expedition of nebtawyre in wadi hammamat
TRANSCRIPT
Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST724B-2012
A Quarrying Expedition:
Inscriptions left by an expedition of
Nebtawyre Mentohotep
in the Wadi Hammamat
123123123123123
Iain Eaton (1091223)
ANCHIST 724B – 2012
In excess of six hundred inscriptions have been discovered in Wadi Hammamat,
spanning four millennia of Egyptian history – from the pre-dynastic period through to
the Roman occupation.1 This work will examine four of these inscriptions, which were
left by an expedition sent by, and bearing the name of, Nebtawyre Mentohotep
(Mentohotep IV). I will present my own translations of each of these inscriptions and
will place them within both a general and an immediate context. The general context
will consider the role of the Wadi Hammamat and examine the purpose and types of
expeditions sent there. The immediate context will consider how this particular
expedition fits within the overall pattern of use for the Wadi, as well as discussing some
of the more unusual events that occurred on it. I will show that the four inscriptions fall
into two distinct pairs. The first two, M192 and M113, are the official and unofficial
reports of the expedition. The remaining two, M110 and M191, are of a very different
nature – these are the so-called wonders experienced by the leader of the expedition, the
Vizier Amenemhet, while on the expedition. It is probable that this person is also in fact
the future king Amenemhet I. I will discuss how the second pair of inscriptions can be
interpreted in this context as a form of posturing, where Amenemhet is openly
displaying his power and suggesting he enjoys divine favour.
In antiquity, as remains the case today, the overwhelming majority of Egypt’s
population lived within the Nile Valley. Beginning with their creation myth, Egyptians
were taught that the land that first rose out of the water was Egypt. That the center of
the world was Egypt was an inviolate fact that Egypt’s geography further enforced; the
cataracts of the Upper Nile secured the southern frontier nearly as well as the Sahara
1 T. Hikade, Expeditions to the Wadi Hammamat during the New Kingdom. JEA 92, 2006, pages 153-168. page 154.
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Figure 1
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and Sinai Deserts isolated the west and east.2 Egypt was defined to a significant extent
by this geography, being referred to as either kmt (the black land, in reference to the
fertile soil washed down during the inundation), setting it apart from dSrt (the red land,
a reference to the sand of the desert); or tA, the flat land (which could also be translated
to mean the entire world), setting it apart from xAswt, the hill lands. Unfortunately,
the inhabited
areas of Egypt
have few if any
natural deposits
of precious
metals and apart
from Aswan’s
famous pink
granite quarry
and the Tura
limestone, have
little material
suitable for use
in building
works.3
Consequently,
mining expeditions were sent into adjacent areas, often via wadi, by
many king’s. These expeditions ranged from small groups of fewer
than a hundred men to places such as Gebel el-Silsileh and even Aswan to enormous
expeditions of many thousands of men to more remote areas.4The expedition being
investigated in this work involved, according to Inscription M192A – translated later in
this document – thirteen thousand men. Wadi Hammamat is one of the many wadi that
run through the mountainous region of Egypt’s Eastern Desert. The wadi is ideally
located to serve as a route to the Red Sea, consisting of a natural path connecting the
2 For Egypt being the centre of the world to ancient Egyptians see J.P. Allen. ‘The Egyptian concept of the world’. In D. O’Connor and S. Quirke (eds.) Mysterious Lands. London: UCL Press, 2003, pages 23-30. page 29.3 There is plenty of stone in the Nile valley but the vast majority is brittle with intense schistosity. See D. D. Klemm, and R. Klemm, ‘The building stones of ancient Egypt – a gift of its geology’. Journal of African Earth Sciences 33, 2001, pages 631-642. Page 633.4 Hikade, pages 162-3.
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Figure 2: Serekh of Narmer
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Nile to the Red sea from modern day Qift (see Figure 1), which is the point on the river
that is closed to the coast.5 The wadi then continues through the Eastern Desert,
travelling around 180km before reaching the modern day port of Qusieir. The wadi
remains an essential route today – as a modern two lane highway – just as it was in
antiquity.6
We have evidence to suggest that Wadi Hammamat was used from the earliest
times of Egyptian history, stone from the region having been identified as the source
material for pots from as early as the 4th millennium BCE.7 Private entrepreneurs and
royal expeditions are attested from the pre dynastic period and continue through to the
Byzantine era with only a brief hiatus at
the end of the Old Kingdom and through
the First Intermediate Period.8 A graffito,
inscribed into a rock in Wadi el-Qash –
an offshoot from Wadi Hammamat, may
represent the earliest piece of evidence
for the exploitation of this region. The
graffito in question (see Figure 2) contains the serekh of
King Narmer, and although a sweeping conclusion should
be avoided given that this is a single inscription, its location does suggest that there was
contemporaneous state-initiated activity.9 Predating both Narmer and this graffito are a
number of rough petroglyphs. Some of these petroglyphs are predynastic but are not
evidence that the region was exploited for mining or quarrying before the Narmer
expedition. Instead they depict scenes of a more pastoral nature – including elephants,
ostriches, huntsmen and reed boats, reminding us that the Wadi would not always have
been an inhospitable desert.
