http://wes.sagepub.comWork, Employment & Society DOI: 10.1177/0950017004040761 2004; 18; 29Work Employment SocietyRebecca F. Taylor EmploymentExtending Conceptual Boundaries: Work, Voluntary Work andhttp://wes.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/1/29The online version of this article can be found at:Published by:http://www.sagepublications.comOn behalf of:British Sociological Associationcan be found at: Work, Employment & SocietyAdditional services and information for http://wes.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Email Alerts:http://wes.sagepub.com/subscriptions Subscriptions:http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Reprints: http://www.sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Permissions: http://wes.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/18/1/29 Citations by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from Extending conceptual boundaries: work,voluntary work and employmentIRebecca F.TaylorPolicy Studies Institute, UKABSTRACTTraditional social theory has conceptualized work in terms of a dichotomy of pub-lic paid employment and private unpaid labour that oversimplies the complexityoftraditionalandcontemporaryworkpracticesandexcludesvoluntaryworkfromsociologicalunderstandingsofwork. Thisarticleexploresthelivesofveworkers from two voluntary sector organizations, whose experiences highlight theweaknessesofconceptssuchascareer andsuggestthatworksconceptualboundaries be extended. A framework based on the total social organization oflabour is developed that distinguishes between paid and unpaid work within thesettingofinstitutional, communityandfamilyrelations. Thisprovidesabasisformapping individuals labour and exploring both the interconnections between theirwork positions and the boundaries of their work identity. At the structural level ithighlightshowhealthcareandcommunityworkconstitutelabourmarketsorelds; hierarchicalstructuresgovernedbyrulesthatshapehowpositionsareaccessed.KEY WORDSemployment / elds / informal economic activity / TSOL / unpaid work / voluntaryworkIntroductionithin the sociology of work the concept of work has largely been takenforgrantedbytheoristsandresearchers.Untilquiterecentlytheresearch agenda was shaped by the assumption that work is constituted29Work, empl oyment andsoci et yCopyright 2004BSA Publications LtdVolume 18(1): 2949[DOI: 10.1177/0950017004040761]SAGE PublicationsLondon, Thousand Oaks,New Delhi W040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 29 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from bytwoseparateanddiscreetactivities:paidemploymentinthepublicsphereandunpaiddomesticlabourintheprivatesphere.Thesetwoformsofworkhavetendedtobeunderstoodwithreferencetodifferenttheoreticalmodels:economicrelationsorgenderrelations.Howeverthelimitsofthisconceptualstructure are revealed in attempts to explore forms of labour that do not t thedichotomy of paid public work and unpaid private work. Voluntary work is animportant example since it takes place in the public sphere but is unpaid, mak-ing it conceptually and theoretically incompatible with the existing denitionsof work.Although voluntary work has, for the most part, been ignored by the soci-ologyofworkitisanimportantformoflabour.RegularsurveysbytheNationalCentreforVolunteering(in1981,1991and1998)consistentlyndthat just under a half of all adults engage in formal voluntary work in a 12-month period and around two thirds engage in informal voluntary work.1Forthose volunteering regularly, i.e. involvement with any one organization on atleast a monthly basis (Davis Smith, 1998: 21), the numbers are lower but stillsignicant, with just under a third of the population taking part.The problem is that voluntary work is not actually dened or understoodasworkbysociology.Thisraisedanepistemologicalproblemfortheauthorwhose research consisted of in-depth interviews with workers engaged in paidand unpaid work within two voluntary sector organizations.2Before it was pos-sible to explore research questions such as why individuals engaged in particu-lar forms of paid and unpaid work at particular times in their working lives andhow this was connected with their class and gender identity, it was rst neces-sary to re-conceptualize work. This project involved creating a framework thatwould provide a theoretical basis for a meaningful analysis of workers experi-ences, and it provides the focus of this article.The article begins by examining the historical construction of the existingconceptual dichotomy within sociology. It is argued that work has never beenreducible to employment and that the model is a product of academic concernswith industrial capital within the new discipline of sociology at the beginningof the 20th century.Then, with reference to empirical data from the research, the second sec-tionexploreswhythismodelprovidesaninadequatetoolforunderstandingcontemporary working lives. It begins with a brief description of the researchquestionsandmethodology,andthenoutlinesthecharacteristicsofthe29interviewees, most of whose work practices exist outside, or on the peripheryof, sociologys narrow conceptual domain. This is followed by a sketch of thework histories of ve of the workers who each capture a different set of issuesraisedbytheresearchandwhohighlighttherangeofexperiencesandthelayered complexity of peoples working lives.These issues are explored in the third section. Here, it is argued, traditionalnotions of work, and also career, marginalize and devalue the experiences oftheinterviewees.Theseincludealifetimeofvoluntarywork,non-standardforms of employment, juggling several jobs, balancing familial care and public30 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 30 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from work,workinandforthecommunity,politicalwork,workafterretirementand work whilst unemployed.Aconceptualframeworkisdevelopedinthefourthpartofthepaperinorder to overcome the problems associated with the dichotomy. The frameworkconstitutes a development of the ideas of social theorists who have attemptedto rethink the nature of work. It rests on Glucksmanns (1995, 2000) assertionthatthereisnosimplecorrespondencebetweenpayandwork;instead,sheargues, work is embedded in and dened by the social relations within which