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AURORAP. JACKSON, HYLLISGYAMFI, EANNEBROOKS-GUNN,AND MANDYBLAKEColumbia University

EmploymentStatus,Psychological Well-Being,Social Support,andPhysical Discipline Practices

of Single Black Mothers

We investigated the effects of depressive sympto-matology, parental stress, and instrumental sup-port on maternal spanking. Although wefound noassociations between employment status, per se,and the frequency of spanking, our results showthat employmentseems to matterfor its moderat-ing effects on the relationship between mothers'psychological functioning and their decisions touse spanking. Significant interaction effects ofemployment x depression and employment xparental stress indicate that employment reducedthe frequency of spanking by mothers with moresymptoms of depression and parental stress. Theavailability of instrumentalsupport increased thefrequency of spanking. This may reflect the possi-bility that mothers in this study found the helpthey receivepsychologically costly.Socialization heoristsandresearchers avefoundthatharshparentaldisciplineis associatedwithproblembehaviors n children, speciallyhostilityand aggression (Baumrind,1993; Maccoby &Martin,1983; Straus,Sugarman,& Giles-Sims,School of SocialWork,ColumbiaUniversity,McVickar,MailCode 4600, 622 West 113th Street,New York,NY 10025([email protected]).Key Words: depression, economic hardship, spanking, socialsupport.

1997).However,most of theresearch n physicaldiscipline (e.g., spanking,hitting)eitherhas fo-cused on middle-class White families (Parke,1992)orhascomparedBlackfamilieswithWhite,mostlymiddle-class amilies. (See, for example,Deater-Deckard,Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1996;Gunnoe&Mariner, 997;Smith& Brooks-Gunn,1997; Strassberg,Dodge, Pettit,& Bates, 1994.)Littleis knownaboutwithin-group ifferences ndiscipline practices amongsingle Black womenraisingyoungchildren n poverty Harrison,Wil-son, Pine, Chan,& Buriel, 1990;McLoyd,1990;Wilson,1986).Povertycan diminishthe qualityof parentingdue to persistentdailystressorsandparentalpsy-chologicaldistress Congeret al., 1992;McLoyd,1990). Given the 1996 overhaul of the welfaresystem,whichsubstitutes ime-limited ash assis-tance andworkprogramsor what was anentitle-ment, t is importanto understandhecontexts nwhichsinglemothersparent heirpreschoolchil-dren,specificallymotherswho work n low-wagejobs andthosewhoreceivewelfarebenefits.Some researchers rgue hat a theoreticalper-spectiveof risk and resilience shouldguide thestudy of poor and near-poor Black families(McLoyd,1990; Spencer,1990). Rather han re-garding uch familiesas uniformly t risk in diffi-cult socialcontexts, hisperspective ighlights hedifferential nd nteractivenfluences f individual,

Journal f Marriage nd heFamily60 (November1998):894-90294


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Disciplinary Practices of Single Black Mothers

family, and environmental variables in efforts tobetter understandwhich individuals are at risk fornegative outcomes. Similar to Bronfenbrenner's(1988) person-process-contextmodel, McLoyd andher colleagues (1990; McLoyd & Wilson, 1992)posit that an accumulation of risks is associatedwith poverty and economic hardship(e.g., femaleheadship, limited access to social support, dimin-ished capacity for responsive and supportivepar-enting). These risks may have different effects onfamily processes, depending on the presence ofprotectivefactors (key among them, maternalpsy-chological well-being). For example, it is hypothe-sized that parental depressed mood is a centralmechanism through which economic circum-stances influence parenting behavior and, thereby,child outcomes. (See Conger et al., 1992.) Indeed,research has consistently shown that parents whoexperience economic stress display less nurturanceand more harshnessin theirresponses to their chil-dren (Lempers, Clark-Lempers, & Simons, 1989;McLoyd & Wilson, 1992). Studies also have re-portedthat mothers who score higher in depressivesymptoms aremore likely than their less-depressedcounterparts to experience parenting as arduousand disappointingand to rely on aversive,coercivedisciplinary techniques (Conger, McCarty, Yang,Lahey, & Kroop, 1984; Cmic & Greenberg, 1987;McLoyd, 1990; Patterson,1986).Our investigation examines the issue of physi-cal discipline and uses data obtained for the firstwave of a larger ongoing study of single Blackmothers who received welfare benefits and formerwelfarerecipientswho were employed in low-wagejobs in New YorkCity. We compare employed andnonemployed mothers because employment canprovide poor and near-poor single mothers withgreaterfinancial resources and thereby reduce thelevel of economic hardship.Employment also canchange family processes by either diminishing orincreasing parental stress and the availability ofsocial support(Vandell & Ramanan,1992; Wilson,Ellwood, & Brooks-Gunn, 1995).There are two conflicting views of the effectsof maternal employment on children from low-income families. One is that maternal employ-ment, poverty,and single-parentstatus function ascumulative burdens on families, resulting inpoorer developmental outcomes among low-income children of employed mothers. The otheris that the financial and psychological benefits as-sociated with maternalemployment are so consid-erable that children whose mothers are employeddemonstrate better developmental outcomes than

