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EXPLORING THE ATTITUDES OF NIGERIANS TOWARDS TERRORISM
IGUNDUNASSE, A. T
Department of Psychology, University of Lagos
&
ODIASE, N
Department of Psychology, University of Lagos
Abstract
Nigeria as a country has been plagued with a spate of bombings and suicide terror attacks by the
Boko Haram sect over the past few years. This development has no doubt brought untold hardship
on the citizenry but it is not very clear how Nigerians feel about the impact of these terror attacks.
Based on available psychological literature, there is very little known about the attitudes and
beliefs of Nigerians towards terrorism in the present context of perceived insecurity, bombings
and suicide terror attacks. In a cross sectional design, using a convenience sample approach, a
36-item questionnaire on the attitudes towards terrorism developed by Abdolian and Tokooshian
(2003), was adapted and modified to conform to the present research context and administered to
participants who volunteered their time and met participation requirement. We explore the
findings and discuss the implications. We suggest the need for a baseline study in Nigeria to
understand the attitudinal direction of Nigerians to terrorism.
Keywords: Nigeria, Terrorism, Attitudes, Political violence
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Introduction
As the world stands alert to receive information of the next terrorist attack or political violence,
governmental and national policy makers are constantly working out solutions as a way to
curtailing the global menace. This is due to the apparent evolution of terrorism and its impact on
the innocent people. (Zhirkov, Verkuyten & Weese, 2014). However, what is also crucial in
present day Nigeria is to understand in the first place how people feel about these acts of political
violence so as to support the basis of evidence - based solution to it (Andreescu & Balaban, 2014)
Empirical evidence has thus shown that terrorism has been inherent since the inception of society
(see, Hanhimaki & Blumenau, 2013: Miller, 2013). Therefore, what the world currently
experiences is one that has evolved with the contemporary nature of the society (Merari &
Friedland, 1985). Doing a comparative analysis of the modern society may reveal a whole lot. For
example, we see the emergence of concrete religious idealism and fundamentalism, the profound
changes in economic policies that have led to individual and societal clashes, the rise of a more
liberal and western society from the relatively conservative ones in the past and the emerging
nature of privatization of the world economies. These factors tend to promote directly or indirect
acts of political violence which informs in some cases the basis of terrorism and the challenges
that goes with understanding it as phenomena (Enders & Sandler, 2000).
Another major challenge to the comprehension of terrorism has been the conceptual clarification
of the term. One of the earliest attempts was by Schmid (1983), and it suggests several definitions
of the term terrorism as recorded in similar studies. Of the 109 definitions gathered by Schmid,
two germane paradigms seemed to emerge in understanding terrorism as a concept. One of these
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involved understanding terrorism as the aggressive behaviour directed at a vulnerable or
defenseless population and the other the process of making statement of political propaganda
directed towards the ruling class or elite sometimes referred to as the battle of hearts and minds.
Some studies suggest that terrorism is one which is based on action towards eternal salvation which
is promoted by religious extremists (Newman, 2006; Sageman, 2004). In other words, there is no
clear consensus as to what terrorism really means even though individual scholar’s perspective
about the concept terrorism is an addition to the knowledge of the phenomenon. However, for the
purpose of clarity, it is important to emphasize that in this study, terrorism is seen as largely an
aspect of political violence meted out to a general populace.
A cursory look at available literature may reveal that there have been many studies on terrorism
from the legal, political, and sociological angles, among others. For example, some research in
terrorism attempts to explain terrorism through the principles of social change and identity. A
study by Kruglanskiand Fishman (2006) showed that terrorism involves the radical and violent
ways a minority group in the society seeks to persuade a non-conforming majority to take their
perspective and ideology into imperative considerations. The political approach to terrorism looks
at it from a central tendency to act towards the attainment of political power, goal or recognition.
A few studies have highlighted the psychological perspective through approaches like narcissism,
paranoia and the identity theories that seek to evaluate the mental and cognitive process of
terrorists in their bid to spur public attention (See Crayton, 1983; Horgan, 2005; Post, 1998).