5 See page 1 of G. Goyon, ‘Nouvelles inscriptions rupestres du Wadi Hammamat’. Paris, Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1957.6 See H. Goedicke, ‘Some remarks on stone quarrying in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom’, JARCE 3, 1964, pages 43-50. page 43. 7 Hikade, page 154.8 Hikade, page 154.9 See page 1 of A.J. Peden, The graffiti of Pharaonic Egypt: scope and roles of informal writing c.3100-332BC. Leiden, Brill, 2001. “The purpose of any such state expedition would presumably have been either the extraction of bekhen stone or simply to exploit the wadi as a direct route to the coast”.
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Figure 3: The Turin mining papyrus
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Expeditions to the Wadi Hammamat were conducted for a number of reasons,10
the most common of these being quarrying stone, particularly blocks large enough for
use in statuary.11The stone available in the wadi includes a variety of sandstone,
greywacke and schist – collectively referred to as Bekhen stone. The colour of this stone
varied widely from a dark almost black basalt like colour through reds, pinks and
greens. While the stone in the wadi was generally too flawed to be used in building
projects, the variety of colours available made it highly prized for use in statuary and
sarcophagi (see Figure 4). The Wadi remained valuable as a source of stone throughout
Pharonic history
and is recorded in
what is, according
to some scholars,
the oldest known
geological map,
the Turin Papyrus
mining map.12
This map, which
was discovered in
1820 and dates to
the reign of Ramesses IV, is believed to
accurately record the topography and geology of
the Wadi. The map is badly fragmented (see Figure 3) but a colour coded schema can be
reconstructed showing how the cartographer distinguished between different types of
rock. Hills are shown as pink, pink and brown or black, representing igneous,
metamorphic and sedimentary rocks, respectively. Bekhen-stone quarries and gold
mines are also marked, along with 28 hieratic remarks describing in many cases the
particular type or quality of rock and how it might best be used.13 The map is not drawn
10 See K.-J. Seyfried ‘Beiträge zu den Expeditionen des Mittleren Reiches in die Ost-Wüste’. Hildescheim, Gerstenberg, 1981, pages 241-285 for a general description of work in the Wadi Hammamat.11 Goedicke, 1964, page 43.12 See J. Harrell, M.Brown, ‘The World’s Oldest Surviving Geological Map: The 1150 BC Turin Papyrus from Egypt’. Journal of Geology 100, Jan 1992, pages 3-18. Page 3. However see also Klemm and Klemm, pages 633-634 where they state “it also shows the location of the Bekhen-stone quarry site, coloured in dark blackish green. […] differently coloured parts of this papyrus obviously represent different rock types of the portrayed region” Klemm and Klemm conclude by saying that “that the map, while topographical, cannot realistically be claimed as geological.”13 Harrell and Brown pages 7 and 15.
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Figure 4: Broken sarcophagus from Wadi Hammamat
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to scale but does include distances between many of its points recorded as text.
Interestingly, the wadi itself is referred to on this map as ‘the road to the sea’, further
highlighting its use as a route not only for quarrying and mining but also to access the
coast and Punt beyond.
Several inscriptions in the Wadi date to the reign of Pepi I and show that the
wadi was used as a route to the Red Sea and therefore as a base for trade expeditions to
the as yet unidentified land of Punt, well before the Turin mining papyrus.14 Other Old
Kingdom kings attested to (with varying
degrees of certainty) in the Wadi include
Khufu, Khafre, Djedefre, Menkaure,
Sahure and Unas.15 A military exercise is
also attested to, led by a ‘king’s
son’named Djaty. After Pepi, throughout
the First Intermediate Period there is very
little that can be dated with any degree of
certainty. There are two small inscriptions attributed to Merykare and Ity of the
Herakleoploitan Dynasty X. Two further inscriptions are attributed to the otherwise
unknown kings Ity and Imhotep.16 It seems that regular expeditions to the wadi ceased
until relative stability returned to Egypt. In fact, it was Nebhepetre Mentohotep who
appears to have reopened the wadi, probably sending quarrying missions. His son
Sankhkare Mentohotep send three thousand men on a mission to Punt in his 8 th regnal
year. This trade expedition is attested to by an inscription left by his chief steward
Henenu.17 Finally, immediately before the Middle Kingdom’s inception, Nebtawyre
Mentohotep sent an even larger expedition, which is the focus of the four inscriptions I
will be concentrating on.
Before presenting the translations, it is important to differentiate between the
classifications of texts left in the wadi. Broadly speaking, these fall into the following
14 In fact Peden claims on pages 7-8 that Old Kingdom activity prior to Pepi was irregular. His rationale is that prior to this many graffiti are not able to be securely dated. While this is undoubtedly the case it is not in my view evidence of absence.15 See note 14, although some of these are doubtful. See also J. Couyat and P. Montet, ‘ Les inscriptions hiéroglyphiques et hiératiques de Ouâdi Hammâmât’. Cairo, l’Institute Francais d’Archeologie Orientale, 1912, Inscription 60 as an example of these Old Kingdom records in the Wadi Hammamat. 16 If these were real kings then presumably they belong to Dynasty VII or VIII.17 Peden, page 21.
