ethnic minorities and marginality in the pamirian knot

8/4/2019 Ethnic Minorities and Marginality in the Pamirian Knot

1/22

Ethnic Minorities and Marginality in the Pamirian Knot: Survival of Wakhi and Kirghiz in aHarsh Environment and Global ContextsAuthor(s): Hermann KreutzmannSource: The Geographical Journal, Vol. 169, No. 3, Environment and Development in HighMountain Environments (Sep., 2003), pp. 215-235

Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with theInstitute of British Geographers)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3451448

Accessed: 21/06/2010 18:43

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless

you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you

may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed

page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) andBlackwell Publishing are

collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Geographical Journal.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3451448?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=blackhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=blackhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/3451448?origin=JSTOR-pdf


2/22


3/22

216 Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnotFunnell and Parish 2001; Humphrey and Sneath1999; Kreutzmann 1998 2003; Ortner 1989; vanSpengen 2000). One of the key areas of overlapbetween the remoteness of mountain livelihoodsand integration into world markets seems to be theInner Asian mountain belt.Our knowledge about the people of the Pamirs,Hindukush and Karakoram is based on contempo-rary narratives, and is influenced by traveloguesfrom early nineteenth-century 'explorers' andsubsequent travellers who personally faced thedifficult environmental conditions by traversing theroof of the world (bam-e dunya). In addition,archived documents from colonial administrators,messengers, surveyors and spies exist which needto be interpreted in the context of imperial interestsin 'spheres of influence'. Two ethnic groupspredominantly feature in these reports: the Wakhiand the Kirghiz. In the most remote locations theyprovided transport by yaks (Bos grunniens),Bactrian camels (Camelus bactrianus) and horses tothe rare travellers and trans-montane traders tosafeguard their journeys across high passes. Geo-graphical research in the Pamirs has a long tradition,especially during colonial times and during the'Great Game' when this area was the focus of thethen two super powers - Russia and Great Britain(cf. among others Bobrinskiy 1908; Gordon 1876;Dunmore 1983; Jaworskij 1885; Olufsen 1904;Snyesreff1909; Wood 1841). Lord Curzon published,in The Geographical journal, a three-piece treatiseon The Pamirs and the source of the Oxus (Curzon1896) in which he summarized the state ofknowledge at the end of the nineteenth century,highlighting the remoteness, the harsh living con-ditions and the geopolitical characteristics of thearea. For a long period his advocacy of the 'forwardpolicy' influenced the basis of imperial dealingswith this part of the world. His compilation wasof special interest to the Foreign Office in Londondue to the establishment of Pamirski Post, theRussian outpost in the Pamirs, in 1891. This garrisonwas partly given up in June 2002 when Russiansoldiers were meant to evacuate Murghab - themodern name for Pamirski Post. Most recent develop-ments in the wake of the IraqWar suggest that theirpresence on the Afghanistan-Tajikistan bordermight continue.Nearly a century ago Ellsworth Huntington (19051907) identified the inhabitants of Central Asia,and especially the Kirghiz nomads, as the antipodesof Western civilization:

So low are they in the scale of civilization that theyknow almost nothing of manufacturing, cience orart... According to our standardsthe Khirghizaredirty, lazy, and unprogressive... On the south the

greatdesertsof ChineseTurkestanndthe hugedesolateplateauof Tibetseparate he Khirghizrom India andall outside influences in that direction. On the eastand west they are also shut in by desertsso that theycome in contactonly with nomadslikethemselves.Huntington nd Cushing1924, 12Consequently they feature prominently as non-modern people when it comes to progress:

Among nomads like the Khirghiz education andscience are even less developed than government...The absence of contactwith outside people and theirown lack of inquisitivenesspreventthe Kirghiz rommaking cientificdiscoveries . Thuscivilization emainsstationary.The Khirghizare not savages, but the gulfbetween them and the more enlightened nations isgrowingwider.The influence of European ivilizationhas begun to reachthem, but their mode of life willprobablychange only a little so long as they dependchiefly upon grassof the plainsand high plateaus.Huntington nd Cushing1924, 21

Huntington was one of the first geographers to dofieldwork among the Kirghiz and placed their casequite prominently in a textbook (Huntington andCushing 1924). His assessments influenced theoriesabout remoteness and development in the moun-tainous periphery, although he visited the areaat the peak of the 'Great Game'.The aim of this paper is to challenge the thesisthat physical remoteness goes hand in hand withthe absence of political interference and negligiblecommercial exchange relations. The varied spec-trum of possible developments is exemplified in fivebrief case studies from Afghanistan, Tajikistan,People's Republic of China (hereafter China) andPakistan in which structural developments areemphasized in an environment that experiencedinternational boundaries for the first time a littlemore than a century ago, but where ecologicalconditions are not that variable across these borders.To contrast earlier views the local actors are theWakhi and Kirghiz mountain dwellers who haveresponded in different ways to external pressuresand their incorporation in nation states (Figure 1).The twentieth century brought even stronger 'windsof change' than the previous century. The stand-ards of living, mobility and levels of political andcommercial participation were modified by socio-political systems which significantly influenced life-styles, levels of educational attainment and survivalconditions in remote mountain locations such asthe Pamirs. The 'Cold War' created hermeticallyclosed frontiers and stifled exchange across borders.Separate societies with affiliated cultural expressionsand economic options came into being. Only after


4/22

TeshkentokadY Z'TAN\.. ANBaldirD shanbe PKhoroag -* Khotn BashGumbazSTaxkorgan Guma * TargakaktiDawan Dawan ___ .QiziRibat

Feaza-bad

gDa wlaatunduz ... _ .Q.z..Riba....t..A... ZebakC "ra .g it .... . , Koh-eTezek Dawan .. , " - 46 4

Begie'.r.Necc -Sar\cui ?\~i I59' i .* ... .. h ?s'.-.urgatai \ ____...5 N Kabul AK a *Leh YMazar -c Kalan Dawan MukAtSiAN ma... esaal] -!.': aca

& K lena...-'........i "...........

5604 ' .. . . . _I .,]cc/c

,,co,"PePesnawa...K( annegar "(

/c. ..l. ..cic :he:ova:.h

lslmab4 ab-adara#la6Dwa

150 km PAKISTIAN ". I ", .\ "::..:.. .. .'.':::::.. ::. .: ? . _z _70

EPA..STAN.