However, the emphasis in this research is that there are observed gaps in existing literature within
the context of how the Nigerian public feels about terrorism. This study aims to fill in this gap.
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In view of the observed gaps in this aspect of research in Nigeria, we seek to explore cross section
of the attitude towards terrorism. We offer to approach terrorism from a social psychological
perspective and this is because of the relationship between the psychological, sociological and
political implication of terrorism. The study also aims to lay a foundation for the further
exploration in this field of endeavour in view of the long run policy implication for the Nigerian
state
In particular, Boko Haram, terrorist as a group, has threatened the corporate and national existence
of this country in all ramifications. Available evidence has shown that this sect has claimed a total
of 20,000 lives and has led to the destruction of over 2.3 billion worth properties in the northern
area of Nigeria (New York Times, 2015). The governments and the people have been at a loss as
to what Boko Haram actually represents. The sect kills both Christians and Muslims, young and
old. But the Boko Haram sect have often affirmed their desire for the creation of an Islamic state
which they feel prevents them from the infiltration of western and liberal ideologies. The irony of
the Boko Haram claim is that they often use Western technology or tools of the West to propagate
their ideals even though they are against the ideals of the West. However, what is significant to us
as researchers is to understand the psychological issues of the victims and those indirectly
involved. There is the need to understand the perception and attitudes of Nigerians towards Boko
Haram and terrorism as phenomenon.
A reason for the undertaking this study is the lack of substantial literature of this subject matter
earlier observed in the Nigerian context. Past studies on terrorism have often tilted towards
understanding terrorism with the basic idea that people will generally reject terrorism. However,
studies have shown that terrorism been acceptable in recent times (Takooshian & Verdi, 1995;
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Silke, 2001). But it is not known how Nigerians will react on this subject. This paper is an attempt
to fill this gap. It is common knowledge that people who have been wronged or treated unfairly by
the state may believe that terrorist activities are some kind of nemesis or vendetta against the state.
People who also believe in the purpose and goals of terrorists may also be prone to be receptive to
their activities. Therefore, the only difference between these kinds of people and active terrorists
is the inherent lack of will or strength to carry arms. (Crenshaw, 2001; Sageman, 2004). But the
question is, do we have people in our population who are sympathetic to these terrorists? If so,
what is the dimension of these feelings and likely support for these terrorists in the Nigerian
populace? Therefore, the essence of this study is most timely because it could help in
understanding the social-psychological perspective that may influence public policy.
Review of Literature & Theoretical Framework
One major theoretical model that could be used to understand the attitudes and perceptions towards
terrorism is the social learning theory (Bandura, 1973). Although this theory wasn’t developed to
address issues concerning terrorism and its specifications, studies have shown that teenagers and
young people may observe terrorist activities and may decide to model this behaviour (Kelly &
Rieber, 1995; Armstrong, 2000). Young people who are predisposed to this sort of situations are
those who are most likely raised with intense religious conservative ideologies that teach them that
these activities are necessary to exterminate those who are perceived to be treats to their spiritually
and healthy society (Mar-shall &Danizewski2001). For example, the teachings of Jihad by Islamic
extremist and the special school dedicated for the education of Muslim boys called the Madrasas
may be likely sources of these kinds of teaching. Evidence suggests that those who are actively
involved in these teachings and sometimes those who watch by the stands and believe that these
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trainings are imperative to the preservation of the Islamic fundamentalism may then begin to model
the violent behaviours (Sageman, 2004; Taylor & Quayle, 1994; Zhirkov et al., 2014)
As noted earlier, terrorism has evolved to a point where large economic variations amongst
members of a nation may be significant to the preponderance of terrorist activities. The relative
deprivation theory suggests that the effects of poverty and deprivation of basic amenities may in
turn affect the probability that terrorism would be reinforced (Hasisi & Pedahzur 2000; Krueger
&Maleckova2002). Looking at the case of Boko Haram in Nigeria, evidence has shown that the
areas this sect operates from are stricken with extreme poverty and minimum survival resources.
