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E ast T imor’s political parties and groupings Pat Walsh1

ACFOAdevelopmentissues

MARCH 2001/DEVELOPMENT ISSUES 9

East Timor'spoliticalparties

and groupings

briefing notes

Pat Walsh

Human Rights

consultant

The opionions expressed in this DevelopmentIssues paper are not necessarily those of the

Australian Council for Overseas Aid.




CONTENTS

GLOSSARY............................................................................................................................2FOREWORD .........................................................................................................................3INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................4

1. APODETI PRO REFERENDO ........................................................................................62. BRTT........................................................................................................................................8

3. CNRT.......................................................................................................................................84. CPD-RDTL...........................................................................................................................115. FRETILIN.............................................................................................................................136. KOTA ....................................................................................................................................167. PDC ........................................................................................................................................178. PDM .......................................................................................................................................189. PNT ........................................................................................................................................1910. PPT .........................................................................................................................................2011. PSD.........................................................................................................................................2112. PST..........................................................................................................................................2213. TRABALHISTA...................................................................................................................24

14. UDC........................................................................................................................................2615. UDT........................................................................................................................................27

Appendix 1: Political timetable ....................................................................................................29Appendix 2: Regulation on Political Parties ...............................................................................30Appendix 3: The Catholic Church and Politics..........................................................................31




GLOSSARY

APODETI Associacao Popular Democratica de Timor Pro Referendo(Pro Referendum Popular Democratic Association of Timor)

ASEAN Association of South East Asian NationsBRTT Barisan Rakyat Timor Timur (East Timor People’s Front)Carnation Revolution

Peaceful military coup in Portugal on 25 April 1974 which took the seasonalcarnation as its symbol. The coup ended half a century of dictatorship andbegan the de-colonisation of Portugal’s overseas territories.

CNRM Conselho Nacional de Resistancia Maubere(National Council of Maubere Resistance)

CNRT Conselho Nacional da Resistancia Timorense(National Council of Timorese Resistance)

CPD-RDTL Conselho Popular pela Defesa de Republica Democratica de Timor Leste(Popular Council for the Defence of the Democratic Republic of East Timor)Now also refers to itself as CPD-RDTL/ FRETILIN.

CPLP Conference of Portuguese Speaking Nations

DRET Democratic Republic of East TimorETDF East Timor Defence Force (successor to FALINTIL)ETTA East Timor Transitional Administration (also UNTAET)FALINTIL Forcas Armadas de Libertacao Nacional de Timor Leste

(National Liberation Forces of East Timor)FRETILIN Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente

(Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor)KOTA Klibur Oan Timor Asuwain (Association of Timorese Heroes)LIURAI traditional kingMagna Carta Statement of human rights and other principles adopted by CNRT at its

founding congress in 1998

NC National Council (UNTAET appointed East Timorese advisory legislativebody)PC Permanent Council (executive committee) of CNRTPDC Partido Democrata Cristao (Christian Democrat Party of Timor)PDM Partido Democratico Maubere (Maubere Democratic Party)PKF Peace Keeping Force (UN)PN T Partido Nacionalista Timorense (Timorese Nationalist Party)PPT Partido do Povo de Timor (People’s Party of Timor)PSD Partido Social Democrata Timor Lorosae (Social Democrat Party of East

Timor)PST Partido Socialista de Timor (Socialist Party of Timor)

RDTL Republica Democratica de Timor Leste (Democratic Republic of East Timor)TRABALH ISTA Partido Trabalhista (Timor Labour Party)UDC Uniao Democrata-Crista de Timor (Christian Democratic Union of Timor)UDT Uniao Democratica Timorense (Timorese Democratic Union)UNAMET United Nations Mission in East TimorUNTAET United Nations Transitional Administration in East TimorUNTAS Uni Timor Aswain (United Heroes of Timor), the political wing of the pro-

Indonesia militias, created in West Timor in February 2000.

FOREWORD

The Australian Council for Overseas Aid(ACFOA) has followed events in East



East Timor’s political parties and groupings Pat Walsh

4

Timor closely since 1974-75 when politicalparties first emerged in East Timor afterPortugal's decision to decolonise theterritory. At that time, as the coordinatingbody for Australian communityorganisations involved in overseas aid anddevelopment, ACFOA was approached by

East Timorese for assistance. A youngJose Ramos Horta was one of a numberof East Timorese who visited ACFOAand sought support for the developmentof the new nation.

Following the civil war in 1975, ACFOAvisited East Timor and through ourmembers supplied aid in response to thehumanitarian situation. ACFOA wasdenied entry to the territory after the

Indonesian occupation and annexationbut sought to do what it could outsideEast Timor by monitoring the conflict andits human impact, by informationdissemination, human rights advocacy andinternational networking.

It was not until 1989 that ACFOA wasable to visit again. A small delegationvisited Dili to discuss with Bishop BeloACFOA support for his watershed letter

to the United Nations calling for areferendum. As we now know thisreferendum was conducted by the UN in1999 and resulted in a resounding vote forindependence.

After a 27 year interlude, East Timoresepolitical parties have re-emerged tocontinue the work started in 1974. Theyare important institutions which will have

a fundamental impact on East Timor'sfuture development.

ACFOA has commissioned these ‘briefingnotes’ to offer its members and EastTimor's many friends around the world awindow into these parties and movementswhich have shaped and will continue toshape the political landscape in East

Timor's development. As the author notesin the introduction these ‘briefing notes’will need to be regularly updated onceofficial registration of parties and thearticulation of party policies are furtherdeveloped by the parties.

ACFOA wishes to express its sincerethanks to the Oikoumene Foundation inCanberra for generously supporting thisproject and to Pat Walsh for researching

and writing the paper which owes muchto his long involvement with the issue andhis association with many of the EastTimorese players mentioned in its pages.

Having accompanied the East Timoresepeople this far in their journey, ACFOAremains vitally interested in their future.We hope these notes will contribute to abetter understanding of the politicalsituation and contribute to the

development of an open, creative andcooperative political process as EastTimor prepares for democratic electionsand the crafting of a Constitution later thisyear.

Jim ReddenPolicy DirectorACFOA

April 2001




INTRODUCTION

East Timor is now entering the last,crucial stage of the transition process tofull independence. National elections for aConstituent Assembly to develop a

Constitution for the new nation will beheld on 30 August 2001. Over the monthsthat follow, decision-making and powerwill be transferred from the UnitedNations Transitional Administration inEast Timor (UNTAET) to democraticallyelected East Timorese legislative andexecutive bodies.

In preparation for this historic moment,to be held two years to the day after East

Timorese voted overwhelmingly in favourof independence from Indonesia on 30August 1999, voter registration andeducation programs are underway and aregulation on the registration of politicalparties and independent candidates hasbeen promulgated.

Until now, the CNRT independenceumbrella body has occupied centre stage.This has had the effect of obscuring the

parties who, like the FALINTIL guerillasin the run-up to the August 1999 ballot,have endured a period of necessarypolitical cantonment in the interests of national unity. The scene is now set,however, for the political parties to taketheir rightful place under the spotlight askey players in the democratic process.This is a healthy and positive developmentwhich the excesses of some should not bepermitted to undermine.

In November 1999, ACFOA published abackgrounder on CNRT called FromOpposition to Proposition: the N ational Councilof T imorese Resistance (CN RT) in T ransition,to contribute to a more informed andpositive reception for CNRT by theinternational community. It is hoped thesebriefing notes will play a similar role inrelation to the parties by answering thequestions observers and others will have

about these new players. How manyparties will contest the election? Who aretheir leaders and how does one contact

them? How have they changed fromprevious times? What ideas and policies dothey have for East Timor’s development,foreign policy and so on?

For some parties, it is a case of picking upwhere they left off 27 years ago, in some

instances, with the same cast. Others aremore recent creations. Whether old ornew, however, their leaders have much incommon. Their experience during thedifficult years of the Indonesian occupat-ion has matured them as politicians and aspeople and they have the advantage of working in a positive post-Cold Warglobal environment in which there isextraordin-ary good will towards EastTimor and many other nation-building

experiences to learn from. They also sharethe same challenge, at once exciting anddaunting, of determining the design anddirection of the new East Timorese nationwhich, unlike 1974-75, is irrevocably seton the path to independence.

Some will greet their return to public lifewith cynicism; others will be fearfulbecause of the regrettable re-emergence of political violence in East Timor in recent

days. It is important to stress, however,that the advocates of violence are aminority and are out of step with theprevailing national mood. It is very clearfrom these notes that the overwhelmingmajority of parties and political leaders inEast Timor are not only very conscious of their historic calling but are stronglycommitted to building a new politicalculture of tolerance and respect forhuman rights, including those of politicalopponents. Every effort must be made toassist them in this critical endeavour andto see that they are rewarded at the pollsfor their stance. This support shouldinclude assistance with capacity-buildingand policy development.

These briefing notes are not complete. Afull picture will only be possible when theparties have successfully registered withUNTAET and developed more detailedpolicies than exist at the moment.

This document focuses on the present andthe future, rather than the past. Where




possible, however, historical backgroundhas been included. This is an essential partof any transparent curriculum vitae and isnot intended in any way to compromiseany party or politician. East Timor is inthe process of re-inventing itself as asociety and nation. Its political leaders and

parties should be permitted the sameoption.

