The Northern Territory University

Faculty of Arts

"Regimes of Truth" : A Critical Theory Analysis of Australian Aid to Southeast Asia.

A Thesis in Political Philosophy

by

Wilfred Brett Aldam (B.AHon.)

Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

10 September 1993.

I hereby declare that to the best of my knowledge and behef. the tdeasand methodology presented in this thesis are origmal. except where acknow1edged in the text, and that this material has not been subm1tted in whole or in part at this or any other institution.

Wlfred Brett Aldam

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

CHAPTER ONE : THE CRITICAL THEORY OF HORKHEIMER AND ADORNO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Part One - Critical Theory and Systems of Identity : ritual and myth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

The Judaeo - Christian Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

The Era of Liberal Enlightenment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

The Emergence of State-Capitalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

Part Two - Critical Theory, totality and Nature-Domination : the Application to Austral ian Aid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Part Three - Critical Theory and Its Marxist Detractors : A Reply . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Part Four - Critical Theory, Foucault and Marxism : to Ontologise or De-ontologise Reason . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4

CHAPTER TWO : AID AND CRITICAL THEORY - THE NEXUS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

Part One - Australian Aid : Concepts and Claims . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

The Colombo Plan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

The Harries Report : Upholding the Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

The Jackson Report : The Culmination of the Lineage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

CHAPTER THREE : THE JACKSON REPORT AS REASON IN HIS TORY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

Part One - The Jackson Report : Aid as a Concept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 2

Aid as a Concept : Humanitarian Development in the Jackson Report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

Part Two - Humanitarian Development as Articulated in the Jackson Report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97

The Setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97

Issues i n Development Assi stance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

Australian Interests in the Developing World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 00

Administration and Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 2

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 3

Part Three - Aid as an Object : Its Actual i ty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 0 3

The Volume o f Aid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 04

Part Four - The I mportance of Strateg i c and Econom i c Imperatives : the Predominance of State-Capi ta l i sm ' s Regime of Truth . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1

DIFF and Food Aid : Too l s of State-Capitalist Truths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 2

Part Five - I ndones i a : A Case Study . . . . . . . . . . 1 2 4

Australi a , Indones i a and ASEAN i n the 1990's : a Sophistication of the State-Capi tal i st Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129

CHAPTER FOUR - THE AID DEBATE : RESISTANCE WITHIN THE REGIME OF TRUTH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

Part One - Marxism, Neo-Colon i a l i sm and Cr i t i ca l Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147

Part Two - The Envi ronment as Resi stance . . . . . . 1 5 1

CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 5 8

APPENDIX I : THE COMPOSITION OF THE COMMITTEE ON AUSTRALIA ' S RELATIONS WITH THE THIRD WORLD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 64

APPENDIX I I : THE COMPOSITION OF THE COMMITTEE TO REVIEW AUSTRALIA ' S OVERSEAS AID PROGRAM . . . . 1 6 5

APPENDIX III : TOTAL AUSTRALIAN AID FLOWS TO MAJOR RECIPIENTS 1 9 87-88 TO 1 9 90-91 ( $M ) . . . . . . 1 6 6

APPENDIX I V : DISSENTING VIEW FROM MR J . T . SMITH IN THE HARRIES REPORT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 6 7

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 69

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List of Abbrev iations

The following i s a l ist of abbreviations used both in the text, and the footnotes, of this thesis .

ACFOA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Australian Council for Overseas Aid . ADAB . . . . . . . . . . . . . Australian Devel opment Assistance Bureau. AGPS . . . . . . . . . . . . . Australian Government Publishing Serv1ce. AIDAB . . .. . Australian International Development Assi stance

Bureau . ANU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Australian National Univers i ty . ASEAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . Association o f Southeast Asian Nations . AUSTRADE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Australian Trade Comm i s s i on . CSIRO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Commonwea l t h Scientific and Industrial

Research Organ i sat i on . DIFF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Deve lopment Import Finance Fac i l i ty. EC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . European Commun i t y . EFIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . Export Finance and Insurance Corporat ion . EOIS . . . . . . . . . Export Oriented Industrial isation Strate g ies . GOP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gross Domestic Produc t . GNP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gross National Product . ILO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . International Labour Organ i sa t i on . LDC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Less Developed Country. MIT . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . Massachussetts Institute of Technology . NGO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Non-Government Organisat ion. N I C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Newly Industria l i sing Country. NLB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . New Left Book s . NLR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . New Le ft Review. ODA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Overseas Development Assistance . OECD . . . . . . . . . . . . Organisation for Economic Development and

Coope ration. OPM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organisasi Papua Merdeka. PNG . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Papua New Guinea. TNT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trans National Trans�or t . UN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . U n i ted Nat 1 on s . US . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . United States.

