exhibit. 7051. llm.80. pag 7; comrad e kruschcho ha givesv ...€¦ · "the answe tro thi questios...
TRANSCRIPT
-
EXHIBIT. 7051.
LLM.80. Page 7; "Comrade Kruschchov has given eti 1
absolutely clear, Marxist reply to that all-import-
ait question. It is quite probable that the trans-
ition to socialism in capitalist countries will pro-
duce a great multiplicity of forms. This will be
an expression of the more favourable general situation, 5
and of the concrete specific features pertaining in
each country.
"it would be wrong, however, to assert that un-
der all circumstances the transition to socialism will
inevitably be attended by civil war. In this respect 10
very much depends on the relation of forces within
the given country and on the international scene, on
the degree of organisation and political understand-
ing of the revolutionary classes, and on the strength
of the resistance offered by the reactionary classes,
When the proletariat of Russia directed the revolution
in this country, it faced a united front of the im»
perialist powers. To-day the progressive forces in
other countries have a much more favourable prospect
before them, for new conditions have taken shape in 20
the capitalist world. The political struggle there
centres around such issues as the defence of peace,
the democratic freedoms and national independence.
That being so, the working class and its political
parties have every opportunity of uniting on the basis 25
of a common democratic platform, the overwhelming
majority of the nation - the peasantry, the lower
middle-class, intellectuals, and even the patriot-
ically minded sections of the bourgeoisie. This,
obviously, will make the victory of the working class 3q
easier.
-
EXHIBIT. 7052.
LLM. 80. Page 7 fcont.): "However, even in these conditions, x
in a number of capitalist countries, in those where
the reactionary forces and the military and police
machine are especially powerful, the transition to
socialism will be attended by frenzied resistance from
the exploiting classes, and, consequently, by sharp re- 5
volutionary struggle on the part of the working class.
On the other hand, in these capitalist countries where
the reactionary forces and the military and police
machine are less powerful, the possibility of a peace-
ful course of the revolution and resultant transition ^q
to socialism is not to be ruled out. In particular,
the possibility is not to be ruled out of the working
class peacefully coming to power through a parliamentary
majority and the conversion of parliament into a gen-
uine people's assembly. Such a parliament, relying
on the support of the mass revolutionary movement of
the proletariat, the working peasaitry and all pro-
gressive sections of the population, would be able to
break the resistance of the reactionary forces and
carry out the socialist transformation of society. gg
"The enemies of communism depict Communists as
confirmed believers in armed insurrection, violence
and civil war under all circumstances. That is slan-
derous nonsense, an attempt to smear the Communists,
and the working class which they represent. It stands 0cr CO to reason that the Communists and the working class
prefer the least painful forms of transition from one
social system to another. But the forms of this trans-
ition, as Comrade Krushchov has demonstrated here, de-
pend on concrete historical conditions. Moreover, the ' 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7053.
LLM .80. Page 7 (cont.): "application of more pe aceful or more 1
violent methods depends not so much on the working
class as on the degree and form of resistance offered
by the exploiting classes, which do not want volun-
tarily to relinquish their wealth, political power and
other privileges." 5
10
15
20
25
30
-
7054-
EXHIBIT - "REPORT BY N.A.BULGANIN AND SPEECH Eg N.S.KHRUSHCHOV
ON THEIR VISIT TO INDIA. BURMA AND AFGHANISTAN. Nov,
18 - Demember 19?iq55. Addressed to the Supreme Soviet
of the U.S.S.R. Session of December 26 - 29r 1955, 1
LML2J1 PaK9;
"The time when the colonialists could lord it with
impunity in the colonial and dependent countries is re-
ceding into the past. But the colonialists themselves,
naturally, do not want to give up voluntarily a system 5
which gives them an opportunity to rob whole nations.
This cannot be expected,n
"Through our statements and actions we want to ex-
press our sympathy for those peoples who have not as yet
rid themselves of the colonial yoke, and for their io
struggle for national liberation (prolonged applause)".
"We understand that the colonialists bear a grudge
against us because in our statements we discuss the
past activity of the colonialists in India and Burma."
"In attempting to justify somehow or other the 15
actions of their predecessors in oppressing the peoples
of the colonial and dependent countries, they are striv-
ing to preserve the present-day positions of the
colonialists which are still very strong. The colonia-
lists still have many c o l o n i e s 2 0
"Take, for instance, Africa. It is all divided up
among European .̂on-Ev.rjpczz. countries. There are
different ways and different methods of conducting the
colonialist policy, but the chains of colonial slavery
are no lighter because of this. These chains strangle 25
the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries and
arouse their hatred against the colonialists."
•The peoples of these countries are rising up ever
more resolutely in the struggle against the colonial
regimes. And we sympathise with this struggle and wish , n
-
m m i 7055-
W L 1 2 1 Page 36: (Continued)
suooess to the peoples who are waging it
applause) . "
-
7056.
EXHIBIT; - "MEETING OF THE SUPREME SOVIET OF THE USSR."f Feb,8th
and Qth. 1955. "Speeches by N.A.BULGANIN, V.M.MOLOTOV
AND DECLARATION"
U2LJ&L Pqfie 21; 1
"A new situation has developed in Asia as well".
"The population of Asia amounts to about 1,400
million, which make up more than naif of the population
of the globe. Today, in Asia too, slightly less than
half of the population lives in the people's democracies, 5
which have left the capitalist camp and have set them-
selves the goal of building socialism."
"It is enough to say that China, which until reoently
was a semicolonial country heavily dependent on the im-
perialist powers and deprived of the possibility of 10
securing the unity of its national territory, has now
united into a single great state, that has taken to the
path of the all-round advancement of its national cul-
ture and economy. And what is worth noting is that
this has become possible only since the time when the 1 5
Communist Party came to the leadership of the Chinese
state (applause)t It is not an accident that one of
the now most popular songs of the Chinese people says:"
"The Communists have blazed our path to victory,
Without the Communists there can be no China" (app- 20
lause) . •
"Do not these facts and the deep-going reforms
started in Korea and in Viet Nam testify to the funda-
mental changes that have occurred in Asia? Does not
all this show that revolutionary transformations of 25
the greatest historical significance have taken place
in Asia since the war?"
"Substantial too are the changes in the Near and 30
-
EXHIBIT 7057'
m u i i pagg 22; (Continued) 1
Middle East".
"We cannot say that in the countries of the Arab
East, for example, the national liberation movement
has already attained the power and sweep that it has
in a number of Asian states. The states existing 5
there, especially countries possessing big oil re-
sources, are still heavily dependent on the so-called
•western* countries, which have laid their hands on
local oil and other natural resources. It also
happens in these places that the formation and change 10
of governments goes ahead only at the will of American
or British petroleum companies and other foreign
capitalist firms. But there, too, the national libera-
tion movement is growing steadily,"
15
Page 25t
"Even in 195^, so many years after the viotory
of the socialist revolution in our country, Sir
Winston Churchill can think of nothing more sensible
than to speak of strangling Communism "in its 20
cradle" even though it would seem that he has been
somewhat late in this (laughter, applause)."
"He is, indeed, the one for missing the bus
(laughter, applause)."
"We are not averse now to making some fun of the 35
inanity of such anti-Soviet reasoning. We cannot
afford, however, to be naive; Communists, in common
with all the Soviet people, must not oount on the
love or sympathy of the imperialists."
"Churchill's speeches are shot through with long- 3g
-
m m i 7058.
LlM.l6l» Page 25-. (Continued) 1
lng for the past. Everything new is alien to him,
and he is irreconcilably hostile to everything new that
appeared with the victory of the Great October Socialist
Revolution and turned into a great movement of the
peoples for the true liberation of the working class 5
and all the labouring people, for the liberation from
bourgeois-landlord oppression (applause)."
