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Page 1: Fabulous Creatures and Spirits in Ancient Iranian Culture · Aghtamar Island (Lake Van) with its mythological animals.24 Here special mention should be made of a large composition
Page 2: Fabulous Creatures and Spirits in Ancient Iranian Culture · Aghtamar Island (Lake Van) with its mythological animals.24 Here special mention should be made of a large composition

a cura diMatteo Compareti

Fabulous Creatures and Spiritsin Ancient Iranian Culture

Proceedings of a Workshop held on May 3rd 2016at the Near Eastern Department, University of California Berkeley

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piazza San Martino 9/C40126 Bologna

Tel. (+39) 051/9913920Fax (+39) 051/19901229

e–mail: [email protected]

Redazione: Loris Di Bella, Camilla Vincenzi

Copyright © 2018 by Gruppo Persiani Editore Srls

TUTTI I DIRITTI RISERVATI – Printed in Italy

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Contents

Premessa ...................................................................................................... 7Gianroberto Scarcia

Introduction .............................................................................................. 13Matteo Compareti

Bird-Men and Other Hybrids: Some Central Asian Representations of Zoroastrian Yazatas ............................................................................ 19jenny rose

The senmurv and Other Mythical Creatures with Sasanian Iconography in the Medieval Art of Armenia and Transcaucasia .... 39zaruhi hakobyan, lilit mikayelyan

Notes on the Iconography of the senmurv ............................................ 77david stronach

Iranian in the Hekhalot ......................................................................... 93james r. russell

Ionas Renatus ......................................................................................... 111gianroberto scarcia

Images of the Gorgon in Persian Traditionand Islamic Book Illustrations ............................................................. 121matteo compareti

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The senmurv and Other Mythical Creatureswith Sasanian Iconography in the Medieval Art

of Armenia and Transcaucasia

zaruhi hakobyan, lilit mikayelyanYerevan State University

Cultural intercommunication between Armenia and Persia has a his-tory of at least 2500 years, the Middle Ages constituting an important part of it. Historical and linguistic ties between the Armenians and Persians have been quite circumstantially studied, but as far as art history is concerned, there is still much work to be done, especially given the fact that a number of images, compositions and symbolic elements found in Armenian art have Sasanian prototypes.1 Special mention should be made of the mythological animals that were wide-spread in the art of Ancient Iran. This article dwells on some of these creatures, the earliest specimen of which – the senmurv – is found in medieval Armenian art from the seventh century onwards.

Known from Iranian culture, the senmurv is a hybrid mytholog-ical beast with a dog’s head and a bird’s – mostly peacock’s –2 tail and wings, sometimes also with fish scales. Unlike a number of other mythological creatures of the Ancient Orient, it is closely connect-ed with Iranian mythology,3 its canonical iconography having been

1 M. Compareti, 2010, pp. 201-232; Mikayelyan, 2013b, pp. 112-122.2 The Armenian equivalent of peacock is «սիրամարգ» [siramarg] («սինամարգ»

[sinamarg] in its primary form), which derives from the old and new Persian forms sēn-i-murūk, sīnmurū and sīmurγ. See: Acharian, 1979, Vol. iv, p. 219.

3 Identification of this creature with the bird Saena of Avesta and senmurv of the late Sasanian sources was first made by K. Trever in the 30s of the last century and predominated in the literature till recent times. According to her opinion,

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formed in the late Sasanian art (from fifth to seventh century) became quite widespread in it4 (Fig. 1). According to the latest researches the senmurv was viewed as a personification of the Zoroastrian gods Verethragna5 and Khwarenah (Farr, Farn5) – the royal glory, fortune and divine patronage.6 The depiction of this beast in Christian art dates from the Sasanians’ times: now it acquired a new interpretation, indeed, partly preserving its former symbolism.7 Like almost all other mythological creatures, the senmurv was viewed in Christian art as symbolising supernatural forces. It was also considered as a protector and a mediator between the secular and heavenly worlds.

Remarkable specimens of the senmurv, as depicted in Sasanian and early Islamic art, are preserved on expensive dishes, stucco and textiles.8 In most of these examples, the animal has floral elements – namely half palmettes or so-called Sasanian flowers – on its body, for the accentuation of the fact that it represented the deity of nature and fertility.9 It should be noted that the images of mythical beasts which were particularly widely used in decorative and applied arts during the Islamic period penetrated into the cultures of the neighbouring

senmurv (and its famous images in art) embodied three elements and it was a fertility deity, living on the “Tree of All Seeds” (Trever, 1938). However, this hypothesis has been recently revised on the basis of new discoveries and re-readings of sources. The traditional senmurv is now considered by most scholars as the incarnation of Farn, whereas his literary prototype most likely represented a huge bird similar to a peacock, eagle or phoenix, like Simorgh in the poem Shahnameh (Compareti, 2006, pp. 185-200).