80 E

.oh-ePamir

Pam:

irKW kurd

ha Shughnan Pik Karla 674 i : : 6320. . BozaiGumbaz WVakhirMakShaLangMarksa ar .-ha Pik Majaakovkogo Yamg angZ O Rawcun sarhadWakhanIIAd-A6035 .Q.. . . Panja,... ...AiiC, ..' . . . .....I ..-k..Pag " ...5xX\\ """tn'" K"a...kh...n Ba .gh " """ _"" - Irshad K/c,""\ . ..:.::::.::. / -..:\9 ..: ... .....:. an hu .B r ghl::. . Uw' --n,)( ' Baah n-~aa.. i.ns aaB.K hi568 xtagu .. . . .. .r hZ h-- n..N Na hitnl Shah inali Ishkarwarz" -

Sukhtarabad Zodkhun Resh KirSu It shkashimjA on aoshah ashtKha. .. .h"-....""K..... Garmush

6476 :S......B....aaIshkashim eh. 6hDtgargand:7Shost7-Thui ZD rk-t 6 .'FDRoA(bargr 62hamubarPan Ishkoman

So sh aq734

C52h' .:B.g/,

,DrmNBark ut

.'..hkom

n. .67Bilh nz

Bart7

I Nsha q wMia~5~ 'Ps

..7 5.Shagram Hr

it- C,, arut

B l Bim%*%' 7 5.,;S agram., ( e Tausi~2, Asu"-0 i.e',Bar Jaflgalia.o,.H'* ' N - " "rep6

barYKarimabad, ,'.... Csai.Chatorkhand Aliaba

15,m

A I t t. a ", " . .......... "744

, T rich M7ir h

uj.C....hu Chu6

a rkha n CCsi, .

Ishko-C

C "anakhabde.

736E /.Eh/ ani MinapiWakhi settlement region administrative border * important settlement 9 lakeKirghiz settlement region truckable road A pasture settlement of Kirghiz river

--- international boundary .. jeepable track 7485 peak (altitudenm) pass

Figure1 The PamirianKnotseparatedby internationalboundaries


5/22

218 Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnot1989 did regular exchange and communicationsappear in the frameworks of independence andglobalization.The communities represent the two majorlanguage groups - Iranian and Turkic - of this partof Central Asia. Wakhi is a branch of the easternIranian languages within the Indo-Iranian group,while Kirghiz is a Turkic language belonging to theAltaic group. While Kirghiz has a written Cyrillicform, Wakhi still only exists as a non-writtenlanguage and is limited to phonetic notation.Today 50 000 Wakhi live in remote parts ofPakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Xinjiang(China). There are about the same number ofKirghiz in the study area, but in China and in theTurkic-speaking Central Asian Republics, mostnotably in Kyrgyzstan, there are about three millionethnic Kirghiz. This article focuses on the Kirghizand Wakhi living in the high mountains separat-ing Central and South Asia. Besides languagedifferences, Wakhi and Kirghiz follow differentbelief systems. Kirghiz communities traditionallycomprise Sunni Muslims, while the Wakhi almostexclusively belong to the Shia Ismaili sect whichacknowledges the Aga Khan as their spiritual head.The religious practices influence daily life andlocal cultures as religious festivals and rituals playprominent roles beyond rites of passage. Kirghizculture is characterized by the lifestyle of migratingpastoralists including transitory dwellings in theform of the round felt-covered yurts displayingartifacts of local folklore (cf. Dor and Naumann1978; Shahrani 1979). In contrast, Wakhi housesare built of stone and mud-plastered walls and arescattered among the village lands in irrigatedmountain oases. Wakhi herders migrate to highmountain pastures where simple houses provideshelter. The majority of household members remainin the villages where cultural life is centred at thistime (cf. Felmy 1997; Kreutzmann 1996). Both life-styles exhibit close affinities to the different traditionsand affiliations of the two groups.The Pamirian KnotThe Pamirian Knot is characterized by highmountain valleys and plateaux. Altitude and ariditycause natural thermal and hydrological gradientsand thresholds. Wakhi villages are located between2150 and 3500 m.a.s.l. Arid and semi-arid condi-tions prevail, resulting in irrigated single-croppingagriculture (barley, wheat, potatoes, beans andpeas), which is always supplemented by animalhusbandry. With a few exceptions, natural vegeta-tion is scarce and forests are more or less absent. Afew fruit trees, e.g. apples, apricots, walnuts andmulberries, are found and wood is harvested from

poplar plantations. The specific attraction of thisaltitudinal ecological belt is the availability ofwater stored in glaciers and snow. Meltwater feedsthe irrigation systems made for cultivation. Whilethe Wakhi grow crops, the Kirghiz have tradition-ally refrained from any form of settled agriculture.Both groups utilize high pastures which are foundwhere groundwater and runoff create seasonalmeadows. Kirghiz grazing grounds are generallylocated above 3500 m.a.s.I. Marco Polo high-lighted the nutritionalpropertiesof the Pamirpasturesand game from these pastures such as Marco Polosheep (Ovis ammon) and ibex (Capra ibex), andlivestock (yak, fat-tailed sheep and goats) becamefamous as sources of high-quality meat amongconsumers in the low-lying Central Asian oasistowns along the Southern Silk Route.The Wakhi term pamer is specific to the fertilehigh mountain pastures and was taken as a definingfeature in describing natural grazing grounds of sub-stantial extent as Pamirs. Four Pamirs - Kargushi,RangK61l, arizand Alichur are located in the EasternPamirs of Gorno Badakhshanskaja AvtonomnajaOblast (Gorno Badakhshan Autonomous Oblast,GBAO; Gorno Badakhshan) in the Republic ofTajikistan. Afghanistan contains the Little (Kichik)Pamir (Kirg.)'or Pamir-e Khurd(Pers.) and the GreatPamir (Chong Pamir (Kirg.)or Pamir-e Kalan (Pers.))in the northeastern part of the remote Wakhanstrip. The Taghdumbash Pamir in the adjacent TajikAutonomous County of China is the seventh of themajor Pamirs (cf. Curzon 1896; Dor and Naumann1978). In addition to the seven large Pamirs (eachof which has at least 300 km2 of pasture) there aresmaller Pamirs such as the Pamir-e Bugrumal(upper Gunt Valley, Gorno-Badakhshan), MariangPamir(Sarikol),TagarmaPamir(Sarikol)and ShimshalPamir (in the northern area of Pakistan).The naturalgrazing of the Pamirs is their major asset though itis augmented by cultivation in a few places.The overall setting is characterized by threeareas. The valley bottoms are mainly inhabited byWakhi and other Pamirian mountain farmers wholive in permanent villages and who seasonallyaccess nearby pastures in the side valleys. Above3500 m.a.s.l., the main valleys widen, becomeflatter and form extensive Pamir pastures which areutilized by the Wakhi and the Kirghiz. Wakhiretreat to their homesteads during the winter whilethe Kirghiz do not migrate. The third area - thehigh plateaux - is dominated by Kirghiz nomads.The high plateaux favour mobile pastoralists as thedistance to the permanent dwellings in the rivervalleys is great. Nevertheless, growing demand fornatural grazing and mutual dependency have re-sulted in changing patterns of utilization, mobilityand political interference.


