ethnic return migration from the east and the west: the case of estonia in the 1990s
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Ethnic Return Migrationfrom the East and theWest: The Case of Estoniain the 1990sHill Kulu & Tiit TammaruPublished online: 02 Jul 2010.
To cite this article: Hill Kulu & Tiit Tammaru (2000) Ethnic Return Migrationfrom the East and the West: The Case of Estonia in the 1990s, Europe-AsiaStudies, 52:2, 349-369, DOI: 10.1080/09668130050006826
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EUROPE-ASIA STUDIES, Vol. 52, No. 2, 2000, 349–369
Ethnic Return Migration from the Eastand the West: The Case of Estonia in the
1990s
HILL KULU & TIIT TAMMARU
ONE OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRATION STUDIES in the 1990s in Europe is agrowing interest in ethnic return migration. Return migration was a poorly investi-gated topic in migration studies for a long time.1 The study of international migrationin Europe was mainly directed at migration from Europe in the second half of the19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century, or at immigration into Westernand Northern Europe from Southern Europe and Third World countries in the1950s–1960s.2
Recently the situation has changed. Political, social and economic changes inCentral and Eastern Europe since the end of the 1980s have made return migrationa widespread social phenomenon and a topical theme in migration studies. The natureof return migration varies from country to country. On the one hand, return migrationis a process in which some of the World War II political refugees and theirdescendants return to Central and Eastern European countries. On the other hand,among return migrants there are representatives of ethnic minorities living in Centraland Eastern Europe, whose historical homeland is in Northern, Western or SouthernEurope, or in other Central and Eastern European countries.3
The situation in Estonia is particularly interesting in the context of 1990s Europeanreturn migration. Firstly, Estonia is one of the few countries in Europe where returnmigrants have a varied emigration background. Among return migrants there aredescendants of people who left for Russia at the end of the 19th and the beginningof the 20th century, as well as political refugees from World War II and theirdescendants. Secondly, unlike many other European countries, Estonia already has areturn migration experience that took place prior to the 1990s. During the years1940–89, at least 52 000–54 000 descendants of Estonian emigrants from the secondand third generation returned from other parts of the Soviet Union to Estonia.4
The return migration of Estonians during the Soviet period (1940–91) has beenstudied,5 but return migration to Estonia during the period after re-independence(1991) has not yet been treated. This article seeks to � ll this gap.6 Its aim is to clarifythe scope of return migration of Estonians in the 1990s and to analyse the essence ofreturn migration and the factors that have an impact on it. Answers have been soughtto the following questions. Firstly, does the return migration of the descendants ofEstonian emigrants to Russia include the generations who were born before World
ISSN 0966-8136 print/ISSN 1465-3427 online/00/020349-21 Ó 2000 University of Glasgow
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War II and comprised the majority of those who returned during the Soviet period,7
or do return migrants come mainly from the post-war generations? Secondly, does thereturn of those who left for the West during World War II as political refugees andtheir descendants involve only those who left Estonia, or does it also includeEstonians who were born in exile? Thirdly, what role do those who left Estonia duringthe Soviet period, especially during the last years of the period, play in the returnmigration of the 1990s?
The structure of the article is as follows. We begin with a short overview of theformation and condition of the Estonian diaspora at the end of the 1980s andthereupon we observe the return migration of the 1990s. Our analyses follow. First,we give an overview of the return migration streams and clarify the selectivity ofreturn migration. In doing so, we draw upon the databases of the National ComputingCentre (Population Register) and the Estonian Citizenship and Migration Board, aswell as census data of the countries of residence of the diaspora Estonians. Second,we analyse the return of the diaspora Estonians to Estonia on the basis of the datafrom a questionnaire completed by 106 returning Estonians.
Formation of the Estonian diaspora
Before the middle of the 19th century, only 3–4% of the Estonian population of thattime lived outside the homeland.8 Estonian settlements, which for the most part werecreated at the time of the Livonian and Great Northern Wars, were located in thedirect vicinity of Estonian ethnic regions: in St Petersburg, Pskov and Vitebskprovinces and in Southern Livonia.9 Some Estonians were also sent into exile inSiberia.10
Large-scale Estonian emigration began in the middle of the 1850s, when the � rstEstonian colonists settled in the province of Samara and the Crimea in Russia.11
During the following half century numerous Estonian settlements were formed innorth-western, northern and central Russia, Siberia, the Russian Far East, theCaucasus, the Crimea, in the Volga region and elsewhere. Emigration was awidespread social phenomenon in the second half of the 19th century and at thebeginning of the 20th century, caused on the one hand by the rapid increase in ruralpopulation, and on the other hand by changes in agricultural landholding andproduction systems.12 By the middle of the second decade of the 20th century, at theclose of a half-century long period of emigration, there were approximately 200 000Estonians living in the Russian Empire outside the Baltic areas and Finland.13
At the turn of the century, Estonians also emigrated to countries other than Russia.An important set of destinations for Estonians, most of whom resettled from Russia,was the several Estonian settlements in South and North Dakota, Wisconsin andMontana in the United States and in the province of Alberta in Canada.14 Neverthe-less, the number of those who had settled overseas was relatively small. The numberof Estonians in North America at the end of the second decade of the 20th centuryamounted to 10 000. There were also a small number of Estonians living in Australiaat that time.15
Following this Great Emigration, a number of Estonians left their homeland in thesecond half of the 1920s, during a time when the political and economic situation in
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ETHNIC RETURN MIGRATION IN ESTONIA 351
the young Estonian Republic (established in 1918) was unstable. People moved toalmost all parts of the world, mostly to North and South America and Australia, butalso elsewhere to a smaller extent. The roots of the present-day Estonian communitiesin Argentina and Brazil date back to that period.16 All in all, around 15 000 Estoniansemigrated from Estonia in the 1920s–1930s.17 At the end of the 1930s, 175 000–180 000 Estonians could be found abroad, of whom 143 589 were living in the SovietUnion.18
The next larger wave of Estonian emigration took place during World War II. In1939–44 at least 70 000 Estonians left for Germany and Sweden as politicalrefugees.19 At � rst the majority lived in refugee camps, but later most of the Estoniansfrom Germany resettled to other Western countries. So, besides Germany andSweden, large Estonian communities were formed in the United States, Canada,Australia and the United Kingdom.20 At the beginning of the 1950s at least85 000–90 000 Estonians (including those who had emigrated earlier) were living inWestern countries, while the number of Estonians in the Soviet Union (outsideEstonia) was 105 000–110 000. Altogether, the Estonian diaspora amounted toapproximately 200 000 people at the end of the 1940s.