4 David Stronach sees the prototype of this figure in Achaemenid art, particularly in the composition of the rhytons with long horns and animal (often griffin) foreparts. See the following article in this collection. Stronach, 2017.

5 Trever, Lukonin, 1987, p. 37; p. 56.6 Shenkar, 2013, pp. 427-451; Compareti, 2013, pp. 20-21. 7 Trever, 1938, pp. 33-34; Grabar, 1971, pp. 679-707. 8 Orbeli, Trever, 1935, fig. 35, 40, 43, 48; Trever, Lukonin, 1987, fig. 21, 30;

Trever, 1938, fig. 5, 8; Harper, 1978, fig. 34, 50, 60.9 Mikayelyan, 2016, pp. 171-173.

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Christian peoples thanks to the rapid development of cities and trades.The earliest representation of the senmurv in Armenia and through-

out Eastern Christian art has been recently revealed in the exterior decoration of Ejmiacin Cathedral. According to the results of the studies carried out by A. Kazaryan in 2005, most part of the drum of the Cathedral, together with the pilasters and representations of the apostles, dates from 620, when Catholicos Komitas (613-628) imple-mented some reconstruction there. The senmurv in question is carved on the capital of one of the northern half-columns of the drum (Fig. 3).10 It is quite large and depicted on the front of the capital. In ico-nography, this senmurv is very similar to the Sasanian specimens dat-ing from the same period, particularly to those depicted on Khusraw Parvēz ii’s (590-628) royal garment in the relief (late sixth century) at Taq-i Bustan (Fig. 2).11

We think it is not by chance that the earliest representation of the senmurv in Eastern Christian art is an Armenian one. In the Early Middle Ages, Armenia was partitioned between two powerful em-pires, Byzantium and Sasanian Iran, this implying active and direct cultural intercourse with both of them.12 With this regard, particular-ly important were the events marking the first quarter of the seventh century, when king Khusraw Parvēz ii, known for encouraging an-ti-Byzantine moods in Armenia, convened the Council of Ctesiphon (612/613), during which Komitas Aghtsetsy was elected Catholicos of Armenia. The rebuilding of Ejmiacin Cathedral was a good oppor-tunity for the Catholicos to have the Iranian creature – the senmurv – in the monument.

Before the revelation of the relief of Ejmiacin, the earliest speci-men of the senmurv in Eastern Christian and, particularly, Transcau-

10 Kazaryan, 2007, pp. 89-90, fig. 86.11 Harper, 1978, pp. 120-125, fig. 34a-b; Cheibi, 2006, fig. 210.12 Garsoïan, 1985; Garsoïan, 1997, pp. 9-33; Yuzbashian, 1996; Russell, 2004;

Khurshudyan, 2003.

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casian art was the one in Ateni Sion13 (Fig. 4). This church, dating from the second half of the seventh century, is located in Georgia, but it has a construction inscription in Armenian stating that it was built on the order of an Armenian named Todosak.14 The monument is richly adorned with reliefs some of which have iconographic similar-ities with Iranian art: thus, in a scene of royal hunting decorating its western façade, the archer is depicted in the position of the so-called Parthian shot.15 It is beyond doubt that this relief is a contemporary of the church as it is implemented right on its masonry stones. In contrast to it, the relief of the senmurv, adorning the same façade, differs in both the quality and colour of the stone, which suggests that it was set into the church wall only later.

The senmurv’s relief in Ateni has certain peculiarities which make it considerably different from the seventh century specimen of the same creature found in Ejmiacin. In contrast to the latter’s feathered tail, the former’s tail is stylised and has turned into a geometrical one16. The novelty is that the senmurv of Ateni has a band which is attached to its wing and descends down its tail. It is interesting to note that the Sasanian specimens of the senmurv do not wear a band, but this iconographic detail is seen on a tenth century Byzantine flagstone of marble (unclosed in Asia Minor) which is adorned with two senmur-vs17 (Istanbul Archaeology Museum) (Fig. 5). With this regard, spe-cial mention should be made of W. Djobadze’s statement, according to which, dimples intended for incrustation are used in the relief of the senmurv of Ateni. Similar dimples can also be seen in such Tran-scaucasian monuments of the tenth century as the Mother Church of Khakhu Monastery in Tayk and Sourb Khach (Holy Cross) Church

13 Aladashvili, 1977, pp. 229-233, fig. 228.14 Muradyan, 1985, pp. 93-112 (see this work for a tracing of the inscription and

special literature on the issue); Kazaryan, 2012-2013, Vol. iii, pp. 401-402.15 Hakobyan, 2008, pp. 5-12.16 Trever, 1938, pp. 51-52, fig. 7; Aladashvili, 1977, p. 230, fig. 46.17 Grabar, 1963, p. 107, pl. lvii; Firatli, 1990, fig. 343-344.