As far as possible, the information in thepages which follow has been based oninterviews with party leaders or officialsand on official party documents wherethese exist or could be obtained. I havealso benefited from the assistance of thefollowing observers: Dionisio BaboSoares, Jenny Grant, Kirsty Sword

Gusmao, Florence Martin, Lynn Hastings,Paula Pinto, Fr Peter Puthenkandam,Helen Hill and David Scott.

For pre-referendum history I have drawnon the following works: Timor, A People

Betrayed by James Dunn (1996), E ast Timor: N ationalism and Colonialism by Jill Jolliffe

(1978), Funu, the Unfinished Saga of E ast Timor , by Jose Ramos Horta (1987),FRE TIL IN : the Origins, Ideologies and Strategies of a N ationalist Movement in E ast Timor , by Helen Hill (1978), and A L ong

Journey of Resistance: the Origins and Story of the CN RT , by Sarah Niner (Bulletin of

Concerned Asian Scholars, 2000).

Any mistakes are entirely my own work and I would appreciate receivingcorrections. I would also appreciatereceiving news of policy initiatives andother developments so that the report canbe updated from time to time. Thedocument is also available on the ACFOA

website: www.acfoa.asn.au

Pat WalshMobile 040 999 7030E mail: pat@ office.minihub.org




August 2000, APODETI accepted theresults of the 30 August 1999 ballot andadded ‘Pro Referendum’ to its title.APODETI is a member of CNRT and isrepresented on the CNRT PermanentCouncil by its president, Frederico SantosCosta.

4. ORGAN ISATION AN D POLICY

APODETI is committed to supportingthe development of democratic valuesamongst the East Timorese people basedon

• national unity;

• the defence of the independence andsovereignty of East Timor;

• non-violence; and

• the defence of democracy, toleranceand the socio-cultural values of theEast Timorese people.

The level of support for APODETI is notknown, but is assumed to be small. TheParty has no resources, paid officials,developed structures or international links.An inventory of supporters andsympathisers is being prepared and partystructures are being re-built. The Party is

yet to hold a Congress but meetings areheld to deal with day to day matters suchas its role in the CNRT congress or inNational Council deliberations.

APODETI supports:

• Timorisation of the current admin-istration in all departments and on alllevels;

• participation in the political processincluding in the development of acode of conduct for political parties,Constituent Assembly and Presidentialelections, and the development of aConstitution;

• multi-party democracy;

• dialogue and reconciliation;

• fundamental human rights for men

and women;• free market economics and foreign

and local investment, provided theeconomy is sustainable and benefits

the welfare of the people at the lowestlevel;

• universal education, free as far aspossible;

• provisional use of Portuguese as theofficial language while Tetun is furtherdeveloped;

• obligatory teaching of English inprimary and secondary schools;

• universal health system, free as far aspossible;

• courses in civic and moral educationfor youth;

• diplomatic relations principally withEast Timor’s neighbours, Indonesiaand Australia, and with Lusophoniccountries;

• job creation;

• development of human resources; and

• support programs for war victims(widows, orphans, the elderly) andthose deprived of opportunities due totheir clandestine political activities.

APODETI Pro Referendum is reportedto be considering changing its name toPartido Democrata Liberal, LiberalDemocrat Party.

2. BRTT

Barisan Rakyat Timor TimurEast Timor People’s Front

Key facts

L eader: Francisco Lopes da Cruz. H istory: established in 1999 to supportautonomy in the August referendum.

Links: not part of CNRT; represented byan independent in the National LegislativeCouncil.




Status: small party with very limitedprospects.

1. OFFICE BEARE RS

BRTT is headed by Francisco Lopes daCruz and took a pro-autonomy stance in

the Popular Consultation of 30 August1999. A former president of UDT, Lopesda Cruz was appointed the first DeputyGovernor of East Timor during theIndonesian period then Ambassador atLarge on East Timor for then PresidentSuharto, and is currently IndonesianAmbassador to Greece. BRTT is reportedto receive funds from Indonesia.

It is represented on the UNTAET

National Council by Salvador XimenesSoares, the proprietor of the Suara Timor

L orosae newspaper. Soares says, however,that he does not take a pro-autonomystance at the NC, that his paper does notpromote autonomy, that he has no plansto establish a pro-autonomy party and thathe sees himself as a ‘bridge’.

3. CNRT

Conselho N acional da ResistenciaTimorenseNational Council of TimoreseResistance

Key facts

L eader: Xanana Gusmao. H istory: established in its present form in1998 as the resistance movement umbrella,not as a political party.

Links: partner with the UNTAET.Status: has almost run its course; its rolewill cease when elections are held.

1. CON TACT DETAILS

Street address:CNRT National Secretariate, Rua Caicoli,Balide, Dili.Contact Person: Virgilio Simith.Tel +670 390 311 352Mobile: 0407 021 623

CNRT President’s Office:CNRT Secretariate.Contact person: Paula Pinto.

Tel +670 390 311 346Fax +670 390 311 345Email: [email protected] has branch offices in each district.

2. OFFICE-BEARERS

• President: Kay Rala XananaGusmao

Born 20 June 1946 near Manatuto.Educated at the Catholic seminary inDare, did national service in thePortuguese army and worked as a publicservant and editor. He joined FRETILINin May 1975. Was elected Commander inChief of FALINTIL in 1981 and rebuiltthe resistance movement culminating inthe creation of CNRT which he nowheads. The pseudonym Xanana derivesfrom the middle syllable of his secondbaptismal name, Jose Alexandre Gusmao.

• Vice-President and CabinetMember for Foreign Affairs: JoseRamos Horta




Born 26 December 1949 in Dili. Journalistand co-founder of ASDT (the TimoreseSocial Democratic Association) whichbecame FRETILIN. East Timor’s leadinginternational spokesperson, he won theNobel Prize for Peace with Bishop Belo in1996. Author of ‘Funu: the Unfinished

Saga of East Timor’ (NY, Red Sea Press1987).

• Vice-President: Mario ViegasCarrascalao

63. Graduated in Forestry Engineering inPortugal and worked in Mozambique for 2years. Administrator and MP in EastTimor during Portuguese times. Foundingpresident of UDT. Indonesian appointedGovernor of East Timor 1982-1992 andlater Indonesian Ambassador to Romania.

President of the recently formed SocialDemocratic Party of East Timor.

• Secretary: Virgilio Simith

• Treasurer: Florentina Simith

• Chairperson, Committee to Overseethe Political Process: XananaGusmao

• Chairperson, Strategic Planningand Cooperation Committee: MarioCarrascalao

• Special Representative to the UN :

Jose Luis Guterres

3. H ISTORY AN D

ORGAN ISATION

CNRT is the peak body for East Timor’sresistance organisations. It was establishedat a convention in Portugal in April 1998to succeed the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM). The CNRMwas set up in 1987 by Xanana Gusmao

and colleagues as part of a re-structuringof the resistance on inclusive, non-partisanlines following its near decimation in thelate 1970s. Broadening and uniting theresistance also involved Xanana Gusmao’sresignation from FRETILIN, anddecisions by FRETILIN to rescind itsclaim to be sole legitimate representativeof the East Timorese people and toconstitute FALINTIL, until then thearmed wing of FRETILIN, as a non-

partisan, national force. The changes alsoinvolved recognition of the role of allnationalists—such as students and political

parties like UDT—in the struggle for self-determination.

The CNRT name and flag were used byUNAMET on the 30 August 1999 ballotpaper to represent the independenceoption supported by 78.5 per cent of

voters. UNTAET has worked with CNRTas its primary partner in the transitionaladministration of East Timor. However,the need for CNRT to maintain paralleladministrative and development structureshas lapsed as the administration hasbecome more integrated and Timorised.

CNRT held its second congress 21-30August 2000, in Dili. The Congressresulted in the re-election of Xanana

Gusmao as president and Jose RamosHorta and Mario Carrascalao as Vice-Presidents, the unanimous adoption of aPact of National Unity, a CNRTConstitution, and resolutions. TheCongress demonstrated the CNRT’simportant role as a broad political forumfor sharing information and debatingideas. However, the Congress was alsomarked by internal conflict between theCNRT leadership and political parties.

FRETILIN and UDT, both pillars of CNRT, have refused to participate in theCNRT Permanent Council since theCongress. This has reduced CNRT to aforum for minor parties therebyweakening its national unity role andincreasing UNTAET’s dependence onXanana Gusmao. Both parties are nowshowing some signs of rapprochement butit is clear that CNRT has effectively run itscourse.

FALINTIL was formally disbanded on 1February 2001. At that time 650 of itsmembers were recruited to form the newEast Timor Defence Force (ETDF) andthe balance demobilised.

CNRT will diminish as political partiestake centre stage in the run up to the 30August elections and is expected todissolve following the elections. In anaddress to FALINTIL on 1 February,CNRT President Xanana Gusmaorepeated earlier statements that he wouldnot be a candidate for public office or




East Timor’s presidency. Few doubt,however, that public opinion will obligehim to take on the role.

4. POLICIES

The CNRT Congress and the 13 District

Congresses that preceded it were the firstopportunity to debate ideas and broadnational policy at the political level sincethe 1999 ballot. Pre-congress meetings of civil society organisations concerned withstudent, women’s, and human rights issuesfed into this process. Five Commissionsachieved broad consensus on a range of policy issues that will shape East Timor’sorientation and, it is assumed, form thebasis of ideas and policies adopted by

political parties.

Commission I focused on CNRT’sinternal governance. This included theunanimous adoption of a Pact of NationalUnity which commits the political partiesto respect and uphold national unity, theindependence of East Timor, territorialintegrity, the outcome of the PopularConsultation of 30 August 1999, theMagna Carta of human rights, and free

and fair elections.