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categories: expedition reports, expedition inscriptions, stelae, graffiti and petroglyphs.
Gundlach explains that an expedition report comes in one of two forms.18 It can be a
report located at or at the least originating from the source of the expedition, the place
from which it set out.19 Alternatively, it can be an inscription left at the target site of the
expedition confirming that the expedition was ‘on target’ and meeting its goals. An
expedition inscription, on the other hand, does not relate to the aims of the expedition,
but rather records something unrelated.20 In both cases the expedition was recorded by
one or more of its participants most frequently as a carving into the rock face.21
The four inscriptions I will translate are in two pairs; the first two are expedition
reports – one official (M192) and one unofficial (M113), whereas the second pair
(which will be discussed later) are two expedition inscriptions left by the Vizier
Amenemhet. Another 19 short graffiti probably date to this expedition as well and
record the name of both king Nebtawyre Mentohotep and various officials and workers
from the expedition.22 Inscription M192 is the official report of the expedition and
records the construction of a stela on the orders of the king. This inscription reveals the
expedition’s mission – to find a slab of stone suitable for use as a sarcophagus’ lid. The
second inscription, M113, was written by Amenemhet himself as the commander of the
expedition and not on the orders of the king. This report has a different tone to the
official one and provides a detailed description of the position of Amenemhet, as well as
his (self-proclaimed) close relationship to the king.
18 See R. Gundlach, ‘Mentuhotep IV und Min analyse der Inschriften M110, M191 und M192a aus dem Wadi Hammamat’. SÄK 8, 1980, pages 89-114. 19 Gundlach, page 90. 20 Gundlach, page 90.21 R. Ennmarch, ‘Of Spice and Mine: The tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor and Midle Kingdom Expedition Inscriptions’. in F.Hagen et. al. (eds.) Narratives of Egypt and the Ancient Near East. Leuven, Uitgeverij Peeters, 2011, pages 97-122, page 91. 22 Examples of these can be found in Couyat and Montet Inscription numbers 1,40,55, 105, 205, 241 see also Goyon Inscription numbers 52-60 and Seyfried page 245.
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Translations of the first two inscriptions – the expedition reports,
based on the hieroglyphs published by
De Buck.23
M192: The Official Record – (1) Regnal year two, second
month of Inundation, day fifteen. (2) Horus “Lord of the two lands”,
Two Ladies “Lord of the two lands”, Gods of Gold the King of Upper
and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre, Son of Re Mentohotep living forever.
(3) His majesty commanded the erection of this stela for his father
Min, lord of the hill lands, on this splendid mountain (4) primeval god
preeminent in the land of the horizon dwellers, divine temple offered
life, divine nest of Horus (5) within which this god is content. His
pure place of enjoyment above (6) the hill countries of god’s land in
order to satisfy his soul (and to) honour the god in accordance with
his desires as a King (7) who is upon the great throne does. Foremost
enduring of monuments excellent god, lord of joy (8) much feared,
greatly loved, heir of Horus in his two lands nursed (9) by divine Isis
mother of Min great of magic for the kingship (10) of the two banks
of Horus. The king of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre, may he
live like Re eternally, (11) says “(My) majesty caused that the
Hereditary Prince, Overseer of the City, Vizier, Overseer (12) of
Works, Royal Confident Amenemhet, come together with an
expedition of ten thousand men (13) from the southern provinces of
Upper Egypt and from the south of wAbwt (14) in order to bring me
a splendid slab of the pure stone of this mountain whose (15)
excellence was made by Min for a sarcophagus an eternal memorial
and for monuments (16) in the temples of Upper Egypt as a mission
of the king, who is upon the Two Lands (17) to bring to him his
heart’s desire from the hill lands of his father Min. He created it as
his monument (18) for his father Min of Koptos lord of the hill lands
chief of the tribesmen so that he be given a very great quantity of life
living like Re forever. (19) Day 27, the lid of this sarcophagus
23 A. De Buck. ‘Egyptian Reading Book’. Chicago: Ares, 1948.
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descended as a block 4 cubits by 8 cubits by 2 cubits. (20) As it came
forth from the works cattle were slaughtered, goats were
slaughtered, incense was put (21) on the fire. An expedition of three
thousand sailors from the regions of Lower Egypt followed it in
safety to Egypt.
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Figure 5: Inscription M113in situ
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M113: The Commander’s record – (1) Nebtawyre (2) living
forever! (3) Regnal year 2, month 2 of Inundation day 15. A royal
commission executed by the (4) Hereditary Prince, Count, Overseer
of the City, grand Vizier, Royal Confident, Overseer of the Works,
important in his office, great in his dignity foremost in (5) the house
of his lord inspector of the court of magistrates chief of the six great
ones, judging the patricians and the subjects and hearing legal pleas
to whom the
great ones
come while
bowing (6) and
the entire land
upon the belly.