6/22

Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnot 219Traditionalubsistence trategiesand theirtransformationsTwo major strategies are used to utilize the pasturepotential of Western High Asia given the ecologicalconstraints and socio-political circumstances. Theyare nomadic animal husbandryand combined moun-tain agriculture (Ehlers and Kreutzmann 2000).1 Nomadism incorporates the advantage of mobility.Traditionally nomadic groups were able to exploitnatural resources at dispersed locations. Great dis-tances, in the order of several hundred kilometres,separate economically valuable mountain pasturesfrom winter camp sites, with areas of less economicinterest lying between them. Functional migration

cycles can be recognized in the region. They gen-erally comprise long stays in high-altitude pasturesduringthe summer with winter grazing in low-lyingbasins in the northernfoothills or the plains of theInner Asian mountain arc. The nomads depend onbeing tolerated as a mobile group and being ableto pay grazing fees, if applicable, in both areas.2 Combined mountain agriculture has the advantageof simultaneous fodder production in the permanenthomesteads for herds which are grazed in the highpastures during the summers. The limiting factorhere is the provision of up to nine months of feedwhich has to be produced on private or commonpropertyvillage lands.The Wakhi houses are usuallylocated at the upper levels of permanentsettlementsin single-crop farming areas. Consequently accessto the Pamir pastures involves shorter migrationsand some mobility within the summer habitations.Fodder here is comparatively plentiful but onlyavailable for a short period; feed storage and trans-port to the homesteads are of limited importance.

Both approaches can result in competition for naturalresourcesin the same location and they have frequentlybeen discussed from that perspective. The ecologicalaspect has been expanded to include the debate aboutconflicting economic strategies. In the discourse ofmodernization and social change nomadism's placeis usurped by agriculture.The extensive utilization ofmarginal resources is superseded by intensificationand increasing external inputs. Thus, it is not surpris-ing that mountain farmers and nomads have been aprime target for development aimed at reducingsubsistence levels by integrating people from theperiphery into the mainstream of nation states. Whenthis occurs traditional lifestyles and locally devel-oped economic strategies become endangered.

Socialandpoliticalorganization: thnicityandactorsOutsiders call the Wakhi by this ethnonym, whichdetermines their language as well; though they refer

to themselves as khik for people and khik zik fortheir language. Why this discrepancy? Their neigh-bours and visitors identify the Wakhi as the peopleliving in Wakhan (wukh watan). Until 1883 Wakhanwas a principality on both banks of the upper AmuDaryaand the Wakhan and PamirDarya (cf. Figure1).It was ruled by a hereditary ruler (mir) who con-trolled a territory in which sedentary mountain far-mers and Kirghiz nomads lived. Both communitiespaid taxes and tributes in cash and in kind. TheWakhi society consisted of an upper stratum: theruling family (mir), some religious leaders (pir, sayid,khuja) and a few better-off families (sana, khaybari).The vast majority of the people (>95%) belongedto the ordinary people (khik), who practiced com-bined mountain agriculture and were obliged todeliver taxes and services such as load-carriers andsoldiers (cf. Kreutzmann 1996; Shahrani 1979).Social structure followed a patri-lineal system,while female family backgrounds played a bilateralrole when marriages were negotiated. Children werepredominantly regarded as belonging to the father'sfamily. Female influences and responsibilities weremainly restricted to the domestic sphere, althoughthese limitations have broken down in recent years(cf. Felmy 1997).Wakhan was no exception in Western High Asia,where many valleys were more or less identical;being principalities which had strong links totheir mighty neighbours: the Amir of Afghanistan,the Emir of Bokhara (later replaced by TsaristRussia/Soviet Union), the Chinese Emperor andBritish India. The competition between these majorplayers affected diplomatic relations, taxation,conscription policies, local politics and economies,and finally resulted in the delineation of inter-national boundaries and the termination of theirindependence.The Kirghiz not only lived within Wakhi admin-istration. Their mobility enabled them to shift tograzing grounds in areas with favourable condi-tions, i.e. low taxation and tolerable politicalpressure. The family histories of Kirghiz clansabound in stories about leaving some territoriesand starting a new life under different conditions,masters and/or protectors. But the search for suit-able pastures and low outside interference wasalways guided by socio-economic principles whilepolitical pressures could lead to the loss of lives,captivity, deprivation and deportation (cf. Kreutz-mann 1996, 352-75). Among themselves theKirghiz were organized in a tribal structure. Migra-tory groups were headed by a camp elder (beg,khan) who normally represented the most affluentfamily. Within their communities a highly stratifiedhierarchy evolved in which the poorest yurts wereoccupied by shepherds servicing the big herd


7/22

220 Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnotowners. The affluent leaders and rich householdsprofited from the system of renting (amanat) theirlivestock to shepherds (cf. Shahrani 1979). Kirghizcommunities formed their own microcosms in thePamirian pastures with generally strong relation-ships with their neighbours. Common goals werethe defence of grazing grounds and the avoidanceof interference by outsiders.Wakhi and Kirghiz represent communitiescompeting for the same resources. Competitionwas ubiquitous and relations between neighbouringgroups was not always amicable. Both wereinvolved in a power struggle for survival wherethreats came from direct and distant neighbours asmuch as from raiders, slave traders, representativesof administrations, conscriptors and tax officials.Demographic trends affected by externaldevelopmentsAn analysis of population changes among theWakhi indicates fluctuations in space and time.Demographic trends show an increase in popula-tion from the nineteenth to the twenty-first centuryalmost everywhere in High Asia. An early popula-tion peak of the Wakhi people was reached around1880 when the population in the mirdom ofWakhan was estimated at 6000. Shortly afterwardsa major crisis occurred. The geopolitical confronta-tion between British India and Tsarist Russia during

the 'Great Game' as well as the Islamization andthe expansion programme of the Afghan Amirthreatened the autonomy of the small principalitiesin the Hindukush, Pamir and Karakoram.Wakhanwas one of the principalities whose rulers weretaken hostage or threatened. In 1883, the Mir ofWakhan, Ali Mardan Shah, organized a preventiveexodus for his family and about one-quarter of thepopulation took refuge in his father-in-law's terri-tory in Chitral. Subsequently his fears materializedand Wakhan was divided into two parts as wereother principalities along the Amu Darya (Oxus).The northern part was controlled by Russia whilethe southern part became an extension of the Amirof Afghanistan's territory. The Wakhan strip (cf.Figure 1) was created as a buffer zone betweenRussia and British India as the superpowers of thetime had decided that they should not havecommon boundaries. The demarcation took placeat the end of the nineteenth century and it remainsthe current international boundary. The division ofWakhan led to a refugee crisis and the populationof Wakhi decreased by one-sixth (Kreutzmann1996, 136). The low point in the population wasreached by 1900 and since then demographictrends have been upwards. Currently 50 000Wakhi reside in Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Xinjiangand Pakistan (Figures 1 and 2). Each of thesepopulations exhibit demographic patterns that arelinked to the countries and mobility. The twentieth

TAJIKISTAN XINJIANG (PR of China)F- Dushanbe

-CGorno BadakhshanskajaKueshev AvtonomnajaOblast Kilian Sanju

2 0 0 0 i n h .Tajik utonomousIshkashim CountyTaxkorgan12000 inh. " " SarikolWAKHAN........ 1400 nh....... " WakhanWoluswali9500 inh. S BaroghilGojal (Hunza)(Chitral) 6400 inh.1000 inh."l- KarambarBadakhshan Yasin (Ishkoman)Badakhshan 3100inh.WFP NorthernAreas

AF G H AN IS TAN PAKISTAN250 Wakhi inhabitants Design H. Kreutzmann

Figure2 Distribution of Wakhi communities today


8/22

Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnot 221century appears to have been a time of migration,with Pakistan being the major refuge. Refugees fromAfghanistan still seek shelter and work in Chitral.Migrant workers from Tajikistan usually end upin Gojal (Hunza, Pakistan) and expect support fromlocal Wakhi residents whose forefathers tookrefuge there over 200 years ago. The Gojali Wakhithemselves participate in trans-border trade withtheir Chinese neighbours. Thus, Wakhi communitiesare found in four countries with different politicalsystems, market and state-controlled economies,and in regions of contrasting infrastructures andwelfare and educational institutions.