low-income children whose mothers are not em-ployed (Desai, Chase-Lansdale,& Michael, 1989;Vandell & Ramanan, 1992). Although little re-search has tested these propositionswith respect todiscipline practices, there is some evidence thatmaternal employment can have beneficial effectsfor low-income children. For example, McLoyd's(1990) review of the literature that differentiatesparenting practices by employment status foundthat nonemployed Black parents, compared withtheir employed counterparts, were more punitivein their interactions with their children. McLoydfound that this predilection was present as well inextended families in which nonemployment wascommon (i.e., grandparents in such familiestended to value "quick and decisive physical pun-ishment" when faced with problems of child be-havior, p. 323). Others have found an associationbetween maternal employment early in the life ofthe low-income child and better academic andsocial functioning (Vandell & Ramanan, 1992)-apattern of findings reported as well in severalearlier studies of low-income Black children(Cherry & Eaton, 1977; Milne, Myers, Rosenthal,& Ginsburg, 1986; Woods, 1972).Our inquiry is different from these earlier in-vestigations. First, it focuses only on mothers whowere receiving or who had received welfare bene-fits and who had a preschooler. Second, it consid-ers the effect of paid employment on single Blackmothers' psychological functioning. Studies havefound that employed women, compared with theirnonemployed counterparts,are better off on indi-cators of psychological distress and well-being.(See, for example, Cleary & Mechanic, 1983;Kessler & McRae, 1982; Ross, Mirowsky, &Huber, 1983.) Previous research on parentinghasgiven little consideration to whetherincreased ma-ternal well-being associated with (and possiblybrought aboutby) the mother's employment mightoffset possible negative effects of increasedmother absence from the home (Smith, Brooks-Gunn, & Jackson, 1997; Wilson et al., 1995).Based on this evidence, we expected employedmothers to be better off on indicatorsof psychologi-cal well-being andparentalstressthan their nonem-ployed counterparts.Second, we expected higherlevels of depressive symptomatology andincreasedparentalstressto predictincreasedreportsof spank-ing as a disciplinarytechnique.Finally,we expectedthe relationships between depressive symptoma-tology and parental stress and harsher disciplinepractices (i.e., increased spanking) to be moder-ated by the availabilityof instrumentalsupport.

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Journal of Marriage and the Family

Concerning the latter, studies have found thatsocial supportmoderatesfeelings of depression inpoor and single mothers and has a beneficial effecton parentingbehavior(Colletta & Lee, 1983; Cmic& Greenberg, 1987; Simons, Beaman, Conger, &Chao, 1993; Zur-Szpiro & Longfellow, 1982). It isplausible that social support makes mothers feelless isolated and overwhelmed by their parentingsituation and more satisfied with their children(McLoyd, Jayaratne,Ceballo, & Borquez, 1994).