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ABSTRACT: The f ol l owing paper at tempts to ana 1 yse Australian aid using the Critical Theory of Max Horkhe1mer and Theodor Adorno . Accordingl y , reason, or the development of thought and cognition , is exam ined with in a nature dominating d iscourse . As for Horkheimer and Adorno, know l edge has been shaped by the need to co�aprehend and control nature . Unlike tradi t1onal theories of mode rn i ty and enlightenment , the historr of humanity i s not an inexorable movement towards the u timate rational state . Instead , reason i s located in h i story. I t is an organic ent ity that change s pari passu with the soc iety in wh ich it i s located . The history of humanity has thus been characteri zed by the ongo ing reinterpretation of belief systems that af ford humanity the opportunit¥ to comprehend and control our surrounds . State-capital1sm is the latest stage in th i s process. Given increased monopolisation and subsequent stagnation within Western economies , the state has had to intervene . Through expanding control i t has provided the impetus for continued growth . As a resu l t , nature- domination has transl ated into bureaucrat i c control for system preservation. To maintain our material s tanding over nature, prosperi tr must be safeguarded . As wi thout i t , our technolog1cal and scientific dominance , ( or our abi 1 i ty to comprehend and control our surrounds ) , may be lost . Hence , aid policy and practice is formulated according to state capital i s t reason. I t is governed by the need for the state to act as a bulwark. That is, for the state to imp l ement policies that w i l l preserve and enhance our advanced material status .

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Introduction

Broadly speaking, this study sets out to contest the bas i c precepts of humanist ideal ism found in orthodox Marxism and l iberal ism, through the fusion of the Critical Theory of Max Horkheimer and Theodor W . Adorno with the post-modernism of Michel Foucaul t . Central to both schools of thought i s the shared problematic of a rational crit ique of rat iona l i t y . L i ke Marx , C r i t i cal Theory and Foucaul t examine the effects of r e i f i cation in social ordering and dominat ion . Yet they do so without reverting to a modernist crit ique of the inexorab l e progress of reason which has been stal led momentari ly by a rupture between true and corrupted reason . Hence , as is the case with Marxian phi losophy, the role of ph i l osophy is to uncover the moment of bi furcation and the time when true, unfettered reason w i l l arrive . Converse l y , Crit ical Theory and Foucaul t are critical sociologies of knowledge which seek to unravel the positedness of r e i f i ed total concept s , or in Foucau l t ' s terms d i scipl ines , within the spe c i f i c moment of an ongoing process of rational i sation which itse l f is mere ly the reconstruction of reason and soc i a l orde r . Joining Crit i ca l Theory and Foucaul t i s a shared critical material ism whe rein the present dominant reason is shown to be but one form amongst others . Current truths are , therefore, spec i f i c to a historical moment rather than part of the movement toward true , moral reason.

The resultant mode l then examines the development of reason ( o r systems of cogni t ion, be l i efs and practi ces) within history . The synthesis model enab les the theorist to explore how the development of reason has been shaped u l timately by the dual imperative of comprehending and contro l l i ng nature , and how various interpretations ( or regimes of truth) have evolved in accordance with the material determinant of changes in soc i ety. When changes occur so the preva i l ing shape of the nature-dominating discourse i s transformed . Moreover, the infus ion of Foucaul d i an post-modernism a l l ows the C r i t i ca l Theory model to trace nature-dominating reason through a l l facets o f society, in terms o f discourse and practice , and i l lustrate how resistance to d i scourse takes pl ace with1n a

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grid of power relat ions that i s sti l l ent renched in present reason. In short, the synthesis model on which this study 1 a based asserts that society is governed by the latest incarnation of a nature-control l ing discourse - a l be 1 t w 1 t h a degree of dynamism as dissenting views and opinions are expressed within a society ' s current belie f- set .

The fol lowing appraisal of Australian aid, subsequently, 1 s the vehicle used to demonstrate the overarching methodoloqy stated above within a specific context . Obvious l y , therefore, it wi l l not adhere to the customary examinations of the aid program with thei r emphasis on how aid shou ld be directed. One conventional approach, the structural- functiona l i st approach , perceives aid purely as a means to an end. Using this paradigm, Austral i a articulates its s e l f - interest via estab l i shed diplomatic and economic insti tutions in an attempt to ' in f i l trate ' the lucrative Asian sphe r e . 1 Aid is functionally determined and pursued t hrough recognised channel s in order to advance Austral i a ' s intere s t s . This occurs at a domestic level a lso. Here, in keeping with functiona l i s t accounts, groups pet i t ion the government through recognised structures in an attempt to integrate into the pol i ty. L i ke the state at an international leve l , they are motivated, above al l , by the need to po l i t ical l y legi timate the i r aims. 2