Commission II focused principally onUNTAET and recommended thatUNTAET should recruit more EastTimorese into the administration and that30 percent of these places should be filledby women. Inter alia, it also recommendedthe establishment of a national bank, asingle currency, and budgets for thedistricts.

Commission III focused on reconciliationand other national policies. The Congressagreed on a definition of reconciliationand adopted Portuguese as East Timor’sofficial language to be supplemented byTetun as a second official language after 5-10 years of development. English andIndonesian were agreed to as workinglanguages. Inter alia, the economy shouldbe market-oriented and modernised andforeign investment encouraged.

Commission IV focused on security andrecommended that FALINTIL should

supplement PKF’s defence roleparticularly in the western sector. It alsorecognised that dynamic internationalrelations and diplomacy are vital to EastTimor’s security.

Commission V focused on governance

and recommended that East Timor be a‘unitarian state’ and a republic with apresidential system. The Congress alsosupported a multi-party system,democracy, and active participation bycivil society and called for the establish-ment of a Commission to draft theConstitution. However, demonstratinghow nervous East Timorese are about arepetition of 1970 restrictions on politicalactivity, the congress also voted for tough

restrictions on political activity. Theseincluded effectively banning pro-autonomy parties from the elections,limiting party organising to district level,banning political parties from holdingdemonstrat-ions and marches, notpermitting members of the East Timorarmed forces to vote, and barring all civilservants, judges and church officials frominvolvement in party activities.

All Commission recommendations wereadopted by overwhelming majorities. Inspecific resolutions, the Congressunanimously endorsed the CNRT MagnaCarta on human rights, a national actionplan on human rights, and a resolution onwomen’s rights.

Sensitive issues of the national anthem,flag and independence day were notdiscussed at the Congress. They weredebated at the 13 pre-Congress districtmeetings but subsequently all partiesagreed they should be left to an electedassembly to decide on.

CNRT sources

Report on Outcomes of the CN RT N ational

Congress, 21-30 A ugust 2000.

4. CPD-RDTL

Conselho Popular pela Defesa daRepublica Democratica de TimorLeste




Popular Council for the Defence of theDemocratic Republic of East Timor

Key facts

Spokesperson: Cristiano da Costa. H istory: established in 1999 to restore the

1975 Democratic Republic of East Timor. L ink s: opposes CNRT, FRETILIN andUNTAET; linked to PNT.Status: more a political movement than aparty.

1. CONT ACT DETAILS

Office: Balide, Dili, across from theChurch. No phone. No fax..

2. OFFICE BEARE RS

• Olo-gari Aswain (former FALINTILCommander)

• Feliciano Alves (member of the 1975FRETILIN Central Committee)

• Egas da Costa Freitas

• Gil da Costa Fernando

• Antonio da Costa (Ai Tahan Matak)Mobile: 0419 037 123

•

Cristiano da Costa ( InternationalLiaison and Spokesperson).Born in Baucau. MA in InternationalRelations from UNSW, secondaryschool in Portugal, four years in thebush (1975-79), imprisoned threetimes 1983-85. Emigrated to Portugalin 1988, thence to Australia.Mobile: 0409 481 462.

CPD-RDTL regard Francisco Xavier do

Amaral (first President of DRET) andRogerio Lobato (DRET Minister forDefence, who has recently returned toEast Timor from Portugal) as unofficialpatrons of the organisation. Both attendedthe CPD-RDTL 25th anniversary of thedeclaration of independence on 28November 2000 in Dili.

3. OR GAN ISATION AN D

ORIENTATION

CPD-RDTL was established in 1999 topromote the view that independent EastTimor should be based on the original

Democratic Republic of East Timor(DRET/ RDTL) which was proclaimed byFRETILIN on 28 November 1975 andwhich, it is claimed, East Timorese foughtand died for. This means adopting 28November 1975 as the date of independence, the DRET Constitution,

DRET as East Timor’s official name, theDRET flag and anthem (Patria, Patria,Patria), FALINTIL as the national army,and installing surviving members of theDRET administration as the currentleadership of East Timor.

CPD-RDTL thus stands outside andfundamentally opposed to the politicaltransition process, the transitionalmechanisms established by UNTAET and

East Timorese organisations involved inthe process, including FRETILIN andCNRT. This includes opposing upcomingelections for the Constituent Assembly.Relations with FRETILIN and CNRThave been marked by conflict andviolence. CPD-RDTL believes FRETILINhas failed its historic mission. It disagreeswith FRETILIN that its 1975 declarationof independence, which was unilateral andattracted little international support, is no

longer valid. It opposes FRETILIN’sparticipation in CNRT and says CNRTshould be dissolved, as resistance is nolonger required and its façade of nationalunity is a fiction. For its part, CNRTconsiders CPD-RDTL’s appropriation of national symbols and other activities to bevirtually treasonous.

CPD-RDTL states that it is not a politicalparty but an umbrella group concerned toraise consciousness about East Timor’spast political history. It puts its supportersat several thousand and has links withdissident FALINTIL, including theSagrada Familia led by Elle-Sette (L-7).Baucau and Dili are strongholds butsupport groups are also being establisheddown to village level across East Timorincreasing the likelihood of furtherconflict with CNRT and FRETILIN. Theorganisation rejects claims that it is anti-Church or that it promotes violence,though its flag-raising and other activitiesare often conducted in sensitive areas atsensitive times. It has also rejected claims




that it was responsible for the recentalleged assassination attempt on XananaGusmao and argues that its opponents areseeking to discredit it by circulatingmisinformation.

A former FRETILIN leader, Dr Abilio de

Araujo (see PNT entry) publicallysupports CPD-RDTL and is recentlyreported by the Portuguese media to havesaid this includes financial support. Somebelieve the organisation is being used byelements in Indonesia to create instabilityin East Timor, though proof is notforthcoming. Another important patron isFrancisco Xavier do Amaral, the foundingfather of DRET. However, do Amaralalso campaigns for FRETILIN and is said

not to be prepared to be President unlesselected democratically.

The organisation has recently begunreferring to itself as CPD-RDTL/ FRETILIN and is emphasising itsopposition to alleged neo-colonialism bythe UN and Portugal.

4. POLICIES

Cristiano da Costa, CPD-RDTL’sspokesperson, launched a 22 page whitepaper in May 2000 entitled Secure East T imor’s Place in the Region and in the W orld—

In the Year 2000 and Beyond . The paper, inEnglish and Portuguese, was publiclylaunched and is welcome evidence thatCPD-RDTL is not entirely focused on thepast. Following are some of the paper’srecommendations:

•

D efence and security: develop FALINTILinto a small, professional army to work with the PKF until bilateral securityarrangements are finalised, especiallywith Australia but also with Indonesiaonce the militia issue has beenresolved. Develop a small, professionalpolice force.

• Currency: introduce a mixed currencysystem using the Australian dollar andIndonesian rupiah. This interim

arrangement will allow for change asregional economies and currenciestransform.

• L anguage: adopt an inclusive languagepolicy with Tetun as the nationallanguage and English, Portuguese andIndonesian serving as interim officiallanguages until the new Parliamentrules on the issue. Tetun should bestandardised and developed.

• Political system: presidential/ parliamentary system. Presidentchosen by direct election, governmentformed by party with majority of seatsin parliament. Separation of powerswith independent judiciary.

• Property disputes: establish anindependent Land and PropertiesTribunal to hear and settle disputesover land and property and advisegovernment and the judiciary.

• D evelopment : give priority to the 5 E’s:economy, education and health,employment, equality and environ-ment. Policies are proposed on (a)agriculture (b) natural resources (c)tourism (d) taxation (e) foreign aid (f)education (g) health and (h) urban andrural planning.

CPD-RDTL SourcesCristiano da Costa, Secure E ast Timor’s

Place in the Region and in the W orld— in theY ear 2000 and Beyond , May 2000.

5. FRETILIN

Frente Revolucionaria do Timor LesteIndependenteRevolutionary Front of IndependentEast Timor

Key facts

Coordinator: Lu Olo. H istory: radical pro-independence partyfounded 1974 and veteran of theresistance struggle.

Links: member of National Council;relations with CNRT are currentlystrained.Status: major party with large ruralfollowing and strong electoral prospects.

1. CON T ACT DET AILS




Main office: Rua Martires da Patria, WestDili, in the former Pancasila TrainingBuilding BP7. As a result, the organisationis sometimes referred to as BP7FRETILIN.

2. OFFICE BEARE RS

• Presidential CouncilEstablished at the 1988 ExtraordinaryFRETILIN National Conference as atransitional measure until the partyCongress is held in East Timor(scheduled for May 2001). The 1200delegates at the FRETILIN GeneralConference held in Dili in May 2000unanimously endorsed the Presidential

Council.• General Coordinator of the

Presidential Council: Lu Olo.

Born in Ossu. A veteran of theresistance struggle and a FALINTILpolitical commissar during theIndonesian period. Speaks Tetun andPortuguese, but not Indonesian.

• First Vice-General Coordinator of the Presidential Council: MariAlkatiri.

Cabinet Member for EconomicAffairs. Of Yemenese Arab descent

and a former leader of Dili’s Muslimcommunity. Co-founder of FRETILIN. During the Indonesianoccupation he worked as a lecturer ininternational law at the EduardoMondlane University in Mozambiqueand as a senior member of EastTimor’s diplomatic mission.