From the end of World War II up to the re-independence of Estonia in 1991, theemigration of Estonians was insigni� cant, while at least 52 000–54 000 Estoniansfrom elsewhere in the Soviet Union returned to Estonia during the post-war period.Almost half of them arrived in Estonia in the 1940s.21 In 1926 154 666 Estonianswere living in the Soviet Union, but by 1989 that number had decreased to 59 458.22
This trend began at the end of the 1920s and in the 1930s, a time of deportations andrepression, and continued in the 1940s, when the war and return migration to Estoniaplayed an important role. In later years, another factor to decrease the number ofethnic Estonians in the Soviet Union was assimilation. The number of people havingEstonian ethnic origin in Western countries, however, has remained at the same levelas it was at the end of World War II.
The Estonian diaspora at the end of the 1980s
By the second half of the 1980s the number of Estonians who had left for Westerncountries during World War II and their descendants was 86 000. In the territorycovered by the census of the former Soviet Union (excluding Estonia) there were alittle over 63 000 Estonians.23 If we take into consideration that there were around963 000 Estonians living in Estonia, then the total number of Estonians in the worldamounted to 1.1 million. Thus, we might say that before the re-independence ofEstonia, approximately 13% of all Estonians were living outside the borders of theirhistorical homeland. At the end of the second decade of the 20th century 19% ofEstonians were living aboard, shortly before World War II the corresponding � gurewas 15%, and at the end of the war 18–19%. Thus, at the end of the 1980s the numberof diaspora Estonians was relatively smaller than at any other time during the 20thcentury (Figure 1).
The largest diaspora Estonian community was situated in Russia, where there wereover 46 000 people of Estonian origin. Likewise, there were larger communities ofabout 20 000–25 000 Estonians in the United States, Sweden and Canada. These four
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FIGURE 1. CHANGES IN THE PROPORTION OF ESTONIANS LIVING ABROAD, 1850–1989.Source: Kulu, Eestlased maailmas. Ulevaade arvukuset ja paiknemisest (Tartu, Tartu Ulikooli Kirjastus,
1992).
countries accommodated three-quarters of all diaspora Estonians. There were alsonumerous Estonians living in Finland, Australia, Germany, Ukraine, Kazakhstan,Latvia, the United Kingdom and Georgia. Estonian communities consisting of at leasta hundred members existed in 27 foreign countries.24
Research data
We observe the return migration streams of ethnic Estonians in the 1990s and theselectivity of the return migration with respect to the original population. We goon to treat the returning process of the diaspora Estonians, their motives for returningand adaptation to local conditions. However, before starting to analyse the returnmigration, it is useful to offer an overview of the data used in the research.
One of the databases in Estonia covering international migration is the PopulationRegister of the National Computing Centre. The register is based on the currentregistration of vital events. The basis taken to be a move is a registration of thechange of a person’s home address. From 1992 a person has no longer been requiredto register a change of home address. As a consequence of this change, the qualityof the migration data in the register has suffered. The research carried out by Sjobergand Tammaru shows that at present only half of the changes in address of residencewithin Estonia are being registered.25 The quality of the information concerninginternational migration has not been studied, but one might expect the situation to besomewhat better here (especially with respect to immigration). In April 1997 thePopulation Register contained information on 1156 returning Estonians, 820 of whomhad come from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and the other BalticStates, and 336 from Western countries.26
The second database concerning international migration is � led in the RemigrationDepartment of the Estonian Citizenship and Migration Board (CMB). There are also
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ETHNIC RETURN MIGRATION IN ESTONIA 353
problems with this database. While it should contain a full register of the returnmigrants from the CIS and the other Baltic States, the information about those whohave returned from Western countries is insuf� cient. The explanation for thisimbalance is based on two assumptions. Firstly, most of the return migrants from theEast do not have Estonian citizenship, and they therefore are forced to turn to theCMB. Secondly, those who return from the East consider the return migration supportthey receive from the CMB essential. As a rule, this support does not motivate returnmigrants from the West to contact the CMB. Moreover, the return migrants from theWest usually have Estonian citizenship. This is why return migrants from the Westare under-registered. In total, in August 1996 the CMB database contained infor-mation on the return migration of 1261 Estonians from the CIS and the other BalticStates, and 123 from the West.27
In this research we mainly used the database of the National Computing Centre forour analysis. There were two reasons for that. Firstly, the Population Register containsnot only return migrants from the East but also those who have returned from theWest.28 Secondly, the database of the Population Register is available in the form ofindividual data, and can therefore be used in further analyses, as well as for drawinga sample of people to be questioned. At the same time, we must not overlook therather poor quality of the information in the register. The research also raises oneproblem in addition to the fact that some of the people who have returned in the1990s have not been entered in the register (under-registration). There is also acontradictory phenomenon—over-registration. It could be claimed that some of thediaspora Estonians who have been registered in Estonia do not actually live in Estoniaor that Estonia is simply one country of residence among several to them. This is anacute problem with respect to return migrants from the West.
Using the database of the National Computing Centre, we classi� ed every returnmigrant as an Estonian if he/she considered himself/herself to be an ethnic Estonian.The basis for determining return migrants was therefore ethnic self-determination;80% of the return migrants considered the Estonian language to be their mothertongue.