METHODStudy Participants

The participants in this ongoing study are 188current and former welfare recipients and theirpreschool children. The mothers, who reside inthree communities in New York City with sub-stantial numbers of low-income Black families,were chosen for their employment status in thefall of 1995. The sample was recruitedthroughtheOffice of Employment Services of the New YorkCity Human Resources Administration,which ad-ministersthe city's welfare programs.Its Office ofEmployment Services offers a range of employ-ment programs and support services, includingvouchers for subsidized child care to employedformer welfare recipients and facilitation of jobtraining, job placement, and basic educationclasses for currently nonemployed recipients ofwelfare.Sample selection. Mothers and their preschoolerwere selected by obtainingthe names of employedmotherseligible for child-care vouchers. The list in-cluded all mothers with a 3- or 4-year-oldchild andwho lived in zip-code areas representing CentralHarlem in Manhattan, Bedford-Stuyvesant inBrooklyn, and Jamaica in Queens. Next, 150 ran-domly selected motherswho also were former wel-fare recipients were sent a letter describing thestudy's interest in learning how parents of youngchildrenmanage their responsibilitiesand request-ing theirparticipationn the study.Mothers who re-turneda form indicatingtheirwillingness to partici-pate then were contactedby telephone to arrangeanappointment o visit at their home. Follow-upletterswere sent to prospectiverespondentswho failed toreturn he form. These motherswere invited to par-ticipate throughadditional etters,telephonecalls (ifthey had a listed phone), andvisits to theirhome (ifthey had no working phone number)to explain thepurposeof the research and the importanceof theirparticipation.

Nonemployed mothers of a preschoolchild wererecruited in the same way. One hundred and fiftywere selected randomly from a list of welfare re-cipients involved in education, training, or jobplacement programsin the same zip-code areas.A total of 188 interviews and child assessmentswere completed between February 1996 and Jan-uary 1997. Because 34 of the original 300 motherswere either married(8), Latina (3), or had movedand did not receive the solicitation letter (23), theresponse rate for the first wave of data collectionwas 71%.Procedure. Mothers and focal children were inter-viewed in their homes. The average time of themother interview was from 11/2to 2 hours. At thebeginning of the interview,mothers were paid $25.In most cases, the first author and a research assis-tantworked as a team, with the formerinterviewingthe mother and the other doing a child assessment.All the interviewers were women. Because the firstauthor s Black and interviewedall the mothers,re-search assistants were chosen for their comfortwith home visits in the three communities andtheir ability to engage young children,not by theirrace. They were African American, Anglo Ameri-can, Asian American, and Latina American grad-uate students.

MeasuresAll variables-except for mothers' symptoms ofdepression and single-item variables-included inthe analyses are scales with values that reflect themean of values for component items. Alpha coef-ficients were obtained for scales with more thanone item. When calculating the mean value onscales, items were reversed if this proved neces-sary, so that a higher score indicates more of theattributenamed in the label.Economic and employmentvariables. Employmentstatus is a dichotomous variable denoting eitherthat the mother was currentlyemployed 10 or morehours a week or not. Weekly working hours weredetermined by mothers' answers to the question,"Onaverage, how many hours would you say youspend in paid employment each week?" Hourlypay of the employed mothers was constructedfrom respondents' answers to questions abouttheirweekly workinghours and their salary.Finan-cial strain(three items, alpha = .56) was measuredby asking mothers to indicate on a 4-point scale(developed by McLoyd et al., 1994) how often

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they had borrowed money in the last 2 years fromfamily or friends to help pay bills, how often theyhad decided not to buy something they reallyneeded because they couldn't afford it (1 = not atall; 4 = a lot), and how often they had lately foundit difficult to pay bills (1 = not at all difficult; 4 =very difficult).Maternal variables. Depressive symptoms (20items, alpha= .88) were measured with the Centerfor Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale(CES-D), which asks respondents to indicate on a4-point scale (0 = less than once a day; 3 = mostor all of the time) how often during the past weekthey felt depressed, lonely, sad, unusually both-ered by things, or unable to get going. This scaleis not intended as a measure of clinical depression,but groups with scores of 16 or above are consid-ered to be at risk for depression (Radloff, 1977).Parental stress (seven items, alpha = .64) wasassessed by asking mothersto indicate on a 6-pointscale from 0 (not at all) to 5 (completely)how truestatements such as the following were for them:"My child seems to be much harder to care forthan most," "there are some things my child doesthat really bother me a lot," "I find myself givingup more of my life to meet my child's needs thanI ever expected." This scale was developed byAbidin (1990).