Mobile: 0417 464 896• Second Vice-General Coordinator

of the Presidential Council: MauHuno.Born 14 April 1949. Foundingmember of FRETILIN. Was the defacto Commander of FALINTIL inthe early 80’s before the re-organisation of FRETILIN andFALINTIL. Was FALINTIL Chief of Staff then leader of the armed

resistance after Xanana Gusmao wascaptured in 1992. Following hiscapture by the Indonesian forces in

April 1993 he was subjected toconstant surveillance. He has beenunwell since 1999.

• Political Secretary of CentralCommittee: Mau H oduHas disappeared and is generallybelieved to have been killed by the

Indonesian/ militia forces in WestTimor in September 1999 after theself-determination ballot.

• National Council member:Cipriana Pereira

• Cabinet Member for InternalAdministration: Anna PessoaDrafted a new Constitution for EastTimor which was adopted as a studydocument by the FRETILINExtraordinary National Conference

held in Sydney in 1998. During theIndonesian period headed up the legaldepartment for the MozambiqueGovernment and Parliament inMaputo.Mobile: 0407 966 412

3. H IST ORY AN D OUTLOOK

FRETILIN was established on 11

September 1974 following the PortugueseCarnation Revolution in April that year.Its founders included Francisco Xavier doAmaral (President), Nicolau Lobato (laterPresident of DRET, killed by Indonesiantroops in December 1978), Mari Alkatiriand Jose Ramos Horta (Secretary). Itsucceeded the ASDT (Associacao SocialDemocrata Timorense, TimoreseAssociation of Social Democrats) whichwas formed on the previous 20 May. As its

name suggests, FRETILIN represented aspectrum of members and views and wascommitted to a program of radical social,political and economic change andimmediate total independence. As much asocial movement as a political party, itestablished itself nationally, undertook literacy and other development projectsand built a strong grassroots following inrural communities which continues today.Its more radical agenda and rhetoric and

the inclusion in its ranks of some Marxist-Leninists alarmed Indonesia, Westerngovernments and parts of East Timoresesociety including sections of the Catholic




Church and other political parties. A brief coalition with UDT ended in conflict aftera UDT coup on 11 August 1975. Itcreated FALINTIL (Forcas Armadas deLibertacao Nacional de Timor-Leste,National Liberation Forces of East Timor)on 20 August 1975. FRETILIN declared

independence on 28 November 1975 andwas the backbone of both the military anddiplomatic struggle until December 1987when, under the leadership of XananaGusmao, the independence movementadopted a more inclusive strategy of national unity. Atrocities and killings of alleged Timorese ‘counter-revolutionaries’were committed during the counter-UDTcoup and early resistance periods.

FRETILIN held an ExtraordinaryNational Conference in Sydney, 14-20August 1998. Participants included CentralCommittee members from inside EastTimor, led by Mau Hodu Ran Kadalak,Jose Luis Guterres (then Head of theFRETILIN External Delegation), MariAlkatari (then Secretary for ExternalRelations) and Roque Rodrigues (thenRepresentative in Angola). TheConference produced the following:

•

a political manual on commonFRETILIN expressions and symbols;

• a program of principles guidingFRETILIN’s approach to theindependence struggle, foreign policy,national reconstruction, social justice,security and government structures(including support for a governmentof national unity for the first five yearsof independence);

• statutes; and

• a strong motion for national unity,including the role of the CatholicChurch and FRETILIN in promotingunity.

FRETILIN is a founding member of CNRT and its largest component but hasrefused to participate in the PermanentCouncil since the August 2000 Congressdue to dissatisfaction with some congressprocesses and decisions. Relations

between FRETILIN’s mass women’sorganisation OPMT (Organizacao Popularda Mulher Timorense) and CNRT’s

umbrella women’s organisation OMT(Organizacao da Mulher Timorense) arealso sometimes strained. OJETIL, theFRETILIN youth wing, is active incultural, educational and youth activities.Gregorio Saldanha, an OJETIL memberwho was once sentenced to life

imprisonment by Indonesia, occupies theyouth seat in the National Councilrepresenting youth in general.

FRETILIN has lost some members tobreakaway parties such as the SocialistParty of Timor (PST), the National Partyof Timor (PNT), and the Committee forthe Defence of the Democratic Republicof East Timor (CPD-RDTL). Attempts tore-unite these inside FRETILIN, through

inter alia the good offices of FranciscoXavier do Amaral, FRETILIN’s foundingpresident, have not succeeded. Amaral fellout with FRETILIN in 1977. He waswelcomed back at the FRETILINconference in May 2000 and enjoys broadrespect especially in the countryside and inthe central mountains around Turiscai inparticular. Some believe he mightrepresent FRETILIN against XananaGusmao in the presidential elections.

Other former FRETILIN are alsoinvolved in the Social Democrat Party(PSD) and the Christian Democrat Party(PDC). FRETILIN’s relations with CPD-RDTL in particular have graduallydeteriorated to the point where the rivalrybetween the two groups is often violent.However, continued efforts are beingmade by FRETILIN leaders, appealing fortolerance and mutual respect and rejectingviolence as a means of solving differences.

FRETILIN is currently focused onstrengthening its party structures andactivating its dormant membership. Theparty has completed a national registry of all militants and sympathisers. Somecitizens felt there was a high degree of intimidation in this process. Suco electionsare underway in preparation for theselection of district representatives.Membership is put at over 150,000. Apolicy-focused national congress will beheld 20-25 May 2001. The party expects towin the elections by a clear majorityleading some in FRETILIN to question




the CNRT commitment to a governmentof national unity.

FRETILIN has strong international links,including in Australia where it has thesupport of the Council of Trade Unions(ACTU) and recently opened an office at

the Victorian Trades Hall in Melbourne.4. POLICIES

FRETILIN held a national conference inDili, 15-20 May 2000, attended by 1200delegates from the 13 districts of EastTimor. Speeches by the FRETILINGeneral Coordinator, Lu Olo, stressedunity, democracy, tolerance and non-violence. Conference outcomes included:

•

a decision to convene a formalcongress early in 2001 to restructurethe party;

• a strong conference resolution insupport of democracy, pluralism, andthe development of a culture of dialogue, tolerance and peace;

• establishment of a Commission onTolerance and Unity, a sort of internaltruth and reconciliation commission,to address FRETILIN errors and

intolerance during the last 24 years;• strong resolution on national unity

which repudiates all forms of violence,urges respect for difference of opinionand for universal, free, direct andsecret suffrage and identifies povertyas a threat to national unity;

• support for East Timor to become amember of the United Nations;

• support for East Timor to signinternational instruments on human

rights, specifically on the rights of women and children, ILOconventions, war crimes and maritimerights;

• support for the rights of peoples toself-determination and independence;

• support for joining NAM, CPLP(Community of Portuguese SpeakingCountries), ASEAN, South PacificForum and for developing a trilateralaccord between East Timor, Australiaand Indonesia which will include adevelopment triangle with Eastern

Indonesian and Northern Australia;and

• economic policies which address thedevelopment of agriculture andfishing, cooperatives, illiteracy,tourism, natural resources and foreigninvestment.

FRETILIN Sources Report on FRE TIL IN E x traordinary N ationalConference, S ydney, 14-20 A ugust 1998. Report on FR E TIL IN N ational Conference,

Dili, 15-20 May 2000.

6. KOTA

Klibur Oan T imor Asuwain (KOT A)

Sons of the Mountain Warriors orAssociation of Timorese Heroes

Key facts

A cting leader: Clementino dos Reis Amaral. H istory: pro-integration party founded1974, now committed to independencewith emphasis on Timorese traditions.

Links: member of CNRT and NationalLegislative Council.

Status: small party attempting a fresh start.

1. CON TACT DETAILS

Rua Dos Martires da Patria, Fatuhada,West Dili.Tel.: 324 661. Mobile: 0407 972 220Email: [email protected]

2. OFFICE BEARERS

• President: Leao Pedro dos ReisAmaral. 83, former teacher.

• Secretary General: Manuel Tilman .Lawyer, based in Macau.

• Acting President and NCrepresentative: Clementino dosReis Amaral.

District administrator of Baucau inPortuguese times, member of theIndonesian Parliament for 14 years andmember of Indonesian Human Rights

Commission for seven years.

• Spokesperson: Joao Francisco dosReis Amaral




• CNRT PC representative: AugustoPires

3. HISTORY

KOTA was formed in November 1974 by

Leao Amaral and Jose Martins (deceased)as a pro-integrationist party. It waspreviously known as the AssociacaoPopular Monarquia de Timor or APMT,the Popular Association of Monarchists of Timor, formed by several liurais or localkings. FRETILIN, by contrast, identifiedwith the maubere or rural poor.

Due to its small following, KOTA was notofficially recognised by the Portuguese.

KOTA’s leader, Jose Martins, was atrusted Indonesian contact and the Party’spro-integration stance was used byIndonesia to bolster claims that a majorityof East Timorese parties supportedintegration. Martins defected from theIndonesian side at the UN in 1976.

On 11 August 1998, KOTA joined UDT,FRETILIN, APODETI, andTRABALHISTA in rejecting Indonesian

offers of autonomy and called for therelease of Xanana Gusmao from prisonand a referendum on East Timor’s future.The party is a member of CNRT and isrepresented in the CNRT PermanentCouncil by Augusto Pires.