"For about 38 years now, Sir Winston Churchill
has been calling for the overthrow of the socialist
system, wherever it has appeared, yelling about the 10
necessity of "strangling" this new system "in its
cradle". He is voicing the cherished wishes of
all imperialists who want but one thing: that is to
say, complete world domination."
"But how can this be done if the peoples them- 15
selves have already chosen another path and, making
a clean break with capitalism, have taken to the path
of socialism and people's democracy?"
"The answer to this question is the "positions
of strength" policy, the foreign political line pro- 20
claimed by both American and British imperialism.. In
expressing the striving of the most aggressive
capitalist circles, the rulers of those countries per-
sist in refusing to accept the facts. They do not
want to recognise the right of the peoples to settle 25
their destiny for themselves, and, consequently, their
right to renounce the old, to liquidate the capitalist
regime and to establish their own, new socialist system'.'
"The aggressive imperialist circles think dif-
ferently. They do not want to recognise the legiti- 3 0
-
EXHIBIT 7059.
LIM.161 Page 25 : (Continued) 1
mate striving of the peoples to rid themselves of the
shackles of capitalism, but are out to restore the rule
of capitalism throughout the world. This is the
reason behind the foreign policy of, for instance, the
United States of America, a policy aimed at re-estab- 5
lishing the rule of imperialism throughout the world,
overthrowing socialism, overthrowing the rule of the
working people in the people's democracies."
"It is these aims that inspire the aggressive
foreign policy of the United States. This policy can 10
mean nothing else but the preparation of a new world
war, a war for the restoration of imperialism's world
domination."
"All this means that the new comes into being in
conditions of fierce struggle against the old, that 15
socialism cannot win in one or another country other
than by hurling back and overcoming the resistance of
imperialism and its agents".
"Such is the postwar international situation,
which determines the character of the main developments 20
in recent years".
25
30
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7060.
EXHIBIT - "THE SEVENTH ALL-CHINA CONGRESS OF TRADE UNIONS"
PDN.2 Page 9: "SPEECH BY LIU SHAO-CHI ON BEHALF OF THE 1
CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY
OF CHBfA".
Comrades and Guests:
"On behalf of the Central Committee of the Commun-
ist Party of China I extend warm greetings and felicita-_ 5
tions to the Seventh All-China Congress of Trade Unions".
"Under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party
and Chairman Mao Tse-tung, the Chinese working class has
carried out protracted and heroic struggles, and, in
the revolutionary struggles, established the closest 10
alliance with the broad masses of the peasants through
the Chinese Communist Party, thus obtaining immense help
from the peasantry. At the same time, it has estab-
lished a revolutionary united front with other democratic
classes in the country. It has thus formed a mighty 15
revolutionary force, which defeated foreign imperialism
and the counter-revolutionaries within the country, and
achieved victory in the great revolution of the people,
'After the victory of the revolution., it consolidated
the people's democratic dictatorship, supported the 20
victorious struggle to resist U.Sa aggression and aid
Korea, and completed the rehabilitation of the national
economy. All these are great historic successes. In
these great struggles, the broad masses of the Chinese
working olass have shown boundless courage and industry, 25
contributed wisdom and fulfilled the duty that history
bestwoed upon them. The Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China would like to express its
sincere gratitude to the Chinese working class,"
30
-
EXHIBIT 7061.
PDN.2 Page 13? 1-
"We are confident that under the brilliant leader-
ship of the Communist Party of China and of Comrade Mao
Tsetung, with the common efforts of the Chinese working
class and the entire population, and with the mighty
help of the Soviet Union, the People's Democracies and 5
the working people of the whole world, we shall be able
to overcome all difficulties and succeed in making
China a happy, socialist, industrialized and strong
nation."
"March forward under the banner of the great teach- 10
ings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and StalinJ"
"March forward under the leadership of our leader,
Comrade Mao Tse-tung'0
"Long live the unity of the whole Chinese working
classL" 15
"Long live the unity of the working class through-
out the world'."
Page 21;
"SPEECH B!f LOUIS SAILLANT ON BEHALF OF THE 20
WORLD FEDERATION OF TRAD? UNIONS".
PafiQ 21:
"Every case confirms the direct link that exists
between the workers' struggles for their demands and the 25
action of the people for national independence and the
defence of peace."
"How is one to characterize the conditions under
which the struggles of the workers and the activity of
the World Federation of Trade Unions are developing in t0
-
EXHIBIT 7062.
E££L1 Page 23; (Continued^
the capitalist, colonial and semi-colonial countries?
We can answer this question as follows:
Page 127: "CONSTITUTION OF THE T^AD^ UNIONS OF THE
PEOPLE 1S REPUBLIC OF CHINA". 5
Adopted by the Seventh All-China Congress of Trade
Unions. May. 10th. 1Q53.
"PREAMBLE "
"The Chinese working class, under the leadership
of the Communist Party of China and its great leader 10
Comrade Mao Tse-tung, has waged a protracted struggle
in which it established the closest alliance with the
peasants, formed a united front with all patriotic and
democratic forces to fight against imperialism, feuda-
lism and bureaucratic capitalism, and consequently 15
defeated the foreign imperialists and the internal
counter-revolutionaries, thereby achieving great vic-
tory in the people's democratic i-evolution".
"It was after the birth of the Chinese Communist
Party - a party of the Chinese working class Itself - 20
and under its direct leadership that the working-class
movement of present-day China progressed along the
road to victory."
"The trade unions of China led by the Communist
Party have rallied the broad masses of the workers 25
around the Party and have thus become transmission
belts between the Party and the masses. After the
establishment of the people's democratic dictatorship,
the trade unions under the leadership of the Party have
become a school of administration, a school of manage- 30
-
EXHIBIT 7065
m i * 2 pass ],g7; (Continue)
ment and a school of communism for the workers.
-
m m t
7064.
"KENYA" - W&iT A HE THE FACTS? BY PHILIP BO LS OVER
PEN.33 Page "Imperialism to Blame". 1
"And so to-day In Kenya. If Mau Mau and other
secret societies exist, they are the direct result of
land robbery by -white settlers suppression of trade
unions and democratic rights, and the use of violence
by the British Government against the Afrioan people. 5
"WHAT IS GOING ON IN KENYA TODAY IS A GBEAT LIBERA-
TION MOVEMENT OF THE AFRICAN PEOPLE, AND THE STRUGGIE
IS BEING WAGED BY THE ONIY METHODS LEFT OPEN TO THEM AS
A RESULT OF THE VIOLENCE AND SUPPRESSION EXERCISED EY
THE BRITISH IMPERIALISTS". 10
"And Kenya is not isolated. A little further
south the British Government is planning to impose
Central African Federation, which enables,177,000
Europeans to strengthen their grip on 6 million Africans
Refused any constitutional voice in the matter, the 15
African Congress in Northern Rhodesia, Southern Rhodesia
and Nyasaland are prepared to resist by other means.
Still further south, in the Union of South Africa, the
Malan Government, fascist in its approach to Africans
and bitterly hated, has been returned in a General 20
Election in which the Africans had no vote."
"What the British Government fears, the spectre
that haunts the Colonial Office, Is that the example
of Kenya may spread; that Africans in east, central
and south Africa may one day unite in a struggle for 25
their common liberation - that all Africa may rise with
one great demand for freedom. And at the moment Kenya
leads the way; Kenya brings the ultimate nightmare
nearer."
"For years now the national struggle of the Kenya 30
-
I
Q EXHIBIT 7065.