Availability of instrumental support (fouritems, alpha = .63) was assessed by asking moth-ers to indicate the level of instrumentalhelp theycould receive from others if such support wasneeded (McLoyd et al., 1994). Mothers wereasked to indicate on a 6-point scale how truestatements such as the following were for them:"If I need to do an errand, I can easily find afriend or relative living nearby to watch mychild(ren)"; "if I need a ride to get my child to thedoctor, there are friends I could call to help me";"if I need to buy a pair of shoes for my child(ren)but I am short of cash, there is someone whowould lend me the money"; "if I'm feeling ex-hausted or depressed, like at the end of a longday, I have to cope alone." For each item, themother indicated on a scale from 0 (never true) to5 (true all of the time) if the statement applied toher.Maternal discipline was measured by askingmothers how many times they had spanked theirpreschooler in the past week (Caldwell &Bradley, 1984).Educational attainment was indicated on a 5-point scale from 1 (grade school) to 5 (some edu-

cation beyond high school/specify degree andmajor) that asked mothers the highest level of ed-ucation they had completed.Child variables. Child problem behaviors (26items, alpha = .86) were assessed by asking moth-ers to indicate on a 3-point scale from 1 (verymuch like my child) to 3 (not at all like my child)the extent to which statements such as the follow-ing described their child's behavior duringthe last3 months: "Tends to fight, hit, take toys whenplaying with other children"; "is disobedient atschool or with child-care providers";"bullies or iscruel or mean to others."Developed by Petersonand Zill (1986), this scale could be placed amongthe maternal variables, inasmuch as answers re-flect mothers' reports of their child's behavior.We place it among the child variables to avoidconfusion, but also because studies have foundthat mothers' reports do reflect children's behav-iors reportedby teachers and assessed by observa-tion (Conrad& Hammen, 1989; Richters & Pelle-grini, 1989; Schaughency & Lahey, 1985).Furthermore, the maternal characteristic mostoften associated with reports of child behaviorproblems is maternal depressed affect, which wasmeasured in this study and is included in all re-gression analyses.Gender of child was operationalized as a sin-gle dummy variable,coded 1 if girl and 0 if boy.

RESULTSDescription of Study Participants

All the mothers were single and Black. They had anaverage of two children and ranged in age from20 to 45 years, with a mean of 28.6 years. The ma-jority of them had at least a high school education.Almost 70% (n = 130) had some educationbeyondhigh school, and, of these, 4% had a bachelor's de-gree.The distributionson the economic and employ-ment measures indicate that 93 mothers were em-ployed and 95 were nonemployed at baseline.Among the employed, working hours ranged from10 to 72 hours a week, with a mean of 34 hours.These mothers earned, on average, $8.72 an hour,but the range was considerable, from a mere$2.50 to $19.20 an hour.At the time of the interview, the focal childrenwere 3-5 years old, with a mean of 4.7 years.Fifty-five percent were boys, and 45% were girls.

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Journal of Marriage and the FamilyTABLE 1. DIFFERENCES BETWEEN EMPLOYEDAND

NONEMPLOYED MOTHERS (t TESTS)Variable Employed NonemployedFinancialstrain 2.89 2.93Depressive symptoms 14.45 17.01*Parental tress 1.59 1.90**Instrumental upport 3.67 3.48Behaviorproblems 1.41 1.42Frequencyof spanking .83 1.22

Note: df = 186; n = 93 (employed); n = 95 (nonem-ployed).*p


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pressive symptoms (b = .28, p < .001) and theavailability of instrumental support (b = .20, p


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Journal of Marriage and the Familyof items on each scale. This sample was necessarilyrestricted to mothers with low incomes, which alsomight contribute to modest alphas on some mea-sures. The presence of measurement error attenu-ates correlations somewhat, making significancetests conservative. However, adequate sample sizehelps to counterbalance this problem (Darlington,1990). Overall, the existence of measurementerror s offset by other advantagesof the study, in-cluding the fact that these analyses are based on asample that is largely underrepresented n the em-pirical literature on family processes.Despite these methodological difficulties, corre-lational analyses indicated that being employedwas associated with higher educational attainmentand lower scores on the measures of depressivesymptoms and parental stress. These associationsare in accord with our expectations.Note, however,that financial strain was unrelated to employmentstatus. This is, no doubt, a reflection of the factthat the entire sample had relatively low incomes,even though some of the mothers were employedand some received welfare.