Kirghiz nomads have been affected by the samegeopolitical developments, though estimates ofdemographic trends are more complicated becauseof the nomadic context. The seasonal grazinggrounds of the Kirghiz were often in locationswhich belonged to different countries after thedelineation of international boundaries. While inearlier times border crossing was possible for themit became next to impossible during the Cold War,and the term 'closed frontier nomadism' was intro-duced (Shahrani 1979). The Amu Darya becamethe most controlled boundary between the SovietUnion and Afghanistan in contrast to its previousmore open nature. The border dispute between theUSSR and China led to the introduction of theso-called 'system' as late as the 1980s (Plate 1).The 'system' was a demilitarized zone which includesa 30 km wide border strip with metal fences onboth sides. Thus, communication and grazingacross boundaries and within the 'system' becameimpossible. Kirghiz communities were restricted totheir respective countries.The current situation is that the Eastern Pamirs ofpresent-day Tajikistan are predominantly Kirghizterritory, as are the Little and Great Pamirs ofAfghanistan. China introduced a Kirghiz Autono-mous District by the name of Kizil Su (red river),while some Kirghiz live in the Tajik AutonomousCounty of Taxkorgan.Diminishing environmental assets and growing legalrestrictionsFor nomads the extensive use of wide-rangingpastures is essential. From their perspective anyrestriction of migration and limitations on acces-sible pastures is perceived as an environmentalcrisis. In the case of high mountain nomadismthe principle of maximum utilization of naturalpastures is linked to grazing flocks at high altitudes(>3500 m.a.s.I.) during summer and to keepingherds in low-lying pastures (around 1200 m.a.s.I.)during winter. The Kirghiz strategy in the Pamirswas based on such an approach. During winter

the urban oases of the Southern Silk Route or thosein the Fergana Basin offered opportunities forkeeping their herds on agricultural fields afterharvest. The animals grazed on crop residuesand grass while improving the irrigated lands inthe oases through manuring. At the same time theKirghiz pursued business and trade before retreat-ing to the high pastures for the summer. Thissystem has long since died out as the low-lyingwinter pastures have been replaced by the expan-sion of cultivation around irrigated oases and theintroduction of sedentary livestock at oases. Inaddition, increasing urbanization has led to theexclusion of nomadic entrepreneurs and theirherds. Furthermore, political changes such ascollectivization and central planning affectedlong-established patterns of animal husbandry. Insummary, the accessible pastures that can befound currently are in areas where modernizedagriculture failed or where political circum-stances permitted. Those pastures are generally tobe found in remote locations above 3500 m.a.s.l.altitude.For the Wakhi mountain farmers the situationhas been modified by the introduction of irrigatedcrop farming. The expansion of householdspredominantly engaged in agriculture resulted in ahigher demand for natural resources which, inthemselves, are rather limited. Although there iscompetition with Kirghiz nomads for high pasturesduring summer the real constraint occurs in winter,when fodder production in the homesteadscompetes with food production. This is because thevillage lands are rather limited, being on average


9/22

222 Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnot

T'4'4 OW'j1'xa~9~:~TNOr ~ ?~o~~:?, "':`";~% 000.rpza,

~" ?h?~c~~i;,: ~ ~ ~ ~ Ad?-l~~sT1?~~r:r~46rI

Plate 1 The 'system' - barbed-wiredfence separating Tajikistanand China - excluding valuable pasturesfrom local usage,south of KizylArtPass (4280 m), Gorno-Badakhshan,Tajikistan 26 August2001)Source: Hermann Kreutzmann

Soviet sedentarization programmes and recentdevelopments in Middle AsiaAs the majority of the Pamirs are located within theGBAO of the Tajikistan Republic, the people livingthere were involved in the sedentarization of

nomads duringthe Stalinistmodernizationprogrammesin the 1930s. Autonomous republics and districtswere created in order to uplift the pre-modern strataof society, hence the Autonomous Soviet SocialistRepublic of Tajikistan was carved out as a newpolitical entity. At this time nomadic production


10/22


11/22

224 Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnottheir entire agricultural system was devoted bydecree to animal husbandry. Other food supplieswere imported from outside. Even high-proteinfodder (about 50 tons each year) was brought infrom Sary Mogol in Kyrgyzstan to sustain a herd of450 yaks year round on the Pamirs.With the independence of Tajikistan and itssubsequent transformation, individual ownership ofland and cattle was re-introduced between 1996and 1999. Yak herding is organized through thefarmers' association, and the shepherds keep 70%of their production while the rest belongs to theassociation. The Wakhi of Ishkashim still control aherd of 300 yaks as well as 15 700 sheep andgoats. In neighbouring Kirghiz-dominated RajonMurghab, nearly 14 000 yaks and 38 000 sheepand goats are kept today (cf. Herbers 2001;Lambertin 2001; Mamadsaid and Bliss 1998). Themajority of herds are controlled by diminishingstate-run enterprises or dominant private farmers'associations - the organizations that havesucceeded kolchoz and gozchoz (state farms). Theadverse economic conditions of the current trans-formation period have impoverished the Kirghizherdsmen because remaining herds are too small tosustain a household. Food supplies are meagre andadditional food bought from the markets is expen-sive. As a consequence, the vast majority ofagriculturists in Gorno Badakhshan are currentlydependent on humanitarian aid, although thedegree of local self-sufficiency seems to haveincreased from 25% in 1996 to 69% in 2001 (AgaKhan Development Network 2002). The level ofself-sufficiency seems high compared with othermountain regions if we take into account that inmountainous areas of industrialized countries lessthan half of the goods consumed are producedlocally. This was also the case in the mountainregions of the Soviet Union and China where 40-90% were imported from other regions, while inthe Hindukush-Karakoram-Himalaya - with someregional exceptions - subsistence levels are higher(Aga Khan Rural Support Programme 2000, 37;Kreutzmann 1996, 219; 2000, 496; 2003; Streef-land et al. 1995, 84-5). This is a global feature asit corresponds to higher self-sufficiency levels inpoorer regions while affluent mountain areas tendto import substantial amounts of basic food.After the failure of the Soviet model of modern-ization the area experienced a reversal in itsdevelopment path. Two to three generations agothe Kirghiz nomads and Wakhi mountain farmerswere expropriated and their property was collect-ivized. Subsequently they became workers incooperatives and state employees. Now theirresources and their property have been returned, atleast in part. However, the people were ill-