PDN.33 Page 4 ; (Continued); 1
Africans has been gaining strength in tw
-
EXHIBIT. 7066.
WS, 59. Page 74; "Glass Struggle as the Motive Force of So- 1
olal Change". Society develops through a series of
stages in each of wMta a definite type of property
predominates. This development is far from being a
smooth, gradual process of evolution, working itself
out through a series of small changes and adjustments, 5
without conflict, without struggle, without the for>' -
ible overthrow of the old system by the new. On the
c ntrary, society has developed through a series of
revolutions. And this development is effected by
means of classstruggle.
"The new economic system is established thanks to 10
the rise of new classes, which struggle for domin-
anceii) society, overthrow the old ruling class and
establish a new ruling class and a new system of pro-
duction relations.
"As the forces of production developm, and as new
relations of production are brought into being corres-
ponding to the development of the forces of production,
so do classes arise and develop".
Page 76: "The State and Revolution". From the end of 20
primitive communism up to the victory of socilaism,
society has always been divided into exploiters and
exploited. A minotiry of exploiters has succeeded
in living on the backs of the masses. The exploit-
ing olass has put down the resistance of the exploited; 25
and it has also defended its own mode of exploitation
from the challenge of rival exploiting classes with a
different mode of exploitation.
"But how has it been possible for a minority thus
30
-
EXHIBIT. 7067.
WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.); "to preserve and exercise its domin- 1
ation over the majority?
" It has been possible only because the minority
possessed and had control over a special organisation
for coercing the rest of society. That organisation
is the state. 5
"The state is not the whole society, but a spe-
cial organisation within society, armed with power to
repress and coerce, which serves the function of pre-
serving and safeguarding the given social order.
Whatever the form of the state - whether it be anaito- 10
cracy, a military dictatorship, a democracy, etc., -
its most essential components consist of the means to
exercise compulsion over the majority of society.
Such compulsion is exercised by means of special bodies
of armed men - soldiers, police, etc. It is enforced 15
by physical means - by the possession of arms; by the
possession of strong buildings, prisons, with locks and
bars; by the possession of instruments to inflict
pain and death. The state must also have a machinery
of administration, a corps of state officials. It aL - 20
so develops a legal system, with judges to interpret
and administer the law. And it also develops means
not only of coercing men physically but mentally, by
various types of ideological and propaganda agencies.
"Such a special organisation became necessary 25
only when society was divided into antagonistic classes.
Prom that time onwards the state became necessary as
a special power within society; armed with authority
and force sufficient to prevent the social antagonisms
from disrupting and destroying society. 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7068,
WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.); "«The state has not existed from all 1
eternity,' wrote Engela . 'There have been ©ocities
which have managed without it, which had no notion of
the state or state power. At a definite stage of
economic development, which necessarily involved the
cleavage of society into classes, the state became a 5
necessity because of this cleavage' (1)
"Further; 'As the state arose from the need to
keep classantagonisms in check, but also in the thick
of the fight between the classes, it is normei ly the
state of the most powerful, economically ruling class, 10
which by its means becomes also the politically ruling
class, and so acquires new means of holding down and
exploiting the oppressed class... .The central link in
civilised society is the state, which in el 1 typical
periods is without exception the state of the ruling 15
class.' (2)
"The state, wrote Lenin, is 'an organ of class rule,
an organ for the repression of one class by another.'(3)
1. Engels, Origin of the Family, Private Property 20 and the State, ch. 9«
2. Ibid.
3. Lenin, The State and Revolution, ch. 1.
"At each stage of social development, as we have
seen, a particular type of production relations be-
25
comes predominant in the social economy, and the cor-
responding class assumes the dominamt place in social
production. It can gain and maintain that place only
in so far as it can enforce its own interests as against
those of the rest of society. And it can enforce those 30 interests only in so far as it can gain and maintain
-
EXHIBIT. 7069
WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.); "control over the state. In every 1
epoch, therefore, so long as society is divided into
antagonistic classes, a particula r class holds the
state power and thereby establishes itself as ruling
class. In slave society it is the slave-owners who
hold this position, in feudal, society the feudal lords, 5
in capitalist society the capitalists, and when capi-
talism is overthrown the working class becomes the
ruling class.
" When the working class becomes the ruling class,
then there is no longer the rule of the minority of 10
exploiters over the majority of the exploited, but
the rule of the majority over the minority. The aim
of working-class rule is to abolish all exploitation
and thereby all class antagonisms. When eventually all
exploitation of man by man has been eliminated the 15
world over, then the coercive powers of the state will
no longer be needed and the state itself will finaL ly
disappear.
"In the history of class struggles every ruling
exploiting class has always defended to the last the 20
existing relations of production, the existing proper-
ty relations; for on the preservation of these has
depended its wealth and Influence and, indeed, its
very existence as a class. And it has been able to
defend them because it has possessed state power. 25
fto ruling exploiting class has ever voluntarily given
up state power or, having lost power, has ever failed
to struggle desperately and by every means available
to regain it. The a/erthrow of the existing re-
lations of production can, therefore, only be 30
-
EXHIBIT 7O70.
WS. 59« Page (cont.): "accomplished by overthrowing the 1
power of the ruling class.
"Consequently, all classes which stand in anta-
gonism to the ruling class, and whose interests are
bound up with the abolition of the existing relations
of production and the further development of the pro- 5
ductive forces, find themselves driven into struggle
against the ruling class and eventually to rise against
it and destroy its power.
"Every class struggle is a political struggle,'
wrote Marx and Engels. (1) . Just as, in the last ana- 10
lysis, all political struggle expresses the struggle
of classes, so the class struggle must always express
itself in a struggle to influence state, i . e . , political
affairs, and , in revolutionary periods, in a struggle
for state power. 15
"Decisive revolutionary changes in the economic
structure of society are necessitated, and the way is
prepared for them, by an economic process which de-
velops independently of men's will - by the growth of
the productive forces and the consequent incompati- 20
bility of the production relations with the new pro-
ductive forces. But such changes are actual, ly carried
through as a result of political struggles. For, what-
ever are the issues raised, and whatever forms the
struggle takes, these are in the last analysis the 25
w as in which men become consciousof the economic
and class conflicts and fight them out.
Social revolution is, therefore, the transfer of
state or political power from one class to another
class. 'The question of power is the fundamental 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7071.
WS. 59. Page 76 (cont.): "question of every revolution' (2) 1
"Revolution means the overthrow of the ruling
class, which defends existing relations of production,
and the conquest of power by a class which is inter-
ested in establishing new relations of production.
"Every revolution, therefore, makes forcible in- 5
roads into existing property relations, and destroys
one form of property in favour of another form of pro-
perty.
"'The abolition of existing property relations
is not at all a distinctive feature of communism', 10
wrote Marx and Engels. 'All property relations in
the past have continual, ly been subject to historical
change consequent upon the change in historical con-
ditions. The French Revolution, for example, abolishdd
feudal property in favour of bourgeois property. The 1 5
distinguishing feature of communism is not the aboli-
tion of property generally, but the cbolition of bour-
geois property.
1. Marx and Engels, Manifesto of the Communist 20 Party, ch. 1.
2. Lenin, On Slogans.
3. Marx and Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, ch. 2.
Page 197. "That means that everyone will be able to enjoy
withou t question the basic material necessities of 25
life - good housing, food and the maintenance of
health. Monotonous and arduous work will be elimin-
ated by high technique, and all will be free to work
creatively. Work will cease to be a burden and become
one of life's necessities, a matter of pride and 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7072.
Page 197 (oont.)