Although no associations were found betweenemployment status, per se, and the frequency ofspanking, our results do show that employmentseems to matter for its moderating effects on therelationshipbetween mothers' psychological func-tioning and their decisions to use spanking. Moreprecisely, the significant and negative interactioneffects of employment x depression and employ-ment x parentalstress, respectively, in the multipleregression of the frequency of spanking indicatethat employment reduced the probability thatmothers experiencing depressive symptoms andparental stress would use spanking as a disciplinetechnique.These findings suggest that, although somemothers did spank their child, employmentseemed to change the context within which thespanking occurred. For example, our data also in-dicate that child behavior problems were a conse-quential predictorof parentalstress and spanking,along with depressive symptoms and maternal em-ployment status. It is possible that children mayunderstand a spanking if it is the consequence oftheir own behavior, as opposed to a spankingthatoccurs as a consequence of parental stress or de-pression. Consistent with this contention, a recentstudy found that discipline techniques driven bymaternal psychological distress and other familystresses, ratherthan by the child's behavior,do notbode well for young children'sdevelopment (Gun-noe & Mariner, 1997). Indeed, Gunnoe and

Marinerargue that it is not spanking, per se, thatpredicts adverse child outcomes, but rather thecontext in which spanking occurs.Ourfinding that the availability of instrumentalsupport did, indeed, moderate the effects of de-pressive symptoms andparentalstress on spankingis inconsistent with the results of some others (forexample, McLoyd et al., 1994) and with our ownexpectations, inasmuch as the results of multipleregressions involving terms representing these in-teractions (instrumentalsupport x depression andinstrumentalsupportx parentalstress) yielded sig-nificant effects, but in the opposite direction. Moreprecisely, it appearsthat the greateravailability ofinstrumental support increased the frequency ofspanking, especially among mothers high in de-pression and high in parental stress, whether em-ployed or not. Recall also that access to instru-mental support was negatively correlated withfinancial strain. Thus, the more access mothershad to instrumentalsupport, (presumably) the lessfinancial strainthey experienced.This patternof findings suggests that it may bethe case that mothers in this study who called onthose availableto them for instrumentalhelp foundthe help that they received psychologically costly.Moreover, those from whom help is sought bypoor, Black mothers might believe that physicaldiscipline is desirable. (See, for example, McLoyd,1990; Zelkowitz, 1982.) They may communicatethese beliefs to the mothers precisely because helpis sought and given. Indeed, for the single motherlacking adequate resources, one way to feel lessisolated (see, for example, McLoyd et al., 1994)may be to go along with those from whom instru-mental support is sought and received. Belsky,Robins, and Gamble (1984) theorize that socialsupport often functions as a determinant ofparental behavior. Similarly, Apfel and Seitz(1996) found that although social support-a con-struct within which instrumental support is sub-sumed-is generally positive for individuals, toomuch or too little supportmay not be good. The ra-tionale here is thatpeople have a tendency to "per-form" or "want to look good" for those close tothem.Our findings warrantreplicated studies. If, in-deed, instrumentalsupportenhances the effects ofdepression and parentalstress on the use of spank-ing by poor and near-poor, single, Black mothersof preschoolers, future investigations need to un-earth the processes involved. Moreover, becausespankingdoes not necessarily predictadversechildoutcomes, particularlyfor some young Black chil-