itislocated.Withintheframework,distinctionsaredrawnbetweendifferentforms of work in terms of whether they are paid or unpaid and their locationwithin the setting of institutional, community or family relations. This concep-tual model develops Glucksmanns notion of the Total Social Organization ofLabour(TSOL)asadevicethatsuggeststherelationalandinterconnectednature of different forms of work in different spheres.Inthenalsectionsofthearticle,thisframeworkprovidesthestartingpoint for exploring the work practices, work identities and working lives of theinterviewees. At the individual level it provides a way to map the mix of differ-ent forms of labour that constitute peoples work practices, and at the structurallevelitilluminatesthesocialorganizationoflabourintoeldssuchashealthcare and community work. The article concludes that a widening of works con-ceptual boundaries is crucial if the complexity of peoples working lives, and therelationshipsbetweendifferentformsofworkandbetweenworkandsocialidentity, are to be explored and understood.Theories of workTheproblemwithexaminingpeoplespaidandunpaidworkis,asseveralauthors have observed, that for most of the 20th century the concept of workwithin sociological denitions and empirical studies has been synonymous withpaidemployment(Beechey,1987;Bradley,1989;Glucksmann,1995,2000;Hakim, 1996; Pahl, 1988; Tancred, 1995). This reductionism can be seen as alegacy of the changes that took place during industrialization with the genderedseparationandre-alignmentofpublicandprivatespheres(Davidoff,1995;Hall, 1992). The public sphere was dened as the site of economically produc-tiveindustriallabourandasaspecicallymaledomain,whilsttheprivatedomestic sphere came to be seen as non-economic the site of family and repro-ductionactivitiesassignedtowomen.Theseactivitieswerenotregardedaswork and were dened in opposition to industrial labour (Glucksmann, 1995).More importantly, Glucksmann (1995) points out that this dichotomy waslegitimated, and its underlying distinctions reinforced, by the creation of disci-plinaryboundarieswithinacademiathatmirroredthedifferentiationandspecialization of institutions in industrial society. Classical economics hijackedthe notion of work by dening it as wage labour and thus part of the economicsystem,sothatunderstandingworkbecameaneconomicquestionofthe31 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 31 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from monetarization and quantication of labour. This not only excluded all workthat was not exchanged for a wage, but it rendered impossible analysis of theinterconnections and interdependencies between the different spheres in whichwork was actually performed (Glucksmann, 1995: 66).Within this model, public and private worlds were entirely separate arenasconstitutedbydifferentactivitiesandconceptualizedbydifferenttheoreticalconstructs (see Figure 1). Not only was labour in the private sphere of the fam-ily not interesting to early labour theorists, but the model excluded voluntarywork and other forms of unpaid work in the public sphere, that did not takeplace within the boundaries of formal paid employment.The legacy of this focus on male industrial labour and the notion that workand employment are synonymous has been a narrow view of peoples workinglives both before and after industrialization. In fact, in pre-industrial society, thelandedaristocracywereagroupforwhomworkandincomewereconnectedonlytenuously,andwhohadlittleconceptofemploymentforgain(Davis,1980: 585). The gentry inherited a living or property that provided nancialsecurity whilst their work, consisting of positions within parliament, the churchandthemilitary,wassomethingtheydidinordertomaintainhonourandsecure status and power. These positions were usually acquired through a sys-tem of patronage, and although a stipend or living might be provided, this wasa not a direct form of remuneration for work in the way wages are for employ-ment today (Reader, 1966).Similarlythelabourofcraftandagriculturalworkersanddomesticser-vantswasenmeshedinawebofsocialobligationsandfamilyresponsibilitiesanddependenciesthatborelittleresemblancetoaformalizedmodelofcon-tractual employment (Davis, 1980: 585). Agricultural seasonal workers in the32 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004Figure 1 The separation of spheres of work in traditional theory040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 32 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from 18th century entwined this essentially casual employment with household pro-duction such as weaving, cultivating their own small cottage gardens, and graz-inglivestockoncommonland(Malcolmson,1988).Work,forbothrichandpoor, was not simply dened by material reward but was embedded in culturalpractices and social and domestic relations and expectations.3The advance of industrial production systems and the rise of professionalpractices and associations in the 18th century meant that labour was increas-ingly circumscribed by formal employment relations (Berg, 1988; Glucksmann,1995;Pahl,1988).However,althoughdenitionsofworkwereincreasinglyweddedtothepracticesofindustrialemployment,unpaidworkinthepublicspherealsocontinuedtoourish.Thiswasnotconnedtotraditionalvolun-teering epitomized by aristocratic public service (Owen, 1964) and middle-classphilanthropic and charitable labour (Owen, 1964; Prochaska, 1980; Summers,1979).Italsoincludedworking-classself-help(Finlayson,1994;Harrison,1971;Zeldin,1983),informalneighbourhoodwork(Anderson,1971;Glucksmann,2000),politicalandlabourorganization(Cleggetal.,1961;Fraser,1999;Lewenhak,1977;LiddingtonandNorris,1978)andnewsocialmovements (Brand, 1990; Scott, 1990).Yetthedichotomywasnotchallengeduntilthelate1960swhensecond-wave feminism began to question assumptions that unpaid work in the privatesphere was not work. The feminist critique sought to counter the marginaliza-tionofwomensdomesticlabourinthehomebymainstreamsocialtheory(Oakley,1974).Beecheyarguedthat,amajortheoreticalbreakthroughinvolvedtherecognitionthathousework,thelabourofloveperformedbywomen in the home, was a form of work (1987: 126). This new focus extendedtheconceptofworktoincludelabourthatwasnotdirectlyeconomic(Glucksmann, 1995) and also enabled Marxist feminists (Hartman, 1981) andlabour economists (Becker, 1991) to explore the hidden