WS, 59. pleasure. Rest and leisure, education and a cul- 1
tured life, will be enjoyed by all. All will be
able to raise their qualifications and developtheir
various abilities. - Such are the truly human con-
ditions of existence which it is the goal of socialism
to establish. 5
"(2) Socialism can be established only through
the action of the revolutionary class in modern so-
ciety, the working class, in its truggle with the
capitalist class.
"Socialism cannot possibly be achieved by any 10
gradual transition based on class collaboration, since
by its very conditions of existence the capitalist
class is bound to resist to the end the introduction of
socialism, which would deprive it of its power and pro-
fits. On the contrary, it can be achieved only by 15
the struggle of the working class to emancipate it-
self from capitalist exploitation the working class will
thereby emancipate society at lai-ge from all exploitation.
"To achieve socialism the working class must unite
its ranks and lead all the working people to struggle 20
to end capitalist rule and establish a new democratic
state, based on the rule of the working class in alliance
with all the working people0 The task of the people's
state is then to defeat the resistance of the former
opperssors and gradually to build socialism. 25
"(3) To defeat capitalism and build socialism the
working class must have its own political party, the
Communist Party, equipped with scientific socialist
theory and able to apply it. 'Without a revolutionary
theory there can be no revolutionary movement . . . . The ~n
-
EXHIBIT. 7073
WS. 59. Page 197 (cont.); "role of vanguard can be fulfilled 1
only by a party which is guided by an advanced theory'.(1)
"In the struggle of the working class against
capitalism a major role is still played by the spon-
taneous movement which arises as a result of the
pressure of econ omic and political events. But 5
this spontaneous movement of the masses must be guid-
ed, organised and directed - in other words, made in-
to a conscious movement, aware of its Immediate de-
mands and aims and of the revolutionary goal of
socialism. Otherwise It is inevitably defeated or 10
dies out or is diverted into channels acceptable to
the capitalists. Consequently, the party can never
rely upon the spontaneous movement but, on the con-
trary, must work to arouse and organise the mass move-
ment and to provide it with socialist theory. 1 5
"Through the experience of mass struggles the
workers begin to be conscious of the antagonism of
their interests with those of the employers, of the •
need to unite and organise. But this consciousness
can become socialist consciousness only with the aid 20
of theory, of science. Only with the aid of socialist
theory can the working class see the need not only to
fight for better wages but to end the wages system,
and realise how to carry this fight through to
victory. Thus what is necessary for the waging of 25
the struggle for socialism is above all, as Marx and
Engels taught, the union of scientific socialism with
the mass working class movement.
"(4) To-day the scientific socialist theory of
Marxism-Len Insm is tried and tested and has proved , n
-
EXHIB IT. 7074.
WS. 59. Page 197 (cont.); "its truth in practice. Guided 1
and inspired by its socialism has been built in the
Soviet Union, and the shape of the future communist
society is becoming clear. Great works of peaceful
construction are under way, man is remaking nature,
and new socialist people are at work, more proud and 5
free than any who have trod the earth before. In
Europe and in Asia millions more have established
people's democracy and are advancing to socialism.
A new world has come into existence whose growth
the forces of the old are utterly powerless to pre-
vent.
"Completely different is the world of dying
capitalism, torn by insoluble crisis and conflict.
Here the ruling monopolies strive to solve their
problems and increase their profits by forcirg down
the people's standards, by deceiving the people and
undermining their liberties, by piling up armaments
and waging and preparing towage aggressive wars of
conquest. They pin their hopes for the future on
the atom bomb, on napalm and bacteriological weapons.
Their final accomplishment is the means for mass de-
struction.
"Our final conclusion, then, is clear. All
over the world the common people can and must unit
to preserve peace. We must strive for co-operation
with the countries which are already building social-
ism and guard their achievements. We must work for
the ending of capitalism and establishment of social-
ism in our own country.
20
25
(1) Lenin, What is to be done?, ch. 1 , D. 30
-
7075.
EXHIBIT - "THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION". SYLLABUS
FOR SIX LECTORES ON THE HISTORY OF THE C.P.S.U.
(August. 1942)
TT.20 Page 1
"The third struggle carried on by Lenin was against
the so-called "Economists": a tendency inside the
ranks of the Social Democrats thao wanted to ccpnfine
revolutionary work to the economic struggle ( i .e . trade
union work), and emphasised agitation on immediate 5
issues in the factory to the exclusion of Socialist
propaganda and general political campaigns (e .g . , the
campaign against Tsardom for democratic rights, free
speech, etc,) . The political struggle, they argued,
did not interest the workers, and could be left to 10
the middle class and the liberals. Lenin argued against
the "Economists*:-
(1) That in over-emphasising the "spontaneity" of the
masses in economic activity (and hence their
"spontaneous" political development), they be- 15
littled the role of political education and leader-
ship of economic struggles by the politically-con-
scious vanguard of the working class (the Party)."
(2) This produced a tendency for the leadership to
adjust itself to the level of the average, or even 20
the more backward sections of the workers; and so
to follow the working class instead of leading it
(Khvostism, or "Tailism")„"
(3) They tended to confuse the broad (mass) organiza-
tion with the narrow (revolutionary) one. Con- 25
fining themselves to the level of "trade union
consciousness" and sectional struggles, the
"Economists" would inevitably have made the Party
one of "social reform'' inside capitalist and not
a party of social revolution. By belittling the 30
-
EXHIBIT 7076
TT.20 Page 5: (Continued) 1
importance of politioal theory and political ideas, they
were leaving the workers a prey to bourgeois ideas."
(4) They neglected the need for the working class to
seek allies among all sections of the people, and
for a revolutionary party to lead the struggle of 5
all these sections against political and economic
oppression„"
"It was largely in order to carry on the fight a-
gainst the Economists that Lenin now realised the need
for an All-Russian Marxist newspaper. Such a paper was 1 0
Iskra, published abroad by Lenin and his followers and
smuggled illegally into Russia. But Iskra was much more
than a propaganda organ for achieving ideological
clarity in the working-class movement. It placed before
the workers the need for a Party, "of an entirely new 15
type"; a highly disciplined Party, based on the revo-
lutionary teachings of Marxism and capable of leading
the entire working class in action. Moreover, as a
result of its network of agents and readers throughout
Russia, Iskra was able to lay the foundations of such a 20
Party. It therefore served a dual purpose: both as
a propagandist and as an organiser,"
Page 7: "On these matters there had been disagree-
ments, especially over the dictatorship of the pro- 25
letariat and the inclusion of peasants' demands in the
Minimum Programme. But the sharpest disagreement came
over a clause in the Rules of the Party, The section
of opinion led by Martov wanted to make it sufficient
for a member to accept the Programme and pay Party dues* 30
-
EXHIBIT 7077.
TT.20 Page 7: (ConUnrea) 1
Lenin insisted that a member should be required also to
work in an organized group of the Party. Here was
summed up the whole difference between a loosely-knit
party of propaganda and a party of aotlonT and hence a
party of "democratic centralism." 5
Page 10; "THE LESSONS OF BETKEAT".
"A period of reaction followed; for the revo-
lutionary forces a period of retreat. Tsarist policy
focussed on repression, on the one hand, and on en- 10
couraging the growth of a kulak class or small capitalist
farming in the village (Stolypin policy). In 1906 the
Tsar announced the summoning of a New Duma, the Witte
Duma, but it was not docile enough, and was dispersed.
The Bolsheviks decided to boycott this Duma. Lenin 15
afterwards showed this to have been a mistake. A
second Duma was summoned in the summer of the same year,
and this time, in the changed situation, Lenin insisted
on the need to take part in the Duma elections. In
the period of savage repression against the working 20
class which followed, it was necessary to use every
means, both legal and illegal, to forward the interests
of the revolution."