Therefore unavailability of suitable employment that may keep these people busy may make them
envisage potential ways they can announce their deprivation (Dowden, 2012; Will 2004). Thus
public perception towards terrorism could tilt towards the positive angle as the unfavourable
economic prospect or opportunities may spark up terrorism or thoughts towards that direction
(Krueger &Maleckova, 2002). Further understanding of the relative deprivation theory on
terrorism shows that these terrorists may not really be deprived. This logical link can be drawn
from the fact that these terrorists cannot effectively function without proper funding (Canetti
&Pedahzur, 2002). In view of this, we may be tempted to discountenance the essence of relative
deprivation theory; it will suffice to say that poverty may play a role in terrorism. For example, a
study by Bennet (2004) suggested a link between the idle hand and the terrorism in Pakistan.
Bennet explained that those involved in terrorism in Pakistan may have suffered from idleness for
years due to the inadequate economic prospects in that nation.
A germane approach to terrorism that encompasses psychological principles is the development of
self-identity. In a study by Taylor and Quayle (1994), terrorists that were based in some parts of
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Europe and Ireland were interviewed as participants. Findings in the Taylor and Quayle showed
that most of the participants were involved in those terrorist activities due to their intrinsic
motivation to seek a sense of purpose and goal in life. This is evidence that self and identity may
be implicated when terrorist activities are successful. This view is consistent with one of the
epigenetic psychosocial stages of Erikson (1959) theory of personality development. Erikson
posited that during the period of adolescence, people have a major psychosocial task of clinging
to an identity which is a platform for their sense of worth. Comparing this study with the recent
findings by Rosenberg, Waddell and Smalley (2002), we can conclude that the search of sense
identity might move the followership of an extremist leader who is perceived to be the ideal model
for self-actualized person. Therefore exhilaration and self-esteem can only emerge if the leader’s
behaviours are successfully modelled even if it involves engaging in terrorism. Therefore, a careful
evaluation of how this principle works in shaping societal attitude towards terrorism may offer a
fresh understanding towards terrorism (Bar-Tal, 2000; Taylor & Quayle, 1994).
The emergence of the Self-Psychology perspective of terrorism is one which cannot be
overemphasized. Kohut (1972) consolidated the Freudian ego psychology theory that reinforces
the necessity for infants or children to have a healthy maternal empathy. Thus if this isn’t the case,
the child might develop what Kohut (1972) referred to as “narcissistic injury” where they fail to
adopt parental ideal self-image and may develop a sense of personal aggrandizement. Kohut
suggested that they may begin to elevate themselves above others and may subject themselves to
terroristic activities to compensate for the lack of maternal care and empathy. On the flip side, the
mechanism of this theory is also at play in when it comes to the attitudes towards these activities.
We see the emergences of followers and supporters whose lack of early childhood affection might
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cause them to sacrifice their will and sense of self on the altar of a terrorist leader who they believe
can compensate for it (Crenshaw, 2001; Gabbard, 2000).
An injured ego has also been noted to have grave consequences on an adult’s ability to develop
meaningful social relationships and to empathize with those who are suffering. The question of
narcissism being a root of terrorism has also been called into questions by researchers, due to the
fact that some believe that these love deprived childhood experiences may be a good reason why
they would rather withdraw from society than place themselves above anyone in society (Corrado,
1981; Reich 1998). Critical juxtaposition of these two narratives is thus out of the scope of this
study but we can draw arguments from both sides by concluding that public attitude towards
terrorist activities would be contingent on their personal subjective early childhood experiences
which could be positive, negative or indifferent. It may also be important to see if gender has a
role to play in any of these.
The principle of cultural identity is one that gives us clearer understanding as to why people would
support terrorism or would have a positive perception towards it. Cultural identity tells us that
societal collectivism is expedient in the affiliations of people with similar beliefs and values. Thus
it enables the evolution of the social psychological narrative of “Us versus Them” with us
representing people with concurrent values and interests and them representing those with
disparities in values (Horgan, 2005). The need to protect religious interest then emerges giving
those who may not be directly involved with the terrorist activities a reason to get involved
passively which is most times through support. This support can also come financially as they may
fill it is the best way they can effectively contribute to the preservation of their cultural identity.