economic value of thiswork.However, although this recognition of domestic labour meant both halvesofthedichotomywerenowdenedaswork,thedichotomyitselfremainedrmlyintact.Theempiricalandtheoreticaltextsonworkthatappearedthroughout the 1980s and 1990s (both by feminists and mainstream theorists),withafewexceptions,madenoreferencetounpaidlabourinthepublicdomain.4Where attempts were made to look beyond the dichotomy, voluntary work,if mentioned at all, tends to be included anecdotally rather than empirically, andwithouttheorizingorconceptualizingitsrelationtootherformsofworkorengagingwithitsabsencefromtheliterature.5Moreproblematically,investi-gating these rare appearances in the literature, it becomes clear that by appro-priating the notion of unpaid labour to signify domestic labour in the homedone by women, feminism had succeeded in reducing all unpaid work and byextensionvoluntaryworktowomenswork.Forexample,Beecheyarguedthat as well as doing most of the housework women also comprise the major-ity of this countrys voluntary work-force (1987: 1). The volunteering surveys33 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 33 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from reveal a quite different reality. For the last 20 years at least, men and womenhave participated in voluntary work more or less equally (Davis Smith, 1998).6Not only does this dualistic model of work lead to unfounded assumptionsabout the nature of mens and womens work, it renders invisible or marginal,substantial parts of the working lives of those who do not conform to it. As willbe explored below in relation to the empirical data, this model serves to limitunderstanding of peoples work identity and the practical reality of their work-ing lives.The research and the intervieweesTwenty-nine people were interviewed for the research7and of these, 13 worked,paid or unpaid, at North End Community and Refugee project, located in aninnerLondonborough.Theorganization,foundedintheearly1970s,wasfunded through a trust provided by an Anglican minister, and worked closelywith local asylum seekers and other minority ethnic groups, providing servicesthat included education outreach, English language classes, housing advice, anda range of cultural groups and events.The other 16 interviewees worked, paid or unpaid, for a Home Countiesbranch of Care Aid, a national health care charity founded at the end of the19th century that provided emergency rst aid cover and training. The branchalso ran a number of health care services such as hospital after care, staffed byvolunteers, and domiciliary care, staffed by paid care assistants. Unlike NorthEnd,wheremanyoftheworkerswerefromtheminorityethniccommunitiesthey served, the majority of workers at Care Aid were white.Thetwoorganizationswerechosentocaptureverydifferentendsofthespectrum of voluntary organizations, from local and informal to national andhighly organized. The 29 who were interviewed represented a cross-section ofworkers in each organization. They worked in paid and unpaid positions rang-ing from president to ofce manager and from ESOL teacher to care assistant.They were each interviewed once. The interviews lasted between an hour andtwohoursandfocusedoneachintervieweesworkhistory,theirfamilyandparents work, and their experiences of education. The research questions wereconcernedwithhowtheseindividualsorganizedvoluntarywork,paidworkand domestic labour; the (lack of) choices that led to them to undertake partic-ular forms of work at various points in their lives; the nature of the relation-ships between these different forms of work; and how their work practices wereshaped by their class and gender identity.Ofthe29workers,12wereinfull-timepaidemployment,eightwereinvarioussortsofpart-timeemployment,andtheremainingninewereunem-ployed,retired,supportedbyfamily,studying,orataparticularstageintheasylum process whilst also engaging in some form of unpaid or informal work.Over two thirds of the sample were involved in regular voluntary work, mostof which was formal. Over half the sample were doing more than one job in an34 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 34 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from average month, often juggling a mixture of paid and unpaid work, and in thatsenseitwasnotpossibletocharacterizeanddistinguishpaidworkersandunpaid workers. Those who worked paid for one organization often workedunpaid for another and vice versa.The sample reected not only different types of workers, but also a cross-section of the social characteristics that constituted each organizations work-force.Intervieweesrangedinagefrom19to68,althoughCareAidhadanolder prole. They covered a range of socio-economic groups from professionalteachers and accountants to unqualied care assistants, and at North End thesample included individuals from Somalia, the Philippines, Chile and Ethiopia,reecting the projects community focus and client base.Themanydifferences(generational,cultural,social,etc.)betweenthe29research participants meant that their work histories and their understandingsof those histories were also incredibly diverse. In order to explore their experi-ences in depth and capture the complexity of their lives and work practices itwas necessary to focus on particular characteristics and relationships by exam-ining individual cases. In this paper Jill, Claire, Jose, Trish and Bob provide thefocus since they capture a range (although by no means all) of the experiencesand issues that were highlighted by the wider sample.Their work histories are summarized below.I Jill isinherearly60s,hasworkedforCareAidfor20years,unpaid,inpositions from centre organizer to branch director and is currently deputypresident of the branch. This is a part-time job and she also holds unpaidpositionsasgovernorandtrusteeinthreeothercharities.Herthreechil-dren have left home and she and her husband inherited and manage a farmin the home counties and also have a house in London.I Claire, in her late 20s, is an Oxford graduate with an MSC in Developmentfrom the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS). She is employedas a part-time housing development worker at North End, which she occa-sionally supplements with paid temping work. On graduating she had