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of Aghtamar Island in Vaspurakan (both in modern Turkey).18 In the tenth century, Ateni Sion underwent some overhaul, during which the donors’ representations were undoubtedly made.19 We think that the senmurv’s relief should be traced back to the same period.

Indeed, by re-tracing the senmurv of Ateni back to the tenth cen-tury, we do not at all “tear” it away from Armenian environment,20 as the aforementioned donors’ representations, set onto the eastern façade of the church in the tenth century, have Armenian inscrip-tions.21 What is most important for our study, the heads of the princ-es depicted in these images have flying bands22 which are identical to the Sasanian kings’ fillets of honour.23 Thus, both stages of the con-struction activities carried out in Ateni Sion manifest Iranian icono-graphic themes so that even this monument is enough to attest to the long-lasting influence of Persian culture in the region of Caucasia.

Beginning with the tenth century, a new stage of the use of Sasa-nian iconographic themes is observed in Armenian and Transcauca-sian art, one of the most remarkable manifestations of this period being the sculptural decoration of Holy Cross Church (915-921) of Aghtamar Island (Lake Van) with its mythological animals.24 Here special mention should be made of a large composition on its south-ern façade: it depicts the story of Jonah the Prophet (Jonah 1:1-16, 2:1-10) and shows the sea monster twice, one of which, with a fish

18 Djobadze, 1986, p. 90.19 Abramishvili, 1972, pp. 32-55.20 In the early tenth century, the lands in the neighborhood of Ateni (Uplistsikhe)

formed part of the domains of the Bagratids of Shirak. See Eghiazarh’an, 2011, p. 312.

21 Muradyan, 1985, pp. 94-98, pp. 105-106; Thierry, Donabédian, 1987, pp. 229-232.

22 Thierry, Donabédian, 1987, fig. 353-354.23 Mikayelyan, 2013a, pp. 64-72.24 Orbeli, 1968, pp. 81-204; Der-Nersesian, 1969; Mnatsakanyan, 1983;

Matevosyan, 2013, pp. 50-83.

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body and a dog’s (bear’s?) head, is carved below the anchor, at the moment of devouring Jonah. The other, placed to the right, shows the same monster after vomiting Jonah onto the dry land. Here, sur-prising as it is, the monster becomes identical to the senmurv, as it is depicted with a dog’s head and paws, open jaws, bird’s wings and a fish body with a scaly tail (Fig. 6). I. Orbeli was the first scholar to speak about the iconographic similarities between the sea monster of Aghtamar and the senmurv.25 According to K. Trever, the senmurv was sometimes depicted with scales and a fish tail, as a symbol of water, one of the elements of nature.26 Medieval Armenian art has preserved only very few specimens of the senmurv, but apparently, Armenian masters were well aware of the iconography of this mythological crea-ture. Perhaps, this may be attested by the representation of the ser-pent27 in the Genesis Cycle pictured in a fresco adorning the drum of the church of Aghtamar: here the snake has paws, wings, an oblong snoot and ears, like a dragon-senmurv28 (Fig. 7).

The High Middle Ages were marked with increased representa-tions of the senmurv and other mythological creatures in Transcauca-sian monuments. The earliest specimens of such beasts were carved in the church of the Holy Cross (Aghtamar) in the early tenth century. They became widespread between the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, growing particularly abundant in the thirteenth century.

Iranian iconography is also reflected in the art of the Bagratids of Ani. Once the prosperous capital of a powerful kingdom, Ani boasted rich cultural heritage most of which has not come down to our days. Almost no frescoes have survived; only certain manuscripts and very few specimens of sculpture are preserved, but even these meagre rem-nants are enough to attest to rich and multilateral cultural ties and influence. Thus, two manuscripts, the Gospel of Moghni (Ms7736,

25 Orbeli, 1968, p. 91; p. 127, pl. xiv-xvi.26 Trever, 1938, pp. 40-41, fig. 2.27 Thierry, 1983, pp. 289-329.28 Curatola, 1978, pp. 285-302; Compareti, 2009-2010, pp. 30-31.