4. ORGAN ISATION AN D POLICY

KOTA was re-constituted at a meeting of some 20 members in Dili on 30 August

2000. It has representatives in eachdistrict. Its base and only office is in Diliwhere it operates from the home of LeaoPedro dos Reis Amaral. It is self-fundedand relies completely on the voluntarycontributions of its members. It hascontacts in Australia (Hornay da CostaMartins), Macau (Manuel Tilman), andPortugal where it has good relations withDom Duarte, the Duke of Braganca.

It upholds and promotes Timorese cultureand traditions and today is primarily anassociation of liurai (traditional king)families. A congress of liurai held in Dili

on 15 May 2000 is reported to have calledfor the establishment of a constitutionalmonarchy supervised by traditional elders,but a KOTA spokesman denies that itsupports the establishment of a monarchicsystem.

The party is wary of Western influenceand regrets the decline in respect for theliurais, but subscribes to universal humanrights and advocates bringing Timoreseculture and practice into line with theseprinciples. The KOTA Acting President,Clementino dos Reis Amaral, was amember of the Indonesian Commissionfor Human Rights for seven years.

KOTA supports a multi-party system and

executive presidency. It will supportXanana Gusmao as president. It believesthe economy should focus on reducingpoverty through development of agriculture, fishing, animal husbandry,tourism and coffee production. Schoolsshould teach three foreign languages—Portuguese, Indonesian, English. Acommission should be established todevelop Tetun as the national language.Foreign policy should emphasise good

relations with East Timor’s neighbours,especially Australia and Indonesia, andwith Portugal and Western Europe.

7. PDC

Partido Democrata CristaoChristian Democrat Party of Timor

Key facts

L eader: Antonio Ximenes. H istory: new party established in 2000. Links: member of CNRT, seekingmembership of the National Council.Status: small Christian party still in itsformative stage.

1. CON TACT DET AILS

Office: Former Escola Cartilha, QuintalKiik, Bairo Economico Ex (near Mercado

Lama), Dili.Tel.: (+670 390) 324 683, 322 004Mobile: 0409 636 212




Arlindo MarcalEmail: [email protected]: 0417 174 091

2. OFFICE BEARE RS

• President: Antonio Ximenes.

Founder of PDC. Undertook tertiarystudies in Indonesia, including seminarystudies in Flores. Catholic. Receivedpolitical training with the moderateIndonesian Christian party PDKB in Java.Currently director of the NationalCommission for Study on the Future of East Timor, a local NGO.

• Vice President: Jose Gomes Sereno.University studies in agriculture, Solo,Indonesia.

• General Secretary and CNRT PCrepresentative: Rev Arlindo Marcal.

Former head of East Timorese ProtestantChurch. Studied in Kupang andYogyakarta and was a respected inter-national advocate for East Timor duringthe Indonesian period, participating interalia in two rounds of the Intra-EastTimorese dialogue. Has a strong interest inhuman rights and played a key role in theestablishment of Yayasan Hak, the

country’s foremost human rights NGO.The Protestant Church currently has anestimated 15,000 members, about half thepre-referendum number.

3. H ISTOR Y AN D ORGAN ISATION

PDC was established in Dili on 5 August2000. The Party is in the early stages of development. It is still setting up its officein Dili and looking for funding sources. It

has positive links with the Indonesiandemocratic movement, particularly themoderate Indonesian National ChristianDemocratic Party, PDKB (PartaiDemokrasi Kasih Bangsa), and plans toestablish links with Christian democratparties in other countries.

No data is available on members but PDChas representatives in all districts. Womenwill have an active role in the organisation.

PDC has been projecting itself and itsviews through the media. A party congresswill be held ahead of the nationalelections.

PDC is not a member of the NationalCouncil but is currently negotiatingmembership with UNTAET. PDCbelieves it has a strong case and hasobjected to the inclusion of PNT in theNC because it took a pro-autonomy

position in August 1999.

It supports CNRT and is a member of theCNRT Permanent Council.

PDC and UDC (Christian DemocratUnion) initially joined forces andparticipated in the August 2000 CNRTCongress under joint leadership. Theparties have since parted company. Somesee PDC as a leftist inclined offshoot of

FRETILIN and UDC as closer to theconservative UDT with a leaning toPortugal. Both are strongly based inChristian social justice values and bothassert they are ecumenical and pluralist. Atthis point, however, UDC appears to bemore Catholic in character while PDC hasa mix of both Protestant and Catholic inits leadership.

The Party has been active in assisting the

return of groups of refugees, after makinga number of trips to West Timor to meetwith church and community leaders.

4. POLICIES

PDC supports a democratic, multi-partysystem with a strong emphasis on the roleof civil society and human rights includingthe rights of women and minorities. Itstresses that justice is a Christian value andis concerned at the erosion of Christianmorality in East Timor.

PDC favours an early election andproclamation of independence but wishesto see a PKF presence retained followingindependence.

The party does not favour a full executivepresidential model for East Timor. Itbelieves there should be a division of labour at the executive level with thepresident serving as head of state andsymbol of national unity, not head of government. Limitations on executive




power should be supplemented with astrong, well trained, opposition.

The economy should be people-oriented.Local business should be fostered,including joint ventures with foreigners,but the latter should not be allowed to

own land freehold. Those with jobsshould be taxed and petroleum productssubsidised to save wood. Education,health services and sporting programsshould be universal and affordable forevery citizen of East Timor. Programsshould be established to promote themoral development of youth. PDCsupports Portuguese as the officiallanguage and Tetun as the nationallanguage.

The Party advocates a foreign policywhich is ‘bebas actif’ (free and active), i.e.not dictated by big powers, and whichemphasises building relations withPortugal, Australia, ASEAN and thePacific.

PDC will hold a congress in April or May2001.

8. PDM

Partido Democratico MaubereMaubere Democratic Party

PDM was formed on 19 October 2000 ata meeting held at the CNRT offices inDili. A small party, PDM is a member of CNRT but is not represented in either theNational Council or the CNRT Permanent

Council (PC). Party officials include: PauloPinto, Gregorio Sebastiao Lobo, andArmindo Sanches. PDM appears to havelinks with the former APODETI party.‘Maubere’ is a Tetun word popularised byJose Ramos Horta in the 1970s as part of FRETILIN’s appeal to East Timor’s ruralpeople or the ‘real Timorese’.

9. PNT

Partido Nacionalista TimorensePartai Nasionalis Timor

Timorese Nationalist Party

Key facts

L eader: Dr Abilio Araujo. H istory: founded 1999 to support broadautonomy within Indonesia.

Links: opposes CNRT, supports CPD-RDTL, and is represented in the NationalCouncil.Status: small party with controversialleader.

1. CON TACT DETAILS

Dili office: home of Alianca Conceicao deAraujo. Mobile 0409 148 286Portugal: Dr Abilio Araujo tel + 351 21

388 0091 Fax +351 21 388 0088

2. OFFICE BEARERS

• President: Dr Abilio Araujo.Resides in Lisbon, Portugal. Economist,musician (composer of well known EastTimorese songs ‘Foho Ramelau’ and‘Funu nain FALINTIL’), Minister forEconomic and Social Affairs in the 1975Democratic Republic of East Timor

(DRET). A controversial figure, he hasbeen an avowed Marxist, successfulbusinessman, Head of the FRETILINExternal Delegation, associate of SitiHardiyanti ‘Tutut’ Rukmana (daughter of Indonesia’s ex-president Suharto) andadvocate for autonomy. He was expelledfrom FRETILIN because of his dealingswith Indonesia.

• National Council representative:

Alianca Conceicao de Araujo.Resides in Dili. Sister of Dr Abilio Araujo.

3. H ISTORY AN D OUTLOOK

The founding congress of PNT was heldin Dili on 15 July 1999, the eve of thehistoric ballot on East Timor’s status, topromote what its president, Dr Araujo,terms a ‘third way policy’, i.e. a choice

between a CNRT ‘dictatorship’ and beingIndonesia’s 27th province. PNT advocateda broad autonomy for East Timor within




Indonesia as a compromise win-winsolution which it believed would serve ‘asa starting point for peace andreconciliation’.

It has accepted the results of the ballotand recognises UNTAET as the legal

international authority in East Timorduring the transition to what PNT callsthe Second Republic. The party isrepresented in the National Council.However, it opposes the coalition betweenUNTAET and CNRT on the grounds thatit compromises the UN’s neutrality and itsprinciples of democracy and politicalpluralism. In PNT’s view, CNRT is not ademocratically elected or representativebody and practices ‘guided democracy’.

PNT is run from Portugal by its president,Dr Abilio Araujo, and has close financialand other links with CPD-RDTL. Like thelatter, PNT recognises the proclamationof the Democratic Republic of East Timoron 28 November 1975. Dr Araujo sent amessage of support to the CPD-RDTLflag raising ceremony held in Dili on 28November 2000 to mark the 25th

anniversary of the declaration of

independence and establishment of

RDTL/ DRET. However, PNT differsfrom CPD-RDTL in that, unlike the latter,it supports the upcoming elections and theUN administration, and participates in theNational Council.

PNT supports the following:

• democracy and a multi-party system;

•

general elections for a ConstituentAssembly that will prepare theConstitution for independence;

• Bahasa Indonesia as the officiallanguage of East Timor alongsidePortuguese; and

• regional integration throughmembership of ASEAN andcooperation with neighbouring states,especially Indonesia.

PNT believes the CNRT proposedtimetable for elections in 2001 is toorushed and smacks of ‘fait accompli’.

According to PNT, the political partiesneed more time to get organised and theconstitution cannot be finalised in a fewshort weeks. Dr Araujo notes thatPortugal needed 12 months to write a newconstitution after the 25 April 1974Carnation Revolution. The UN should not

abandon East Timor prematurely for whathe calls specious financial and otherreasons.