Such accounts are referred to by Horkheimer and Adorno as non-cri t i cal sociology. 3 Basical ly, st ructura l - functionalism ignores the undercurrents of consciousnes s , subj ect i v i ty and reason in the formation of atti tudes and needs . When examining aid a l locations and patterns, the parameters of these studies do not extend beyond the tangible act i ons of the agent . Not only does the pos i t ivism of structura l - functiona l i s t accounts

1 An exampl e can be found in Dean Forbe s , ·Aid Trade and the New Real i sm : Austral ia ' s Links with East and Southeast As ia ' , Australian Geographer, vol . 1 9 , no . l , ( May 1988).

2 I an Craib, Modern Social Theory : FrOID Pl!rsons to Habermas, ( New Yor k : St Martins Press, 1 984 ) .

3 Theodor W . Adorno , ·Introduction ' & · Socioloqy and Emp irical Research ' , The Posi t i vi s t Dispute in Gera�Jn Sociology, ( London : Heinemann , 1 9 76 ) .

preclude metaphys i cs , decision-makers with

the i r r e l i ance the abi l i ty to

actions free of constraints.

on aqency endovs form discourses

5

the and

Instead, t h i s study of Australian aid rests on the C r i t i cal Theory of Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno. Commonly refer red to as the Frankfurt School of Marxism, this parad igm starts from a c r i t i que of moderni ty . Both theor i s t s , in the i r w r i t ings f rom the 1 9 30s through to the i r l atter wor k s , strongly inveigh against the enlightenment tradi t i on, o r as they pejoratively cal l i t , 'ident i ty-think ing ' . A r t i cu lated i n the Liberal and Marxist trad i t ions, these are systems that chart the development of reason in a humanist/ ideal ist context. That i s , the h i story of human ity has been shaped by agents whose knowledge i s cha l l enged and replaced by more truthful systems . From the time of r i tuals and mythology through to the present day, humani ty has been impe l l ed by the need to estab l i s h a rational society. Each epoch i s , therefore, a step towards true , unfettered know ledge, o r as Marx would put i t , the emancipated soc iety . To quote George F ri edman :

The Enl i ghtenment proper launched a campaign to demyst i fy the wor l d , wh i ch i t saw as a fundamenta l l y beneficent p l ace , or one which could be made so i f understood and manipulated correc t l y . Through demyst­i f icat ion , the s u f fering ignorance , and inju s t i ce that had h i t herto been the fate of the wor l d wou ld be abo l i shed. �

Converse l y , the C r i t i cal Theory of Horkheimer and Adorno, fused to the post-modernism of Foucau l t with h i s be l i ef that truths which are speci f i c to a society beget a regime of power and resistance within that soc iety, locates the devel opment of reason in h i s tory , because according to C r i t i c a l Theory, human cogn i t ion has been shaped by the need to comprehend and dominate nature. 5 Hence, C r i t i ca l Theory asserts that successive tota l i ties have been constructed in an attempt to

4 George F r iedman, The Pol i ti cal Frankfurt School , ( I thaca and London : Press, 198 1 ) , p. 1 1 1 .

Phi losophy of the Corne l l Univers i ty

5 Max Horkheimer & Theodor W . Adorno , Dialec t i c of Enl igh tenment, ( Great B r i t ai n : Al len Lane, 1 9 7 3 ) , p . 3 .

6

explain and coordinate the myriad phenomena surrounding humanity . I n effect, human thought has been conditioned by the need to lift ourselves above nature ' s caprice. Yet these totalities are not constants . Rather , systems of know ledge, truths and beliefs have changed according to the configuration of society. So when a society undergoes change, so too does the means of comprehension and control. This is the material ism of Critical Theory. I t be 1 ieves that concepts describing objects are formed within the universal whole. The way we see, explain, and accept 'things ' is determined by a shaped subj ecti vi ty, as is resistance to and format ion of seemingly divergent discourses. 6

For Critical Theory, then, Western society has evolved within these parameters. Each ·societal moment ' has constituted a revised form of the nature-dominating discourse . Beginning with ritual and myth, and continuing through the Judaeo-Christian tradition and the Liberal Enlightenment, societies have been predicated in terms of their ability to distance humanity from nature. 7 Capitalism is the same . Referred to as 'state-capitalism' by Critical Theory, capitalism has inherited this tradition, only now it takes the form of bureaucratic guidance. 8 Given the monopo lisation and possibl e stagnation of the capita list economy , Critical Theory perceives that the state has increasingly supplanted market mechanisms. The state acts to reinvigorate the capitalist structure by maximising profitability within the domestic market, whilst establishing markets overseas. 9

But unlike orthodox and even structuralist Marxism, with their idealist economic determinism, monopol isation does not

6 Mark Poster , Foucaul t , Marxism and History : Mode of Production versus Mode of Informa tion, (Cambridge; Mass . : Polity Press 1 9 84 ) , pp. 80-85.