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second half of the eleventh century) and another Gospel, dating from 1053 (Ms3793) – both tracing back to the late period of the Bagrat-ids’ reign (Matenadaran, Research Institute of Manuscripts after M. Mashtots, Yerevan), are adorned with mythological creatures such as the griffin, winged lion and dog (wolf?), sphynx, siren, centaur and dragon29 (Fig. 8). The iconography of these creatures shows the influ-ence of Islamic art, which is also attested by the use of the Kufic script in the decoration of one of the khorans – Canon Tables of the Gospel of Moghni (fol. 7v).30

The other, so-called Georgian branch of the Bagratids who reigned in Tayk31 had a period of cultural flourishing particularly in the days of David Curopalate (960-1001). The western façade of the Cathe-dral of Oshk (963-973), built on David Bagratid’s order, is adorned with a number of mythical beasts, including the senmurv (Fig. 10).

As far as Georgian monuments are concerned, the image of the senmurv embellishes: the eastern façade and cornice of the church of Martvili (mid-tenth century) (Fig. 9); the eastern façade of the church of Khtsisi (1002);32 the western façade of the Cathedral of Bagrat (1003), and the drum of the church of Nikortsminda (1010-1014).33 Apart from the senmurv, the sculptural decoration of these Georgian churches also comprises other hybrid creatures.

The senmurv is again seen in Armenian art in the thirteenth centu-ry, which marked the second stage of the flourishing of the capital of

29 Izmailova, 1986, fig. 16, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33.30 Izmailova, 1986, fig. 31.31 Tayk, one of the 15 provinces of Armenia Maior, belonged to the Mamikonians’

princely family until the third quarter of the eighth century. In the post-Arabic period, their estates were inherited by the younger branch of the Bagratids called “Georgian” because of their adherence to the Chalcedonian faith. They remained connected with Armenian culture although their heritage also contains certain Byzantine and Georgian elements. As a result of this, the influence of three cultural traditions is clearly seen in Tayk.

32 Shmerling, 1955, fig. 13, pl. 48b.33 Aladashvili, 1977, fig. 155, 171, 174, 175, 177; Djobadze, 1986, pp. 90-92.

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Ani. The animal is particularly seen in the Armenian Chalcedonian frescoes of the church of St. Gregory (Tigran Honents, 1215): two pairs of senmurvs within frames are depicted above the entrance of the southern pastophory of the church (Fig. 11),34 this being a repro-duction from some Oriental textile, according to N. Marr.35 And this is true: the senmurvs of the church of St. Gregory retain a number of details – the form of the dog’s head, the lavish bird tail, raised wings and the enclosing within frames – coming from Sasanian and early Islamic textiles.36

Indeed, the spread of Iranian themes in Christian art was not confined to only the region of Transcaucasia. Mythological creatures grew widespread throughout the Christian world, from Byzantium to Western Europe. As far as Byzantine art is concerned, the rep-resentation of the senmurv goes back to the period of iconoclasm (for instance, the frescoes of the churches Agach Alti, Cappadocia (Fig. 12), and Al Oda, Isauria, when it was depicted within medallions.37 Of great interest is the senmurv carved on one of the towers of Con-stantinople38 (Fig. 13) and attributed to the first half of the ninth century: probably, it was perceived as a symbol of protection. Byzan-tine masters used the image of the senmurv in their works, examples of which are the aforementioned flagstone (tenth century),39 several caskets of the Middle Byzantine Period40 as well as the fresco of the church of Parigoritissa, Arta (Greece, thirteenth century).41 Likewise,

34 Thierry, Thierry, 1993, p. 111; p. 155.35 Marr, 1907.36 An abundance of animals and birds, both real and mythical (such as the sirens,

for instance), are also found in the exterior decorative band of St. Gregory Church. See Thierry, Thierry, 1993, pp. 114-117.

37 Thierry, Thierry, 1963, p. 84, pl. 43a; Thierry, 2002, p. 142, sch. 50.38 Eyice, 1966, pp. 110-119.39 See note 17.40 Goldschmidt, Weitzmann 1930, pl. lxii-107a, lxiv-108.41 Eyice, 1966, p. 116.