He whose
office his lord
advanced. His
intimate
friend, Overseer of the Door of
Upper Egypt. He governed millions
of subjects to do for him the desire of his heart and build (7) his
monuments which endure upon earth. A great one of the King of
Upper Egypt, an important one of the King of Lower Egypt,
controller of the temples of the Red Crown, servant of Min in the
stretching of the cord ceremony who judges without partiality,
Overseer of the Entire of Upper Egypt (8) to whom is reported that
which is and that which is not. Governor of the administration of the
Lord of the Two Lands who devotes himself upon the Royal
commission Inspector of the inspectors, leader of Overseers, Vizier of
Horus in his appearances Amenemhet (9) says “ (My) lord l.p.h.! The
King of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre, living forever, sent me
as one in whom are divine limbs sends to establish his monument in
(10) this land. He chose me before his city after I had been preferred
before his court. His Majesty commanded that an expedition went
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forth together (with me) to this noble land (11) men from the
choicest of the entire land. Stonemasons, craftsmen, officials,
sculptors, painters, metalworkers, goldsmiths (12) treasurers of the
great house. Every treasure of the treasury and every office of the
kings house united behind (me). (I) made land as river and upper
valleys (13) as waterways. (I) brought to him a sarcophagus, a
monument of eternity that endures forever. Its likeness never
descended from this land since the time of the god. (14) The
expedition descended without loss, not a man perished, not a
battalion turned back not a donkey died, not a craftsman was
deprived. It happened to the majesty of (my) lord (15) as the power
which Min created for him because he loved him so much so that his
soul might endure on the great throne in the kingdom of the two
banks of Horus. He made it as that which is greater than it. I am his
favourite servant who does all that he praises every day.
The official report begins by telling us that the expedition was active during the
inundation season. Mining was a seasonal activity and the Inundation season – roughly
September to January – was both substantially cooler than summer and a period of the
year when farming activity was minimal. Very few mining expeditions took place
outside of this time of the year, one such exception being the summer expedition led by
Harurre.24 The already harsh conditions in the desert would have been compounded by
the heat of summer, making the likelihood of fatalities far greater. Indeed, mining
expeditions were perilous enough even in the cooler months. With little water available
in the wadi – which were after all dry river beds – water for the miners had to be
brought in and rationed. This lack of water also limited the amount of livestock that
could be taken as food. What rations there were made a tempting target for the bandits
who lived on the fringes of Egyptian society, including in and around the wadi, making
security another major consideration. Of course the troops required to deal with this
24 Harrure records that “This treasurer of the god said to the officials who will come to this Mine-land at this season: "Let not our faces flinch on that account; Hathor will turn it to profit. I looked to myself, and I dealt with myself; when I came from Egypt, my face flinched, and it was hard for me [........]. The highlands are hot in summer, and the mountains brand the skin [...]. When morning dawns, a man is [... ...]. I addressed the workmen concerning it: 'How favoured is he who is in this Mine-land!' They said: 'There is malachite in this eternal mountain; it is [...] to seek (it) at this season. It is [...] to [...] for it in this evil summer-season.”. Translation from Breastead Ancient Records part 1 § 736
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threat would add to the food and water needs of the expedition. Finally, the desert was
known to be inhabited by many dangerous wild animals such as snakes and scorpions,
and as Seth’s domain and the gateway to the Underworld there was a supernatural risk
too.
The official report continues by confirming that the purpose of the expedition
was to secure a slab of stone suitable for the king’s sarcophagus – as previously noted
the stone available within Wadi Hammamat was ideally suited for this. The method of
extraction is unknown to us, but we can see that it took 12 days of extraction before any
work could begin. The text does not specify the measurement system used to describe
the slab, as the word mH is lacking a determinative to indicate if it is a standard or a
royal cubit. Assuming these are royal cubits, which seems most probable in light of
their ultimate purpose, then an approximate size would be 210cm x 420cm x 105cm or
8m3 (around 20-23 tonnes) and it is unsurprising that a team of ten thousand was
required to extract the slab.
Finally, the official report also tells us that three thousand sailors were required
to transport the slab from the wadi to its destination once the slab was ready. Land
transport of a slab of this size could be achieved by pushing it across a series of logs, or
(once closer to the Nile and with water more readily available) by moistening the
ground to make it slippery enough for the workers to pull it along.25 Both of these
methods would be very time consuming and exhausting, even for a crew of thousands,
so once the Nile was reached a boat would have been far easier.26 The inclusion of three
thousand sailors confirms that a significant portion of the journey in this case was by
river.27
Perhaps the most significant detail to be gleaned from the unofficial record is the
implication that by the time of this expedition, the two lands of Egypt had been reunited
under a single King’s rule post the fragmentation of the First Intermediate Period. This
is evident from two ideas within the text. Firstly, the king is being attributed with titles
such as Lord of the Two Lands and the nsw-bity title. This could of course be an
25 Klemm and Klemm, page 632.26 Klemm and Klemm, page 632. 27 The tomb and sarcophagus of Mentohotep IV have not been located, so we cannot say where the sailors were taking the slab; Thebes seems a likely destination but this is speculation.