This is thus the difference between those who engage in suicidal terrorist attack and those who do
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not. Those who do have been trained from inception to believe that the only way to ensure their
salvation is to be remembered as one who preserved the absolute goal of the group, and to do that
the person must be ready to pay the ultimate prize (Armstrong, 2000). Then you are considered as
a hero and a symbol of religious liberation. These ones then place the value of the terrorist ideology
above their lives and families. Those who do not still feel a sense of responsibility to families and
relative and thus may be inclined to just support by the stands. They can do this trough financial
donation to the cause, engaging in public protest, civil movement or violent activities that are not
inclusive of suicide.
In order to empirically measure the attitude towards terrorism a scale was developed by Abdolian
and Takooshian (2003) in light of the prestigious 9/11 terrorist attack by Al-Qaeda. The scale is
one which is inclusive of 36 items. This scale contains four factors that include; authoritarianism,
personal reception of terrorist activities, acquiescence of activities an existence of Al-Qaeda, and
predilection of individual liberties in the place of needs. Measurement of the factors showed that
sores were assigned on a bipolar basis where a participant either scores high or low on any factor.
Abdolian and Takooshian (2003) revealed that authoritarianism showed by a person correlated to
reception of terrorism. Kumari (2011) also had similar findings thus a person who is receptive
towards terrorist activities would possess a less authoritative personality. People with the
preference for individual liberties affirm that terrorist activities are not necessarily bad as the
society should be one to tolerate and listen to the plights of the minority. This study thus reveals
that while some may not be open about their support for terrorism; they might hide their resentment
for the government and society by acting in socially desirable ways which involves clearly and
outwardly detesting terrorism.
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This study adapts and modifies the scale developed by Abdolian and Takooshian (2003) to fit our
local settings by adjusting the items containing Al-Qaeda to Boko Haram. Using the social and
psychological theoretical framework in place, we test the following hypothesis:
1. Gender differences will negatively influences attitude towards terrorism.
2. Religious background will negatively influence attitude towards terrorism.
3. There will be low acceptance of activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria
Methodology
This is a cross sectional design that had measures of terrorism including Religiosity,
Authoritarianism, Acceptance of terrorism, Boko Haram and Civil liberties as independent
variables. The dependent variable was the responses of the questionnaire on attitude towards
terrorism.
Respondents in the survey were recruited in using the convenience sampling approach. This
meant that any person who was available and willing to complete the questionnaire but above
the age of 16 year was given the questionnaire to complete. 16 as age was used as bench mark
because this the official age allowed for entry into Nigerian universities. Participants were
largely recruited in and around the University of Lagos consisting of mostly undergraduates.
A total of 327 respondents completed the questionnaire. Age range was between 16-55 years
old with a Mean = 18.72, Median = 18.00 and Mode = 17.00but 7 participants did not complete
the age column. 114 Males participated in the study representing near 35% of the sample and
211 Females participated in study representing over 64% of the sample. One participant did
not indicate male or female on the questionnaire.
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Questionnaire
A 36-piont questionnaire measuring attitudes towards terrorism initially developed by
Abdolian and Tokooshian (2003) was adapted and modified for conform to the present research
context. For example, the word Al-Qaeda was replaced with Boko Haram. The questionnaire
consisted of measure terrorism with sub-scales on Acceptance to Terrorism, Boko Haram,
Authoritarianism and Civil liberties. Some items on the sub-scale were reverse coded as
indicated the original article. In addition, the questionnaire had a sub-scale on change of
behaviour/personal impact. Respondent were further required to state the overall impact of
Boko Haram in Nigeria. The questionnaire used a five point Likerttype scale Strongly Agree,
Agree, Neutral, Disagree and Strongly Disagree for all sub-scales except the questionnaire item
on the overall impact of Boko Haram in Nigeria. A high score indicated a) acceptance for
terrorism b) acceptance of Boko Haram c) authoritarianism d) and Preference for civil liberties
over security in Nigeria. And each item was scored between 1-5.