PN T Sources

Dr Abilio Araujo, ‘East Timor: To be ornot to be a X(B)anana Republic’, The

Jak arta Post , 19 February 2001. Dr A raujo, miscellaneous PN T statements.




10. PPT (ex-MPTL)

Partido do Povo de TimorPeople’s Party of Timor

Key facts

L eader: Dr Jacob Xavier. H istory: pro-integration party establishedin 2000 by a former militia leader.

L ink s: not included in CNRT or theNational Council.Status: new, very small party.

• President: Dr Jacob XavierThe PPT leader claims he is a directdescendant of the King of Portugaland is owed resources by Portugal. Helived in Portugal for almost 30 yearsand now resides in Motael, Dili.

• Secretary-General: Francisco PintoLiurai (traditional king) of Uatocarbau.

• Contact: Erminio da Silva da Costa,Mobile: 0419 018 642

PPT was established 7 May 2000 byErminio da Silva da Costa and has itsantecedents in MPTL, Movimento doPovo de Timor Leste or People’sMovement of East Timor. A formerAPODETI leader, da Costa was numberthree in the East Timorese militiahierarchy (with Joao da Silva Tavares andEurico Guterres) and a member of UNTAS, the militia political wing. He hasparted company with both, cooperateswith UNTAET and recognises the 30August ballot but is still keen to fight, bypolitical means, to overcome its results. Asa pro-integration party, PPT is not amember of CNRT but da Costa backsXanana Gusmao as future president. PPTappears to have the support of some liurai,but is a minor player. The alliance betweenDr Xavier and Erminio da Silva da Costais unusual given the strong pro-Portugalleanings of the former and the pro-Indonesian sympathies of the latter.

11. PSD

Partido Social Democrata T imorLorosaeSocial Democrat Party of East Timor

Key facts

L eader : Mario Carrascalao.

H istory: established 2000 as a moderatealternative to FRETILIN and UDT.

Links: member of CNRT and theNational Council.Status: new centre party with promisinglong term prospects.


PSD has its headquarters in Dili near CEP.

2. OFFICE BEARERS

• President: Mario ViegasCarrascalao.Vice President of CNRT. Formersenior member of UDT, IndonesianGovernor of East Timor (1982-1992)and Indonesian Ambassador toRomania. Mobile: 0418 357 027

• Vice-President: Leandro I saac.

Chair of recent CNRT Congress.Former Vice-President of UDT.Mobile: 0408 792 551

• Vice-President: Agio Pereira.PSD representative on the NationalCouncil, and CNRT adviser. Formermember of FRETILIN, and Directorof Sydney based East Timor Relief Agency. Mobile: 041 722 6511

• Secretary General: Zacarias daCosta.CNRT representative in Brussels.Formerly a vice-president of UDT.

• Vice Secretary-General: JoseEduardo

• CNRT/ PC representative:Germano Jesus da Silva. Formersenior FRETILIN member.

3. ORGAN ISAT ION

PSD was launched on 20 September 2000at CNRT headquarters. Speakers at thelaunch included Xanana Gusmao. Work isunderway on a constitution for the party




and a policy statement to be published inbooklet form. It has three regionalcoordinators (East, Centre and West),representatives in each of the 13 districtsand local committees. Membership is putat 8000. It has a Youth Department, aLabour Department and Policy

Committees on labour, political systems,economy, foreign policy and other policyareas. Support committees will beestablished in the diaspora, includingAustralia. It has chosen the crocodile as itssymbol and orange as its basic colour.

4. OUTLOOK

PSD presents itself as an alternative to the

big two, FRETILIN and UDT. In itsfounding statement (Art. 30), it isdescribed as a moderate centre partybetween the left and the right. PSD seesits strengths as its ability to attract formermoderate members of both UDT andFRETILIN and to bridge the diaspora-internal divide. Other nominatedattributes are the qualities of its leaderMario Carrascalao (good administrator,technocrat and national figure widely

respected in East Timor andinternationally, including in Indonesia andSouth East Asia), its capacity to attractinternational funding, its appeal to theyounger post-UDT/ FRETILINgeneration, the quality of its ‘front bench’and its policy capacity.

Some former FRETILIN in PSD see theparty as a successor to the TimoreseAssociation of Social Democrats (ASDT,Associacao Social Democrata Timorense)which was established by Jose RamosHorta and others in May 1974 and laterbecame FRETILIN. However Horta,always an avowed social democrat,strongly denies speculation that hesupports PSD.

PSD believes there should be an end tomass movement politics and the politicsof emotion in East Timor (campaigningon patriotism), and a concerted effort tofocus on structures, policy, content,information and management. As aveteran FRETILIN supporter puts it: ‘My

heart is FRETILIN but I want goodgovernment’. A major long term objectiveis to build on the CNRT vision of nationalunity, to strengthen East Timor’s cultureof consensus and hospitality and to avoidthe politics of antagonism and oppositionwhich characterise democracy elsewhere.

To this end PSD favours the CNRTproposal of a government of nationalunity and a ‘unity model’ according towhich candidates and their committeeswould coordinate their activities, go to thepeople together and campaign on ideas.

5. POLICIES

•

PSD’s general philosophy subscribesto the concepts of the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights(UDHR), pluralism, participation,creativity, social justice, the rule of law,minimum wage, individual equality andrights, the rights of women, childrenand minorities and small enterprise. Itrejects the concept of one party orone ideology, monopolies and topdown development, but defends the

role of the government in economicmanagement and environmentalprotection.

• PSD will prioritise education, culture,health, housing and good governance.Social services will be provided forthose most disadvantaged by the war,including veterans, orphans, andwidows. PSD opposes the deathpenalty and abortion.

• PSD foreign policy supports

membership of ASEAN and CPLP(community of Portuguese speakingnations), without prejudicing otherrelationships. A small defence forceshould be established, based onFALINTIL and subject to civiliancontrol.

• PSD supports the use of Portuguese asthe official language of East Timor.An institute should be established todevelop Tetun to also serve as East

Timor’s official language.




PSD Sources

PSD Statement of Principles, 20 September2000.

12. PST

Partido Socialista de TimorSocialist Party of Timor

Key factsSpokesperson: Avelino Coelho da Silva.

H istory: established in the 1990s with astrong Left agenda.

L ink s: member of CNRT and the NationalCouncil.Status: strong on policy and organisationbut unlikely to gain wide electoral support.

1. CON TACT DETAILS

Street address: Rua Colegio das Madres,Balide, Dili.Mobile: 0417 310 929 (Avelino Coelho)

2. OFFICE-BEARERS

• President and CNRT-PC member:Pedro Soares da Costa Martins

• Vice-President: Mericio Hornaydos Reis

• Secretary-General and NationalCouncil member: Avelino Coelhoda Silva

Studied law and international relationsin Indonesia where he was involvedwith the clandestine movement forindependence. Key policy architectand spokesperson for the party.

•

Deputy Secretary-General (regionalliaison): Antonio Maher Lopes

• Spokesperson: Nelson CorreiaYoung activist known for his Marxistviews and links with PRD inIndonesia. Graduate in Agriculturefrom the University of Jember in EastJava, son of a former administrator(bupati) of Same and head of theTourism Department during theIndonesian period.

3. H ISTORY AN D

ORGAN ISATION

PST is a FRETILIN splinter party.Founded in the 1990’s in Indonesia it grewout of student and labour groups based inJakarta and other Indonesian cities whereEast Timorese studied and worked. Itsmembership is predominantly youth but it

includes a number of older FALINTILand FRETILIN members from the leftwing of FRETILIN. It is based onMarxist-Leninist principles of philosophyand organisation and, through peacefuleducational means, is dedicated to theconstruction of a socialist, classless societyin East Timor liberated from all forms of colonialism, imperialism, paternalism andexploitation. It is primarily concerned withthe situation of workers and farmers.

PST supports CNRT and is a member of the National Council.

PST held its first national congress in Dili,10-11 February 2000. It has branches inmany districts and has focused its activitieson traditional FRETILIN areas, such asSoibada and Aileu, and has establishedcooperative farms. Party structures includea Political Bureau, Central Committee

(comprising 82 members), and labour,youth and women’s organisations. Theparty produces an occasional newsletter‘Vanguarda’. PST Secretary-General,Avelino Coelho da Silva, is also a directorof a business consultancy, IMKI(Institutio Mau’bere ba Koperasi no’oIgualade Mau’bere Institute forCooperation and Equity). IMKI comprisesbusiness people and lawyers and offers arange of negotiation, drafting and otherlegal services. Xavier do Amaral, theDRET founding President, is also adirector.

PST has international links with a range of political organisations including thePortuguese Communist Party, the DutchGreens, the Democratic Socialist Party(DSP) in Australia and PRD in Indonesia.

PST denies claims that it is backed byAbilio Araujo (see PNT entry) or that it ishostile to the Church.