7 David Hel d , Introduction to Cri tical Theory : Horkheimer to Habermas, (London: Hutchinson, 1987), pp.l53-157.

8 Frederick Pol lock, ·state Ca�italism : Its Possibilities and Limitations', Studies 1n Philosophy and Social Science, vol. 9 , no . 2 , (1941).

9 Ibid, especial ly pp.204-207 .

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siqnal the end of capitalism. Instead, monopo lisation i l l ustrates how the structure of society has changed thus leading to a reinterpretation of the nature dominating­di scourse . Now, the state ' s functions are legitimised by 1 ts preservation of a f f luence and prosperity, both of which are seen as the means to extri cating ourselves from natures grasp . Together , they provide the basis for technologica l , scient i f i c , and u l t imately mater i a l control of nature .

Aid is thus posited within this whole . Aid is formulated by the state and the administrative bureaucracy as part of the a l l -encompassing subjectivity. The state shapes aid according to the objectives of prosperity and advancement . Primary ' truths ' such as economic goa l s , strategic imperatives and even ' dissenting ' opinion are a l l grounded in state- capitalist reason. In the last instance, they a l l relate back to nature­domination through state sponsored activity . Economic needs equate with expanding markets and the preservation of Austral i an a f fluence. L i kewise , strategic concerns arise f rom a fear of regional instab i l ity imp inging on Australia ' s we l l ­being. Even the d i ssenting opinions expressed by the Australian Counci l for Overseas Aid and its member organ i sations , pertain to the need for stab i l ity and economic progres s .

But this begs the question as to how the underlying discourse can be exposed . I f we are inextricably l i nked to a shaped subj ectivity, then how can we begin to examine its profound e ffects . C r i tical Theory obviates this problem through negative-d i a l ect i c s . Broadly speaking, negative­dialec t i cs involves contrasting a concept against the object i t c l a ims to represent . In this way, the irregularities of the concept can be drawn out thus exposing its hypostatised state . lO For a i d , this involves a comparison of policy statements with the actual shape of the a i d program . By contrasting the two, i t can be shown that the concept (or purported aid phi losophy ) is undermined by the actuality of aid as an obj ect . As such, the pl acement of aid truths , ( economic, strategic and even humanitar ian goal s ) , within

10 Susan Buck-Moras, The Ori gin of Negati ve Di alectics, ( England: The Harvester Pres s , 1977), pp . 6 3 -64.

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state-cap i tal ist reason w i l l be drawn out .

I n short , then, the Critical Theory of Horkhe imer, Adorno and the post-modernism o f Foucau lt revolves around reason in history. For them, other accounts of Western deve lopment have been erroneously grounded in the historical inevitab i l ity o f idealism and the agency o f humanism.

The Marxist tradition exemp l i f i es this adherence to false subj ectivity and the attainment of true reason . Desp ite Marxist theorists ' denunciation of Critical Theory as a pessimisti cal l y idea l ist doctrine lacking po l i tical understanding and a strategy o f l iberation, i t is Marxism itself that lacks acuity. As in l ine with ident i ty-thinking, it has constructed a phi l osophy o f history based on human ist idea l ism . This is confi rmed by Marxism ' s relation to Hegel . l l For Hege l , h istory is governed by an order o f inte l l igibi l i t y . Driven by an underlying be l ie f i n freedom, human ity is destined to arrive at a structure rea l ising this goa l . lt Through the counterpos i tion o f hal f- truths, new more accurate def in i tions are born, thus dialect ically delivering human i ty to the ideal state .

Hence, the development o f thought is understood in Hege l i an terms as a universa l , pre-determined phenomenon . Agency and historical inevitabi l ity are the key . Whi le Marxism debunks idealism as a transcendental phi losophy which ignores mate rial determination, Marxism itse l f locates reason in history with a dialecti cal twist . Despite assuming a material ist concept of reason, Marxism st i l l introduces the absolute truth . History is understood as the ongoing rise and f a l l of systems of production leading u l t imate l y to the emancipated conunun ist society. Each develops its own systems of thought according to the mode of production ( base ) . Yet through inexorable conflict with the relations o f production, the mode of production

11 Joseph O ' Ma l ley, · Marx ' s Economics and He9el ' s Philosophy o f Right : An Essay on Marx ' s Hege l i an1sm ' , Pol i ti cal Studies, vo l . XXIV, no. l , ( 1 976), pp . 4 3 - 56 .