beenunabletondpaidworkinhumanrightsandrefugeework,andinsteadworkedasavolunteerforseveralcharitiesforoverayear.Shelivedinashared house in London at this time and claimed income support and hous-ing benet to support herself. Since then she has juggled part-time employ-ment in a number of voluntary sector organizations.I Jose is in his late 40s and has been employed full-time as the ofce man-ager at North End for the last ve years. He is originally from Chile andcametoBritainasapoliticalrefugeeinthemid1970swithhiswife,although they are now divorced and his children have left home. Alongsidehis paid work, Jose has been heavily involved in unpaid political and cul-tural work within the Latin American community in London. This includeshelping to run a prison visiting group and a Latin American cultural cen-tre, nance work for a Chilean political association and organizing culturalevents informally for the community and at North End.35 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 35 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from I Bob, in his late 60s, retired from his career in nursing ve years ago and iscurrently a hospital after care volunteer for Care Aid with his wife Joyce(also a nurse), who has recently retired due to ill health. He also supportsanelderlyneighbourandworksunpaidasafundraiserforachildrenscharity. After 12 years in the navy medical corp he moved into psychiatricnursing and ran a day hospital in the North West. When Joyce found a jobmanaging a care home in the South East they moved and Bob took a job inmental health nursing in a local authority home, where he worked until hisretirement.I Trish is in her mid 40s and is employed as a domiciliary care worker forCare Aid on a zero hours contract. She normally works most evenings andweekends, enabling her and her husband to share the care of their ve chil-dren, two of whom suffer from chronic asthma and require additional care.Herworkinglifehasbeenconstitutedbypart-timecareworkthatbeganwith ten years of unpaid work in her local community before nding domi-ciliary and nursing home work with social services and then Care Aid.Work, careers and identitiesThese ve individuals have very different life stories and experiences that raisea number of issues about how work is dened and conceptualized. In the rstplace they have all, at some point, engaged in what several of the intervieweesdescribeasjugglingjobs.Theirliveshaveinvolvedmanagingacomplexarrangement of paid work, voluntary work, domestic labour and informal eco-nomicactivity.Theissueofwomenjugglingdomesticlabourandcareerhasbeenexplored(see,forexample,CromptonandBirkelund,2000),butmorecomplexcombinationsofdifferentformsoflabour,particularlythosethatincludevoluntarywork,havenot.Theseexamplesraiseinterestingquestionsabouttheprocessofprioritizingandmanagingdifferentformsofpaidandunpaid work and the issue of whether juggling jobs is a matter of choice, obli-gationornecessity.Asynchronicperspectiveonpeoplesworkinglivesisrequiredinordertohighlighttheinterdependenciesandinterconnectionsbetween these different forms of labour at a particular historical moment.Secondly, taking a diachronic perspective and examining these individualsworking lives over a period of time raises issues about how their careers andwork histories have been constructed. The problem here is that these terms areembedded rmly in the traditional dichotomous model of work that polarizesemployment and domestic labour. Careers are implicitly or explicitly dened inrelationtoanidealtype:acontinuousandupwardtrajectoryoffull-timeemployment, the product of organizational or occupational strategies (Brown,1982).Asseveralauthorshavenoted,itisamodelthatwouldrendermostwomen and many working-class men careerless (Brown, 1982; Dex, 1984), asitdoestheinterviewees.Forexample,despitethefactthatJillhasworkedatCare Aid for 20 years and has moved from an administrative position to that36 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 36 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from of deputy president, the fact that this was unpaid work rather than employmenteffectively renders her careerless. One author, referring to the unpaid charityworkofwomencivicleadersintheUS,hasdescribedtheirworkinglivesasinvisible careers (Kaplan Daniels, 1988).Attemptstoexpandthistraditionalmodelofacareerbyconstructingtypologies that take other work patterns into account give rise to labels such asdomestic career or homemaker career (Dex, 1984; Hakim, 1996). Whilst thisallows women to have a career the problem remains that paid and preferablyfull-time employment is what counts as work. Time spent out of employment(even if engaged in raising children or doing voluntary work), is dened as notworkingandunderstoodtosignifyalowcommitmentorattachmenttowork (see, for example, Dex, 1984: 104). Other forms of work are not givenequalweightintheanalysis,andassumptionsaboutmotiveareextrapolatedfromdifferentcareerpatternsthatemergefromquantitativedataratherthanqualitativequestionsthattapworkersfeelingsandprioritiesinrelationtowork (Halford et al., 1997).The experiences of these ve individuals highlight why models of work andcareer are problematic. Trishs work history has consisted of a series of paid andunpaid positions providing care and support for old or terminally ill patients intheir own homes, whilst also bringing up ve children, and caring for two withasthma. Dening her career as domestic and so labelling her as someone withalowcommitmenttowork,isclearlyinappropriateforawomanwho,forover 20 years, has juggled public and private work and currently works sevendays a week. It misses the more important questions that might be asked abouthowshemanagesandprioritizesthesedifferentworkactivitiesandhowshenegotiates work time with her husband.Noraretraditionalconstructionsofcareerparticularlyusefulforunder-standing the work of those such as Jose, who do other jobs in addition to full-time paid employment. Before getting the ofce manager job at North End, Josemoved through a series of low-paid bookkeeping positions in commercial orga-nizations. However, although these positions constitute Joses career in the tra-ditionalsense,theyonlyconstitutehalfofJosesworkhistory.Alongsidehispaid work Jose has engaged in extensive political and community work. A