"As regards the tactics to be pursued in the Duma,
Lenin's policy was as follows; The Cadets (or Liberals) 25
were becoming increasingly the party of the bourgeoisie
and of reaction. Not only were they adopting a posi-
tion of compromise with Tsarismj they were showing
signs of being actually counter-revolutionary. Between
them and the Social Democrats was a sort of Radioal or
-
EXHIBIT 7078,
TT.20 Page 10 : (Continued) 1
Labour Party, called the Trudovlki. These were
essentially a petty-bourgeois party, and hence vacilla-
ting; but they represented the masses (essentially
the peasant masses). The Bolsheviks must "help the
weak petty-bourgeois democrats, wrest them from the 5
influence of the Liberals, rally the democratic camp
against the counter-revolutionary Cadets, and not on^y
against the Hights".
"At this time two tendencies showed themselves
within the Social-Democratic ranks, against both of 10
which Lenin fought vigorously. On the one hand, the
Liquidators wanted to liquidate the illegal revo-
lutionary organization and to concentrate on legal
(or semi-legal) work in the broad organizations (trade
unions, the Duma, etc . , ) . This, Lenin showed, meant 15
the death of the Party and to give up the revolutionary
struggle in favour of reformism. On the other hand,
a group of Bolsheviks, called Boyoottlstsf wanted to
abandon broad mass work, to boycott the Duma elections,
and to concentrate on intensive training and theoretl- 20
cal discussion in small groups. Against both these
tendencies Lenin emphasised the principle of combin-
ing legal with Illegal work - taking advantage of every
opportunity for broad, open work, while keeping the
illegal Party organization in being, developing its 25
•cadres," etc."
•To fight the Liquidators, Lenin formed a bloo
with a group of Menshevlks round Plekhanov who were
anti-Liquidator. Trotsky, on the other hand, formed
what was known as the August "bloc", combining both 30
-
EXHIBIT 7079
TT." 20 Page 10: (Continued) 1
Liquidators and Boycottlsts against Lenin."
"At the Sixth Party Conference (at Prague) in
1912 a break was finally made with the Menshevlks.
A Bolshevik central committee was elected; and the
Bolsheviks continued to use the name of the Russian 5
Social-Democratic Labour Party until 1917 (when the
name was changed to that of Communist Party). At
the same Conference a purge of opportunist elements
from the party was carried out, to make its composition
really worthy of the "party of a new type." A 1 0
programme of immediate demands was adopted, centring
round the slogans of the Democratic Republic, the
Eight-Hour Day, and the Confiscation of the Large
Landed Estates for the benefit of the peasantry.
Pravda was founded as the newspaper of the Party; and 15
in the ensuing Duma elections six out of the nine
deputies elected from the "workers' constituencies"
were Bolsheviks, elected on the basis of the above
programme of immediate demands."
20
25
30
-
EXHIBIT. 7080.
TT. 22. Page "APPENDIX. Extracts from Statements Issued 1
by the Central Committee o f the Communist Party of
South Africa. June 22nd. lQ4l - December. 19*12.
"(1) June 22nd. IQ^l: On t.e day Soviet Russia
was attacked, the Central Committee issued a statement
defining our attitude to the new situation that had been 5
oreated;-
"Soviet Russia has been attacked by the Fascist
Alx without the slightest justifiable reason. The
Soviet Union is to-day not only defending the home of
socialism, but is fighting for the cause of freedom io
of all other nations and peoples".
"The Com munist Party of South Africa calls upon the
working class and all democratic and freedom-loving people
to give their unqualified and wholehearted support to
the Soviet Union in its struggle against the Nazi i5
aggressors."
"The Communist Party has up to now declared tha t the
war between British and German imperialism is a war for
the redlvision of the world's max,kets; colonies, spheres
of influenoe. raw materials and fields of investment". 20
"This attitude was based on the policies and
war alms of the governments engaged in the war. The
appeasement policy followed by the British ruling class
before the war, their betrayal of the Abyssinian, Spanish
and Czech®lovakian peoples, their consistent support 25
for the Fascist aggressors, their refusal to enter into
a peace front with Soviet Russia, and the oppressive
policies pursued in their own colonies and in India -
all these factors could provide no other conclusion
than that the British capitalists had entered the war,
-
EXHIBIT. 7081. t
TT. 22. Page^fi (cont.); "not to 'save democracy', not to 1
•defend the rights of small nations', but to pre-
serve their colonies, markets and profits!"
"The Communists have always been the most con-
sistent and b itter opponents of Facism. They have
always recognised the Hitler-Mussolini gangsters as 5
being the representatives of the German and Italian
capitalist robbers and warmongers".
"The Soviet Union is not an imperialist power and
is not waging an imperialist war. The Communist Party
has no hesitation in calling upon the people to stand 10
by the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union is the first
Socialist State, the first country in which the work-
ers have taken overthe factories, the m lnes and the
land. It Is the first country in which men and women
work for themselves, not for the profit of a small 15
olass of bankers, landlords and capitalists. In the
Soviet Union the workers govern themselves. Freedom,
education, culture,, social .justice and security are
the heritage of all citizens of the Soviet Union with-
out distinction of race or colour.". 20
"The Soviet Union desires no colonies, no terri-
tory belonging to other peoples, but stands for the
right of self-government and national liberation for
all those who are oppressed.
"The defeat of the Soviet Union would be the 25
greatest triumph that Capitalism could achieve over
the workers and opporessed people of all nations. It
would strengthen the hands of Fascists and pro-
Fascist elements everywhere and retard the final vic-
tory of Socialism."
-
EXHIBIT. 7082.
' \
TT. 22. Page 36(oont.): "The victory of the Soviet Union would 1
bring about the destruction of Fascism, the liberation
of the oppressed people of Europe and other countries,
and the rapid transition to world Socialism".
"The Communist Party, bearing in mind the past
record of all Capitalist Governments in their relations 5
with the Soviet Union, is of opinion that this deep-
seated hatred of Socialism and the Workers' State per-
sists in ciroles of big monopoly and finance capital
in all countries, including those which are now engaged
in war against the Nazi-Fascist Axis". 10
15
20
25
30
-
EXHIBIT. 7083.
TT. 24. Page 4s "BUT THE YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE KNOWS THAT 1
THE IRON HEEL OP CAPITALISM UNDER WHICH SOUTH AFRICA
IS CRUSHED WILL NOT BE LIFTED UNTIL THE PEOPLE - AND
IN THE VANGUARD, THE YOJTH - DESTROY IT. THE YOUTH
OF SDUTH AFRICA MUST CEASE TO WRITHE - MUST UNITE,
FIGHT, FIGHT, ATTACK, WE N - AND THE YOUNG COMMUNIST 5
LEAGUE OFFERS TO THE YOUTH THE LEADERSHIP AND THE
ORGANISATION IN WHICH TO UNITE, FIGHT, ATTACK, AND
WIN!"
Page 12; "SOUTH AFRICA. We, the youth of South 10
Africa, have a great deal to learn from the youth of
the Soviet Union.
"We must learn our lesson from the great workers'
revolution of 1917? when the youth and the workers of
Russia rose up together and took the power into their 15
own hands.
"We, the youth of all colours and creeds must
unite together for our own South Africa "October Re-
volution" .
"The Young Communist League calls upon the youth 20
of South Africa to respond - to join in with us in our
march to light.
"YOUTH - let your watchword specially be "We have
nothing to lose but ,-our chains - We have a world to
vtn , M . 25
30
-
EXHIBIT. 7084.