Procedure
The study took a convenience sampling approach as stated earlier. So any person above the
age of 16 willing to participate in the study was allowed. The first author went to class rooms
in the university and explained the purpose of the research. Thereafter, prospective participants
were told they were at liberty to complete the questionnaire or decline at any time. Research
assistants engaged in the study also adopted his approach to questionnaire administration.
People were contact on the streets and other public places around the Akoka campus of the
University of Lagos.
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Results
The results in this study were analysed with the view to understanding public attitude towards
terrorism in a Nigerian university setting. The scale developed by Abdolian and Takooshian
(2003) was adapted and modified for this purpose. The questionnaire was used to assess the
attitudes to terrorism in and around a university. The results were analysed using descriptive
analyses, independent t-test, and Pearson Correlation to measure attitudes and correlation
between variables. In table one, a summary of the attitudes towards terrorism is shown.
Table 1
Public Attitude towards Terrorism, Boko Haram, Civil Liberties, Authoritarianism and
Change in behaviour/Personal Impact
Percent
5 4 3 2 1 Mean
4.6 19.2 7.6 24.2 43.7 3.86 It is sometimes understandable if people resort to terrorism
as a way to be heard
0.6 2.1 0.6 7.0 89.3 4.83 If terrorism involves killing innocent civilians to achieve a
political goal, then I feel the tactics is morally acceptable
59.3 20.5 7.6 4.6 7.0 1.78 Terrorist must be considered the enemy of civilised
society, regardless of their motives
57.8 21.1 8.9 4.9 6.4 1.79 Only a cruel, cowardly group would resort to terrorism to
achieve its goals
4.0 11.9 12.2 24.2 45.9 3.97 Terrorism is sometimes morally justified
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31.2 43.1 13.5 7.6 4.6 2.11 Most terrorist seem like disturbed people who would act
violently even in an ideal society
4.9 11.0 7.3 22.3 54.1 4.10 If terrorism involves the killing innocent civilians to
achieve a political goal, then it has been an effective
tactics
22.47 Accepting Terrorism
74.0 16.2 4.3 2.8 2.8 1.44 The government should aggressively eliminate Boko
Haram
network inside the Nigeria
7.6 18.0 16.5 17.1 49.8 3.63 I feel Boko Haram has some legitimate basis for their
anger against the Nigerian government and its citizens
53.2 30.0 9.2 6.1 1.5 1.72 Boko Haram are the enemy of all civilised people,
including moderate Moslems
53.2 32.2 8.9 4.9 1.5 1.69 I feel if Boko Haram had nuclear weapons, they would
explode it if they had the chance to do it
54.4 29.7 10.4 2.8 1.8 1.66 The government should aggressively eliminate Boko
Haram network outside Nigeria
10.15 Boko Haram
71.3 26.6 1.2 0.3 0.6 1.32 Government should check the profile of people at Nigerian
airports, seaports or borders if it can increase public safety
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47.7 32.7 14.7 3.7 0.9 1.76 Nigerian government should check the private files of
Nigerian students and other workers/immigrants from
other nations
30.9 37.0 19.3 9.5 3.1 2.16 Government should torture Nigerian detainees linked to
Boko
Haram if the information could save lives
46.2 36.17 11.6 2.8 2.8 1.79 Government should secretly tap the phone line/internet of
terror suspects in Nigeria
21.7 29.4 21.1 10.1 12.8 2.67 Government should ensure access and other legal rights to
terror in Nigerian security services custody
9.74 Civil Liberties
30.9 49.8 12.8 4.3 0.9 1.93 Human nature being what it is, there will always be war
and conflict
39.4 33.6 17.4 5.8 3.1 1.98 A few strong leaders could make this country better than
all the laws and talk
38.8 31.8 18.7 6.4 2.1 1.99 People cannot be trusted
13.8 29.4 32.4 19.3 2.8 2.67 Most people who don’t get ahead just don’t have enough
will power
12.2 28.7 25.7 22.9 7.6 2.84 An insult to your honour should not be forgotten
11.47 Authoritarian
27.1 41.0 19.9 11.0 5.2 2.36 Since Boko Haram Started I have felt more fearful and
anxious
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22.9 31.2 24.8 14.4 15.2 2.15 Since Boko Haram started I have felt more angry
34.6 37.0 17.1 8.6 2.1 2.06 Since Boko Haram started I have felt more suspicious of
strangers
17.7 26.3 29.4 17.4 8.0 2.71 Since Boko Haram started I have felt more spiritual
4.3 8.6 27.2 28.4 30.3 3.73 Since Boko Haram Started I have felt more proud to be a
Nigeria
13.03 Change in behaviour/Personal Impact
As shown in table 1, the mean score for terror acceptance is high. This means that the sampled
population had a general acceptance for terrorism to some extent. For example, that “terrorism
is sometimes morally justified” among other factors. However, results indicated opposing or
non-approval of the activities of Boko Haram in Nigeria. The results also indicated a preference
for civil liberties over the infringement of fundamental human rights to secure people.