We also used information from the Population Register to draw up the sample forour survey. The survey was carried out among return migrants aged 16 or older. Indrawing up the sample, we divided the return migrants into two groups: thosereturning from the East (the CIS and the other Baltic States) and those from the West(other countries). Then, a random sample was taken from both groups. The numberselected from both groups was 150, thereby making a total of 300. Questionnaireswere mailed to respondents; 136 were returned (45%). After clearing the database,106 remained: 54 from the East and 52 from the West. These 106 questionnaires werethe basis for the subsequent analysis. The share of returned questionnaires was stillsomewhat larger among the return migrants from the East, as it turned out that 21children had been included in the sample. The rate of response of the return migrantsfrom the West was lower for the above-mentioned reason—people were more‘mobile’ and often living in two countries.
Comparing the sample of return migrants with the total population, the followingcan be said. The coincidence of the sample and the total population with respect tothe country of origin was good. However, with respect to age, the older generation
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HILL KULU & TIIT TAMMARU354
was represented to a greater extent in the sample, although not by a signi� cantamount.
In summary, it must be said that no thorough overview of the return migration ofEstonians in the 1990s exists. Therefore, it is not possible to analyse the returnmigrants in detail or to reach thorough conclusions about return migration during theperiod under observation. Nevertheless, we are able to draw preliminary conclusionsabout the scope and essence of return migration in the 1990s on the basis of theexisting migration statistics and the information collected by questionnaires.
Return migration streams and selectivity of return migration
When observing the return migration of the 1990s in the wider context of post-warEstonian return migration, it can be said that the current migration streams to Estoniaare modest. During the years following re-independence, about 1100–1200 diasporaEstonians have (voluntarily) returned to Estonia, while in the 1940s (though duringa period a few years longer) the number of return migrants amounted to at least24 000–25 000. In the 1950s the � gure was 9000, in the 1960s 11 000 and in the1970s 7000.29 Only in the 1980s was the number of return migrants as low as in the1990s. At the same time, it is important to note that, as opposed to earlier years, whenreturn migrants came solely from the regions of the former Soviet Union, in the 1990sEstonians have also returned from the West. Estonians from the West (336 people)now comprise 29% of return migrants and Estonians from the East (820 persons)71%.30
The situation in the 1990s is also similar to that of the 1980s if we look at thechange in the return migration probability of the diaspora Estonians over a longperiod. It turns out that the probability of return has been decreasing from year toyear, and by the 1990s there were eight return migrants per 1000 diaspora Estonians(Figure 2).31 However, it will probably increase to some extent, as it is to be expectedthat there were more return migrants during the last years of the decade. The
FIGURE 2. CHANGES IN THE PROBABILITY OF RETURN OF THE DIASPORA ESTONIANS, 1940–1996.Source: Kulu, Eestlased …; NCC.
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ETHNIC RETURN MIGRATION IN ESTONIA 355
FIGURE 3. THE DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN MIGRANTS FROM THE CIS AND THE OTHER BALTIC STATES BY BIRTH
COHORT.Source: as Figure 2.
probability of return migration from the East and from the West is different—13people per 1000 with respect to Estonians from the CIS and the Baltic States, andonly four people per 1000 in the case of Estonians from the West.
Analysing the distribution and selectivity of return migrants by generation, itbecomes evident that the majority of return migrants from the East were born in the1960s–1980s (Figure 3). The number of those who were born in the 1920s is alsoconsiderable. At � rst glance, it could therefore be thought that post-independencereturn migration covers both the generations born before World War II, who formedthe majority of the return migrants during the Soviet period, and the post-wargenerations, who were only represented in small numbers in the earlier years.
When considering return migration probability by generation it appears that theactual situation is somewhat different. There are no differences between the older andmiddle generations of Estonians from the CIS and the other Baltic States, but thegenerations who were born in the 1960s–1970s have a remarkably higher returnmigration probability (Figure 4). However, it must be pointed out that, as opposed tothe older generations, there are numerous people among the younger return migrantsfrom the East who were born in Estonia and who left during the Soviet period. Theirreturn migration probability is high. At the same time, there are no signi� cantdifferences among the generations of the descendants of Estonian emigrants. Thispartly seems to support the hypothesis that as the older generations die, the returnmigration probability of the descendants of Estonian emigrants from the CIS and theother Baltic States decreases.
The information concerning returnees from the West is also interesting.32 Thoseborn in the 1920s–1930s have the greatest representation amongst the return migrants(Figure 5). There are very few younger returnees from the West. It therefore seemsthat it is the generations born before World War II who are mainly returning. This isalso supported by the data on the selectivity of return migration. Those Estonians born
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FIGURE 4. THEPROBABILITY OF RETURN OF THE ESTONIANS IN THE CIS AND THE OTHER BALTIC STATES BY BIRTH
COHORT.Source: as Figure 2.
FIGURE 5. THE DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN MIGRANTS FROM WESTERN COUNTRIES BY BIRTH COHORT.Source: as Figure 2.
in the 1920s–1930s have the highest return migration probability; the corresponding� gure for those born in the post-war years is considerably lower (Figure 6). Anexception here are those born in the 1960s. Their higher than average return migrationprobability can be explained by the large proportion of them that � ed from Estoniato the West at the end of the Soviet period.
Thus, the generations that were born in Estonia before the war have the highestprobability of return migration. In addition, a more detailed analysis shows that thehighest probability of return is among those who were born at the end of the 1920sand at the beginning of the 1930s. Therefore the people who were born and grew up
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FIGURE 6. THE PROBABILITY OF RETURN OF THE ESTONIANS IN WESTERN COUNTRIES BY BIRTH COHORT.Source: as Figure 2.
in Estonia, left during the war as refugees and have recently retired in their countryof residence are those returning from the West in the 1990s. The probability of eitherthe older or the younger diaspora Estonians returning to Estonia is lower. In the longrun, it will be interesting to observe whether the probability of return increases amongthose who were born at the end of the 1930s and in the 1940s. Moreover, if this isso, will the arrival of retirement extend this phenomenon to Estonians who were bornin exile?