HB. 32. Page 29: "PACIFISM AM) THE WORKERS. In Holland, 1
Scandinavia and Switzerland , voices are heard among the
revolutionary Social-Democrats - who are combating the
social-chauvinist lies about 'defence of the father-
land' in the present imp; rialist war - in favour of
substituting for the old point in the Social-Democratic 5
minimum programs 'militia, or the armed nation', a
new one; 'disarmament1. The Jugend Internationale
has inaugurated a discussion on this question and has
published in No. 3 an editorial article in favour of
disarmament. In R , Grimm's latest theses, we regret 10
to note, there is also a concession to the "disarma-
ment" idea. Discussions have been started in the
periodicals News Leben and Vorbote.
"let us examine the position of the advocates of
diearmament. 15
"The main argument is that the demand for dis-
armament is the clearest, mose decisive, most consistent
expression of the struggle against all militarism and
against all war.
"But this main argument is precisely the principal 20
error of the advocates of disarmament, Socialists
cannot, without ceasing to be Socialists, be opposed to
all war.
" In the first place, Socialists have never been,
nor can they be, opposed to revolutionary wars. The 25
bourgeoisie of the imperialist 'Great' Powers has be-
come thoroughly reactionary , and we regard the war
which this bourgeoisie is now waging as a reactionary
slave-owners' and criminal war. But what about a war
against this bourgeoisie? For example, a war for 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7085.
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); "liberation waged by people who are 1
oppressed by and dependent upon this bourgeoisie, or
by colonial peoples, for their independence? In the
theses of the Internationale group, section 5» we read:
'In the era of this uhbridled imperialism there can be
no more national wars of any kind'. This is obviously 5
wrong.
"The history of the Twentieth Centuiy, this cen-
tury of 'unbridled imperialism1, is replete with col-
onial wars. But what we Europeans, the imperialist
oppressors of the majority of the peoples of the WDrld, 1.0
with our habitual, despicable European chauvinism, call
'colonial wars' are often national wars, or national
rebellions of those oppressed peoples. One of the
main features of imperialism is that it accelerates
the development of capitalism in the most backward 15
countries, and thereby extends and intensifies the
struggle against national oppression. This is a fact.
It inevitably follows from this that imperialism must
often give rise to national wars. Junius, vfo o , in
her pamphlet defends the above quoted 'theses', says 20
that in the imperialist epoch every national war against
one of the imperialist Great Powers leads to the in-
tervention of another competing imperialist Great Power
and thus, every national war is converted into an im-
perialist war. But .this argument is also wrong. 25
This may happen, but it does not always happen. Many
colonial wars in the period between 1900 and 1914 did
not follow this road. And it would be simply ridicu-
lous if we declared, for instance, that after the pre-
sent war, if it ends in the extreme exhaustion of all 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7086.
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.)s "the belligerents, 'these can be 1
no' national, progressive, revolutionary wars 'what-
ever', waged, say, by China in alliance with India,
Persia, Siam, etc.,against the Great Powers.
"To deny all possibility of national wars under
imperialism is wrong in theory, obviously mistaken his- 5
torically, and in practice is tantamount to European
chauvinism; we who belong to nations that oppress
hundreds of millions of people in Europe, Africa,
Asia, etc., must tell the oppressed peoples that it
is 'impossible' for them to wage war against 'our 10
nati onsI
"Secondly, civil wars are also wars. Anyone who
recognizes the class s truggle cannot fail to recognize
civil wars, which in every class society are the natural,
and under certain conditions, inevitable continuation, 15
development and intensification of the class struggle.
All the great revolutions prove this. To repudiate
civil war, or to forget about it , would mean sinking
into extreme opportunism and renouncing the Socialist
revolution. 20
"Thirdly, the victory of Socialism in one country
does not at one stroke eliminate all war in general.
On the contrary, it presupposes such wars. The develop-
ment of capitalism proceeds extremely unevenly in the
various countries. It cannot be otherwise under the 25
commodity production system. Prom this it follows
irrefutably that Socialism cannot achieve victory sim-
ultaneously in all countries. It will achieve victory
first in one or several countries, while the others
will remain bourgeois or pre-bourgeois for some time. JO
-
EXHIBIT. 7087,
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); "This must not only create friction, 1
hut a direct striving on the part of the bourgeoisie of
other countries to crush the victorious proletariat of
the Socialist country. In such cases a war on our
part would be a legitimate and just war. It would be a
war for Socialism, for the liberation of other nations 5
from the bourgeoisie. Engels was perfectly right when,
in his letter to Kautsky, September 12th, 1882, he open-
ly admitted that it was possible for already victorious
Socialism to wage 'defensive wars'. What he had in
mind was defence of the victorious proletariat against 10
the bourgeoisie of other countries.
"Only after we have overthrown, finally vanquished,
and expropriated the bourgeoisie of the whole world, and
not only of one country, will wars become impossible.
And from a scientific point of view it would be utter- 15
ly wrong and utterly unrevolutionary for us to evade
or gloss over the most important thing, namely, that the
most difficult task, the one demanding the greatest
amount of fighting in the transition to Socialism, is
to crush the resistance of the bourgeoisie. 'Social' 20
parsons and opportunists are always ready to dream
about the future peaceful Socialism; but the very
thing that distinguishes them from revolutionary Social-
Democrats is that they refuse to think about and reflect
on the fierce class struggle and class wars that are 25
necessary for the achievement of this beautiful future.
"We must not allow ourselves to be led astray by
wards. The term 'defence of the fatherland', for in-
stance, is hateful to many, because the avowed oppor-
tunists and the Kautskyites use it to cover up and gloss 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7088,
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.): "over the lies of the bourgeoisie in l
the present predatory war. This is a fact. It does
not follow from this, however, that we must forget to
ponder over the meaning of political slogans. Recog-
nizing 'defence of the fatherland' in the present war
is nothing more nor less than recognizing it as a 'just' 5
war, a war in the interests of the proletariat; nothing
more nor less, because invasions may occur in any war.
It would be simply foolish to repudiate 'defence of the
fatherland' on the part of the oppressed nations in
their wars against the imperialist Great Powers, or on 10
the part of a victorious proletariat in its war against
some Gallifot of a bourgeois state.
"Theoretically, it would be quite wrong to forget
that every war is but the continuation of politics by
other means; the present imperialist war is the con- 15
tinuation of the imperialist politics of two groups of
Great Powers, and these politics were engendered and
fostered by the sum total of the relationships of the
imperialist epoch. But this very epoch must also
necessarily engender and foster the politics of struggle 2)
against national oppression and the politics of the
proletarian struggle against the bourgeoisie, and there-
fore, also the possibility and the inevitability, first,
of revolutionary national rebellions and wars; second,
of proletarian wars and rebellions against the bour- 25
geoisie; and, third, of a combination of both kinds
of revolutionary war, etc.
"To this must be added the following general con-
xsiderations:
"An oppressed class which does not strive to learn 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7089.
HB. 33. Page 29 tcont.); "to use arms, to acquire arms, de- 1
serves to be treated like slaves. We cannot forget,
unless we become bourgeois pacifists or opportunists,
that we are living in a class society, that there is
no way out of this society, and there can be none, ex-
oept by means of the class struggle. In every class 5
society, whether it is based on slavery, serfdom, or, as
at present, on wage labour, the oppressing class is
armed. The modern standing army, and even the modern
militia - even in the most democratic bourgeois re-
publics, Switzerland, for example - represent the ^
bourgeoisie armed against the proletariat. This is
such an elementary truth that it is hardly necessary
to dwell upon it. It is sufficient to recall the use
of troops against strikers in all capitalist countries.