morecompleteviewofJosescareerwouldrecognizethedifferentformsoflabourthathaveconstitutedit,andraisequestionsregardingthenatureoftherela-tionshipbetweenthesepositionsandwhattheyhaveprovidedhimwithinterms of material resources and other forms of capital.Focusing only on the period of time spent in paid employment can producea very limited understanding of someones working life, which, for those suchas Trish and Claire, may have started before they got their rst paid job. Trishhadworkedunpaidprovidingcareandsupportforelderlyneighboursandothers in her local community for almost ten years before nding a paid job asa care assistant for social services in her mid twenties. After graduating, Clairerealized that the only way to gain the necessary experience to nd a paid jobwasthroughvoluntarywork.Thisinformalapprenticeshipprovidedtherst37 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 37 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from rung on the community work career ladder, and was crucial in the process ofndingpaidwork.Clairesvoluntaryworkiscentraltounderstandinghercareer and future plans. It does not signify a lack of commitment to work butis, she argues, wholly strategic.Im ambitious, I know I want to be going upwards and I identify ways forward andthere are events here (North End) on a Saturday or in the evening and there is poten-tial for doing voluntary work on steering groups and this sort of thing, its going tobe me doing that.Peoplesworkinglivesdonotnecessarilyendatretirement.Bobdidnotgive up work on retirement but rather found other forms of work to engage in.Initially he helped his wife Joyce run the retirement complex (unpaid) where shewas the manager. He then found himself on the committee of a local childrenscharitythroughhisniece,whowasanassistantthere,andbeganfundraisingwork for them. Later when Joyce suffered a number of strokes and was advisedtoretirebyherdoctor,shetoorefusedtogiveupworkandfoundvoluntaryworkwithCareAidshospitalaftercareservice.Bobdrovehertoseeherclients and then became a volunteer for Care Aid himself.As the experiences of these ve individuals make clear, structures such ascareers that are dened in relation to narrow models of what counts as work,failtoacknowledgethewidermeaningsthatworkhasforindividuals.Thequestion is how work (and career) can be conceptualized more inclusively in awaythatmakessenseofthecomplexityofworkactivitiesinwhichpeopleengage, and draws attention to the interconnections and dependencies betweendifferentformsofwork.However,inordertobeabletoexploretheconnec-tions between them, these activities rst have to be dened as work.Reconceptualizing workWhatconstitutesanactivityaswork,asopposedtosomethingelsesuchasleisure, is not whether it is paid but whether it involves the provision of a ser-vice to others or the production of goods for the consumption of others. Furtheran activity is only deemed productive if it can be performed by a third person,someoneotherthantheonebeneting(Hakim,1996:23).However,equallyimportant in exploring the question of what constitutes work, is Glucksmannspoint (1995, 2000) that it is necessary to look at work as activities taking placein different spheres, embedded in, and dened by particular social relations, andconnected to one another through the organization of social structures. She pro-poses a conceptual device the total social organization of labour (TSOL) thatilluminates the manner by which all the labour in a particular society is dividedupbetweenandallocatedtodifferentstructures,institutionsandactivities(2000: 67).This notion of the TSOL can be developed by pulling apart the dichotomyand constructing a conceptual framework in its place that extends the bound-38 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 38 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from aries of work. Private and public and formal and informal aspects of work rela-tionscanbesituatedalongacontinuum,ratherthaninmutuallyexclusivespheres, and divided by a vertical axis signifying paid and unpaid work (see g-ure 2).Leaving aside the paid or unpaid aspects of the work, this creates a seriesofzonesmovingfromlefttoright,fromformalworkinthepublicspherewithininstitutionsandorganizations,throughacentralzoneofinformalbutpublic work taking place in the community and neighbourhood structured bysocialnetwork,throughtotheinformalorprivatesphereontheright,thedomain of the family.These zones are divided into paid work at the top and unpaid work at thebottom creating six rather than two forms of labour; paid employment, formalvoluntarywork,informalunpaidwork,informaleconomicactivity8,paidlabour within the family and unpaid domestic labour. Work activities here areunderstoodbythecontextandrelationswithinwhichtheyareembedded.Aparticular activity such as ironing could conceivably take place in all areas ofthe framework, although in each the conditions relations and meanings of theworkwoulddiffer(Glucksmann,1995;Pahl,1988).Theimportantpointisthatinmappingactivitiesontoaframework,ratherthanpositioningtheminopposition to one another in a dichotomy, the interconnections between differ-ent forms of work become visible.39 Extending conceptual boundaries TaylorFormal paidemployment in public,private and voluntarysectore.g. paid accountant or careassistantInformal economicactivitye.g. paid babysitting forfriends or neighboursHousehold/family worke.g. paid babysitting withinthe familye.g. unpaid accountant orcare assistantFormal unpaid work inpublic, private andvoluntary sectore.g. unpaid care for sick orelderly neighbourInformal unpaid worke.g. unpaid care for sick orelderly relativePrivate domesticlabourPUBLIC/ PRIVATE PUBLIC/FORMAL INFORMAL INFORMALPAIDUNPAIDFigure 2 A framework showing the organization of labour040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 39 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from Importantly for this research, the framework can accommodate peoplesunpaid activities in the public sphere as well as their employment and domes-ticlabour.ThusJosesemploymentasanaccountantisdifferentiatedfromhisaccountancyworkfortheChileanorganization,whichisunpaid.Jillsmanyunpaidrolesindifferentorganizationsarealsopositionedwithintheformal/publicunpaidsectionoftheframework.TrishspaidworkforCareAid is differentiated from her informal unpaid work for her neighbours andfrom Bobs formal unpaid care work for Care Aids hospital after care ser-vice.The