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the senmurv’s image is found in the culture of Ancient Russia, form-ing one of the parts of the Byzantine cultural World: ancient Russians had the cult of the simargl, a similar creature considered as a guardian of nature.42

In the High Middle Ages, Iranian iconographic themes penetrated into Byzantium and partly into Western Europe through Islamic art, which in its turn, had formed under the great influence of Sasanian art.43 The best example is the sculptural decoration of the palace of Mshatta (Umayyad period, mid-eighth century) comprising a great number of birds and animals, including the griffin, centaur and sen-murv44 (Fig. 14). The senmurv is later frequently mentioned in epic poems, fairy tales and mystic literature of the post-Sasanian period, particularly in Shahnameh (tenth century) by Firdusi.45

Another mythical creature widespread in Armenian and Transcau-casian art is the griffin, the solar symbol in Ancient Orient culture. The image of the griffin became widespread in the art of Achaemenid Iran, being particularly depicted on capitals in Persepolis and on the foreparts of some silver rhytons. A remarkable specimen of the griffin – a horned one now in the British Museum – is found at the forepart of a silver rhyton found in Yerznka (now in Turkey). Griffin fore-parts are also seen in the well-known Parthian rhytons of ivory from Nisa.46 In Sasanian art, griffin was the symbol of royalty and power, as is evidenced by bronze furniture legs with the forepart of a griffin and lion’s paw of seventh to eighth centuries (Metropolitan Museum, State Hermitage etc.).47 Some silver dishes of the Sasanian period are also adorned with images of griffins48 (Fig. 15). In 1907 three silver

42 Rybakov, 1967, pp. 91-116; Lelekov, 1978, pp. 24-26.43 Ettinghausen, 1972; Grabar, 1973, pp. 197-200; Cutler, 2009.44 Grabar, 1987, pp. 243-247.45 Trever, 1938, p. 20; Schmidt, 2002.46 See Stronach’s paper in this same volume.47 Harper, 1978, pp. 97-100; Trever, Lukonin, 1987, fig. 101, 123.48 Kargar, 2008, fig. 93; Trever, Lukonin, 1987, fig. 101.

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plates of the Sasanian era were unearthed in Gavar, Armenia, one of them being adorned with a remarkable griffin in canonical iconogra-phy (Pergamon Museum, Berlin49) (Fig. 16).

The earliest representation of the griffin in the early medieval art of Armenia was found and described by B. Arakelian on a capital in the chapel of the old cemetery of Yeghvard: this capital, dating from the fifth to seventh centuries (preserved only the picture).50

Other representations of the griffin in medieval Armenian art date from the tenth century. The earliest of them is the relief on the southern façade of Aghtamar’s Holy Cross Church: the huge griffin has a lion’s body and paws, as well as an eagle’s head and wings, ful-ly conforming to the canonical iconography of this hybrid creature (Fig. 18). Its raised wings are adorned with a necklace-like band (its dimples used to be encrusted),51 its tail is ended with a half palmette which is also depicted on the other parts of the animal’s body. Such artistic manner of decoration of the beast’s torso with half palmettes and other plant elements were obviously originated from Sasanian iconography.52

Another large representation of the griffin can be seen on the southern portal of the main church (late tenth century) of Khakhu Monastery, Tayk (now in Turkey).53 The animal is depicted as sitting, its body adorned with necklaces comprising similar frames and little bells (Fig. 17). The iconography and decorative details of the griffins of both Khakhu and Aghtamar make them very similar to the Sasa-

49 Khurshudyan, 2003, pp. 248-290.50 Ar'aqelyan, 1949, pp. 84-85, sch. 65.51 In Sasanian art, animals were decorated with necklaces and bands in token

of their belonging to the royal paradise or symbolizing their divine essence. Besides, according to Zoroastrian beliefs, the pheasant, with a necklace hanging from its beak, symbolized benevolence. See: Lukonin, 1977, p. 197; p. 206; Mikayelyan, 2013a, pp. 64-72.

52 Mikayelyan, 2016, pp. 171-173.53 Aladashvili, 1977, p. 104.

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nian specimens.54 In Tayk, representations of the griffin can also be seen in Oshk Monastery: on the western façade of its main church (Fig. 18), on the cornice of its drum, and on the northern entrance tympanum of the smaller monastic church.55

As far as Transcaucasian specimens of the griffin are concerned, mention should be made of the one decorating the eastern façade of the church of Samtavisi (1030) (Fig. 19). It is a huge one, like that of Aghtamar, and has canonical iconongraphy. Its tail similarly ends in a stylised half palmette, its neck and arm being adorned with a necklace. The griffin is part of the decoration of the western façade and eastern cornice of the church of Martvili; of the western portal of the Cathedral of Bagrat as well as of the western façade and the drum cornice of Nikortsminda.56

Half lion and half eagle, the griffin was viewed within the context of Christian art as a benevolent animal that guarded and protect-ed against evil forces. At the same time, it symbolised nobility and power:57 for this reason, in the reliefs of Aghtamar, it is carved side by side with the Artsrunies’ sanctified ancestors, being also placed on the right side of the entrance to the king’s gallery. In the church of Khakhu, the griffin is viewed as an apotropaios, being placed on the left side of the principal entrance to the church (Fig. 17).