12 George Dennis O ' Brien, Hegel on Reason and History : A Contemporary In terpretation, ( Ch icago : The Univers i ty of Chicago Press 1 9 75 ) , pp . l 4 5 - 1 4 6 .

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invariably col l apses , until that i s , communism arrive s . Then, freed from repressive systems with the i r unjust ideolog i es , humanity wi l l rea l ise the rational stat e . So every society from the earliest times to now, is a part of this u l t i aate destiny .

But this has not happened. Despite the precond i t ions existing , capital ism has not col l apsed . Nor has commun i sm, with its unfettered reason, been ushered i n . The reason is that humanity and knowledge are located in history , not above i t . Reason i s materia l l y governed . I t transmogri f ies with d i f ferent societies according to a nature-dominating d iscourse . D i f ferent societies have had varying interpretations of nature-domination vi z-a-viz the formation of knowledge . This is the crux of Crit ical Theory . Throughout the ages, reason has been shaped by the need to comprehend and control nature . I t i s C r i t i ca l Theory ' s adherence to reason in history which provides the nexus between Crit i ca l Theory and Foucaul t , as in l ine with Horkheimer and Adorno, Foucau lt bel i eves that d i fferent systems establish d i f ferent regimes of truth. l3 Systems of thought remain spec i f i c to the society in which they develop, with a power grid developing out of contests over the systems truths and ideas . For Foucau l t , truth i s constrained by the society i n which i t i s pos i ted . So, unl i ke advocates of modernity, reason i s an organ i c concept that i s u l timately shaped . It i s spec i f i c to a societal type but governed in the last instance by the need to free humani ty from nature. Thus whi l e power i s created by know l edge, and resistance i s poss ible through a l ternative concept-formation , a l l thought is i n f luenced by the present mode o f nature-domination.

These are important qua l i fications . They d i f fer from the rigid view o f Marxian power and freedom. To a degree, everybody enjoys power through knowledge . By either adhering to, or reworking the main discourse bui l t as it is on a fear

13 Annemiek R i chte r s , ' Modernity-Postmodern i ty Controversies : Habermas and Foucau l t ' , Theory, Culture and Soci e ty, vol . S , ( Sage, 1 98 8 ) , p . 620 .

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o f nature, networks o f power are estab l ished . H Unl ike Marxist versions o f the oppressed, debate and resi stance are poss i b le. And, unlike traditional idea l i sm, reason- in-hi story d1spenses with the idea o f an absolute, rational state . Converse! y , knowledge has been, and w i l l continue to be , directed by instrumental reason, that i s , the need to comprehend and control our surrounds . For Crit ical Theorists, t h i s has been maintained through a l i neage begun with systems of r i tual and myth, which then led to the Judaeo-Christ ian trad i t i on , the Liberal Enl ightenment and now state-capitalism. Each has been a system promising to de l iver humanity from nature . Al though the instruments have d i f fered, the focus has remained the same. Knowledge, or systems of be l i e f , truths and ideas , have been constructed to extricate humanity from nature .

State-capital ism i s the latest manifestation . Given the highly monopol i sed nature of capital ism, business enterpr ise has been los t . Increasingly, the system has looked vulnerable , hence the new role o f the state . To preserve and invigorate the system ' s functioning, the state has had to intervene . IS Departments have emerged, and poli cies been developed as a stimulus to avert systemic stagnation . But of greater concern i s the role that prosperity has p l ayed . Material advancement has translated into higher levels o f scientific and technological domination o f nature. Along with growing prosperity, we have acquired the means to repel nature . R e f lected in virtua l l y every aspect o f l i f e , f rom the development of modern science, med icine, produc t i on techniques, communication, down to the mundane levels of everyday l i fe with i t s appl i ances o f convenience used by most househol d s , we feel we are the masters o f our surrounds . We now have the abi l i ty to comprehend and control nature for our own bene f i t .

Yet , according to Critical Theory , a l l could be lost . I f

14 Helmut Dubi e l , Theory and Pol i t ics : Studies in the Devel opment of Cri t i cal Theory, ( Cambridge; Mass . : MIT Press , 1985), p . 90 .

15 Frederick Pollock, · state Capitalism : I ts Possi b i l i ties and Limitat ions ' , Studies 1n Phil osophy and Social Science, vol . 9 , no . 2 (1941 ) .

1 1

prosperity dimini shes , this level of control might recede; whereas i f it is maintained, we w i l l continue to enjoy a commanding pos i t ion . Indeed, it wi l l be furthered, as science and technology w i l l continue to push back nature ' s bounds . But to achieve this, the state must impl ement strategies that promote accumulation. I t must act as a bulwark . This is state­capi tal i st reason. Born out of growing intervention, knowledge i s now formed by the need for state preservation of the system. Our truths, bel iefs and behaviour are shaped by this imperative . Spread through many discipl ines , reason has inlaid the instrumental need for accumu lat ion .