There is also information at the National Computing Centre about the previouscountry of residence of the return migrants. When looking at the distribution of 820return migrants from the East by previous country of residence, it became evident thatthe majority of them (68%) come from Russia. Likewise, many come from Latvia(7%), Georgia (7%) and Ukraine (7%). Analysing the probability of return of thediaspora Estonians by country of residence, it appears that the probability is clearlyhigher than average among the Estonians in Georgia and Latvia (Figure 7). It muststill be pointed out that the return migrants from Georgia most probably include someEstonian refugees from Abkhazia whom, as a rule, the database of the NationalComputing Centre should not include.
The distribution of the 248 return migrants from the West by previous country ofresidence is rather more even. The greatest number have come from Sweden (27%)and the United States (21%), followed by Canada (13%), Germany (12%), GreatBritain (6%) and Australia (5%)—the countries with the largest diaspora Estoniancommunities. The situation regarding the selectivity of return migration is somewhatdifferent. The Estonians living in Germany, the United Kingdom and ‘other countries’appear to have a higher than average probability of return migration (Figure 8).However, those who left Estonia at the end of the Soviet period make up the majorityof the return migrants from Germany as well as from ‘other countries’. The numberof exile Estonians and their descendants who have returned to Estonia in the 1990sis small.
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FIGURE 7. THE PROBABILITY OF RETURN OF THE ESTONIANS IN THE CIS AND THE OTHER BALTIC STATES.Source: as Figure 2.
FIGURE 8. THE PROBABILITY OF RETURN OF THE ESTONIANS IN WESTERN COUNTRIES.Source: as Figure 2.
Summing up, we can say that the return migration streams of the Estonians in the1990s remain modest, but that they have increased somewhat compared with the1980s. It is important to point out that, as opposed to earlier periods, the returnmigrants in the 1990s also include Estonians from the West. However, their numberis small and their probability of return is also lower than among the Estonians in theCIS and the other Baltic States. An analysis of the selectivity of return migration bygeneration makes it clear that there are no differences among the descendants ofEstonians who emigrated to Russia at the turn of the century but that there areconsiderable differences among those who left for the West as refugees during thewar and their descendants. So, the Estonians who were born and grew up in Estoniabefore World War II make up the majority of return migrants from the West. Thereare only a few Estonians who were born in exile after the war among the returnmigrants and their probability of return is also very small. It must still be pointed outthat, regardless of the differences, the probability of return migration of the older
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ETHNIC RETURN MIGRATION IN ESTONIA 359
generations in exile is also low. At the same time, the probability of return migrationof those who left Estonia during the Soviet period is high.
Return to Estonia
One-third of the return migrants from the West who responded to our survey33
indicated that they started considering a return after the re-independence of Estonia.Only every 10th return migrant from the East considered this to be an importantfactor. This is understandable because, unlike the Estonians living in the West, returnmigration to Estonia had been open to Estonians living in the former Soviet Unionduring the Soviet period. Survey data also suggest that the making of a returnmigration decision has taken varying amounts of time—ranging from a couple ofmonths to several years.
Most of the return migrants have relatives in Estonia. At the same time, it appearsthat the existence of family contacts or relatives has been more important for returnmigrants from the East. In addition, the majority of return migrants from the CIS orthe other Baltic States have returned to Estonia together with their family and closerelatives (Figure 9). However, a majority of those from the West have come alone.
We analysed the reasons for return migration on the basis of the answers to twoquestions. The � rst involved estimation of the in� uence of a number of factors on thedecision to return in terms of a three grade scale (in� uenced the decision consider-ably, in� uenced to some extent, did not have any in� uence). The second questionasked the respondent to point out the single most essential reason for return migration.The desire to return to an Estonian-speaking environment was the most frequentanswer to the � rst question—three-quarters of the return migrants from the West andover two-� fths from the East (Table 1). The return migrants from the West alsoconsidered the possibility of using their previous professional experience in Estoniaand the return of their real estate to be important. The return migrants from the Eastmentioned the wish that their children be educated in the Estonian language, the better
FIGURE 9. THE DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN MIGRANTS BY RETURN WITH RELATIVES FRIENDS OR ALONE.Source: Centre for Estonian Diaspora Studies survey, 1997.
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TABLE 1FACTORS AFFECTING THE DECISION TO RETURN, ACCORDING TO RETURN MIGRANTS
From the From theEast West(%) (%)
Offer of job in Estonia 23 15Using professional experience in Estonia 17 45Better economic situation in Estonia 34 6Desire to leave the parental home 5 2Starting studies 2 2Starting work after completing studies 0 4Family reasons (marriage, divorce) 9 25Retirement 6 19Desire to move into Estonian-speaking environment 43 77Desire to give children education in Estonian 36 11Passive migration (family, relatives) 34 19Passive migration (friends) 6 4Return of real estate 13 28
Source: Centre for Estonian Diaspora Studies survey, 1997.
economic conditions in Estonia and the fact that it had been a passive migrationtogether with their family or relatives.
In terms of the most essential reason for migration, the return migrants from theEast were divided as follows. The most frequent reason for return migration was thewish to return to their homeland or to live in an Estonian-speaking environment(Figure 10). A considerable number simply came together with their family or closerelatives, and there were also many whose return migration was connected withreunion of their families or the better economic conditions in Estonia. This con� rmsthe fact that contacts with relatives and friends have been very important for thosewho have returned from the CIS and the other Baltic States.
FIGURE 10. THE MAIN REASON FOR RETURNING, ACCORDING TO RETURN MIGRANTS.Source: as Figure 9.
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ETHNIC RETURN MIGRATION IN ESTONIA 361
The majority of return migrants from the West mentioned the wish to return to theirhomeland as their main reason for returning to Estonia. The proportion of those whohave come for other reasons is signi� cantly lower. Still, there are another twodistinctive groups who have returned for family reasons or because of a job offer inEstonia. Although when answering the � rst question the in� uence of this latter factorhad been of little importance to the majority of return migrants, a job offer had beenthe main motive for return to Estonia for the majority of those who had emphasisedits importance. And to the contrary—the desire to apply professional experience inEstonia was brought out by a relatively large number of people, but only a fewmentioned it as their main reason. Therefore, it could be said that this is more of asecondary reason.