The construction history of the Transcaucasian churches enriched with the senmurv and griffin shows that all of them were built on the order of the supreme authorities of the corresponding countries, be-ing intended as cathedrals or bishop residences. Thus, the church of Aghtamar was built by king of Vaspurakan Gagik Artsruny to serve as the main church of the royalty. The church of Khakhu and Oshk Cathedral were erected on the order of David Curopalate, the gov-ernor of Tayk. The church of Martvili was founded by Abkhazian

54 Hakobyan, 2017, pp. 68-69.55 Djobadze, 1986, pl. 13(1).56 See note 33.57 Vagner, 1962, pp. 82-86; Darkevich, 1975, p. 310, note 416.

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king Giorgi ii, the Cathedral of Kutayis and Nikortsminda on the order of King Bagrat iii, and Samtavisi was a bishop’s residence. The rich sculptural decoration of all these churches accentuates the idea of power, which is also expressed through mythological animals. It is interesting to note that in some countries representing the Eastern branch of Christianty (Ancient Russia and Serbia, for instance), the churches with mythical animals (senmurv, griffin, siren, centaur, etc.) in their decoration were similarly built by kings or ruling princes: the palace church of St. Dmitri in Vladimir, built in 1191 by Prince Vsevolod; the church of Ravanica in Serbia built between 1375 and 1377 by Prince Lazar Hrebemenović, etc.58

Both in Aghtamar and in Khakhu, the griffin is a hybrid, symbol-ically comprising a bird which is like a pheasant in Khakhu, while in Aghtamar its head is shaped like that of a ram (Fig. 20), namely it is a fantastic creature. The ram-and-bird combination in a single image, as seen in Aghtamar, is perhaps something rare so that there is no term for it. As far as iconography is concerned, a parallel can be found in Sasanian art:59 the gypsum slab with a ram’s head (fifth cen-tury) from the palace of Kish (Field Museum of National Heritage, Iraq) (Fig. 21), the ram’s head being the most remarkable part of this slab. The ram (or goat), often with a band, is known in Sasanian art as the personification of Khwarenah,60 and most probably, it conveys the same meaning on the façade of Aghtamar, as it accompanies the images of the sanctified ancestors of the royal family, just like the griffin. The church of Aghtamar is a unique monument represent-ing a harmonious intertwinement of Christian and ancient Oriental iconographic elements.61 Indeed, the numerous real and mythological images (including two sirens and a sphynx) depicted on the church

58 Vagner, 1969; Gladkaia, 2009; Maksimovich, 1971.59 Compareti, 2009-2010, p. 30.60 Rak, 1998, p. 467; Lukonin, 1977, p. 206.61 Orbeli, 1968, pp. 168-204; Marshak, Raspopova, 1985, pp. 180-182; Jones,

2007, pp. 143-150.

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symbolise the Heavenly World, this being confirmed by the Anony-mous Continuator of chronicler Tovma Artsruny, who compares the church of the Holy Cross with New Jerusalem and New Zion.62 What is noteworthy, when some of these hybrid creatures (the siren, sphy-nx, winged lion, etc.) are depicted on khachkars – cross-stones, they are usually placed on its upper part, on the cornice, which symbolises the Heavenly World (an example is the 1601 cross-stone of Jugha63).

Mythical animals as well as different birds64 can also be seen on the preserved specimens of royal clothing. With this regard, special men-tion should be made of a relief of Gagik Artsruny carved on the west-ern façade of the church of Aghtamar and showing him in full royal attire as standing before Christ and holding a model of the church (Fig. 22). His mantle, made of expensive Oriental fabric, has a motif of intertwining circles in which small ducks are depicted, like on the textiles of Sasanian and Post-Sasanian period.65

The representation of David Curopalate, on the southern façade of the church of Oshk Monastery, is another example of the depiction of birds on expensive garments. The two Bagratid brothers, David and Bagrat, who are portrayed on both sides of the Deisis, are dressed in garments of expensive Oriental fabric which are enriched with floral and geometrical motifs. As David was the reigning prince, his mantle is adorned with birds (eagles?) within medallions, a heart-shaped or-nament hanging from the beak of each of them (Fig. 23).

62 Tovma Artsruni, 2006, p. 328.63 Petrosyan, 2008, pp. 274-277, fig. 331.64 According to Zoroastrian tradition, such birds as the pheasant, partridge and

duck were the benevolent and divinity symbols. Especially we have such an example of the pheasant with nimbus on Sasanian silver vase of the seventh century from the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston: Harper, 1978, pp. 63-65, fig. 21; Lukonin, 1977, p. 197. The Avesta mentions a predator called Varagn (an eagle or a hawk) which is presented as one of the incarnations of Verthragna, the God of war and victory. It was also considered an embodiment of Khwarenah symbolising divine grace. See: Rak 1998, p. 341; p. 467.