prepared for this sudden change. Most are gradu-ates of the most sophisticated education system inWestern High Asia and they lack experience instock breeding and farming because of the profes-sions they adopted during the Soviet era. Thepresent socio-economic transformation has forcedthe majority of Kirghiz and Wakhi to follow anagricultural subsistence strategy based on cropsand livestock. It appears to many to be a return totheir parent's survival strategies, though the globaland regional conditions are different. The presentincome levels are far below previous ones and itremains to be seen if this resource-based strategywill be sustainable. The local levels of economicdepression and household income deficiencies arehigh and as a consequence young people havemigrated and are seeking low-level employment inRussia and Pakistan. During fieldwork in 2001 Iestablished that on average 75-90% of all house-holds in Gorno-Badakhshan had a migrant inRussia. Close to 300 Wakhi were seeking employ-ment in Moscow with a smaller number looking forwork in Pakistan. Out-migration currently seems tobe the most successful strategy to alleviate thesevere local cash deficiency.Competition between nomads and mountainagriculturists n the Pamirs (Sarikol,TajikAutonomous County)The Taxkorgan or Sarikol (the former name of theprincipality) area comprises three different ethnicgroups: the Sariqoli, Wakhi and Kirghiz (whichhere are


12/22

Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnot 225

Taxkorgan5'30'EN 5700

Kulumalik x

' Sazekejilgax5871871 TulikejilgaPiilg\Pislng ? Dafdar

5262 -ChatJp

p iTikakurghanafTsehka

Changjailan un sChukurT u l a Paik

SAtajaila x 5470x 5487 MazarSikhtikae

rpeople'scommune500 m"KararHhrwk Kashgasu[ permanent settlement "-- .ummer camps with yurts

/

irrigatedand:crops and pastures KhunjerabS summerpasture Pass"

Sregion bove 5000 m SostKarakoram ighway 5940m x 5524

Figure4 Dafdar.Competition for pasturesand their utilization


13/22


Plate 2 Wakhi women preparingijin (felt)as a side productduringtheir stay in the high pasture, Kashgasu,Dafdar,TaxkorganCounty, Xinjiang,China (5 August 1991)Source: Hermann Kreutzmann

republics, was implemented by Chinese revolution-aries and their Soviet advisors. Basic infrastructuralassets such as schools, police stations, post offices,health posts and barefoot doctors, communeadministrations, shops and mosques have beenprovided in all communities of the TaghdumbashPamir.In post-revolutionary times the number of live-stock increased by a factor of 4.75 to reach128 800 head in 1984. During the following decadegrowth slowed down and in 1994, the number oflivestock (Bactrian camels, horses, donkeys, yaks,cattle, sheep and goats) was 147 586. Naturalgrazing provides the most important local re-source for animal husbandry: the area covered bygrasslands extends to 6.09 million mu (1 mu =0.067 ha of which 97.6% is natural grazingwhile 0.13 million mu are irrigated meadows).More than two-thirds of the overall economicturnover of Taxkorgan County is derived fromanimal husbandry.In 1960, self-sufficiency in food and fodderproduction was achieved in Taxkorgan County(Xinjiang) for the first time since the ChineseRevolution. Since 1982 the majority of the 11townships and former people's communes (renmin

gungshe) have been equipped with a veterinarystation supplying vaccines and extension servicesto the farmers. Experiments with fat-tailed sheep(dumba, dumbash) have been executed and theirproportion in the regional flocks has increased. Aveterinary station specializing in yak breeding wasestablished in Mazar in the heart of the Taghdum-bash Pamir, which utilizes the local knowledge ofSariqoli, Wakhi and Kirghiz shepherds who areemployed there. About 400 people live at theMazar breeding station which accommodatesabout 5000 sheep and 500 yaks. Much biggerherds of yaks are kept by the Wakhi (Plate 2) andKirghiz of the Kara Chukur Valley which drains thewesternmost Taghdumbash Pamir. This side valleyhas become the only Kirghiz-dominated pastureregion in Taxkorgan County. Recently livestockproduction has become more profitable and hasfound a ready regional market at Taxkorgan bazaar.Modernization has reached the Wakhi andKirghiz here in a 'Chinese' way. Economic liberal-ization and political authoritarianism remain theconceptual bases. Consequently both groups resid-ing in Xinjiang cannot profit from their location ina border region. Although positioned along theKarakoram KKH)or Pak-China Friendship Highway


14/22

Ethnicminoritiesand marginalityn the PamirianKnot 227severe travel restrictions apply to Chinese citizens,and a metal fence was erected along the KhunjerabPass section to restrict clandestine movements andsmuggling. Thus, generating additional income fromnon-agrarian resources in this peripheral regionis extremely difficult. This is particularly problematicbecause of the low degree of participation of Kirghizand Wakhi in education programmes and profes-sional training. Given the overall levels of economicgrowth in China these communities are lessaffected by this growth than Wakhi and Kirghizin other countries in Central Asia (Kreutzmann1996, 215-34).Kirghizpastoralists in KaraKl61KizilSu AutonomousDistrict, China)The Kirghiz of Kizil Su traditionally followed along-distance nomadic migration cycle betweenthe summer grazing grounds in the Pamirs and theirrigated oases of the mountain forelands. Theirwinters were occupied with herding and otherbusiness opportunities in the towns of Kashgarand Yarkand. This migration pattern has beeninterrupted within the last 50 years and nowadaysthe Kirghiz nomads and their herds are confined tothe Pamirs all year round (Figure 5); they only leavethe Pamirs to bring their flocks to Sunday marketsat Kashgaror Yarkand.The pasture system has been adjusted to theprevailing economic and political conditions. Theherds of the Kara K6l Kirghiz average 12.2 yaks,98.2 sheep and 40.1 goats, as well as 1.5 horses,1.4 donkeys and 2.5 Bactrian camels. In com-parison, in 1976, the people's commune of Subashi(Karakul) owned, on average, 0.5 horses, 0.3camels, 3.5 yaks and 74.9 sheep and goats perhousehold. The total number of livestock in thisperiod was around 10 300 animals. Besides stateownership of flocks, private property rights for alimited number of animals had been assured forthe pastoralists. The carrying capacity of accessiblepastures was estimated at 40 000 animals, but by1991 the total head of livestock exceeded 30 000.In comparison with the overall livestock develop-ment in Aqto County2, where livestock numbersgrew by a factor of 1.3 from 1976 to 1991 andcattle numbers by 1.65, the growth in Kara K6l isout of proportion to the county as a whole (cf.Friederich and Kreutzmann 2000). Here in aremote high-altitude yak- and sheep-breeding area,livestock numbers grew three times faster. Itappears that in this area the relaxed attitudes of theChinese authorities towards agricultural andlivestock production, especially since the 1978reforms, have led to increased market orientation.The quality of pastures has also been improved