4. POLICIES

PST policies include support for thefollowing:

• a multi-party, democratic,parliamentary system and separation

of powers;• universal, free and compulsory

education;

• adoption of English and Portuguese asofficial languages for the transitionperiod;

• the development of Tetun;

• human rights and equality, includingthe abolition of class;

• the right to work and workers rights,including free trade unions and equalpay for equal work;

• prohibition of child labour;

• divorce and equality between men andwomen;

• prohibition of prostitution andpolygamy;

• the right to housing;

• the development of agriculture as thebasis of the economy and micro-creditschemes in rural areas;

• equal distribution of arable land andexpropriation of large landholdings;Indonesian Government holdings

• religious freedom, including for thetraditional religions/ beliefs of EastTimor;

• reconciliation;

• a free and universal health system;

• freedom of the press and free accessto information;

•

protection of the environment andanti-pollution programs;

• tourism;

• prohibition of the death penalty andsentences over 10 years;

• prison regimes aimed at rehabilitationof prisoners;

• international relations based onpeaceful co-existence and respect fornational independence and self-determination; and

• good neighbour relations withcountries in the Asia-Pacific and theLusophone community.

PST Sources

Report on first PST N ational Congress, D ili,10-11 February 2000. PST Constitution. M iscellaneous PST statements.

13. TRABALHISTA

Partido TrabalhistaTimor Labour Party

Key facts

L eader: Paulo Freitas da Silva. H istory: established 1974 and linked withIndonesia but now pro-independence andpro-democracy.

Links: member of CNRT and the NationalCouncil.Status: old, small party attempting a freshstart.


Office: Rua Travessa De Befonte, No 2Bairro Formosa, Dili.Postal address: PO Box 199, Dili, EastTimor.

Tel/ fax: (+670 390) 322 807Mobile: 041 970 7533 (Paulo Freitas),

040 782 5448 (Angela Freitas).

1. OFFICE BEARERS

• President: Paulo Freitas da Silva.

Member of CNRT PermanentCouncil.

Born in Ossu. Co-founder of TRABALHISTA. Former member of Parliament for five years representing thePartai Demokrasi Indonesia (PDI, nowheaded by Indonesian Vice-PresidentMegawati Sukarnoputri). Also former headof the East Timor branch of SBSI, theofficial Indonesian Trade Union.

• Vice-President: Maria AngelaFreitas. Member of the NationalCouncil.

Daughter of Paulo Freitas. Studiedmedicine in Indonesia at Atma JayaCatholic University, Jakarta, and has beeninvolved in human rights in East Timor.




• Secretary-General: Dr NelsonMartins

Medical doctor, educated in Bandung,Indonesia and Australia. Active on childlabour issues in Indonesia 1995-98.

3. HISTORY

TRABALHISTA was established in 1974by the current President, Paulo Freitas daSilva, and the late Albano and AlpidioAbrao Martins. The Party supportedindependence but favoured a phasedprocess and continuing links withPortugal. Paulo Freitas da Silva wrote tothen Australian Labor Prime Minister,Gough Whitlam, requesting Australiantroops to keep the peace in East Timor—

a request which was denied.

A TRABALHISTA official signed the1975 Balibo Declaration calling forIndonesian intervention but officials todaystate that this was done in a privatecapacity. Whatever the case, Indonesiaused TRABALHISTA for propagandaadvantage.Party president, Paulo Freitas da Silva,signed a statement dated 25 July 1998

rejecting Indonesia’s offer of autonomyand calling for a referendum.TRABALHISTA stresses that August1999 marked a divide, that everythingprior to that date has been ‘wiped away’(dihapuskan) and a fresh start is beingmade.

4. ORGAN ISATION AN D POLICIES

TRABALHISTA estimates it hasapproximately 2500 members withbranches in all 13 districts of East Timor,about 45 per cent of whom are women.Under a president and vice-president,there are three party secretaries and threetreasurers (half of whom are women).National officials meet in Dili 2 or 3 timesa week. The party has few resources anddepends on voluntary contributions. It hasexcellent office premises in Dili which are

still being equipped.

TRABALHISTA plans to contest EastTimor’s election but would prefer they

were held December 2001 or January 2002to allow for adequate preparation of thecommunity to vote. The Party will hold aworkshop in April 2001 to choosecandidates for the upcoming nationalelections.

TRABALHISTA describes itself as ademocratic socialist party similar to theAustralian Labor Party (ALP). Officialsclaim that the ALP has promised supportin the form of office equipment,communications, and expertise to assist inthe running of an election campaign.

The Party advocates the democraticsocialisation of industry, production,distribution and exchange so far as is

necessary to eliminate exploitation andother anti-social features. This will involvethe re-distribution of political andeconomic power so that all members of society will have the opportunity toparticipate in the shaping and control of institutions and relationships whichdetermine their lives.

It will support workers through jobcreation and represent the interests of

unions. It is not a member of the SocialistInternational but will consider joining.

East Timor’s education system should beequitable and ensure high literacy andnumeracy as a sound basis for a qualitygeneral and vocational education. Customsand traditions will be protected. Tetun andEnglish should be the two principallanguages. A free public health and dentalsystem should be established.

The Party strongly supports internationalhuman rights as the basis for a tolerantand multicultural society with particularemphasis on equal opportunity and choicefor women in all aspects of life.

Foreign policy should recognise the rightof all nations to self-determination andindependence and the need for regionaland international disarmament and armscontrol. Conflicts should be resolvedthrough the UN.




TRABALHISTA is a member of theCNRT PC but is critical of XananaGusmao and Jose Ramos Horta, and whatit describes as ‘dictatorial’ tendencies and a‘lack of transparency and accountability’ inCNRT. It is vocal in its demands. Forexample, though offered 10 places at last

August’s CNRT Congress, it threateneddemonstrations against the CNRTleadership because of alleged collusion andnepotism in the organisation of theCongress. In July 2000 it demonstrated infront of UNTAET protesting thecomposition of the new TransitionalCabinet.




14. UDC

Uniao Democrata-Crista de T imorChristian Democratic Union of Timor

Key Facts

L eader: Vicente da Silva Guterres H istory: Christian party founded inPortugal in 1998

L ink s: member of CNRT and the NationalCouncilStatus: new party still in its formative stage.

1. CON T ACT DE T AILS

Mandarin, Dili.Tel/ fax: (+670 390) 325 042Mobile: 040 894 7052 (Vicente Guterres);041 974 0382 (Alexandre Ximenes).

2. OFFICE BE ARE RS

• President: Vicente da SilvaGuterres.

Philosophy graduate and secondary

teacher. Member and Secretary of theCNRT Permanent Council.

• Secretary General: AlexandreMagno Ximenes.

• National Council Representative:Anselmo da Costa Aparicio.

3. HISTORY

UDC was founded at a congress on 14March 1998 in Lisbon, Portugal. The partyparticipated in the CNRT Conventionheld in Portugal in April 1998 and is a co-founder of CNRT. UDC also participatedin the CNRT National Congress in Dili21-30 August 2000.

4. ORGAN ISATION AN D POLICIES

UDC is based in Dili in a small, simplyequipped office in the home of the UDCPresident, Vicente Guterres. UDC hasadhered to the CNRT decision to restrictparty political activity to the district leveland at this point has only an estimated1500 members spread through the 13

districts of East Timor. The Party isorganised into a national congress andnational council and administered throughcommittees responsible for political, legaland financial affairs respectively. UDC alsohas a Christian Democratic Youthorganisation, a Christian DemocraticWomen’s organisation and a ChristianDemocratic Labour organisation. UDCdepends on contributions from itsmembers for its financial resources. The

Party is an observer member of theInternational Union of ChristianDemocrats and maintains relations withthe CDS/ PP-Partido Popular in Portugal.

UDC is based on a personal Christianhumanism and the social doctrine of theCatholic Church. Though open to othermembers, it appears to comprise mainlyCatholics at this point. It shares a pro-democracy, pro-Christian outlook with

PDC but the two have parted company.(See PDC entry.)

UDC states that its fundamental mission isto work in cooperation with otherTimorese political groups and themembers of CNRT in particular toguarantee a secure and peaceful transitionto independence and the establishment of a democratic system in East Timor.

UDC favours a multi-party, democraticsystem and a French-style semi-presidential office with strict limitations onpresidential powers. UDC believes Timorshould learn from Latin America’sexperience which demonstrates that toomuch power in one office leads to abuse.

The President should be directly electedand power distributed between thepresidency and prime minister. Electionsare needed to democratise the currentinstitutions of the Transition Cabinet andNational Council whose positions arecurrently all appointed. East Timor’s




parliamentary system should reflect theethno-linguistic variety of East Timor.

UDC espouses a market economy forTimor. Basic education and health servicesshould be universal and free and theculture of East Timor, including local

languages and dialects, preserved andpromoted. Portuguese should serve as theofficial language, Tetun as the nationallanguage, and English as the internationallanguage for Timor.

UDC believes the Universal Declarationof Human Rights should serve as afundamental reference point for the newEast Timor. Cultural, linguistic andreligious differences should be respected.

The rights of women and minoritiesshould be upheld.

East Timor’s foreign policy should buildpositive bilateral and multilateral relationswith countries in the region includingAustralia, New Zealand, Indonesia,ASEAN and the South Pacific forum.East Timor should also build goodrelations with the community of Portuguese-speaking nations (CPLP), the

EU, USA, Russia, China, Japan, LatinAmerica and democratic regimes generally.East Timor should support the peacefulresolution of conflict.

UDC Sources

UDC Statutes, adopted March 1998.

15. UDT

Uniao Democratica TimorenseTimorese Democratic Union

Key facts

L eader: Joao Carrascalao. H istory: major conservative pro-independence party established in 1974.

Links: member of National Council;relations with CNRT are currentlystrained.Status: prospects are unclear.


Secretary-General: Domingos de Oliveira.Mobile: 040 988 1543Email: [email protected]

2. OFFICE-BEARER S

• President: Joao Viegas CarrascalaoMinister for Infrastructure in theUNTAET Administration. Foundingmember of UDT, based in Sydney for

most of the Indonesian period.Brother of Mario and ManuelCarrascalao.