Settling in Estonia
The majority of return migrants settled in Harju county (Tallinn) in the north-west ofEstonia. A smaller proportion settled in other Estonian counties. Still, it seems thatsomewhat more return migrants from the East settled in Ida-Viru county (Kohtla-Jarve, Narva) in the north-east of Estonia, and return migrants from the West in Parnucounty in the south-west of Estonia. It is possible to observe differences in genera-tions in the case of return migrants from the West. The majority of the young settledin Harju county, while many belonging to the older generations settled in othercounties.
Return migrants from both the East and the West settled mostly in towns. The shareof the urban population in both groups was higher than among the Estonians fromEstonia and the Estonian population as a whole. It also seems that the number ofreturn migrants from the West, especially the young, who settled in towns wassomewhat greater. Thus, it can be said that the majority of return migrants settled inTallinn, Tartu and Parnu, and the return migrants from the East also in the towns inthe north-east of Estonia.
The main reasons for choosing the place of residence were the availability of jobsand places to live. These two factors have been noted by the majority of returnmigrants, while the overall importance of the other reasons is considerably smaller.Additionally, it should be pointed out that the return migrants from the West attachedgreater importance to the availability of jobs and the return migrants from the East tothe availability of a place to live. Two other factors in� uencing the selection of theplace of residence deserve mention—the place of residence of relatives and return tothe place of birth. These circumstances have been important � rst and foremost for thereturn migrants from the West. There have not been any essential changes in thedistribution of the return migrants in Estonia: as a rule, people live in the areas wherethey settled upon arrival.
Adaptation to Estonian conditions
Return migration streams are closely connected to the adaptation of the returnmigrants. The adaptation (or non-adaptation) to the local conditions achieved by thediaspora Estonians who have returned to Estonia will certainly in� uence future return
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migration streams. In this research, we analyse their adaptation through the followingfactors—participation in the labour market, satisfaction with the return migrationdecision, command of the Estonian language, media orientation and citizenship.
The proportion of employed people among the return migrants, especially amongthose from the West, is relatively small. Every second return migrant from the CISand the other Baltic States and every third return migrant from the West is employed.These differences in employment depend to a large extent on age distribution—thereare signi� cantly more retired people among the return migrants from the West. Therelatively low rate of activity of the return migrants from the East is caused by quitea high rate of unemployment. Every 10th return migrant from the East regardshimself/herself as unemployed, and these 10% are mostly the younger people. Whencomparing the employed people, it seems that there are more people in top executiveposts among the return migrants from the West.
The second indicator of adaptation observed is degree of comfort with having madethe return migration to Estonia after the event. The majority of return migrants, afterhaving the experience of living in Estonia, would make the same decision to returnto Estonia again. Two-thirds would return for certain and every � fth probably, in totalalmost nine out of ten. Only a few would de� nitely not return to Estonia. At the sametime, it seems that, among the return migrants from the West, there are more whowould still return to Estonia with their present knowledge of Estonia, while among thereturn migrants from the East there would be fewer. Only people from the CIS andthe other Baltic States are represented among the few return migrants who wouldde� nitely not return to Estonia with their present level of knowledge, and most ofthem are descendants of those who emigrated to Russia at the turn of this century. Insum, it appears that return to Estonia is generally not regretted.
The degree to which return migrants think about returning to their former countryof residence also sheds light on their adaptation to Estonia and their desire to tiethemselves to Estonia. Although return migrants from the West do not regret theirreturn to Estonia, there are numerous people among them who have thought aboutleaving Estonia. Likewise, one in 10 have come to Estonia with the thought of stayingonly temporarily; these are mostly the political refugees of World War II and theirdescendants. None of the return migrants from the CIS and the other Baltic States hascome with the thought of staying only temporarily. Therefore, it might be said thatthe return migrants from the West have more alternatives, while those returning fromthe East have fewer options.
The third factor in� uencing adaptation that we have analysed is the command anduse of Estonian. The analysis is based upon the estimation of the return migrantsthemselves. It appears from the comparison of people’s own estimations and languagetests that the discrepancy between the estimated and actual command of language isthe least with people whose command of the language is either good or poor.34 Some65% of return migrants from the West and 38% of return migrants from the East hada � uent command of the language upon return to Estonia, i.e. either � uent without anyaccent or � uent but with some pronunciation differences (Figure 11). But every � fthreturn migrant from the East could not speak Estonian at all and the number of thosewhose ability to speak Estonian was poor was at the same level. The latter couldunderstand the language a little, but could not speak it themselves.
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FIGURE 11. THE DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN MIGRANTS BY KNOWLEDGE OF THE ESTONIAN LANGUAGE UPON
RETURN TO ESTONIA.Source: as Figure 9.
The command of Estonian in both return migrant groups has improved during theperiod they have been living in Estonia, although the speed of change has beendifferent. The command of the language amongst the group of return migrants fromthe West was better on arrival in Estonia and has also improved more rapidly in thecourse of time. The share of people who have a full command of the language hasincreased from 64% to 84%, while there have been no changes with respect to peoplefrom the CIS and the other Baltic States. At the same time, the number of peopleamong the return migrants from the East who have no command of the language hasdecreased considerably. Likewise, the share of people who have a poor command ofthe language has also decreased. Still, the situation is improved by the people whowere born in Estonia but who left during the Soviet period. The level of commandof Estonian in both return migrant groups is improving at the expense of those wholeft during the Soviet period, but it is this group that has the greatest in� uence on thelevel of the return migrants from the East.
The command of Estonian is better in the group of return migrants from the Westand they use the language more frequently, both in speech as well as in writing. Theshare of people who can express themselves best in Estonian or in some otherlanguage is equal. But among the return migrants from the East, there are more peoplewho can express themselves better in some other language. As for the command ofwriting skills, there are more people in both groups who can best express themselvesin some other language.
