Examining Narratives on the Homestead StrikeSarah S. Chu1, Zachary Brodt2, and Niklas Frykman3

1Archival Scholars Research Award, University of Pittsburgh, 2Archives & Special Collections, University of Pittsburgh, 3Department of History, University of Pittsburgh

Archives Used: Allegheny County, Pa. Coroner's Office Records, Henry Clay Frick Business Records, and William Martin Papers.

Above: A telegram sent by Carnegie toFrick on July 7th, 1892, in which he waswilling to “let grass grow over works”than continue to employ the strikers.Private exchanges between AndrewCarnegie and Henry Clay Frick oftenrevealed they were not willing tonegotiate wage cuts with the unionfrom the very start.

The Homestead Strike of 1892 is one of the most importantmoments in American labor history, highlighting the need forlabor rights and better working conditions. Using the Universityof Pittsburgh Archives, this project looks at the experiences ofthe strikers of the Amalgamated Association of Iron and SteelWorkers (AAISW) and the Pinkerton detectives during the Strike,as well as what motivated strikers and management in theevents leading up to the violent encounter.

Abstract

• With the contract renewal date approaching in 1892,industrialist, Andrew Carnegie, and manager, Henry Clay Frickpresented a new contract with lowered wages.

• Failed negotiations with the AAISW led to a series ofuprisings, leading to Frick’s decision to lockdown the mills.

• On July 6th, Frick ordered 300 Pinkertons to guardHomestead. Violence broke out and Pinkertons surrenderedto the strikers.

• Pennsylvania State militia arrives on July 12th. Operations atthe mills resume and the labor conflicts disperse.

Background

Economic Motives of the Strikers

Pinkerton Detectives During the ConflictCarnegie Steel Company and Wage Cuts

Above: Excerpt of an interview withWilliam Roberts, a striker describinghow rollers at the American IronWorks, Carnegie's competitor, arepaid more, despite similarities inproducts. The archives revealstrikers’ motives lean more towardseconomic incentives rather than ofpower struggles, since strikers’ wivesand their children were alsoparticipants in the violent strike.

Above: One of many competitor wagecomparisons by William Martin, theChief of the Bureau of Labor at theHomestead Mills. His elaboratecompilations of wage and steeloutputs helped Carnegie Steel executewage cuts.

Left: An excerpt of an interview withA.L. Wells, a medical student, with theBoston News. He was hired by thePinkertons and noted the lack ofknowledge and secrecy of theoperation. Like Wells, many menaccepted the watchman position as aside job. Many knew they were sent toguard property, but the extent of theirknowledge they had about the taskoften varied, such as the exactlocation and details of the task.

Left: The cover of a newspaperfrom July 16, 1892, depictingwounded Pinkertons surrenderingto the angry strikers. Mediaprovided perspectives and coverageof the labor tensions andHomestead Strike. Interviews alsoallowed the voices of Pinkertondetectives and strikers to be heardall over the world. • To what extent did media equally cover the perspectives of

the strikers and Pinkertons, on a local and national level?• How did other corporations and labor unions respond to

the Homestead Strike?

Future Discussion

Above: Excerpt from a letter from JohnMiller to William Martin, asking for hisand his son’s job back, despiteinvolvement in the strike.

Right: Court testimony of John T.McCurry, who described beingscouted and the chaos during thestrike. He recalls being shockedwhen a man shoved a weaponinto his arms after shots werefired. He and many others wereunaware of the possibilities ofviolence and gun usage.

Below: Image of burning barges in Leslie’s Weekly from July 14, 1892.