However, on the authoritarian sub-scale, the sampled population appeared to be slightly below
the authoritarian threshold. Apart from that the results did indicated that there was some change
in behaviour due to Boko Haram activities. The implications of these findings are explored in
the discussion section. Next we look at gender differences among key study variables as
indicated in table two below.
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Table 2
Summary statistics of gender differences on key study variables
Variable
Gender N Mean SD
Religiosity Male
Female
106
191
5.90
6.58
2.11
1.92
Accepting
Terrorism
Male
Female
111
200
22.70
22.35
3.32
3.04
Boko Haram
Male
Female
111
200
10.38
10.01
2.68
2.61
Civil Liberties Male
Female
106
202
10.02
9.54
3.07
2.50
Authoritarianism Male
Female
105
197
11..75
11.32
2.63
2.77
Behaviour change Male
Female
110
207
13. 75
12.62
3.38
2.78
As shown in table 2 the research also aimed understanding gender differences of attitudes towards
terrorism. The one-way ANOVA indicated significant differences between male and female on the
religiosity scale F (2, 295) = 6.32; p ˂ 0.01. Females were religious than males. There was no
significant difference between male and female on the accepting terrorism and Boko Haram; F (2,
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309) = .546 & F (2, 316) = .773 respectively. However, there was a significant difference for civil
liberties for males and females. F (2, 306) = 8.25; p ˂ 0.01. Males preferred more restrictions for
civil liberties than females. With respect to authoritarianism and change in behaviour there was no
significant difference, F (2, 300) = .858 and F (2, 315) =1.27 respectively. Table 3 below examines
religious differences and the attitude sub-scales.
Table 3
Summary statistics of religious differences on key study variables
Variable
Religion N Mean SD
Accepting
Terrorism
Christian
Muslim
African Religion
Others
261
42
1
5
22.39
22.88
26.00
22.60
2.99
4.04
-
2.70
Boko Haram
Christian
Muslim
African Religion
Others
266
44
1
5
10.24
9.68
14.00
9.40
2.67
2.40
-
2.88
Civil Liberties Christian
Muslim
African Religion
257
43
1
9.82
9.16
11.00
2.84
2.47
-
22
Others 5 10.00 2.00
Authoritarianism Christian
Muslim
African Religion
Others
254
40
1
5
11..53
11.02
12.00
11.20
2.71
2.69
-
3.83
Behaviour change Christian
Muslim
African Religion
Others
265
45
1
5
13. 00
12.57
16.00
16.00
7.00
2.73
-
2.54
Table 3 examined the impact of religious background and attitude towards terrorism. Results
showed that religious background had no significant influence on attitude towards terrorism.