Looking at the use of language at home, it might be said that there are more peopleamong the return migrants from the West who communicate with their spouse andchildren in Estonian (Figure 12 and 13). The language used at home by returnmigrants from the East is somewhat different: the number of people who speak totheir children in Estonian is the same as those who use other languages, but themajority of people speak to their spouse in some other language. Summing up, itcould be said that around half of the children of the return migrants from the West
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FIGURE 12. THE DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN MIGRANTS BY LANGUAGE SPOKEN WITH SPOUSE.Source: as Figure 9.
FIGURE 13. THE DISTRIBUTION OF RETURN MIGRANTS BY LANGUAGE SPOKEN WITH CHILDREN.Source: as Figure 9.
and one-third of the children of the return migrants from the East grow up mainly inan Estonian-speaking environment.
As the last factors in� uencing adaptation, we will consider the media orientationand citizenship of the return migrants. It appears that, compared with the returnmigrants from the CIS and the other Baltic States, the diaspora Estonians who havereturned from the West are more orientated to the Estonian media. However, themajority of return migrants follow media (press, radio, television) in both Estonianand another language. A small percentage of return migrants from the West and every10th return migrant from the East only follow media in a foreign language. Most ofthe return migrants from the West have Estonian citizenship, while the situationamong return migrants from the East is more varied, although those with Estonian
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citizenship do form the largest portion of them as well. Most of those who do nothave Estonian citizenship have already applied for it or are planning to do so.
Summary and discussion
The scope and essence of Estonian return migration in the 1990s, and the factorsin� uencing it, could be summed up as follows. Firstly, the return migration streamsof Estonians in the 1990s are small. However, it is important to point out that therehas also been return migration of Estonians from the West since re-independence—this was not the case before. But there are not very many of them—the majority ofreturn migrants still come from the CIS and the other Baltic States. The latter alsohave a greater probability of return to Estonia than Estonians living in the West.
Secondly, the analysis of the selectivity of return migration by generation showedthat there were no signi� cant differences in the generations of the descendants ofthose who had emigrated to Russia at the turn of the century, but that there wereconsiderable differences among those who had left for the West during the WorldWar II and their descendants. Thus, people who were born and who grew up inEstonia form the majority of return migrants from the West. There are very fewEstonians among return migrants who were born in exile and the probability of theirreturn is very small. Nevertheless, it must be pointed out that, regardless of thedifferences, the probability of return among the older generation of the diasporaEstonians is still relatively modest. At the same time, there is a high probability ofreturn migration among those who left Estonia during the Soviet period, mostly to befound among the younger generations of the diaspora Estonians.
Thirdly, it became clear that there were differences in the return of the diasporaEstonians to Estonia and in the factors having an impact on the process. A largenumber of Estonians from the West came to Estonia alone, whereas cases of wholefamilies migrating were much more common among return migrants from the CIS andthe other Baltic States. Additionally, some of the Western return migrants came toEstonia only temporarily. Of all the factors in� uencing the decision to return, thefactors concerning the homeland and those related to Estonian identity were ofprimary importance among return migrants from both the East and the West. Asecondary factor was the desire of the return migrants from the West to use theirprofessional experience in Estonia, and the return of real estate has also beenconsidered important. The decision of Estonians from the East to return has beenin� uenced, among other things, by the more stable and better economic conditions inEstonia compared with the countries of the CIS.
Fourthly, it became evident that there were differences between return migrants inEstonia in terms of their place of residence and their adaptation to local conditions.The return migrants from the West live mainly in the towns, mostly in Tallinn, Tartuand Parnu. The urban population is somewhat smaller among the return migrants fromthe East and they have spread themselves more evenly throughout Estonia; there areparticularly many in north-eastern Estonia. Several adaptation indicators showed, asexpected, that the preparation of the Estonians from the West was better and theirability to participate in the everyday life of contemporary Estonia greater than in thecase of the return migrants from the East.
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Finally, the results presented in the article enable a discussion to evolve on whatthe migration streams will look like at the beginning of the new millennium. It maycertainly be claimed that the return of those who left Estonia during the Soviet periodwill continue in the near future. As became clear, the proportion of such peopleamong the diaspora Estonians was not large but, nevertheless, they have made up aconsiderable share of the returning Estonians from the East and the West in the 1990s.In addition to those who left during the Soviet period, it might be expected that someof those who left to study or work for a longer period in the West after there-independence of Estonia would return to their homeland. There are many inFinland, Germany, Sweden and the United States, and to a smaller extent also in someother countries.
Returning to the issue of the descendants of the emigrants in the CIS and the otherBaltic States, it was seen that their migration streams to Estonia have graduallydecreased over the course of time. This process has been brought about by the ageingand decrease in the size of the generation born in the 1910s–1920s, who, havingstrong Estonian identity, have so far been the main contributors to the migrationstreams. There have always been fewer younger Estonians among return migrants andthis has not changed during recent times. It can therefore be expected that, if thepresent trend continues, the return migration streams of descendants of emigrantsfrom the CIS and the other Baltic States will decrease even further. However, itshould be mentioned that there are numerous factors which might increase the wishof the younger generations of Estonians in the CIS to return to Estonia and whichmay, in the presence of suitable conditions, � nally enable them to do so.
One of the factors which might increase the wish of Estonians to return from thecountries of the CIS is the growing difference in the standard of living betweenEstonia and the CIS. The experience of several European countries (Germany,Finland, Greece) over recent years has shown that differences in the standard of livingbetween countries have quite a considerable role in causing ethnic return migrationand determining its form. Likewise, the possible ethnic con� icts and wars in thecountries of the CIS could in� uence the Estonian migration streams, particularly inthe Caucasus and Central Asia. The return migration of Estonians from the East in thefuture will certainly depend on Estonian return migration policy and the policytowards the diaspora as a whole in the coming years. The experience of Finland inthe 1990s has shown that political action supporting and facilitating ethnic returnmigration may very rapidly cause extensive return migration among compatriots fromthe diaspora. This is especially so when the differences in the standard of livingbetween different countries are great.