framework also acknowledges that paid work that takes place beyondemployment,withinrelationsthatareneitherinstitutionalnorfamilial;thelooselystructuredarenaofthecommunityandneighbourhoodandwithinunregulatedlabourmarkets.Thisworkwouldincludeinformaleconomicactivity,thegreyeconomy,inwhichproductsandservicesprovidedarenotlegitimatedbyinstitutionalandlegalsystems(Gershuny,1988;WilliamsandWindebank, 1998). An example here might be prostitution or drug dealing. Italso includes what Gershuny identies as the communal production system, inwhich he situates activities such as babysitting (1988: 581).The area labelled family work within the framework acknowledges thatin addition to unpaid domestic labour and care work, relations of paid labouralso occur in the context of familial relations. This might include paying chil-drentododomesticchores,orpaymentbetweenfamilymembersforcare(Ungerson, 1997).9These arenas are not separate; their boundaries merge andan activity can move from one to another as a relationship changes or nancialrewardsareintroduced.Moreimportantly,thisconceptualframeworkforlocatingdifferenttypesofworkisnotanalyticalinitself.Itactsasalensthrough which to view the organization of labour and this can be at the level ofsocial structures or an individuals work.Mapping individuals work domainsThe framework comes to life when it is used to map the way individuals orga-nizetheirlabour.Itcreatesadomainrepresentingtheirworkatagivenhis-toricalmomentandsuggeststheboundariesoftheirworkidentity.Forexample Joses current work includes paid employment, and several differentcommunity work positions. His domain is located within the informal end ofthepublicsphereandembeddedwithintheLatinAmericancommunityandthesocialnetworksthatstructureit.Thispositioningsuggeststheextenttowhich the community is central to his work and shapes his work identity (seeFigure 3).Understanding Joses work involves exploring the relationship between hispositions at a given moment. He talks about his many roles and projects withinthe Latin American community and lists his connections to various communityorganizations and the people who run them. He sees his paid work as support-40 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 40 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from inghisunpaidworkbothinnancialtermsandalsointermsoftheskillsheuses. As he puts it, Ive got managerial skills, I was a trustee, and then Ive gotmy diploma and course in accountancy so Ive got skills I think I can give backto the community. For Jose a key issue is managing his time and organizing theinformal work (requests for him to join companies and partnerships and pro-mote musicians), around his regular paid and unpaid positions outlined in thetable. As he puts it, I always say yes very eagerly but then I dont have the timeand I have to say sorry.Now that Jose has paid work at North End he is able to further combinethe two elements of his working life: earning a living and working for the com-munity. These two areas clearly overlap and the boundaries between his differ-ent roles at North End can be unclear. Although he is the nance worker andofce manager many of the Latin Americans who come to North End think hesees clients.I dont see clients but I couldnt be rude and say go away so I give them a little helpandthenIputthemintouchwithMargarita,andloads,ofcourse,cometome,theyve got problems with this, problems with thatClaires work domain is located within the arena of formal paid and unpaidwork.Shehasnodomesticcommitmentsorcommunityobligationsandher41 Extending conceptual boundaries TaylorFormal paidemployment in public,private and voluntarysectorNorth EndOffice ManagerInformal economicactivityPromoter for LatinAmerican musiciansHousehold/family workTreasurer of LatinAmerican OrganizationFormal unpaid work inpublic, private andvoluntary sectorOrganizer Latin Americancultural groupInformal unpaid work Private domesticlabourPUBLIC/ PRIVATE PUBLIC/FORMAL INFORMAL INFORMALPAIDUNPAIDFigure 3 Joses work domain040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 41 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from concern is with balancing the needs of her career with those of supporting her-self nancially. Her current position juggling part-time work is a product of hercareer aspirations. After graduating from SOAS she wanted to work in the areaof human rights and refugee work and began to develop a knowledge of the sortof paid jobs that were available and the organizations that she wanted to workfor. She argues that at this time it was common knowledge amongst her peersthat it was necessary to do unpaid work to get the experience to get paid workintheseorganizations.Sheexplainsthatitwasnecessarytobeverystrategicaboutdoingthistypeofworkandsheleftonevoluntarypositionaftereightmonths, explaining I knew that it wasnt going to get me anywhere.Claires rst paid job was only part-time, and whilst she perceived it as astep up from voluntary work, the income was insufcient to support living inLondon.Unabletondfull-timepaidworkshespentthenextyearjugglingpart-time,xed-termcontractcommunityworkjobsandsomeadministrativetemping but found balancing two jobs hard to manage, they expect more ofyouthantwoandahalfdays.Sinceherpart-timepositionatNorthEnddemanded an almost daily attendance in the ofce she had given up her secondpaid job and was lling her time with voluntary work at North End which shehoped would increase her chances of nding full-time work.Jills domain is situated entirely in the arena of unpaid work. She attendscommitteemeetingsandundertakesadministrationofthevariouscharitieswhere she holds executive positions in addition to the heavier schedule entailedby her work as deputy president of Care Aid. This involves a commitment ofabout two days a week attending meetings, events and awards, and giving sem-inarsandpresentations.However,forJillherworkidentityisalsodenedinrelationtoherdomesticrolesaswifeandmotherandmanagerofproperty.Although her children have left home the domestic sphere is still the centre ofherworkdomain.Shearguesthatrunningtwoproperties,particularlythefarm,takesalotoftime,thingsdonotlookafterthemselves.HerworkatCare Aid and other voluntary sector organizations has always been exible, andtted in with her family