65 Harper, 1978, pp. 119-140.

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Another example is the family portrait of King Gagik in the Gospel of Kars (1064, The Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, Ms 2556, fol. 135v).66 The king’s attire is adorned with large medallions inside which rams (goats?) are depicted as holding leaves in their mouths. The queen’s garments are decorated with birds (peacocks, pheasants) enclosed within circles, and the princess wears clothing featuring large, heart-shaped leaves. Even the rug on which the royal family is sitting is decorated with images of elephants and birds enclosed within circles.

The expensive Oriental fabrics were reproduced in manuscripts, including Cilician ones. Special mention should be made of the rep-resentations of Cilician king Levon in the Gospels illuminated by Toros Roslin: they show the king as wearing clothing of expensive silk embellished with animals within medallions (Fig. 25). In one of them (Ms8321, fol. 15r, Matenadaran, Yerevan), we see lions, and in the other, a Gospel of 1262 (Ms2660, The Armenian Patriarchate of Je-rusalem), both real and mythical animals. A miniature adorning this Gospel presents King Levon and the future queen, Keran (fol. 288), as receiving blessing from Christ. Keran’s attire shows crown-bearing sirens; Levon’s clothing is embellished with lions, his mantle featur-ing sirens within medallions, although this time their iconography is different and they have a man’s face, with eagles between them.67 These creatures, depicted on the splendid clothing of the royal cou-ple, symbolise their nobility and stress that they enjoy divine grace. It is interesting to note that a duplicate of the fabric of Levon’s mantle, with the same embellishment and iconography of the sirens (with a man’s face), can be seen in another miniature by Roslin, in The  Presentation of Jesus at the Temple (Ms W539, fol. 211r, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore) (Fig. 26). Here the covering of the Holy Altar is

66 Narkiss, Stone, 1979, pp. 32-33.67 Der Nersessian, 1993, pp. 154-156, fig. 640; Evans, 1996, pp. 485-507;

Chookaszian, 2000-2001, p. 74.

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made of the same fabric (Fig. 26a and 25a),68 this showing that such textiles were also used in the church ritual. That the expensive fabrics with images of mythical animals were used for different purposes in Sasanian culture is attested by P. Harper, who states that many fine textiles were worn by nobles or used as hangings in the royal court.69 This is best proved by the frescoes (seventh to eighth centuries) of the palace of Sogd (Panjakent, Afrasiyab), which contain numerous im-ages of noblemen dressed in garments made of such fabrics.70

In the Middle Ages, the expensive Oriental textiles were in high demand in the Byzantine court as well, but they rarely show figures in purely Sasanian iconography. A luxurious lining of silk, with im-ages of ducks within circles, is found in the mantle of Justinian the Great in the mosaic of San Vitale (546-548, Ravenna). The frescoes of Karabaş Kilise (1060-1061), in Cappadocia, show the donator of the church, protospatharius Michael Skepidis, as richly dressed in gar-ments adorned with birds within medallions which are embellished with pearls (Fig. 24).71 And finally, a Byzantine miniature shows Em-peror Alexei v wearing garments which are adorned with a griffin within a circle and images of running animals (foxes?) (first half of the fourteenth century, The Annals of Niketas Choniates, National Library of Vienna, Gr. 53, fol. 291v).72

All the aforementioned creatures, the senmurv, griffin as well as the mythical and real birds which were the fruits of ancient Orien-tal beliefs and ideas were widely used in Sasanian culture through which they penetrated into Christian and Islamic art, acquiring new symbolical significance and connotations. The penetration of certain images, compositions and decorative elements from Sasanian culture into Christian art was due to the multilateral cultural intercommuni-

68 Der Nersessian, 1973, fig. 112.69 Harper, 1961, p. 95.70 Compareti, 2015, pp. 36-44, fig. 5-6.71 Thierry, 2002, sch. 71.72 Spatharakis, 1976, p. 152, fig. 99.

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cation among the nations of the Near East, Armenia playing an im-portant role in this intercourse. This was firstly due to the geograph-ical position of the country, being also conditioned by the political73 and historico-cultural situation of those times. Medieval Armenian art contains the earliest reflections of Iranian mythological images which show a wide variety and have been preserved both in Armenian and Transcaucasian monuments since times bygone.