Speaking about the return migration of exile Estonians and their descendants, itbecame evident that the probability of their return to Estonia is relatively small. It ismostly people who were born in Estonia and who have recently retired in Westerncountries who return to Estonia; there are very few people among the return migrantswho were born in exile. If this trend continues, the return migration streams ofdiaspora Estonians will soon diminish, because the remaining members of thegeneration born at the end of the 1930s and at the beginning of the 1940s are aboutto reach the age of retirement and they will be succeeded by Estonians who have beenborn in exile. At the same time, it will still be interesting to see what the return
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migration streams of the diaspora Estonians who were born in the 1950s look likewhen they reach the age of retirement. It will be the � rst and largest generation ofEstonians born in exile, and there are relatively many people with strong Estonianidentity among them. This will also answer the question of whether the prerequisitefor the return migration of Estonians living in the West would be having spent theirchildhood in Estonia or whether strong Estonian identity would be enough. The morethe differences between the standard of living in Estonia and Western countriesdiminish, the more relevant this question will become.
Finally, this research has added some topics to the agenda which might be treatedin future Estonian diaspora studies. This article has concentrated mainly upon therelationship between generation and return migration among the diaspora Estonians.In the future, the role of socialisation and ethnic identity in the migration behaviourof the diaspora Estonians could be studied more thoroughly. In connection with returnmigration, it is certainly also interesting to study the picture of Estonia the diasporaEstonians have and how it has changed. Likewise, the problems concerning theadaptation of the returned Estonians and the similarities and differences in theadaptation behaviour of the returning Estonians and non-Estonians in Estonia need tobe studied. In addition, it is important that the return migration of Estonians beobserved in the context of the return migration of other Baltic and European peoples.
University of Tartu
1 R. King, ‘Return Migration: A Neglected Aspect of Population Geography’, Area, 10, 3,1978, p. 175.
2 H. Kulu, ‘Eestlaste tagasir anne 1940–1989. Laane-Siberist parit eestlaste naitel’ (EstonianReturn Migration 1940–1989. A Case of West-Siberian Estonians) , Publicationes Instituti Geo-graphici Universitatis Helsingiensis, C 9, 1997, p. 16 (with English Summary).
3 For greater detail on ethnic return migration, see E. Efrat, ‘Geographical Distribution of theSoviet-Jewish New Immigrants in Israel’, GeoJournal , 24, 4, 1991, pp. 355–363; M. Vergeti, ‘PonticGreeks from Asia Minor and the Soviet Union: Problems of Integration in Modern Greece’, Journalof Refugee Studies, 4, 4, 1991, pp. 382–394; E. Voutira, ‘Pontic Greeks Today: Migrants orRefugees?’, Journal of Refugee Studies, 4, 4, 1991, pp. 400–420; P. Jones & M. Wild, ‘WesternGermany’s ‘Third Wave’ of Migrants: The Arrival of the Aussiedler’, Geoforum , 23, 1, 1992,pp. 1–11; E. Sik, ‘Transylvanian Refugees in Hungary and the Emergence of Policy Networks toCope with Crisis’, Journal of Refugee Studies, 5, 1, 1992, pp. 16–28; D. Vasileva, ‘Bulgarian TurkishEmigration and Return’, Internationa l Migration Review, 26, 2, 1992, pp. 342–352; H. Kluter,‘People of German Descent in CIS States—Areas of Settlement, Territorial Autonomy and Emi-gration’, GeoJournal , 31, 4, 1993, pp. 419–434; C. Aktar & N. Ogelman, ‘Recent Developments inEast-West Migration: Turkey and the Petty Trades’, Internationa l Migration, 32, 2, 1994,pp. 343–354; J. Bernstein & J. Shuval, ‘Occupationa l Continuity and Change Among ImmigrantPhysicians from the Former Soviet Union in Israel’, Internationa l Migration, 33, 1, 1995, pp. 3–29;E. Kyntaja, ‘Ethnic Remigration from the Former Soviet Union to Finland—Patterns of EthnicIdentity and Acculturation Among the Ingrian Finns’, Yearbook of Population Research in Finland,34, 1997, pp. 102–112; K. Iglicka, ‘Are they Fellow Countrymen or not? The Migration of EthnicPoles from Kazakhstan to Poland’, Internationa l Migration Review, 32, 4, 1998, pp. 995–1014; R.Brubaker , ‘Migrations of Ethnic Unmixing in the “New Europe” ’, Internationa l Migration Review,32, 4, 1998, pp. 1047–1065.
4 Kulu, ‘Eestlaste …’, p. 146.5 Kulu, ‘Eestlaste …’; H. Kulu, ‘Ethnic Return Migration: An Estonian Case’, International
Migration , 36, 3, 1998, pp. 313–336.6 We would like to thank Robert Ostergren for his valuable comments and suggestions . The
research was supported by the Estonian Science Foundation (grant no. 697).7 Kulu, ‘Eestlaste …’, pp. 234–237.8 H. Kulu, Eestlased maailmas. Ulevaade arvukusest ja paiknemisest (Tartu, Tartu Ulikooli
Kirjastus, 1992), p. 17.
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9 O. Kallas, Lutsi Maarahvas (Helsinki, Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, 1894); O. Kallas,Kraasna Maarahvas (Helsingi, Soome Kirjanduse Selts, 1903); V. Niilus, ‘Leivu rahvas’, EestiKirjandus, 1935, pp. 365–381; E. Kant, ‘Omstridd mark’, Svio-Estonica . AÊ rsbok utgiven av Svensk-Estniska samfundet 1944–48, 1948, 8, pp. 5–71; V. Lorents, ‘Eestlased Lati NSV Aluksne rajoonis’,Tartu, Tartu Ulikool, fuusilise geograa� a kateeder , 1971.