So i t i s with Australian aid. Increas ing l y , aid as a concept has been shaped by state-capi talist reason. Its truths have become grounded in the instrument a l i ty of the state preserving prosperity, and with i t , our mater i a l standing over nature . Aid i s shaped by the need for bureaucratic gu i dance and system preservat ion . The underlying reason is humanity ' s irrational fear o f nature. To prove thi s , one must emp loy the negative-di a l ectics of C r i t i c a l Theory . By contrasting the c l a ims o f the concept against the object i t ident i f i e s , its inadequacies can be drawn out . I t can be shown that the concept says more than as i t currently app l i e s . For instance, the Jackson Report ' s conceptu a l i sation of aid espouses humanitarian goal s as being paramoun t , with economic and strategic concerns relegated to mere coro l l aries . These w i l l

f o l l ow once humanitarian objectives are f u l f i l led in our region .

However, this con f l icts with the object ' s actua l i ty . At a time when poverty i s overwhelming the Third Wor l d , Austral ia ' s a i d commitment has stead i l y diminished. In fact , in 1 989

Austral ian aid f e l l to 0 . 33 per cent of GNP. 16 Worse st i 1 1 , this i s part of an ongoing trend. Despite our support of the Development Assistance Commi ssions f igure of 0 . 7 per cent for indust r i a l i sed countries, s ince 1983 Australian aid has tapered away from an initial f i gure o f 0 . 52 per cent . l7 Even

16 Budget Related Pafer No . 4, Austral i a 's Overseas Aid Program 1988-89, Table 6 . .

17 Ibi d.

12

more anomalous is the allocation of the dwind l i ng aid budget . While other more impoverished regions have received negl i g i b l e amounts through multi-lateral agencies , one region has enJoyed constant largesse; that being Southeast Asia, or perhaps more accurate l y , the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( ASEAN ) . Now recognised as a group of midd l e - i ncome countries whose real growth has surpassed that of any other region, they have continued to receive a disproportionately large share of

Australia ' s overseas deve lopment assistance . l8 Clearly, this cannot be vindicated by the humanitarian concept . Instead, it under l ines the importance of the other instrumental considerations . Together, economic and strategic concerns predominate .

This is capitalist reason. Our definition and treatment of the object is shaped by the need for system preservation . As such, economic and strategic concerns translate into instrumental rational i t y . The state must use aid to avert threats to our material advancement. Economi c a l l y , this demands an aid program that wil l provide overseas markets for Australian firms. I t a l so means surmounting Austra l i a ' s immediate economic malaise through t i ed aid. Strategica l l y , i t i s feared that economic s lowdown i n Southeast Asia could precipitate unres t , and as Australia ' s main lines of trade , communication and transport traverse this area , the results could be disastrous . Any confl ict could have dire repercussions economi c a l l y . Or put another way, it could adversely affect our advanced level of control ove r , and comprehension of , nature . Hence the emphasis on Southeast Asia and ASEAN in particular . Not only does assimi lation into Southeast Asia afford economic opportunit ies to Austra l i a , but i t can a l so act as a bloc against instabil i ty to the north.

Given this premise, the actual shape of the paper is formulated in four parts. Chapter 1 is devoted to an assessment of methodology . Basica l l y , the differences between traditional definitions of moderni ty , and the Crit ical Theory of Horkheimer, Adorno and Foucaul t are discussed . Then in Chapter 2 , the concept of aid is traced from its inception to

18 Budget Related Paper No . 4, Austral ia ' s Overseas Aid Program 1990-91 & 1991-92.

13

its latest art i culat ion, the Jackson Report . The eaphas is here, i s on the dynamism of the concept . That i s , how resistance to and revision of concepts i s poss ible a la Foucau l t ' s power/knowledge paradigm, but at the same t ime how they are governed by present reason . Throughout , the instrumental consideration of system preservation has affected our treatment of aid. Then in Chapter 3 , this study seeks to demonstrate how this has culminated w i th the Jackson Repo r t . By comparing the actua l i ty of aid against the Jackson Report ' s conceptual i sation, inadequac ies are drawn out . Above a l l , it i s shown that economic and strategic cons iderations dominate because of state-cap i t a l i sm ' s regime of truth . Aid is part of this who l e . Chapter 4 concludes the paper w i th an examination of resistance and power w i thin the tota l i t y . In part icul a r , i t examines the aid debate and seeks to locate the conf lict ing aid d i scourses wi thin the constraint of the moment of soc ietal tota l i ty, which at this moment i s state- capita l i sm. As a consequence, i t i s shown that power i s not a who l l y repressive function which i s bui l t on, and in turn beget s , false ideol ogy and consciousness; but rather, power diffuses through society to nodal points wherein resi stance occurs to the main concept , or discourse . But i n the end, any a l ternative concept and power that i s estab l i shed i s i tself constrained by the present interpretation of nature- dominat ion .