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aspirational claim ascribed to the King and his followers rather than actual fact. When
coupled with the statement that the expedition included ‘men from the choicest of the
entire land’ however, the implication becomes more solid. The unofficial record also
explains in more detail the types of jobs that the ten thousand men would have been
doing and it seems clear that much of the work would have been done in situ;
stonemasons, craftsmen and sculptors were all present. This is again unsurprising – the
chance of finding a flaw in the slab would have been too great to risk transporting an
unfinished piece especially considering the costs of the expedition in the first place. The
term stretching the cord refers to an important foundation ritual in the construction of a
religious building. The cord is the mason’s line, which was used to align the building in
the appropriate direction relative to the stars, as well as to measure the building’s
dimensions accurately. The reference to stretching the cord in the context of this
expedition serves to underscore the importance of the king’s sarcophagus in a religious
sense and therefore to emphasise the importance of this expedition.
The theme of triumph over adversity is a common one within the corpus of
expedition reports and it is no surprise that both of the texts above proudly proclaim that
there were no losses in the expedition and that it was a success. Many of the official
reports left behind by expedition leaders dwell at some length on the difficulties they
faced at first before overcoming them.28 This undoubtedly draws on the tradition in
autobiographical texts of promoting individual achievements, but also probably reflects
the reality that many mining expeditions would have failed and that returning home
with no fatalities would have been unusual.29 Expedition inscriptions frequently
illustrate a more direct relationship between the mortal and divine realms than is found
in the habited areas of Egypt. Assman suggests that this is because contact between non-
royal mortals and the gods was more immediate outside the borders of Egypt away from
the rule of mAat imposed by the king.30 A formulaic sequence of events can be shown.
After an initial failure – the inability to find the expedition’s required stone – the power
of the local deity is invoked. In this instance the local deity, Min, whose cult centre was
28 R.J. Lephrohon, ‘Remarks on private epithets found in Middle Kingdom Wadi Hammamat Graffiti’. JSSEA 28, pages 124-146. Page 127.29 Ennmarch takes this argument further on pages 103-4 where he comments on lines 14-19 of the Shipwrecked Sailor. This is the section where the count is fearful of the reception he will eventually receive at court, due a lack of success on his mission, and Ennmarch shows that this echoes mining inscriptions and extrapolates to show that success was most probably unusual in such ventures. 30 See J. Assman, ‘Herrschäft und Heil: PolitischeTheologie in Altägypten, Israel und Europa’. München, Carl Hanser Verlag, 2000, pages 57-64.
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Figure 6: Inscription M110 in situ
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at Qift at the entrance to the Wadi Hammamat, was honoured via the inscriptions.
Following this, wonders occurred as the god assisted the expedition. Thanks in the form
of sacrifices are offered back to the god and the expedition is able to return home in
safety. This sequence of events – failure, honouring the god, divine assistance,
resolution – in many ways parallels the königsnovella, which follows a similar formula:
impossible situation, king is honoured, king provides a solution, resolution. This
formulaic literary device may therefore serve to link divine favour with royal power in
expedition reports.31
Translations of the second two inscriptions – the ‘wonders’,
based on the hieroglyphs published by
De Buck.
Inscription M110: The first wonder – (1) The King of Upper
and Lower Egypt, Nebtawyre living forever (2) The wonder which
happened to His Majesty: Creations came down from the hills to him
(3) A pregnant gazelle came, going forth with her face to the people
before her (4) while her eyes looked back but she did not turn back
before she arrived at this
noble mountain (5) at this
block it in its place for this
lid of this sarcophagus. Then
she gave birth upon it while
this (6) expedition of the
king was watching. Then her
neck was cut and she was
sacrificed upon it (the sarcophagus) as a
burnt offering (7) It descended safely. Now it was the majesty of this
noble god (8) Lord of the hill lands who made the sacrifice to his son
31 Ennmarch suggests something similar is happening in the Shipwrecked Sailor, which he contends is influenced by Mining Expedition reports. See Ennmarch page 108. More research in the intersection between literary works and expedition reports may prove fruitful.
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Nebtawyre, living forever, so that his heart was joyful and so that he
might be (9) alive upon his throne (*) forever and eternally and that
he celebrate millions of Heb Sed festivals (10) Hereditary Prince,
Count, Overseer of the City, Vizier, Official (leader) of all Judges,
Overseer of that which heaven gives (11) earth creates and the Nile
brings. Overseer of everything in the entire land, Vizier Amenemhet
Inscription M191: The Second wonder32 – (1) The king of
Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre living forever. Born of the King’s
mother Imi. Second month of Inundation, day 23: Starting of work
(2) at this mountain on the single slab sarcophagus. Repeating of the
wonder: A command was issued* and the forms of the god were seen.
(3) Placing of his power to the people. The hill land was made as a
pool Revealing of water from the dry stone a well was found in the
midst of the valley. (4) ten cubits by ten cubits on its every side, filled
with water to its edge made pure and kept clean from gazelles (5)
hidden from the tribesmen and foreigners. Soldiers of old and kings
who came to pass before ascended and descended by its side (6) No
eye had seen it, the face of man had not fallen upon it but to his
majesty himself it was revealed. He had concealed it (7) he knew the
exact moment of this day. He planned the time of this event in order
that his power be seen and that one know (8) the excellence of his
Majesty. He did new in his hill lands for his son Nebtawyre living
forever. Those who were in Egypt heard it, (9) the people who were
in Egypt, Upper Egypt together with Lower Egypt they set down
their heads to the ground (10) and praised the goodness of His
Majesty for ever and eternity.