10 J. Viikberg, ‘Vanematest eesti asundustes t Siberis’, Keel ja Kirjandus, 1988, 5, pp. 284–288.Estonia was a part of the Russian Empire from 1710 to 1917, an independent state from 1918 to 1940,and then occupied by the Soviet Union from 1940 to 1991.
11 K. Pallo, Esimesed Eesti valjarandajad ehk 40 aastat Saamaras (Jurjev, Grenzstein, 1897); J.Meomuttel, Eesti asunikud laialises Wene riigis. Esimene katse sonumid koikide Eesti asunduste uletuua (Jurjev, Postimees, 1900); A. Nigol, Eesti asundused ja asupaigad Wenemaal (Tartu, Postimees,1918).
12 W. Zelinsky, ‘The Hypothesis of the Mobility Transition’, The Geographica l Review, 61, 2,1971, p. 236.
13 V. Maamagi, Uut elu ehitamas. Eesti vahemusrahvus NSV Liidus (1917–1940) (Tallinn, EestiRaamat, 1980), pp. 34–35; T. Raun, ‘Estonian Emigration within the Russian Empire 1860–1917’,Journal of Baltic Studies, 17, 4, 1986, p. 354; K. Katus, ‘Eesti demograa� line areng labi sajandite’,Eesti Korgkoolidevahelin e Demouuringute Keskus, rahvastiku-uuringu d, B 9, 1989, p. 12; Kulu,Eestlased …, p. 22; L. Voime, ‘Valjarandamine ja valiseestlased ’, in S. Oispuu (ed.), Eesti ajaluguarkamisajast kuni tanapaevani (Tallinn, Koolibri, 1992), p. 312; R. Raag, ‘Virolaiset Viron ulkop-uolella’, in S. Zetterberg (ed.) Viro. Historia, kansa, kulttuuri (Helsinki, Suomalaisen KirjallisuudenSeura, 1995), p. 351.
14 A. Sandluk, ‘Eestlased Pohja-Ameerikas . Arv. Asukohad. Seltsid. Asundused. Talud’, MeieTee, 1933, 5, pp. 6–13; O. Laaman, ‘Eesti asundused Kanadas’, Meie Tee, 1933, 7–8, pp. 108–112;1933, 9–10, pp. 153–157; 1933, 11–12, pp. 173–177; O. Laamann, ‘Eestlased Kanadas enne Esimestmaailmasoda’, in A. Kurlents (ed.), Eestlased Kanadas. Ajalooline koguteos (Toronto, KanadaEestlaste Ajaloo Komisjon), pp. 19–62.
15 Kulu, Eestlased …, pp. 73–74.16 R. Ise, ‘Eestlaste elu Louna-Ameerikas’, Valis-Eesti Almanak, 1934, 5, pp. 4–9.17 Cf. Kulu, Eestlased …, pp. 76–77.18 Ibid., pp. 77, 82.19 T. Parming, ‘Population Changes in Estonia, 1935–1970’, Population Studies, 26, 1, 1972,
pp. 54–56.20 Kulu, Eestlased …, pp. 80–121.21 Kulu, ‘Eestlaste …’, pp. 146.22 Kulu, Eestlasted …, p. 52. In addition, there were 3312 Estonians living in Latvia and 598 in
Lithuania in 1989 (Ibid., p. 133).23 Ibid.24 Ibid.; for greater detail see also H. Kulu, ‘The Estonian Diaspora’, Trames, 1, 3, 1997,
pp. 277–286.25 Orjan Sjoberg & Tiit Tammaru, ‘Transitional Statistics: Internal Migration and Urban Growth
in Post-Soviet Estonia’, Europe-Asia Studies, 51, 5, 1999, pp. 821–842.26 National Computing Centre (NCC), individual data on 1156 Estonian return migrants (Tallinn,
National Computing Centre, 1997). We apply the concept ‘return migrants from the East’ to thediaspora Estonians who have returned to Estonia from the CIS and the other Baltic States, and theconcept ‘return migrants from the West’ to the diaspora Estonians from Western countries. Thedistinction between the two diaspora Estonian communities has been made because of the differencesin the formation and history of those communities, as a result of which the background to their returnmigration also differs.
27 Estonian Citizenship and Migration Board (CMB), data on 1384 Estonian return migrants(Tallinn, Estonian Citizenship and Migration Board, Department of Remigration, 1996).
28 However, unlike the CMB database, the NCC database does not include information on 467Estonian refugees from Abkhazia, a majority of whom were evacuated by the Estonian governmentto Estonia in 1992. But this group of evacuated Estonians is not studied in the article.
29 CMB; NCC; cf. Kulu, ‘Eestlaste …’, pp. 145–146. The data provided here on return migrantsbefore the 1990s include only the descendant s of those who emigrated to Russia at the turn of thecentury, as there are no reliable sources on the return migration of those who left Estonia during thepost-war period and their descendants . It is only known that their return migration streams have notbeen signi� cant. Likewise, the return of those mobilised and evacuated during World War II, as wellas those deported and repressed , has not been studied here.
30 CMB; NCC.
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31 The migration probability /selectivity per 1000 was calculated as follows: p 5 M/P * 1000,where p is the return migration probability per 1000 in the period under observation , M is the numberof return migrants in the observed period, and P is the size of the diaspora Estonian population at thebeginning of the period.
32 In the following analyses Estonians who have returned from Finland have been left out, as itis known beforehand that the majority of the return migrants from Finland are made up of those wholeft Estonia at the beginning of the 1990s.
33 The following results are based on the survey data (Centre for Estonian Disapora Studies(CEDS). The survey was carried out among 106 Estonian return migrants by Tartu University, Centrefor Estonian Diaspora Studies, 1997.
34 T. Vihalemm, ‘Vene elanikkonna eesti keele oskus, kasutamine ja hoiakud selle omandamisesuhtes 1990–95’, in P. Jarve (ed.), Vene noored Eestis: sotsioloogilin e mosaiik (Tallinn, Avita, 1997),p. 247.
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