73 In the ninth-tenth centuries, the reigning Armenian principalities, the Bagratids of Shirak and the Artzrunies of Vaspurakan, entered into active political intercourse with the Arab Caliphate. According to the chronicler Hovhannes Draskhanakerttsy, in those times the international commercial routes connecting Byzantium and the Caliphate passed through Armenia. See Hovhannes Draskhanakerttsi, 1996, p. 151.

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Figure captions

Fig. 1. Sasanian silver plate, seventh–eighth cc., senmurv, State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg (after I. Orbeli, K. Trever).

Fig. 2. Taq-i Bustan relief, late sixth c., senmurv, a detail of the royal garment of Khusraw ii (after K. Trever).

Fig. 3. Ejmiacin Cathedral (reconstruction of around 620), senmurv on the capital of one of the north half-columns of the drum (after A. Kazaryan).

Fig. 4. Ateni Sion (Cathedral), seventh-tenth cc, senmurv on the west façade (photo: authors).

Fig. 5. Byzantine marble relief, tenth c., senmurv, Istanbul Archaeology Museum (after A. Grabar).

Fig. 6. Church of Holy Cross on Agthamar, 915-921, Sea-beast or senmurv on the south façade (photo: authors).

Fig. 7. Church of Holy Cross on Agthamar, 915-921, the drawing of the serpent from the drum frescoes (after N. Thierry).

Fig. 8. Gospel of Moghni (Ms7736), second half of the eleventh c., Nilotic scene and fabulous creatures, the tympanum of the Canon Table (fol. 4v), Matenadaran, Yerevan (after T. Izmailova).

Fig. 9. Martvili Cathedral, tenth c., senmurv on the frieze of the east façade (photo: A. Asryan).

Fig. 10. Oshk Cathedral, 963-973, senmurv and Gryphon, the double-archivolt of the central window of the west façade (photo: A. Asryan).

Fig. 11. Church of St. Gregory (Tigran Honents), Ani, 1215, senmurvs, the fragment of the fresco over the entrance of the south pastophory (photo: raa Research on Armenian Architecture).

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Fig. 12. Agach Alti kilise, Cappadocia, eighth-ninth cc., senmurv, the fragment of the frescoes (after N. Thierry).

Fig. 13. The image of senmurv from a tower of Constantinople, the first half of the ninth c. (after S. Eyice).

Fig. 14. Mshatta, Umayyad palace, mid-eighth c., senmurv, a detail of the façade decoration, Pergamon Museum, Berlin (photo: authors).

Fig. 15. Sasanian gilt silver vessel, sixth-seventh cc. Golestan Museum, Tehran (photo: National Museum of Iran).

Fig. 16. Sasanian gilt silver plate, sixth-seventh cc. Pergamon Museum, Berlin (after E. Khurshudyan).

Fig. 17. Khakhu Cathedral, tenth c., Gryphon, the relief of the south portal (photo: Z. Sargsyan).

Fig. 18. Church of Holy Cross on Agthamar, 915-921, Gryphon, the relief of the south façade (photo: authors).

Fig. 19. Samtavisi Cathedral, 1030, Gryphon, the relief of the east façade (photo: authors).

Fig. 20. Church of Holy Cross on Agthamar, 915-921, Ram-bird, the relief of the south façade (photo: authors).

Fig. 21. Kish palace, fifth c., Ram’s head, stucco, Field Museum of National Heritage, Iraq (after P. Harper).

Fig. 22. Church of Holy Cross on Agthamar, 915-921, king Gagik Artsruni, drawing of the relief after P. Terlemezian, 1914.

Fig. 23. Oshk Cathedral, 963-973, kurapalates David Bagratid, drawing of the relief (after W. Djobadze).

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Fig. 24. Karabaş kilise, Cappadocia, 1060-1061, Michael Skepidis, drawing from the frescoes (after N. Thierry).

Fig. 25-25a. Cilician Gospel illustrated by Toros Roslin (Ms2660), 1262, the royal portrait of King Levon and Queen Keran (fol. 288r), Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem (after S. Der Nersesian).

Fig. 26-26a. Cilician Gospel illustrated by Toros Roslin (Ms W539), thirteenth c., “Presentation of Jesus at the Temple” (fol. 211r ), Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore (after S. Der Nersesian).

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Fig. 1

Fig. 2

Fig. 3

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Fig. 4

Fig. 5

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Fig. 6

Fig. 7

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Fig. 8

Fig. 9

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Fig. 10

Fig. 11 Fig. 12

Fig. 13 Fig. 14

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Fig. 15 Fig. 16

Fig. 17

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Fig. 18

Fig. 19

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Fig. 20

Fig. 21

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Fig. 22

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Fig. 23 Fig. 24

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Fig. 25

Fig. 25a

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Fig. 26

Fig. 26a

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