• Vice-President: Dr Francisco LyAssis N icolau

• Secretary-General: Domingos deOliveira

• Vice-Secretary-General: EduardoSanches Massa

• NC representative: Maria Lacruna

3. HISTORY

UDT was formed on 11 May 1974, thefirst of the political associations followingPortugal’s Carnation Revolution and,initially, the largest. Its founders werepredominantly public servants in thePortuguese administration, landholders,Catholic and strongly anti-communist.

They included founding president MarioCarrascalao (later Indonesian appointedgovernor of East Timor and nowpresident of the Timorese Social




Democrat Party), Augusto CesarMouzinho (then Mayor of Dili), FranciscoLopes da Cruz (later a senior adviser tothen President Suharto), Domingos deOliveira (a customs official and currentlyUDT Secretary-General) and MarioCarrascalao’s brother, Joao Carrascalao

(now UDT President and UNTAETCabinet member responsible forInfrastructure).

In a statement of principles dated 1August 1974, UDT committed itself to:

• self-determination in support of independent federation with Portugal;

• accelerated social, economic, culturaland political development;

• national use of Portuguese;• the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights and democracy;

• just distribution of income;

• good neighbour policies; and

• and cooperation with other politicalparties.

The party also declared its activeopposition to corruption and ‘theintegration of East Timor into anypotential foreign country’.

In a joint communique with FRETILINon 18 March 1975, UDT hardened itsposition on independence and declared its‘intransigent defence of the right of thepeople to national independence’.

UDT’s coalition with FRETILIN brokedown by May 1975. On August 11, UDTlaunched a coup (described by JoaoCarrascalao as an act of ‘civildisobedience’) and civil war followedresulting in an estimated 1,500 deaths,refugee flows to West Timor andAustralia, and several months of FRETILIN interregnum before theIndonesian invasion on 7 December 1975.The party mainly operated outside EastTimor in Portugal and Australia during theIndonesian period. This has weakened itsappeal amongst the young in East Timorbut provided international contacts,financial resources and experience whichwill be useful now in re-building the party.

A national congress, held in Perth 3-6December 1997, revised the UDT Statutesand internal party organs and re-committed the party to East Timor’sindependence, the Universal Declarationof Human Rights, pluralism, democracy,and non-violence.

UDT participated in the founding CNRTCongress in Portugal in 1998 and theAugust 2000 CNRT Congress in EastTimor. It has since withdrawn from theCNRT (see CNRT entry) but is nowsending an observer to PC meetings. Ithas lost several key people to PSD sincethe latter’s establishment in September2000 and faces a number of significantpolitical and organisational challenges.

4. POLICIES

UDT held a national conference in Dili 9-11 August 2000 attended by some 400delegates and advisers with the theme of ‘Of the people, with the people, for thepeople’. Technical workshops at theconference produced detailed outcomeson issues such as agriculture, health,

education and port structures. Otherworkshops focused on political issues andrecommended the following key policiesfor East Timor:

• a presidential system with an optionfor a second term;

• a centralised system of government;

• election of district administrators bythe local community;

• a role for elders to solve village level

problems according to customary law;• pensions for all ex-Portuguese and

Indonesian public servants; and

• pensions for retired FALINTILmembers and their widows andorphans.

Leaders at the conference attackedMarxism-Leninism and defended the

UDT coup of 11 August 1975 as an anti-communist rather than an anti-FRETILINinitiative. There were also calls for justice




Appendix 2

REGULATION ON TH E

ELECTION OF A CON STIT UEN T

ASSEMBLY

On 16 March 2001, UNTAETpromulgated Regulation No 2001/ 2 ‘Onthe Election of A Constituent Assemblyto Prepare a Constitution for anIndependent and Democratic East Timor’.The election will be held 30 August 2001.

The regulation has been approved byCabinet and the National Council. Itaddresses five issues (1) the ConstituentAssembly (2) the Independent Electoral

Commission (3) the registration of political parties, (4) eligibility of voters andcandidates and (5) allocation of seats.

Following are some of the provisions tobe found in the regulation:

• the Assembly will be unicameral andwill comprise 88 members, 75 electedas national representatives, 13 asdistrict representatives;

• the Assembly has 90 days from its first

day of sitting to produce aConstitution which will require thesupport of at least 60 members foradoption and will enter into force onthe date of East Timor’s independence(not specified); the Assembly shouldtake into account the results of community consultations on theConstitution and drafts referred to itby the Transitional Administrator(Sergio Vieira de Mello);

• only residents of a given district,registered in that district and there onpolling day can vote for that district’srepresentative;

• all eligible voters who have registeredin East Timor and are present thereon polling day can vote for the 75national representatives;

• the regulation encourages equalparticipation of men and women ‘in all

stages of the electoral and constitutionalprocess’ but did not adopt the proposal

that 30 per cent of Assembly seats bereserved for women;

• the regulation makes no mention of East Timorese living outside EastTimor; it would appear, they will beable to vote only for nationalrepresentatives and only if they visit

East Timor to register and to vote;• voters have to be at least 17 and born

in East Timor or have one parentborn in East Timor or be spouse to aperson who was either born in EastTimor or has a parent born in EastTimor;

• the Assembly will become thelegislature if so provided in theConstitution;

• only a registered political party can

field candidates for the Assemblyelection;

• to qualify for registration, a party must—inter alia—

(1) provide a written declaration signed bythe leader and all other officials of thepolitical party that they willcontinuously reside in East Timor forat least 3 months prior to the electionand are habitual residents,

(2) provide the names, place and date of

birth, addresses and signatures of nofewer than 500 voters,

(3) not use a name, acronym or symbolwhich is likely to incite hatred orviolence, or which is the same as orsimilar to the flag of another nation,FALINTIL, CNRT or another party;

• independent candidates may stand; anindependent candidate for a nationalseat must demonstrate the support of 500 voters; for a district seat 100

voters; and

• a registry of political parties will beavailable for public scrutiny andobjections may be lodged.

Appendix 3

TH E CATH OLIC CHURCH AN D

POLITICS




The Catholic Church is a large andinfluential organisation in East Timor andwill certainly make itself heard in thecoming months on political issues when itbelieves these impact on the moral andspiritual welfare of East Timorese society.As Bishop Belo stated in a recent circular:

The whole process of formation of

this people as a nation, all the

problems which it will meet, all the

challenges it will face, are the

problems and challenges of the

Church. The Church is one with the

people in the gigantic task of building

a new East Timorese nation. (11

February 2001.)

The Church’s following grew dramaticallyduring the years of Indonesia’s occupationwhen it was often critical of Indonesianexcesses and remained independent of theIndonesian Church. Many of the currentpolitical leadership are Catholic and wereeducated by the Church, and some priestshave positions of responsibility in CNRTand the transitional administration. TheChurch has two dioceses (one based inDili led by Bishop Carlos Felipe XimenesBelo, the other in Baucau, led by BishopBasilio do Nascimento) and a third isplanned for the south western Sameregion, including Aileu, Ainaro andCovalima. Bishop Belo shared the NobelPrize for Peace with Jose Ramos Horta in1996. The Church has many hundreds of personnel and volunteers who work in awell established network of parishes,religious orders, educational institutions,and health clinics across East Timor and

who also run a range of communityservices for youth, women, children, andrefugees. The Dili diocese has a radiostation (Radio Kmanek) and newspaper(Seara). The Church’s dominance isunlikely to continue to the same degree asEast Timor modernises and diversifies as afree and independent nation. However, itscapacity to influence public opinion willremain strong for the foreseeable future.

Bishop Belo defined the Church’s role inpolitics in a ‘pastoral appeal’ released inJanuary. The letter includes the followingpoints:

• 2001 is East Timor’s ‘political year’because it will see the transfer of

authority and power to the EastTimorese and will require ‘crucial’choices to be made about aConstitution and who and whatpolicies will govern East Timor;

• elite politics has re-emergeddominated by an ‘upper class’ of influential families and business whoare focused more on personalities thanissues;

• political parties should focus more on

the future than the past, and onpolicies which address ‘mass poverty’,‘youth unemployment’ and a ‘foreignculture’ of consumerism, greed,individualism and violence againstwomen;

• lay people, both men and women,have the right to become freelyinvolved in political parties, to standfor public office and to promote theelection of leaders of ‘true integrity’;

• clergy and religious should avoidbecoming involved in party politics;

• Church and State should work for thecommon good of all, each accordingto its special area of competence andresponsibility which for the Church isto uphold the moral and spiritualvalues of the Gospel;

• the Church has a major role in politicsas the conscience of government in arelationship described as ‘criticalsolidarity’; and

• the Church will undertake its ownprogram of civic education, includingpromoting principles which shouldguide the election of politicalcandidates.



ACFOA VISION

ACFOA is committed to a vision of sustainable humandevelopment resulting in vibrant civil societies in which people

are:

• able to enjoy the full range of human rights to fulfil their

needs and live in dignity; and

• have a future in which all are given the opportunity to havereal choice in their lives, free from injustice and poverty, and

in which gross inequities among people disappear.

Australian Council for Overseas AidPrivate Bag 3 DEAKIN ACT 260002 6285 1816 ph. 02 6285 1720 fax

[email protected] www.acfoa.asn.au

ACFOA is the co-ordinating body for over 94 Australian non government organisations working in the fieldof overseas aid and development.

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