These texts are unique and stand apart from the entire corpus of expedition
inscriptions in the Wadi Hammamat. They focus on an event that happened during the
32 However A. B. Lloyd, ‘Once [sic] more Hammamat Inscription’ JEA 61, pages 54-66, page 56 claims that to an Ancient Egyptian this text actually reveals two wonders, not one. His rationale is that the rainstorm and the revealing of a well would have been unrelated to the original audience, who would instead have ascribed the well to Nun and not the rain.
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expedition, as opposed to the expedition itself or the expedition’s objectives.33
However, both texts are still framed within an expeditionary context and, according to
Ennmarch, are therefore “an elaboration of the general acknowledgement of divine
intervention that occurs in other inscriptions”.34 Each text describes a ‘wonder’ of divine
origin. We are told that Min so loved his son the king that the god performed these
wonders in Mentohotep IV’s honour (Inscription M110 line 8 and Inscription 191 line
8).35 A modern perspective can discern a natural force behind each ‘wonder’; the gazelle
may not have led them to the slab as such, but quite possibly the gazelle giving birth
caused the expedition to examine the area more closely than they might have otherwise.
Similarly, desert storms, while rare, do occur; flash flooding often occurs in their
aftermath. This modern perspective must be set aside when considering why the
wonders were recorded in the first place. Amenemhet, as leader of the expedition, was
the only person with the power to make the decision to have them inscribed. This in turn
begs the question of why he wanted them recorded.
Inscription M110 describes an event that led the expedition to discover an
appropriate piece of rock. The pregnant gazelle giving birth in such an unusual way – in
front of the expedition after making a beeline for the ‘august mountain’ – suggested a
divine force at work and led to further examination of the site. Of course the veracity of
this event is debatable because, while it seems unlikely that the ‘wonder’ is entirely
fabricated, it does seem convenient. Once the slab was identified the gazelle was then
sacrificed in honour of the gods who favoured the expedition, just like the cattle and
goats were sacrificed in the official record (Inscription M192a line 20).
Hans Goedicke offers a different translation of this passage, preferring instead to
translate “her neck was cut” as “its neck was cut” – referring back to the stone slab.36 He
then describes how cutting the neck is supposed to refer to “separating the block from
the living rock” and is actually the process of cutting of a trench between the selected
block and the rest of the stone as is seen in the Aswan granite quarry. In Goedicke’s
translation, the reference to fire can then be seen not as part of a sacrificial event but
33 Ennmarch page 10934 Ennmarch page 11035 See D. B. Redford, ‘Egypt Canaan and Israel in ancient times’. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1993, pages 71-2. See also Lloyd page 59 where he says that “the bi(y)t demonstrate spectacularly the favour in which Nebtawyre stands with the gods”. 36 Goedicke page 48
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further description of the extraction process. Goedicke also claims that a gazelle was not
suitable as a sacrifice because in order for a sacrifice to have value, the gods required
meat that a mortal would also value – and that Egytpians at that time, did not consider
gazelle edible. Strandberg has refuted this point, showing that gazelles frequently
appear in offering scenes and are quite acceptable as a sacrifice.37
37 See Å. Strandberg. ‘The gazelle in Ancient Egyptian Art’. Uppsala, Uppsala Universitet, 2009 pages 101-129 for a full review of these scenes.
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Figure 7: Slate bowl from Lisht
Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST724B-2012
Inscription M113 features Amenemhet very prominently; his titles and self
proclamation take up a large portion of the text – even more than is assigned to the king
in fact.38 Another consideration is the sheer size of the expedition, which seems to have
consisted of 13,000 men, making it the second largest expedition ever undertaken –
second only to the 18,000 men sent by Sesostris III(?).39 Such a large mobilisation of
manpower seems unnecessary, especially in light of the fairly modest objectives of the
expedition. This, coupled with the focus on Amenemhet in Inscription M113 leads to
the tempting idea that Amenemhet was openly posturing, displaying his power and
preparing to replace Mentohotep IV as the king.40 Further ammunition for the idea that
Amenemhet was
posturing to usurp
Mentohotep IV can
be taken from
Inscription M191,
which tells us (line
1) that Mentohotep
IV’s mother was ‘Imi, the Royal Mother’. Based
on this title it seems probable that she was not a king’s wife or a king’s daughter – she
was at best a secondary wife, leaving open the possibility that others had a better claim
to the throne than Mentohotep IV.41 There is no evidence that Mentohotep IV was a
commoner or a usurper himself, but interestingly he is omitted from the Turin Canon,
which instead records a seven year gap between Mentohotep III and Amenemhet I. This
gap supports the idea that Mentohotep IV was considered illegitimate or that there were
others who were in competition for the throne, such as the ephemeral king’s Inyotef IV
and/or Iyibre-Khent, for example. There is however no evidence of foul play and indeed
a slate bowl (figure 7) found at Lisht undermines this idea as it has both names on it –
Mentohotep IV and Amenemhet I.42 The naming of both kings on a single piece implies
that either the vizier may have assumed the role of co-regent during the last years of
38 C. Vandersleyen, ‘L’Egypte et la vallée du Nil, Tome II’. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1995 uses the term ‘very powerful’ on page 37. 39 Peden, page 36. See also Coyet and Montet Inscription 87 and Goyon Inscription 61.40 This whole topic is covered by Redford pages 71-5 but especially page 75. For a slightly different interpretation see Vandersleyen pages 37-39.41 Vandersleyen page 3742 D. Arnold. ‘Amenemhet I and the early twelfth Dynasty at Thebes’. Metropolitan Museum Journal 26, 1991, pages 5048, page 12 and figures 15,16 (reproduced here as figure 7)
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Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST724B-2012
Mentohotep IV's reign or that the pharaoh – presumably childless – was specifying his
successor in his vizier, Amenemhet.