responsibilities.LikeJill,BobandJoycescurrentworkdomainislocatedintheareaofunpaidwork.Howeverbothdenethemselvesascommittedprofessionalsdedicated to their work, and for them voluntary work is strongly connected totheirprofessionalnursingskillsandcareers.Theylookafteranelderlyladywho lives locally to them as well as carrying out the more formal weekly careduties that are expected of a hospital after care volunteer. Although they arebothretired,theybothexplain,almostinunison,butyouvegottolivehavent you since for them living means working. Their talk about devel-oping skills, and looking for a new challenge in relation to their professionalcareers is indicative of an ethos they have maintained in retirement. The cen-trality of a professional occupation to their identity has meant that they havesoughtotherwaysofcontinuingworkingaftertheirretirement(BarnesandParry, 2002).42 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 42 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from Trishs work domain, located in the arenas of domestic labour and employ-ment, draws attention to the ways in which, for some, working lives are con-structed through a balancing of family work and other forms of work. The issuefor Trish is how she manages and prioritizes these activities and how these arenegotiated in relation to her husbands work. The division of labour in Trishshome is partly shaped by her husbands nine-to-ve job. He takes over the car-ing duties when he gets home from work so that Trish can go out to work.Trish sees bringing up her ve children and managing the care of the twowhoaresickasanissueoforganizinghertimeandmanagingherdifferentresponsibilities,inmuchthesamewayasJoseseesmanaginghiscommunitywork and paid work. She denes her primary role as a carer for her children,yet this does not mean she regards the domiciliary care work as unimportant.In fact she is deeply committed to it and points out that she only took a yearoff work after the birth of each of her children. She says, I went back becauseI love it, I really love it I mean the money helps but I can actually think of alot easier ways to go and earn some money.Thesesnapshotsofveintervieweesprovideaglimpseoftherangeofissues raised by extending works conceptual boundaries. Exploring the way inwhich people work and construct themselves as workers entails acknowledgingthe whole arena in which they work and examining the social relations withinwhichtheirworkisdened.Understandingtheirdifferentworkdomainshasrevealedtheirdifferentorientationstoworkandsuggestedthecomplexityofthe resources, priorities and understandings that individuals bring with them tothe world of work.Structures, elds and the TSOLAt the structural level the framework draws attention to the social context oftheorganizationoflabour.Theextenttowhichsomeunpaidworkcantakeplaceatallisdependentonthedegreetowhichsubsistencecanbeseparatedfrom paid employment in a society. For example Jills unpaid work is dependentontheinheritanceofpropertyandtheadditionalsupportofherhusbandssalary, whilst Bob and Joyce are dependent on receiving an adequate state pen-sion. Claires unpaid work was supported by the benet system that rewardedher with 10 per week for doing voluntary work. From a structural perspectivetheir work domains are not simply the product of an individuals choices andprioritiesbutareshapedbythewaysinwhichlabourisorganizedatthestructural level across institutions and the nature of the markets within whichskills and resources are exchanged (Evetts, 2000).Theframework,likethetotalsocialorganizationoflabour,providesatool to explore the distribution of labour between different functions such asproduction,services,welfare,educationandsoon,andwiththeinstitutionsandformsoflabourinwhichsuchfunctionsarecarriedout(Glucksmann,2000: 19). The working lives of these ve individuals have been shaped by the43 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 43 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from market for particular types of labour, such as health care, nance or communitydevelopment.Moreimportantly,withinthelabourmarketforparticularfunctions, it is not only paid employment for which there is supply and demandand systems of exchange. These markets include all forms of work outside thefamily: paid or unpaid, formal or informal. For example, Trish, Bob and Jill canall be positioned within a health care labour market, which includes not onlypaid work within commercial, voluntary, and statutory sector health care insti-tutions, but also unpaid work in the voluntary sector and informal care work,paidorunpaid,withinthefamilyorthecommunity.ClaireandJoseworkwithinamarketforcommunityandrefugeework,whichincludesarangeofvoluntary sector and social services agencies, informal local community associ-ations, church groups and self-help groups (Clark and Broady, 1990; Rochester,1992).Within a market forms of work are interconnected and where cultural shiftsorpolicyinitiativesleadtochangesintheavailabilityofoneformoflabouritaffectsthemarketforanother.Changesinthemarketforstatutorysectorcarewhichtookplaceduringthe1980sasaresultofparticularpoliciesoftheConservativegovernment,affectedthelocationoflow-paiddomiciliarycarework (Snaith et al., 1989; Walker, 1982) and the division of care labour (Graham,1997). Trish was forced out of social services, where she had worked for severalyears, and into the voluntary sector, and Bob and Joyce found themselves in anincreasingly formalized market for health care volunteers within the sector.Similarly,politicalprioritiesandtheallocationofbudgetsinrelationtorefugeeandcommunitydevelopmentworkhaveshapedthislabourmarket.Claires work trajectory in particular is a product of the dismantling of asylumseekersrightstostatutorysupportinthemid1980s,inconjunctionwithanincreaseinspendingonurbanregenerationandcommunitydevelopmentthroughoutthe1990s.Theresultwasamarketforshort-term,unpaidandpoorly paid or part-time labour within small, community-based organizationsthat were meeting the basic needs of asylum seekers (Joly, 1996).The notion of a labour market, as it is used here, converges with, and canbe developed in relation to Bourdieus understanding of elds as markets, eachwithahierarchyandsetofrulesgoverningaccesstopositionswithininstitu-tionsandeachconstitutingthesiteofastruggleforthecontrolofresources(BourdieuandWacquant,1992).Withinaparticulareld,employmentposi-tions, community