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dren (Gunnoe & Mariner, 1997), it is importanttolearn for which children and in what contextsphysical discipline is more or less harmful overtime. Prospective studies could supply needed an-swers to this question.Apart from its indicated results, this inquiry islimited in several ways. First, the study relied ex-clusively on self-report data, and we do not knowthe degreeto which these datacorrespondto actualbehavior. Second, the data are cross-sectionaland, therefore, provide no basis for inferencesaboutcausality.However, we found that financial strain wasassociated with less instrumental support, greaterdepressive symptomatology, and a greater ten-dency to use spanking as a disciplinary technique.Thus, job availability and an increase in the mini-mum wage are important policy considerations.Moreover, if employment is to replace welfare formothers and if we care about the ability of em-ployed mothers-particularly those in the low-wage job market-to parent their young childrenoptimally, achieving an understanding of the con-ditions that produce parenting problems could as-sist in the design of effective prevention programs,as well as improve our understanding of theprocesses involved.

NOTETheresearch n whichthisarticle s based was assistedbygrantsoAurora . Jackson rom he WilliamT. GrantFoundation, he National Institute of Mental Health(Project R03 MH56063-01), nda visitingscholarshipat the Russell Sage Foundation.The time of PhyllisGyamfi and JeanneBrooks-Gunnwas supported, npart,by the MacArthur etworkonFamilyandWork.

REFERENCESAbidin,R. R. (1990).TheParentingStressIndexshortform. Charlottesville,VA: Pediatric,PsychologyPress.Apfel,N., & Seitz,V.(1996).AfricanAmerican doles-cent mothers, heirfamilies,andtheirdaughters:Alongitudinalerspective ver 12 years.InB. J. Lead-beater& N. Way Eds.),Urban irls:Resisting tereo-types, creating dentities(pp. 149-170).New York:New YorkUniversity ress.Baumrind,D. (1993).The averageexpectable nviron-ment s notgoodenough:A response o Scarr.ChildDevelopment,4, 1299-1317.Belsky,J.,Robins,E., & Gamble,W.(1984).The deter-

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ing practicesamongsinglemothers. ournalof Mar-riage and the Family,55, 385-398.Smith,J. R., & Brooks-Gunn, . (1997).Correlates ndconsequences f harshdiscipline oryoungchildren.Archives of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine, 151,777-786.Smith, .R., Brooks-Gunn,.,Jackson,A. (1997).Parentalemploymentnd children. n R. Hauser,B. Brown,&W. Prosser (Eds.), Indicators of children's well-being(pp.279-308).New York:RussellSageFoundation.Spencer,M.B. (1990).Developmentf minorityhildren:An introduction.ChildDevelopment,61, 267-269.Strassberg, .,Dodge,K.A., Pettit,G.S., &Bates,J. E.(1994). Spankingn the home andchildren's ubse-quentaggressionowardkindergarteneers.Develop-ment and Psychopathology, 6, 445-461.Straus, M. A., Sugarman,D. B., & Giles-Sims, J.(1997). Spankingby parentsandsubsequent ntiso-cial behavior of children. Archives of Pediatric andAdolescent Medicine, 151, 761-767.Vandell,D. L., & Ramanan, . (1992).Effectsof earlyandrecentmaternalmploymentnchildrenrom ow-income families. ChildDevelopment,63, 938-949.Wilson, J. B., Ellwood, D. T., & Brooks-Gunn, J.(1995).Welfare o work hroughheeyesof children:Theimpactonparentingf movement romAFDCtoemployment. n P. L. Chase-Lansdale& J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds.), Escape from poverty: What makes a dif-ference for children? (pp. 63-86). New York: Cam-bridgeUniversity ress.Wilson,M. N. (1986).The Blackextended amily:Ananalytical consideration. Developmental Psychology,22, 246-258.Woods,M. B. (1972). The unsupervisedchild of theworking mother.DevelopmentalPsychology, 6, 14-25.Zelkowitz,P. (1982).Parenting hilosophiesandprac-tices. In D. Belle (Ed.), Lives in stress: Women anddepressionpp.154-162).BeverlyHills,CA:Sage.Zur-Szpiro, ., & Longfellow,C. (1982).Fathers' up-port o mothersand children. n D. Belle (Ed.),Livesin stress: Women and depression (pp. 145-153). Bev-erlyHills,CA:Sage.

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