14

Chapter One The Critical Theory o f Horkheiaer and Adorno .

The central concern of this chapter ia to review the Critical Theory o f Horkheimer and Adorno and then fuse their paradigm of reason-in-history via the recapitulation of a nature-dominating discourse with Foucaul dianism . In this way, a methodology can be estab l i shed which examines the formulation o f Australian aid according to the material ism of Horkheimer, Adorno and Foucaul t .

Horkheimer ' s formu l ation i s based, in part , on an ambivalence towards Hege l . On the one hand , he accepts Hegel ' s governing principle o f dialectical thought . l For Hegel , subject and reason are independent of the obj ect, or so i t seems . Gradual ly, however , reason dissolves the subject/object dichotomy . Reason, according to Hegel , rea l i ses that the world mirrors its own const itutive practices. Universal truths suddenly appear vulnerabl e , thus opening the way for criticism and a reconstruction o f knowledge . New concepts bu ild on the old, but they do not tot a l l y obviate them. Instead, concepts are understood as moments of truth . Al though former knowledge was ' one-sided, l imited and transitory in particular representations and opinions ' , these views were not dismissed as untruths . Instead, they were partial or incomp lete . 2 I t ia through this process of be l ief/reject ion/synthesis that we sha l l inevitably move toward the universa l , absolute Idea .

Whi le agreeing with the limitedness of knowledge, Horkheimer opposes Hegel's idealism . As he wrote

With Hegel the complete theory is no longer integrated into history, there is an a l l enclosed ( al l -embracing) thinking, the product o f which is no l onger abstract and changeable : the Dialectic is

1 David He ld, Introduction to Cri tical Theory : Horkheimer to Habermas, ( London : Hutchinson & Co . Ltd , 1987 ), p . 17 6 .

2 Ibid p . 177.

1 5

concluded .l Basica l l y , Horkheimer disputes the notion of part ial truth8 leading to a pre-determined, universal nature . For hia, knowledge cannot be understood as something inherently progressive . It does not promise a del i verance to truth or Utopia . Converse ly, despite i ts dialectical content, Hegel ' s idealism is weakened by its own assumpt ions . To l i f t reason above its secular context i s to finish the dia lect i c . No longer governed by one-sidedness, knowledge w i l l real ise the absolute truth, with our essential nature coming into being. Given our inexorable movement there is no need to analyse the historical factors that could impede or even stop the dawning of a perfect state of affairs, as progress is guaranteed.

Or so the ideal i s t project would have i t . Yet according to Horkheimer, the d i alect i c is 'unconc luded'. The synthes i s of contradi ctions does not ultimately lead to a better future. Reason i s not impe l led . Conversely, it i s shaped and directed by mater i a l conditions .4 Human rea l i ty develops from sens ible experience. The way we see the world corresponds with our l i!e practices . S Thought cannot be freed from everyday constraints as how people interpret their sur rounds depends on part icular social relations within a particular society. 6 Material i sm , in this sense, is historical ly determined. When a society is recons t i tuted, cultural change fol lows . The ava i l ab le knowledge and ski l l s are transformed according to d i f ferences in the composition of society. Ostens ibly society seems to have moved closer to enl i ghtenment , yet i t has not. Bearing in

3 Max Horkheimer, Cri tical Theory, ( New York : Herder and Herder 197 2 ) , section ent i t l ed

'The d i spute over rationa l ism in contemporary philosophy ' .

4 See for instance, Horkheime r ' s polemic against the reduction of reason to a means-end rationa l i ty in terms of s e lf-preservation in ' The End of Reason ' in, The Essen tial Frankfurt School Reader, ed . by Aadrew Arato & E i ke Gebhardt, (New York: Basi l Blackwe l l , 2nd print ing Urizen Books , 1 9 78 ) .

5 Max Horkheimer, 'Material i sm and Metaphysics ' , Cri t i cal Theory, pp . 22-45 .

6 Ibid p . 4 2 .

16

mind that the Western cultural tradition has grown fro. the need to comprehend and control nature, our proqress is nothing more than a reordering . Objects such as nature and society are s t i l l explained in teras of dominat ion, only now the class i f i cations have changed .