roles or formal voluntary work roles are structured throughahierarchygovernedbyprofessionalandclass-basedintereststhatdenethepay, status and other resources provided by these positions. Fields serve to legit-imate and reproduce particular occupational and professional inequalities.The concept of a eld of labour provides a way of articulating the differ-ences between individuals in terms of their interaction with the labour market.Forexample,ClaireandJosesverydifferentexperiencesofcommunityworkare partly explained by the way their capital is recognized and rewarded withinthe eld. There are few paid jobs for graduates like Claire because qualicationsarelessimportantthancommunityknowledgeandexpertise,resourcesJose44 Work, employment and society Volume 18INumber 1IMarch 2004040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 44 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from hadplentyof.Further,therulesofthegameinthecommunityworkelddetermine that this has to be acquired through unpaid work. Jill and Trish haveno qualications and both have undertaken health care work in quite differentcontexts. Trish has undertaken unpaid care work in her local community, butwhilst this has given her access to low-paid care work it has not provided herwith the power, inuence and symbolic capital that Jill obtains from her man-agement roles with various charities.ConclusionThe framework that has been developed in this article undermines the publicprivate dualism that underlies conceptualizations of work within sociology, andaccommodatesarangeofdifferentworkrelations:paid,unpaid,public,pri-vate, formal and informal. In locating work within the context of a total socialorganization of labour as Glucksmann (2000) urges, the framework has pro-videdawaytoexploretheextentandcomplexityofpeoplesworkpractices,the connections between different forms of work, the nature of work in differ-ent historical periods and the embeddedness of work in cultural and social prac-tice. This has made it possible to unpick assumptions about the gendered natureofpaidandunpaidworkembeddedinthefeministcritique.Ithasalsoaddressedgapsinthecriticalliteratureonwork(forexampleBeechey,1987;Pahl, 1988), by developing a concrete theoretical basis for research into volun-tary work.The analysis of the experience of the ve interviewees that has arisen fromthe process of extending works conceptual boundaries, has highlighted the cen-tral role that marginalized forms of labour can play in peoples work historiesand shown how unpaid labour outside the family can be central to, or even con-stitute, a career. It has highlighted how the issue of whether and how work isremuneratedisshapedbythesocialorganizationoflabourand,assuch,thestructureofparticularmarketsorelds.Thefocusonbothpaidandunpaidformsoflabourhasalsoledtoareformulatingofmoretraditionalquestionsandissues.What,forexample,aretheskillsandresourcesrequiredofthosewho work in unpaid positions and how are they rewarded for their work? Whatroles do class and gender play in the organization of this labour the mecha-nisms of recruitment and progression and how do these vary across differenteldsoflabour?Suchquestionsprovidethefoundationsforfurtherworkonthetotalsocialorganizationoflabourandvoluntaryworkspositionwithinthis conceptual framework.AcknowledgementsFinancialsupportforwritingthisarticlewasprovidedbytheUniversityofWestminsters Regent Street Polytechnic Trust.45 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 45 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from Notes1 Formalheremeanscarriedoutfororthroughanorganizationorgroupofsome kind; informal means outside of an organizational context on an indi-vidual basis, such as helping a neighbour (Davis Smith, 1998: 14).2 This empirical work took place in 1998 as part of a doctoral research projectentitled Rethinking work: congurations of class, gender and career.3 CeliaDavisnotesthattheremnantsofapre-industrialsocialorderinearlyindustrial society meant that census makers had considerable problems untan-gling the work of husbands, children and wives, and deciding who was to becountedashavinganoccupationandwhatcountedasemployment(1980:5856).4 SeeforexampletextsbyGrint(1991),Adkins(1995),Brown(1997),Crompton (1997), Bradley (1989, 1999), Briar (1997), Dex (1987), and Glazer(1993).5 See, for example, Pahl (1988), who in his exploration of work outside employ-ment mentions voluntary work, dening it as hard to distinguish from play.See also Beck (2000) and Hakim (1996).6 Therearesomekeyexceptions.Hakim(1996)examinedthevolunteeringstatisticsanddrewonthegenderequalityofvolunteeringtounderminethenotionthatwomenswork,unlikemens,isuncounted.IntheUS,KaplanDaniels (1988) and contributors to an edited collection by Higginbotham andRomero(1997)carriedoutqualitativeempiricalresearchthatprovidessomeimportant insights.7 The names of the interviewees and the two organizations have been changed toprovide anonymity.8 American economists Tilly and Tilly reach a similar conclusion in their map-ping of works diverse forms, distinguishing four regions of work which theyterm: the world of labour markets, the informal sector, household labour andvolunteer work. However, they focus largely on paid employment and mentionvoluntaryworkonlyasaninvisiblerealmpeopledlargelybywomen(Tillyand Tilly, 1994: 291).9 Lewenhaks(1988)exampleofwomeninTheGambia,Senegal,Nigeria,Madagascar, and Mauritania, who are paid by their husbands to do the plant-ing, harvesting, picking or processing of their crops, highlights the potential ofthe framework to be applied in developing countries where labour priorities aredifferent.ReferencesAdkins,L. (1995)GenderedWork:Sexuality,FamilyandtheLabourMarket.Buckingham: Open University Press.Anderson,M.(1971)FamilyStructureinNineteenthCenturyLancashire.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Barnes H. and Parry, J. 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Taylor is a Research Fellow in the Employment Group at the Policy StudiesInstitute.Address: Policy Studies Institute, 100 Park Village East, London NW1 3SR, UKE-mail: r.taylor@psi.org.ukDate submitted July 2002Date accepted June 200349 Extending conceptual boundaries Taylor040761 Taylor3/3/0412:41 pmPage 49 by Cecilia Cross on October 7, 2009http://wes.sagepub.com Downloaded from