The Wadi Hammamat was an essential source of stone throughout Egypt’s
history, as can be seen through the quantity of inscriptions left behind by different
expeditions. In this essay I have translated four of these inscriptions and shown how
they can be used to discern information about the nature of quarrying expeditions, the
dangers that were faced and some of the processes involved in the extraction of stone.
The inscriptions presented here contain even more information than this, allowing us to
theorise about the transition between the 11th and 12th Dynasties. Of course with the
evidence as it stands there can be no certainty as to whether the two Amenenhet’s were
the same person – although this seems likely. Even if we accept that they were the same
person, we still cannot infer any foul play. The tone of the inscriptions is however
suggestive and one has to ask why Amenemhet felt the need to present a second
expedition report (M113) and why in this report the majority of the text is taken up with
statements describing his own importance. Similarly, the second pair of texts raise
questions in that they stand apart from the entire corpus of inscriptions and that the
events they describe show divine favour. Whether this is favour for the king’s
expedition or, more subtly, favour for the leader of the king’s expedition and for his
success is harder to establish.
List of figures
Figure 1: Map showing location of Wadi Hammamat. Reproduced from Hikade, T., page 155.
Figure 2: Serekh of King Narmer from Wadi Hammamat. Image retrieved on 19 th
August 2012 from http://www.eastern-desert.com/wadi_qash.html
Figure 3: Picture showing reconstructed Turin Mining Papyrus, image retrieved on 19th
August 2012 from http://www.rabodeaji.com/No-5/mapa/default.html
Figure 4: Picture of a broken sarcophagus in the Wadi Hammamat. Image retrieved on 24th August 2012 from http://www.eastern-desert.com/wadi_hammamat.html
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Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST724B-2012
Figure 5: Picture of Inscription M113 in situ. Image retrieved on 19th August 2012 from http://egyptsites.wordpress.com/2010/09/14/wadi-hammamat
Figure 6: Picture of Inscription M110 in situ. Image retrieved on 19th August 2012 from http://egyptsites.wordpress.com/2010/09/14/wadi-hammamat
Figure 7: Composite image of slate bowl dual inscribed with the names Nebtawyre and Amenemhet. Constructed from figures 15 and 16 in Arnold, D., page 12.
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Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST724B-2012
Appendix A.1 –Transliterations of records
M192A – The official record: (1) rnpt-sp 2 Abd 2 Axt sw 15 (2) Hr nb-
tAwy nbty nb-tAwy nTrw-nbw nsw-bit nb-tAwy-ra sA-ra mnTw-Htp anx
Dt (3) wD Hm.f saHa wD pn n it.f Mnw nb xAswt m Dw pn (4) Sps
pAwty xnty st m tA Axtyw aH-nTr Hnk m anx Hr sS (5) nTry wAxxw
nTr pn im.f st.f wabt nt sxmx-ib Hrt-tp (6) xswt tA-nTr n mrwt Htp kA.f
wAS nTr m st-ib.f m irr (7) nsw nt Hr st-wrt Xnty swt wAH mnw nTr
mnx nb Awt-ib (8) wr snD aA mrwt iwaw n Hr m tAwy.f rn (9) n Ast nTrt
mwt mnw wrt-HkAwr nswyt (10) idbwy Hr nsw-bity nb-tAwy-ra anx mi
ra Dt (11) Dd iw rdi.n Hm pr rpa imy-r niwt TAty imy-r (12) kAt mH-ib n
nsw Imn-m-HAt Hna mSa n s Dba (13) m spAwt Smawt SmAw xntyw
wAbwt (14) r int n inr Sps aAt wabt imit Dw pn irt (15) Mnw mnx.s r nb-