Accepting Terrorism F (3, 305) = .713; Boko Haram F (3, 312) = 1.40; Civil Liberties F (3, 302)
= .786; Authoritarianism F (3, 296) = .735 and Behaviour change F (3, 312) = .693
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Table 4
Summary statistics of Inter-correlations between variables
Age Level of
Religios
ity
Accepti
ng
Terroris
m
Boko
Haram
Civil
Libertie
s
Authoritaria
n
Change
in
behaviou
r
Age
1
-.215** .047 -.092 .013 .147* .031
Level of
Religiosity
-
.215**
1 .116 -.026 -.103 .064 -.016
Accepting
Terrorism
.047 .116 1 .187** -.035 .250** .034
Boko Haram -.092
-.026 .187** 1 .289** .342** .028
Civil
Liberties
.013 -.103 -.035 .289** 1 .127* .065
Authoritarian .147*
.064 .250** .342** .127* 1 .089
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Change in
behaviour
.031 -.016 .034 .028 .065 .089 1
**. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).
*. Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed).
Table 3 is a Pearson Correlational analysis to understand the relationships between accepting
terrorism, Boko Haram, age, level of religiosity, civil liberties, authoritarianism and change in
behaviour. The results indicate there is a negative correlation between age and religiosity (r = 0.21;
p ˂ 0.01). There was also a positive relationship between age and authoritarianism; accepting
terrorism and Boko Haram; accepting terrorism and authoritarianism; Boko Haram and civil
liberties; Boko Haram and authoritarianism and Civil liberties and authoritarianism(r =14; p ˂
0.01, r =0.18; p ˂ 0.01, 0.25; p ˂ 0.01, r = 0.28; p ˂ 0.01, r = 0.34; p ˂ 0.01 and r = 0.12; p ˂ 0.
05) respectively. Further implications of these correlations are explored in the discussion section.
And finally we looked at the overall impact of Boko Haram on the sampled population. See figure
1 below.
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Based on the bar chart in Figure 1, over 4 % of the sample felt Boko Haram had positive impact
on them; over 69% felt Boko Haram had a negative impact on them. But near 3% felt Boko Haram
had no impact on them while over 16% felt Boko Haram had both positive and negative impact.
About 10% of respondents did not answer this question.
Discussion.
This paper aimed at understanding attitudes towards terrorism in and around Nigerian university
setting using an adapted but modified questionnaire developed by Abdolian and Takooshian
26
(2003). The study examined three main hypotheses that aimed at assessing the attitudes towards
terrorism. The study found that religiosity and religious background had no significant influence
on attitude towards terrorism. This position is contrary to findings of Kumari (2011) in a similar
study in the United Kingdom. However, the study did find that there were gender differences on
the religiosity scale. Females were generally more religiously inclined than males in the sampled
population. It is not very clear why this is so but an exhaustive review of existing literature may
even show the nature of female acquiescence towards religions but that is out of the scope of the
present study.
On the broader differences between males and female on the terrorism sub-scales, an independent
t-test indicated that there was no significant gender difference in terms of acceptance for terrorism
and sympathy for Boko Haram. But there were significant gender differences with respect to civil
liberties. While females had a more liberal attitude towards human rights, males in the sampled
population indicated more need for the restriction of human rights to curb terrorism in Nigeria.
However, the results did show that males were more predisposed toacts of terrorism than females
but it was surprising to note the overall sample was largely receptive to acts of terrorism as a means
of achieving things. But the sampled population was largely not sympathetic to Boko Haram as a
group. There can be several implications to these findings. Acceptance of terrorism as means of
achieving a purpose may be an act of defiance and protest towards authorities. This is so because
the sampled population was largely undergraduates. It may suffice to say that given the nature of
the sample, it would be most advisable to treat the results with some caution.
The finding that sampled population were not sympathetic to Boko Haram was not surprising but
accepting terrorism as means to achieving a desired point on the other hand is a little disturbing.
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For the average reader this may appear contradictory but what this suggests is that people must be
heard by government although the ways and means of Boko Haram as organization is not
approved.