through irrigation and fencing of meadows. Grassis cut by scythe and winter fodder is stored tocover the long period of meagre natural grazing inthe winter settlement (kishlok) of Subashi at analtitude of 3600 m.a.s.l.In Aqto County about a quarter of the populationclass themselves as Kirghiz (approximately 38 000people in 1993), while three-quarters of theresidents in the high mountain pastures claim to beKirghiz pastoralists (25 500 people, cf. Friederichand Kreutzmann 2000, 50). Aqto County bordersthe outskirts of the city of Kashgar, and the formerand present migration routes from the Pamirs toKashgar bazaar lie within the county. The kishlokof Subashi is like other former communes (dadOy),equipped with similar infrastructure and institutionsto those in Tajik Taxkorgan Autonomous Countyand with a veterinary post to control the qualityand health of animals. Despite the harsh environ-mental conditions the animals raised in theseproductive pastures compete very well in theprofitable markets of the urban oases along theSouthern Silk Route in the Tarim Basin. The Kirghizare respected as one of the most affluent livestock-breeding communities of the region (Plate 3). Inseveral interviews it was stated that recent develop-ments have permitted them to operate successfullyand that there was no cause for them to be enviousof Kirghiz in neighbouring states.Kirghizexodus from, and returnto, the AfghanPamirsThe Great and Little Pamir, within WakhanWoluswali of Badakhshan Province (Afghanistan),have been studied extensively up to the 'lastexodus' of the Kirghiz nomads to Pakistan in 1978(cf. Shahrani 1984). Their fate is one of the moreprominent cases where border delineation hasinterrupted traditional migration patterns.In 1978, nearly all Kirghiz (the inhabitants of280 yurts) fled to Pakistan in the aftermath of theAfghan Saur Revolution and prior to the invasion bythe Soviet Army. When the Kirghiz left the AfghanPamirs they left their wealth behind as only a smallherd of 6000 animals was taken across the highpasses to Pakistan. Rahman Kul alone left behind16 000 sheep and goats and more than 700 yaks,15 horses and 18 Bactrian camels; while the wholecommunity in the Afghan Pamirs possessed morethan 42 000 animals (Dor and Naumann 1978;Shahrani 1979). By comparison, the majority ofWakhi existed on a much lower economic level.Wakhi farmers utilizing the Pamirs for summergrazing had to compete with rich Kirghiz nomadswho controlled most of these Pamirs and someimpoverished Wakhi took up jobs as shepherds for


15/22

228 Ethnicminoritiesand marginality n the PamirianKnotm MuztaghAta Kongur7546 77197000 -

50003 0 0 0 Gez gorge - ---------- Kashgar1000 -

Karak61lamir KashgarOasisI Traditional mobility pattern (pre- 1949)

O O *------------------------------- O Kashgarazaar0 0--O ------------ OO- - - - -Thursday marketsummercampI1 People's commune (1958 - 1976)-- -prefecture seato Kashgaro0-- f '--A

.. " People's commune AProduction Bulunkul county headquarterbrigadeSubashi AqtoIII Production responsibility system (post - 1978)

O --- Kashgar azaar

" O A SundayKarakol Aqto

market

*---~ migration outes 0 yurtcamp A people's commune urbanbazaar(economy,dministration)- exchange relations N permanentdwellings A people's commune 0 weekly market(administration)0 50 kmI IFigure Mobile ivestock conomyandexchangerelations f Kirghiz astoralistsn KaraK61

Kirghiz herd owners. Eventually they turned tonomadic strategies, one of the rare cases of farmersbecoming nomads.In August 1982 Rahman Kul migrated to EasternAnatolia with his followership of 1132 Kirghiz (cf.Dor 1987; Shahrani 1984). A Kirghiz communitywas established in Kurdish territory as a govern-ment resettlement scheme which provided eachhousehold with ten sheep and goats as well asthree cattle; none of their livestock were moved to

Turkey. Rahman Kul became the village head ofthe community of Ulupamir Kiy where he died in1990. The leadership was transferred to his eldestson. Presently this community has grown to 2000members and follows a combination of sedentaryagriculture and animal husbandry with a herd sizeof 7000 sheep, 1000 goats, 6000 cattle and 70horses. Last summer (2002) there was no sign ofthem leaving this part of Turkey for an uncertainfuture in High Asia.


16/22


Plate3 Once a yearKirghizhepherds rivedown their heepflocks rom he KaraK6lPamir o Kashgariathe FriendshipHighway,Bulunkul,KizilSu,Xinjiang,China 7 September 995)Source:HermannKreutzmannAlmost unnoticed, a small group of 200 Kirghizrefused to follow their khan to Turkey and returnedto the Afghan Little Pamir in October 1979. Underthe leadership of Abdurrashid Khan who utilizedprevious ties to the KGB, and a permission grantedby Pakistan's President Zia-ul Haq, they establishedthemselves in Soviet-occupied Wakhan and haveremained there since. The community had grown

to 102 yurts in Pamir-e Kalan (Great Pamir) and135 yurts in Pamir-e Khurd (Little Pamir) by 1999(Plate 4). The number of yaks is around 1400 andthere are 9000 sheep and goats, 160 horses and 90Bactrian camels. Any form of animal husbandryhas been limited to subsistence survival strategiesin recent years as traditional exchange lines havebeen interrupted due to the adverse politicalclimate. Presently these Kirghiz are engaged inlivestock breeding and in limited barter trade withentrepreneurs from neighbouring Hunza in Pakistan(Figure 6). The itinerant traders supply basic nec-essities in exchange for yaks and sheep, and live-stock products such as wool, hides, yak tails andqurut (protein-rich cake from boiled-down anddehydrated butter milk). Nevertheless, human-

itarian aid from outside is regularly needed tomeet basic food requirements. Abdurrashid Khanremembers the period of Soviet occupation in theAfghan Pamirs as the most comfortable period ofhis life. Prospects for the future are bleak andnegotiations with the Government of Kyrgyzstanhave started. Up to now, the majority of Kirghizhave refused to leave the fertile Pamir pasturesfor an uncertain future in the Alai Valley ofKyrgyzstan. Among all the Kirghiz groups studied,the least change in survival strategies has occurredamongst these Kirghiz. No school and no dispen-sary or hospital are located in the Afghan Pamirs,neither are there any bazaars or shops. Barteringof livestock products and animal husbandry organ-ized through a migratory cycle between winter andsummer camps remain the prime occupations ofthis community.Wakhi mountain farmers in Gojal (Hunza, Pakistan)and Wakhan (Afghanistan)There could be no bigger contrast than thatbetween the Wakhi mountain farmers of Pakistan


