion, but the compilers considered that
because historically Estonia was part of the Christian cultural space it was necessaryto concentrate particularly on Christian teachings. There was a widespread response:
not only the proposed emphasis on Christianity but also the basic idea of including
religious studies in school curricula as a compulsory subject came under criticism.
Critics included both non-believers and representatives of non-Christian religions; and
while the majority of the opponents of religious studies feared that the aim was to lure
schoolchildren to join churches, the complaint of non-Christian believers was that the
treatment of other religions was too shallow (U marlaud, 2001). In the discussion over
the content and nature of religious studies there were many different parties, including
the EELC, the ECC and the RTRO, all vigorously defending their own positions.
The RTRO submitted its own proposals to all the relevant parties in 2001. Itemphasised first of all that the proposed syllabus was not suitable for schools because
it did not take into account the requirements of pupils of different ages. The ethics
classes proposed for elementary schools, for example, were arguably based on an over-
simplified treatment of the Protestant system of ethics. It then went on to point out
that there was a lack of teachers and teaching materials capable of sustaining religion
as a compulsory subject and that there was a risk that pupils would be misinformed
rather than educated. The new subject would also increase the workload of pupils. It
also argued that teaching religious studies on the basis of a particular religion was
unconstitutional. After these critical observations the RTRO went on to present its
own proposals. It recommended increasing the proportion of the social studies
syllabus devoted to religion in order to provide a better overview of different religions
and creeds and their history. It did not exclude the possibility of teaching religious
studies in Estonian schools in line with contemporary European standards at some
point in the future; but a proper system for training teachers of religious studies
needed to be put in place first. The knowledge of current teachers of religious studies
was limited to Christianity, and even here many of them did not have thorough
knowledge (U marlaud, 2003).
The largest Estonian religious organisation, the EELC, shares the view that pupils
should be informed about different religions and that the state should guarantee the
availability of teaching materials and teachers education (EELK, 2002). Unlike the
Round Table, however, the EELC argues that religious studies should be acompulsory subject in Estonian schools. Meanwhile the ECC argues that while
religious studies should not be based on the teachings of a specific denomination and
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various religions have more or less ceased discussing religious studies and the situation
is stable. More general discussions among religions are almost non-existent as well. If
problems arise the various religious organisations prefer to turn to the state, because
this can lead to tangible results. In this respect, one has to agree with the head of the
religious affairs department, Ilmo Au, who emphasises the quiet coexistence of the
various religions and the relatively friendly relations among them. There is no
discrimination against religious minorities. The main potential cause for concern,
however, is widespread prejudice against believers and religions, which underlies a
generally negative attitude towards religion in society at large.
Notes
1 The research on which this article is based was supported by the Estonian Science
Foundation, grant 6624.
2 Twenty-three per cent answered this question saying that they were unable or unwilling to
answer it; 8 per cent did not answer it at all. See Hansen, 2002, pp. 13 14.
3 According to Hansen (2002, p. 13) the percentages of nonreligious in the Nordic countriesare: Denmark, 22; Norway, 50; Sweden 56; Finland 34. The percentage of atheists in these
countries is between 3 and 6 per cent. In Estonia, according to the 2000 census, the percentage
of nonreligious is 71 and the percentage of atheists is 6.
4 For the history of the EELC, see www.eelk.ee/english.php (last accessed 10 December 2007).
5 Active members means those who pay their annual church tax, attend services and take part
in other church-related functions. Most of the church members who are not active in this
sense are people who joined the church in the late 1980s, when it was extremely popular, or
even earlier, when church membership marked a kind of protest against Soviet rule. Even if
they do not pay the church tax they are not expelled, because there is neither the will nor the
means to do so.
6 For the membership of the Estonian Council of Churches see www.ekn.ee/index.php?lkliikmed (last accessed 10 December 2007).
7 As its name implies, the House of Taara and Native Religions includes adherents of two faiths.
The Taara faith was founded in the 1920s. Like the native religion, it aims to restore the
traditional religion of the Estonians which was destroyed after the arrival of Christianity.
However, the Taara faith is distinct from the native religion. The latter emphasises an
older national heritage; there are many gods but they do not play a central role. Taara was
originally the god of the biggest island of Estonia, Saaremaa. The initiators of the Taara faith
tried to create a religion which would be close to Estonian identity, but also evolving
and contemporary. However, it has not continued as a viable faith and its membership is
dwindling.
8 These various terms refer to different types of structure. For example, a church has to have
an episcopal structure, but a congregation does not.
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