Further findings showed that there was negative correlation between age and religiosity. This
meant that the higher the age, the lesser the level of religiosity. In other words, the older a person
gets does not necessarily mean that the person will be more religious in his or her views towards
certain events and developments. But it was found that there was a positive correlation between
age and authoritarian personality type. This indicated that the older a person gets, there
authoritarian personality will displayed in such a person disposition towards events or
developments.
Earlier, it was observed that the sampled population accepted terrorism as a means of achieving
things but disapproved of methods of Boko Haram. The results further showed that there was
positive correlation between accepting terrorism and Boko Haram. It must be noted that correlation
observed does not necessarily mean accepting terrorism is synonymous with approval for methods
of Boko Haram as entity. What can be said here is that even in the event of some implicit support
for terrorism as mean achieving political goals, this kind of correlation is merely showing a likely
disposition to terrorism and not tacit support for methods of Boko Haram. Apart from that there
was a positive correlation between accepting terrorism and authoritarianism in sampled
population. This suggests people who are of the authoritarian personality type to be more disposed
to accepting terrorism that people who are authoritarian by nature and this finding was consistent
with finding of Kumari ( 2011)
28
Additional findings also indicated a positive correlation between Boko Haram and restriction civil
liberties. This suggested people in general had more preference for restriction of civil liberties and
males showed a higher disposition to restriction for civil or human right on the war on terror.
On the overall impact of Boko Haram, about 4 % indicated that Boko Haram had a positive impact
on them, while over 69% indicated that Boko Haram had a negative impact on them. But about
16% of the sampled population felt that Boko Haram had both a negative and positive impact on
them and near 3% felt it has little or no impact on them. Although less that 9% of the sampled
population did not answer this question, it can be seen that majority of the sampled population felt
that Boko Haram had a negative impact. The implication of this finding is that most people have
not seen anything good about the activities of Boko Haram. Rather the Boko Haram scourge has
affected them negatively in most ramifications.
However, it must be noted as earlier stated that the sample used in this study was largely an
undergraduate sample. Apart from that the sample was not weighted against that entire University
of Lagos population and surroundings. Therefore, findings here may not be generalized to the
broader Nigerian population. It is advised that further studies should adopt a more probability type
of sampling approach that would support the need for generalization of findings. In addition,
further research in this area should include a broader sample encompassing a wider coverage of
the Nigerian society. At this point, it will suffice to suggest that what is needed is a baseline study.
A search of available literature so far and to the best of our knowledge, there has been no clear
baseline study on the attitude of Nigerians towards terrorism in Nigeria. This kind of study
conducted on a longitudinal basis would study whether attitude of Nigerian towards terrorism are
changing or not over a period of time.
29
Conclusion
This study was aimed at exploring the attitude of a cross section of Nigerian towards terrorism.
This is largely against the backdrop of recent suicide bombings and sundry attacks by the Boko
Haram sect in Nigeria. The study looked broadly at aspects that assessed attitudes towards
terrorism in Nigeria especially the supposed religious dimension and implications for the war
against terror.
This study found out that both religiosity and religious background had little or no influence.
Hitherto, there was a pedestrian assumption that the Boko Haram attack may have a religious
dimension. The issue of significance here is people do not feel that it has religious dimension,
rather it seen more like a band people who seek to unleash political violence on the Nigerian
people.
However, with these findings notwithstanding, it is recommended that the veracity of the findings
in this study will be better validated in a wider study involving a bigger sample. For example,
variables such ethnicity could be looked into so as to understand the ethnic dimension of attitudes
towards terrorism. Apart from that it would also make a lot of sense to try and understand how the
various geo-political feel about terrorism. This is to suggest that we can try to understand the
attitude towards terrorism by comparing the people of North-East Nigeria with South-west Nigeria.
In this respect, we may know better if we compare findings of people experience terror first hand
and people who have largely experienced very little of terror in view of the impact of Boko Haram
in Nigeria.
30
It must be stated that this study was largely exploratory and it offered a basis for further research
at understanding the direction of attitude towards terrorism in Nigeria. By this expose, we believe
that we have contributed to growing body of political violence in Nigeria.
31
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