17/22


Badakhshan Wakhan Woluswali prior to 1978opium ealersfrom urm, Wakhi

W a r d u j , Z e b a k W a k h i - - (Baroghil)urban azaar itinerantmerchants traders

* . Ahu n KirghizamerchantsSfrom Hunza

Kabulbazaar (abridged on the basis of Shahrani 1979:197)humanitarianiddistributedfromTajikistan present - day (2000)

itinerant (Chitraltraders Hunzamerchants****... ******................;* Kirghiz * * * * * * > f r o m H u n z a

international oundarydistrictborderDesign based on fieldwork 2000: H. Kreutzmann

goods importedntoWakhan goods and services availableinWakhanopium livestockand livestockproductstea wheat flourcloth **********o horsesconsumergoods services, wage labourFigure6 e (hIng(' r('lalionsinfn lh n W


18/22

Ethnicminoritiesand marginalityn the PamirianKnot 231

Plate 4 Kirghizwomen in the Kichik Pamir(LittlePamir)discussing whether to leave their pasturesfor an exiled life inKyrgyzstan, ara ilga,LittlePamir,Afghanistan10June2000)Source:HermannKreutzmannand Afghanistan. High mountain farmers inWakhan (Afghanistan) follow a strict subsistencestrategy and are barely able to survive on the basisof their fields (Plate 5) and pastures. The oldcapital of the Wakhi, Qala-i Panja, is located inAfghan Wakhan within the agricultural fields (cf.Figure 1). The ruined fort symbolizes the decliningautonomy and there is currently little state author-ity. For example, local warlords still expropriatelivestock and food grains from local farmers, whilstsimultaneously profiting from the barter of opiumagainst livestock. Before the Afghan crisis bureau-crats from Kabul were sent to Khandut, the admin-istrative centre of Wakhan. Nowadays, however, thespiritual authority of Wakhan, Pir Ismail Shah, hasreplaced outside players and is only accountableto the secular commander-cum-warlord of EasternBadakhshan, Sador, and his sub-commander JanMamad from Warduj. Pir Ismail Shah representedWakhan in the Loya Jirga in Kabul in 2002. Hisrepresentation was enabled by UN interventionand not by regional support of the armed self-appointed mujahedin rulers.

Locally the situation is characterized by productionstrategies which have been known for a long time.The exchange partners for barter trade (cf. Figure 6)are missing due to interrupted and declining ex-change relations. Thus the population of 1050 house-holds and 9300 people (1999) is currently heavilyself-dependent and subsistence-orientated. Conse-quently a very important component of Wakhi live-lihoods - the non-agrarian part of the householdincome - is absent in the present political andeconomic conditions, thereby critically endangeringsubsistence livelihoods. People from here regularlycross the border into Pakistan to offer livestock andtheir personal services as wage labourers in exchangefor basic necessities like flour. Here mobility again isused as a coping strategy. Without these opportun-ities and strategies survival could not be guaranteedin isolated and remote Wakhan.To a lesser degree we find poor Wakhi commu-nities in Pakistan: in Baroghil (Yarkhun Valley,Chitral), in Darkot (Yasin) and Ishkoman (Figure 1);but in Gojal (Hunza) levels of development arevery different. The Wakhi living here have profited


19/22


Plate 5 Wakhi farmershave harvested their staple food grains in a predominantlysubsistence economy in Pigash, WakhanWoluswali, Afghanistan(12 October 1999)Source: Hermann Kreutzmann

substantially from the development efforts of theAga Khan Development Network (AKDN) and frommigration. As a long-term strategy the AKDN triedto improve the infrastructureby setting up a healthnetwork, and educational and rural developmentinstitutions in addition to efforts by the Govern-ment of Pakistan. The Wakhi of Gojal adoptededucational goals in an impressive manner. Nearlyall boys and girls nowadays attend schools, andmany have experienced further education whichhas resulted in them taking up professional careers,reducing their dependency on agriculture (Felmy1997). Many Wakhi are working in urban centresin northern Pakistan such as Gilgit, as well as citieslike Islamabad and Karachi. Some have migrated tothe Gulf States, the USA and Canada. Educationand entrepreneurship are the role models here,although after the events of 11 September 2001 theprospects for tourism and trade have reached theirlowest levels for more than two decades.In Gojal we find a case where outside interven-tion and subsidies support different communities to

expand their sources of income and to build amore diversified foundation for survival in theseharsh environments (Kreutzmann 1994). Compara-ble external support could only be found in theformer Soviet Union where basic infrastructurewasfunded from the centre and provided to even theremotest locations. In principle the same strategywas followed in China, although the success ratehas been lower than in the USSR, especially in thefield of education.Animal husbandry as part of combined mountainagriculture has ceased to be the major survivalstrategy in Gojal. Nevertheless, the pastoral propertyrights are a major cause for disputes (Plate 6) amongneighbouring villages. Cash crop production ofpotatoes promises much higher returns and is lesstime-consuming. Access to the KarakoramHighway- the major artery linking Pakistan with China - hasbecome an additional asset (Kreutzmann1995 2000)and Gojali Wakhi are involved in the Pakistan-China trade as much as they are in commercialand professional enterprises elsewhere in Pakistan.


20/22


Plate6 Wakhimountainarmers aveassembled odefend heirpastoral roperty ights gainstheneighbouringommunity,Gulmit,Gojal,Hunza,Pakistan29April1990)Source:HermannKreutzmann

Futureprospects: continuity of challenge andresponseThe challenges to the Kirghiz and Wakhi havebeen many and the responses have been quitevaried. Challenges from outside have occurred

mainly in terms of political pressure and externaldomination of peripheral regions. The Wakhi andKirghiz communities have come under politicalcontrol from nation states with varied levels of(vested) interest in their resource bases. In the econo-mic sphere, concepts of modernization - whether


21/22

234 Ethnic minorities and marginality in the Pamirian Knotcapitalist or communist - were implemented inthe name of development and improvements inliving conditions. In the face of these externalinfluences, the Wakhi and Kirghiz seem to stick toelements of their pastoral traditions while at thesame time exploring new opportunities.The positions and experiences of Wakhi andKirghiz in Western High Asia are fragmented asthe boundaries between the scattered communityterritories indicate, but they have never been acoherent unit. Geopolitical events have forced bothcommunities to adjust frequently to altered circum-stances and they have developed coping strategiesto do so. The observation that the effects of inter-national politics reach deep into the peripheralvalleys and plateaux of remote high mountainregions might be surprising for some, but confirmsthat the concept of security survival overrides theidea of these areas as refugia. Their struggle forsurvival appears to be in pursuit of territorialcontrol. The search for security takes place in afamiliar mountain habitat and pastures they claimto be their own.AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the generoussupport of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft(German Research Council, DFG) and Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (MPG) for past and present fieldworkin Pakistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and China.Locally we are indebted to Pir Ismail Shah (Qala-iPanja, Wakhan), Abdurrashid Khan (Kara Jilga,LittlePamir),Ghulam-ud-din (Gulmit, Gojal, Hunza),Mamadsaidov Mamadsaid (Khorog), Alimamad(Murghab), Tash Bai (Karakul, Kizil Su) and SabzAli (Dafdar, Taxkorgan) representing numerousother supporters and informed persons.Notes1 Kirg.refers o the Kirghiznames, Pers. to the Persiannames.2 Administratively,he KaraKil grazing zone forms part ofAqto County,which is one of the four sub-unitsof the KizilSu AutonomousOblast.ReferencesAga Khan Development Network 2002 AKF activities inTajikistanTajikistanreport2002 A summaryof the founda-tion's activitiesDushanbe,TajikistanAga Khan RuralSupport Programme2000 An assessment ofsocio-economic trends and impact in Northern Pakistan(1991-1997) FindingsfromAKRSP'Sarm household income

and expenditure urveysGilgit(mimeo)BobrinskiyA A 1908 Gortsy verkhov'evPyandzha(Mountaindwellersof the upperPyandzha alley)A.A.Levenson,Moscow