"The fact that the bourgeoisie is armed against 15
the proletariat is one of the biggest, most fundamental,
and most important facts in modern capitalist society.
And in face of this fact, revolutionary Social-Demo-
crats are urged to 'demand' disarmament'! This is
tantamount to the complete abandonment of the point 20
of view of the class struggle, the renunciation of
all thought of revolution. Our slogan must be; The
arming of the proletariat for the purpose of van-
quishing, expropriating and disarming the bourgeoisie.
These are the only tactics a revolutionary class can 25
adopt, tactics which follow logically from the whole
objective development of capitalist militarism, and
dictated by that development. Only after the pro-
letariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie will it be able
without betraying its world historical mission, t
-
EXHIBIT. 7090.
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.): "throw all armaments on the scrap- 1
heap; the proletariat will undoubtedly do this, but
only when this condition has been fulfilled, certainly
not before.
" I f the present war rouses among the reactionary
Christian Socialists, among the v\himpering petty bour- 5
geoisie, only horror and fright, only aversion to all
use of arms, to bloodshed, death, etc., then we must
says Capitalist society has always been an endless
horror. And if this most reactionary of all wars is
now preparing a horrible end for that society, we have 10
no reason to drop into despair. At a time when, as every
one can see, the bourgeosie, the objective significance
of the 'demand' for disarmament, or more correctly, the
dream of disarmament, is nothing but an expression of
despair. 35
"We should like to remind those who say that this
is a theory divorced from life, of two world-historical
facts: the role of trusts and the employment of wmen
in industry, on the one hand; and the Paris Commune
of 1871 and the"1 December insurrection of 1905 in Russia,20
on the other.
"The business of the bourgeoisie is to promote
tursts, to drive women and children into the factories,
to torture them there, to corrupt them, to condemn them
to extreme poverty. We do not 'demand' such a develop-25
ment. We do not 'support' it; we fight it . But how
do we fight? We know that trusts and the employment
of women in industry are progressive. We do not want
to go back to the handicraft system, to pre-monopolistic
capitalism, to domestic drudgery for women. Forward 30
-
EXHIBIT 7091.
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); "through the trusts, etc., ard be- 1
yond them to Socialism!
"This argument, is, mutatis mutandis, applicable
also to the present militarization of the people. To-
day the imperialist bourgeoisie militarizes not only
the adults, but also the youth. Tomorrow, it may 5
proceed to militarize the women. To this we must say;
All the better! The quicker it does this the nearer
shall we be in the armed insurrection against capitalism.
How can Social-Democrats allow themselves to be fright-
ened by the militarization of the youth, etc., if they 10
have not forgotten the example of the Paris Commune?
This is not a 'theory divorced from l i f e ' . It is not
a dream, but a fact. It would be very bad indeed if ,
notwithstanding all the economic and political facts,
Social-JDemocrats began to doubt that the imperialist 15
epoch and imperialist wars must inevitably bring about
a repetition of such facts.
"A certain bourgeois observer of the Paris Commune,
writing to an English newspaper, said: ' If the French
nation consisted entirely of women, what a terrible 20
nation it would bei' Women and children of thirteen
fought in the Paris Commune side by side with the men.
Not can it be different in the forthcoming battles
for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie. The proletarian
women will not look onpassively while the well-armed 25
bourgeois shoot down the poorly armed or unarmed WDrkers.
They will take to arms as they did in 1871, and from
the cowed nations of to-day - or more correctly, from
the present-day labour movement, which is disorganized
more by the opportunists than by the governments - there 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7092.
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.): "will undoubtedly arise, sooner or 1
later, but with absolute certainty, an international
league of the 'terrible nations' of the revolutionary
proletariat.
"Militarism is now permeating the whole of social
life. Imperialism is a fierce struggle of the Great 5
Powers for the division and redivision of the world -
therefore, it must inevitably lead to further militar-
ization in all countries, even in the neutral and small
countries. What will the proletarian women do against
it? Only curse all war and everything military, only 10
demand disarmament? The women of an oppressed class
that is really revolutionary will never consent to play
such a shameful role. They will say to their sonss
"'You will soon be a man. You will be given a gun.
Take it and learn to use it . The proletarians need ]5
this knowledge not to sjhoot your brothers, the workers
of other countries, as they are doing in the present
war, and as you are being told to do by the traitors to
Socialism, but to fight the bourgeoisie of your own 20
country, to put an end to exploitation, poverty and war,
not by means of good intentions, but by vanquishing the
bourgeoisie and by disarming i t ' .
" I f we are to refrain from conducting such propa-
ganda, precisely such propaganda, in connection with 25
the present war, then we had better stop using high-
falutin phrases about international revolutionary Social-
Democracy, about the Socialist revolution, and about
war against war.
"The advocates of disarmament oppose the point in 30 the program ± out the 'armed nation', for the reason,
-
EXHIBIT. 7093.
HB. 33. Page 29 (cont.); 11 among others, that this demand, they 1
allege, easily leads to concessions to opportunism.
We have examined above the most important point, namely,
the relations of disarmament to xhe class struggle and
to the social revolution. We will now examine the re-
lation between the demand for disarmament and oppor- 5
tunism. One of the most important reasons why this
demand is unacceptable is precisely that it , and the
illusions it creates, inevitably weakens and devializes
our struggle against opportunism."
10
55
20
25
30
-
EXHIBIT. 7094.
HB. 34. Page 13 : "CLA.SS STRUGGLE. That in any given society 1
the strivings of some of the members conflict \sLth the
strivings of others; that social life is full of con-
tradictions; that history discloses to us a struggle
anong nations and societies, and also within each nation
and each society, manifesting in addition an alternation 5
between periods of revolution and reaction, peace and
war, stagnation and rapid progress or decline - these
facts are generally knowi . Marxism provides a clue
which enables us to discover the reign of law in this
seeming labyrinth and chaos; the theory of the class 10
struggle. Nothing but the study of the totality of
the striving of all the members of a given society, or
group of societies, can lead to the scientific defin-
ition of the result of these strivings. Now, the
conflict of strivings arises from differences in the 15
situation and modes of life of the classes into which
society is divided.
" 'The history of all hitherto existing society is
the history of class struggles' - wrote Marx in the
Communist Manifesto (except the history of the pri- 20
mitive community - Engels added.). 'Freeman and
slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-
master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and opp-
ressed, stood in constant opposition to one another,
carried on m uninterrupted, now hidden, now open 25
fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a re-
volutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in
the common ruin of the contending classes . . . The
modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the
ruins of feudal society has not done away with class 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7095
HB. 34.. Page 15 (oont.); "antagonisms. It has but est&lished
new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of
struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch
of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinc-
tive feature; it has simplified the class antagonisms.
Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into 5
two great hostile camps, into two great classes dir-
ectly facing each other - bourgeoisie and proletariat'"
Page 61: "Now Marx considered that the whole value of
his theory lay in the fact that is is 'in its very ]_q
essence a critical and revolutionary theory'. And this
latter quality is indeed entirely and absolutely inher-
ent in Marxism, because the immediate task of this
theory is to reveal all the forms of antagonism and ex-
ploitation in modern society, to trace their evolution,
to prove their transitory nature, the inevitability of
their transformation into another form, and in this
way to s erve the proletariat so that it may put an end
to every kind of exploitation as quickly and as easily
as possible. The irresistibly attractive force which 20
draws the socialists of all countries to this theory lies
just in this, that it combines rigid learning at its
highest (being the last word of social science) with re-
volutionism, and this combination is not an accident;
not only because the founder of the doctrine combined 25
in his person both the scientist and the revolutionary,
but this combination is welded together internally and
inseparably in the theory itself. Indeed, the task
of the theory and the aim of the science is here put plain-
ly - to assist the class of the oppressed in the actual 30
e c onomi c s t ruggle."