anx sxA nHH r mnw (16) m Hwwt-nTr nt SmAw m hAb nsw Hry-tp tAwy
(17) r int n.f xrt ib.f m xAswt nt it.f Mnw ir.n.f m mnw.f (18) n it.f Mnw
Gbtyw nb xAswt Hry-tp iwntyw ir.f Di anx aSA wrt anx mi ra Dt (19) sw
27 hAt aA n nb-anx pn m inr mH 4 r mH 8 r mH 2 (20) m pr m kAt rxs
bHsw sft anxwt Di snTr (21) Hr sDt ist mSa n 3000 m Xnw spAwt tA-
mHw Hr Sms.f m Htp r tA-mri
M113 – The commander’s record: (1) nb-tAwy-ra (2) anx Dt (3) rnpt-sp 2
Abd 2 n axt sw 15 wpwt nsw irt.n (4) iry-pat HAty-a imy-rA niwt tAyty
TATy sAb mH-ib nsw imy-rA kAt wr m iAt.f aA m saH.f xnty st m (5) pr
nb.f sHd qnbt HAt wr 6 wDa pat rxyt sDm mdw iw n.f wrw m ksw (6)
tA r-dr.f m dy Hr Xt sxnt nb.f iAwt.f aq-ib.f imy-rA aA SmAw xrp.n.f
HHw m rxyt r ir n.f xrt-ib.f ir (7) mnw.f wAH tp tA wr n nsw aA n bit xrp
Hwwt nt Hm mnw m pD-sS wDa nn rdit Hr gs imy-rA Smaw mi-qd.f
smiw (8) n.f ntt iwtt xrp Ssm n nb tAwy sAq43 ib Hr wpwt nsw sHd sHDw
xrp imyw-rA TAty n Hr m xaw.f Imn-m-HAt (9) Dd iw hAb.n wi nb
a.w.s. nsw-bit nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt m hAb at nTr im.f r smnt mnw.f m
(10) tA pn stp.n.f wi xnt niwt.f ssbq.kwi xnt Snwt.f iw grt wD.n Hm.f prr
43 I have read the t as a q in this word.
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Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST724B-2012
r xAst tn Sps (11) mSa Hna s m stpw n tA r-Dr.f Xrtyw-nTr Hmwtyw srw
qstyw sSw-qdwt qHqHw mdww nbw (12) sDAwtyw pr-aA sDAwt nb nt
pr-HD iAt nbt nt pr-nsw dmD m-sA ir.n xAst m itrw inwt Hrwt (13) m
wAt mw iw in.n.f nb-anx sxA nHH wAH ib n Dt n sp hA mit.f Hr xAst tn
Dr rk nTr (14) hA.n mSa nn nhw.f n Aq s n xtxt Tst n mwt aA nn gb
Hmww xpr.n n Hm n nb(.i) (15) m bAw ir n.f Mnw n-aAt.n mrr.f sw wAH
kA.f Hr st-wrt m nsyt idbwy Hr ir.n.f m aA r.s ink bAk.f n st-ib.f ir Hst.f
nb m Hrt-hrw nt ra nb
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Appendix A.2 Tranlsliterations of ‘wonders’
M110 – The first wonder: (1) nsw bity nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt (2) biAt tn
xprt n Hm.f hAt n.f in qmAwt (3) xAswt iwt in gHst bkAt Hr Smt Hr.s r
rmT xft-Hr.s (4) iw irty.s Hr-sA sA nn an.s HA.s r spr.s r Dw pn Sps (5) r
inr pn iw.f m st.f n aA pn n nb-anx pn mst pw ir.n.s Hr.f iw mSa pn n (6)
nsw Hr mAA aHa.n Saw nHbt.s wdn.t(i) Hr.f m sb-n-sDt (7) hAt pw ir.n.f
m Htp isT grt in Hm n nTr pn Sps (8) nb xAswt rdi mAa n sA.f nb-tAwy-
ra anx Dt n-mrwt Aw ib.f wnn.f (9) anx Hr nswt.f nHH Hna Dt ir.f HHw
m Hbw-sd (10) iry-pat HAty-a imy-rA niwt TAty imy-rA srw nb n wDa-
mdwt imy-rA DD pt (11) qmAt tA innt Hap imy-rA n ixt nb m tA pn r-Dr.f
TAty Imn-m-hAt
M191 – The second wonder: (1) nsw bity nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt ms.n
mwt-nsw Imi Abd 2 Axt sw 23 wdt a m kAt (2) m Dw pn m inr wAH nb-
anx wHm biAt irt Hw mAA xprw nw nTr pn (3) dit bAw.f n rxyt irt xAst
m nwy bst mw Hr nHA n inr gmt Xnmt m Hry-ib int (4) mH 10 r mH 10 Hr
r.s nb mH.t(i) m mw r nprt.s swab.t(i) stwr.ti r gHsw sS (5) tA.ti r
iwntyw xAstyw pr.t(i) hAA.t(i) Hr gs.sy in mSa n tp-awy nsww xprw (6)
Xr-HAt n mA.n s(y)? irt nb n xr Hr n rmT Hr.s wbA sy n Hm.f Ds.f isT
grt sdx.n.f s(y?) (7) rx.n.f mtt hrw pn xmt.n.f Hnty sp pn n-mrwt mAA
bAw.f rx.t(w) (8) mnx Hm.f ir.f mAwt Hr xAswt.f n sA.f nb-tAwy-ra anx
Dt sDm st ntyw m tA-mry (9) rxyt ntt Hr Kmt Smaw Hna tA-mHw
wAH.sn tpw.sn m tA dwA.sn (10) nfrw Hm.t nHH Hna Dt
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