CurzonG N 1896 The Pamirsand the source of the Oxus TheGeographical ournal8 15-54, 97-119, 239-64Dor R 1987 Return o Karagunduz.With the Kirghiz n TurkeyCentralAsianSurvey6 61-72Dor R and Naumann C M 1978 Die Kirghisen desafghanischen Pamir (The Kirghiz of the Afghan Pamirs)AkademischeDruck-undVerlagsanstalt,GrazDunmore Earlof (MurrayC A) 1893 The Pamirs:being a narra-tive of a year'sexpeditionon horsebackand on foot throughKashmir,WesternTibet,Chinese Tartary,nd RussianCentralAsia 2 vols John Murray,London(reprintVanguardBooks,Lahore1996)EhlersEand KreutzmannH eds 2000 High mountainpastoral-ism in NorthernPakistanFranzSteinerVerlag,Stuttgart

FelmyS 1997 The voice of the nightingale.A personalaccountof the Wakhiculture n HunzaOxfordUniversityPress,OxfordFriederich M and Kreutzmann H 2000 Oytagh - Sozio-okonomische Transformationsprozessein der Peripherie:Produktionund Gesellschaft im westlichen Kun Lun Shan

(Oytagh - socioeconomic transformationprocesses in theperiphery:productionsystemsand society in the westernKunLun Shan mountains)Unpublished report to the DeutscheForschungsgemeinschaftrlangen,GermanyFunnellD and ParishR eds 2001 MountainenvironmentsandcommunitiesRoutledge,LondonGordonT Eed 1876 Theroof of the world, being the narrativeof a journey over the high plateau of Tibet to the Russianfrontier and the Oxus sources on Pamir Edmonston andDouglas, EdinburghHerbers H 2001 Transformationn the TajikPamirs:Gornyi-Badakhshan an example of successful restructuring?entralAsianSurvey20 367-81

HumphreyC and Sneath D ed 1999 The end of nomadism?Society, state and the environmentin InnerAsia Duke Uni-versityPress,DurhamNCHuntingtonE 1905 The mountainsof TurkestanTheGeograph-ical journal25 22-41, 139-158HuntingtonE 1907 Thepulse of Asia. A journeyin CentralAsiaillustratinghegeographicbasis of historyA. Constable,LondonHuntington E and Cushing S W 1924 Principles of humangeographyJohnWiley, LondonJaworskijJ L ed 1885 Reise der russischen Gesandtschaft nAfghanistanund Buchara n den Jahren1878-79 (Journey fthe Russian Embassyto Afghanistanand Buchara during1878-79) Costenoble,JenaKreutzmannH 1994 Habitat conditions and settlementproc-esses in the Hindukush-Karakoram etermanns Geogra-

phische Mitteilungen138 337-56KreutzmannH 1995 Globalization,spatial integrationand sus-tainable development in Northern Pakistan MountainResearchand Development15 213-27KreutzmannH 1996 Ethnizitatim Entwicklungsprozeg.DieWakhiin Hochasien (Ethnicityn development.Wakhicom-munitiesin HighAsia)DietrichReimer,BerlinKreutzmannH 1998 The Chitralrade riangle: ise anddecline ofCentral Asian trade, 1895-1935 Asien-Afrika-Lateinamerika26 289-327


22/22

Ethnic minorities and marginality in the Pamirian Knot 235Kreutzmann H 2000 Improving accessibility for mountaindevelopment. Role of transportnetworksand urban settle-ments in BanskotaM, PapolaT S and Richter I eds Growth,poverty alleviationand sustainable resource managementinthe mountain areasof SouthAsia Proceedingsof the Interna-tional Conference,31 January-4February2000 Kathmandu,Nepal Zentralstelle uer Ernaehrungnd LandwirtschaftFoodand AgricultureDevelopmentCentre),Feldafing485-513KreutzmannH 2003 People and mountains. Perspectivesonthe humandimension of mountaindevelopment in JanskyLed Conservation of mountain ecosystems United NationsUniversity,Tokyo(in preparation)LambertinV 2001 Le yak. Systbmesd'6levage et filibreviande(The yak. Systems of pasturing and animal husbandry)Unpublished diplomathesis, MontpellierMamadsaidM and Bliss F 1998 Socio-economic change in

Gorno-Badakhshan monitoringreportof the MSDSP1997-1998 KhorogunpublishedOlufsen O 1904 Throughthe unknown Pamirs. The SecondDanish Pamir Expedition 1898-1899 William Heinemann,London(reprintGreenwoodPress,New York1969)OrtnerS 1989 High religion.A culturaland political historyofSherpaBuddhismPrincetonUniversityPress,PrincetownNJ

Shahrani M N 1979 The Kirghizand Wakhi of Afghanistan.Adaptation to closed frontiers University of WashingtonPress,Seattleand LondonShahraniM N 1984 Afghanistan'sKirghizin TurkeyCulturalSurvivalQuarterly 31-4Skeldon R 1985 Population pressure, mobility, and socio-economic change in mountainous environments:regions ofrefuge in comparative perspective Mountain Research andDevelopment5 233-50SnyesreffA J ed 1909 EasternBokharaA secret collection ofgeographical, topographicaland statisticalmaterialconcern-ing Asiavol. 29 translated n the IntelligenceBranchDivisionof the Chief of Staff,Simla,IndiaStreeflandP H, KhanS H and van LieshoutO eds 1995 A con-textualstudyof the northernareasGilgit(mimeo)ThompsonM 1997 Securityand solidarity:an anti-reductionist

framework for thinking about the relationshipbetween usand the restof nature TheGeographicalJournal163 141-9van Spengen W 2000 Tibetan border worlds. A geohistoricalanalysisof tradeand tradersKeganPaulInternational, ondonWood J 1841 A personal narrativeof a journey to the sourceof the river Oxus by the route of the Indus, Kabul, andBadakhshan ohnMurray,London

ethnic minorities and marginality in the pamirian knot

Documents