-
EXHIBIT. 7096
HB. 36. Page 76: "C. The Exposure and Extermination of Every 1
Manifestation of a Breach Between Word andDeed in the
Ranks of the Comintern.
"Neither of the resolutions of the longuetists are
of any value. Or rather, they are of great value for
one special purposes as an illustration of perhaps the 5
most dangerous evil for the workers' movement in Wes-
tern Europe at the present moment. This evil consists
of the fact that the old leaders, seeing the irresis-
tible inclination of the masses toward Bolshevism and
the Soviet power, seek (and often find!) an escape in 10
verbal recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat
and the Soviet power, while actually remaining cither
enemies of the dictatorship of the proletariat or per-
sons unable or not desiring to understand its signi-
ficance and carry it out in life . 15
"How enormous, how immeasurably great is the danger
from such an evil was made especially clear by the down-
fall of the first Soviet Republic in Hungary (this first
republic which perished will be followed by a victor-20
ious second). A series of articles in Die Rote Palme
of Vienna, the central organ of the Austrian Communist
Party, disclosed one of the main reasons for this down-
fall, v iz . , the treachery of the 'Socialists', #10 in
words went over to the side of Bela Kun and declared 25 themselves to be Communists, but ih o in deeds did not
1
put into practice the policies which are in conformity
with the dictatorship of the proletariat, were wavering
and pusilanimous, aontinually running to the bourgeoisie,
and at times directly sabotaged and betrayed the prole-30
tarian revolution. The all-powerful imperialist
-
EXHIBIT. 7097
HB. 36. Page 76 (cont.)s "robbers, ( i . e . , the bourgeois govern- i
ments of England, France, etc.) , surrounding the Hungar-
ian Soviet Republic, kne^, of course, how to make use of
these vacillations within the Government of the Hungar-
ian Soviet power and brutally strangled it by the hands
of the Rumanian hangmen. 5
"There is no doubt that part of the Hungarian
Socialists sincerely went over to Bela Kun's side and
sincerely declared themselves to be Communists. But
this does not change the crux of the matter in the least.
A man who 'sincerely' declares himself a Communist, but 10
who im actual practice, instead of adopting a. mercilessly
firm, steadfastly determined, unreservedly bold and her-
oic policy(only such a policy is in conformity with re-
cognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat), is
vacillating and pusillanimous - such a man by his lack 15
of character, his vacillations, his indecisiveness,com-
mits the same treachery as an actual traitor. Personally
the difference between a traitor through weakness and a
traitor by design and calculation is very great; poli-
tically there is no such difference, for politics de- 20
cides the actual fate of millions of ]® ople, and this
fate is not altered according to whether millions of
vd rkers and poor peasants are betrayed by traitors
through weakness or traitors through self-interest.
25
"As to what portion of the longuetists who signed
the resolutions which we have under consideration are
persons of the first or of the second category mentioned,
or of any third category, is impossible to ascertain at
present, and it would be futile to attempt to decide 30 such a question. What is important is that these
-
EXHIBIT. 7098.
HB. 36. Page 76 (cont.)s "Longuetists, as a political trend, 1
are carrying on now precisely the same policy as that
of the Hungarian 'Socialists' and 'Social-Democrats'
who caused the downfall of the Soviet power in Hungary.
The Longuetists are carrying on precisely this policy,
for in words they declare themselves supporters of the 5
dictatorship of the proletariat and the Soviet power,
while in practice they continue to conduct themselves
as of old, continue both to defend in their resolutions
and to put into effect in actual life the old policy
of petty concessions to social chauvinism, opportunism, 10
and bourgeois democracy, of vacillation, indecision,
evasion, subterfuge, hushing up matters, etc. All these
petty concessions, all this vacillation, indecision,
evasion, subterfuge and hudbLrg up* in their sum total,
inevitably result in treason to the dictatorship of the 15
proletariat.
"Dictatorship is a big word, a harsh, bloody word,
which means a merciless struggle, a life-and-death
struggle between two classes, two worlds, two world-
historic epochs. 20
"Such words cannot be trifled with.
"To put on the order of the day the realization of
the dictatorship of the proletariat, and at the same time
to be "afraid of offending" Albert Thomas, Messrs.Bracke,
Sembat and other knights of the most base French So- 25
cial-chauvinism, the heroes of the traitorous paper
'lHumanite,LaBataille, and so on - this means to prac-
tice treason on the working class, whether through light-
mindedness, laclcof consciousness, lack of character, or
other causes, but in any case it means to practice • 30
-
EXHIBIT. 7099.
HB. 36. Page 76 (cont.): "treason on the working class. 1
"Divergence of word and deed destroyed the Second
International. The Third International is not yet a
year old, but it has already become the fashion, the
centre of attraction for politicians who go where the 5
masses go. The Third International is already being
threatened by a divergence of word and deed. Regardless
of everything, everywhere we must unmask this danger,
must tear out by the roots any ma nifestation of this
evil. 10
Psg e 81: " 5 . Reorganisation of All" Party Work to
Train and Prepare the Masses for the Revolutionary
Struggle.
"The Third, Communist, International was formed pre-15
cisely for the purpose of preventing 'socialists' from
getting away with the verbal recognition of revolution,
as an example of which Is provided by Ramsay MacDonald
in his article. (appearing in L'Humanite, at that time
the organ of the Frwnch Socialist Party, on April 14, 20
1919.) The verbal recognition of revolution, which
in fact concealed a thoroughly opportunist, reformist,
nationalist and petty-bourgeois policy, was the funda-
mental sin of the Second International, and against this
evil we are waging a war of life and death. 25
"When it is said: The Second International died
after suffering shameful bankruptcy - one must be able
to understand what this means. It means that oppor-
tunism, reformism, petty-bourgeois socialism, became
brankrupt, and died. For the Second International has 30 rendered historical service, it has won achievements
-
EXHIBIT. 7100.
HB. 36 Page 61 (cont.); "(for ever), which the class-con- 1
scious worker will never renounce, namely: the creation
of mass labour organisations - co-operative societies,
trade unions and political organisations, the utili-
sation of bourgeois parliamentarism as well as all the 5
institutions of bourgeois democracy generally, etc.
" In order utterly to defeat the opportunism which
caused the shameful death of the Second International,
in order to render effective aid to the revolution, the
approach of which even Bamsay MacDonald is obliged to 10
admit; it is necessary:
"First, to carry on all propaganda and;.agitation
fromthe point of view of revolution as opposed to re-
forms, systematically to explain this difference to the
masses theoretically and practically at every step of 15
parliamentary, trade union, co-operative work. Under
no circumstances to refrain (except in special cases as .
an exception) from utilising parliamentarism and all
the {liberties' of bourgeois democracy; not to reject
reforms, but regard them only as a by-product of the re-20
volutionary class struggle of the proletariat. Not a
single party affiliated to the "Berne" International(l)
meets these requirements. Not a single one of them
betrays even an irifcling of how all propaganda and agi-
tation should be conducted ile explaining the differ- 25
ence between reform and revolution, how both the party
and the masses must be undeviatingly trained for re-
volution .
"Secondly, legal work must be combined with illegal
work. The Bolsheviks always taught this, and did so 30 with particular insistence during the war of 1914-1918.
-
Collection: 1956 Treason Trial Collection number: AD1812
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