Thus, Critical Theory ' s aim i s to · confront the existent, in its historical context, with the claim of its conceptual principles, in order to criticise the relat ionship between the two and then transcend them' .7 Social theory developed through immanent criticism can accomp l i s h this . What i t does is undermine · reality ' from within by starting with the conceptual principles o f an object and j uxtaposing them against t he i r consequences . Then immanent criticism re­examines and re-appraises the object in l ight of its imp l i cat ions . As a result, a new understanding of the object, i t s contradictions, and i ts possib i l i t ies can be atta ined . Through negation the exi s tent has had to confront its own c l aims, and i t i s through this immanent criticism that f l aws are found in the social tota l i ty . As Horkheimer puts it

. . . the social agencies most representative of the present pattern of society will disc lose a pervasive discrepancy between what they actua l l y are and the values they accept . To take an examp l e , the media of pub l i c communicat ion,radio, p res s , and fi lm, constantly profess t he i r adherence to the individua l ' s u l t imate value and h i s inalienabl e f reedom, but they operate in such a way that the¥ tend to forswear such va l ues by fettering the indiv1dual to prescribed atti tudes, thoughts and bu�ing habits . The amb ivalent relation between preva i l 1ng values and the i r soc i a l context forces the categories o f social theory to become critica l and thus to ref lect the actual rift between the social reality and the value it pos i ts .

Indeed , Horkheimer believes that a rational society can only be known ex nega t i vo . There w i l l not be a concrete conception of a rational society unt i l i t comes about . Otherwise, the mythologising of rational ity w i l l continue unchecked . To promote an a lternate order i s to uphold the Western

1 Hel d , Cri ti .cal Theory, p . 1 8 5 .

8 Horkheimer, ·Notes oil lnsti tute Act ivities ' , Studies i n Philosophy and Social Sci� vol . 9 no . l, ( 1941 ) , p . l 2 2 .

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intel l ectual tradition.9

On this point, Horkheiaer and Adorno converge . Like Horkheimer, Adorno seeks to develop a materialist dialect i c . To this end he too questions Hege l ' s ideal ism. For hia, a critique of knowledge cannot transcend its historical context - · reason is bound by histor ical c i r cumstances which constrain thinking ' . 10 As such, Adorno opposes a l l theories of rea l i ty informed by the enlightenment tradition. Referred to pejoratively as ' identi ty-thinking ' , these phi losophical systems c l aim to interpret the whol e .11 Total systems demand an ordering and presentation of thought which show the i r concepts as adequately describing their object . In essence, ' identity­thinking ' conditions society in that each member identifies with the constructed who l e , given that the concepts see� to be vindicated by the i r obj ect .

Yet according to Adorno, systems u l t imately confl i ct with the i r claimed obj ecti vi t y . Many facets of the obj ect are conceded within the system only to later surface and contradict i t . Negative-dialectics, or non- identity thinking, is central to this proces s . 12 By negating conceptual systems which suspend the obj ect , negative- dialectics cha l l enges real i ty in an attempt to prove, ( l ike Horkheime r ) , that the subject and object are interdependent but i r reduc i b l e . Objects exist, but we grasp them within a historical context . Our practices dictate our conceptualisation . 13 As such, negative-

9 That is to construct an al ternative order that promises to explain the world and secure our position within i t .

10 Theodor W . Adorno, Negat i ve Dialect i cs, ( London : Routledge and Kegan Pau l , 1 9 73) , pp . 303-305 .

11 Ibid, p . 22 . 12 Susan Buck-Moras , The Origin of Nega t i ve Dial ectics,

( En9land : The Harvester Pre s s , 1977 ) , especi a l ll Chapter 4 'A Log�c of D i sintegration : The Object ' , pp. 63-6 .

13 That i s , the mater i a l reformulat i on of self­preservation and fear; or the need to comprehend and control nature in i ts speci f i c historical context . See 'Atonal Philosophy ' in Martin Jay, Adorno, ( Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press , l984) p . S8 .

1 8

dialectics seek• t o expoae the nexus by exaainin9 the formation o f concepts and their incoapleteness viz-a-viz their obj ect . Above a l l , negative-dialectics intends revealing ' specific sides of objects which are inaccessible to ident i ty­thinking and the dogmatic application of class i f i catory schema ' . 14

So, in short, the project of Critical Theory is to discredit totality. Both Horkheimer and Adorno cri ticise the ef fect totalities have had on cognition . In essence, they target the object to undermine the concept and thus expose the fallacy of finished systems of thought . This is their dialectic . But unl ike Marxist or Idealist dialectics , Critical Theory does not counterpose an alternative . lS Instead, negat ion is the key . Unless a critique of knowledge eschews identity-thinking, it w i l l further the enl ightenment proces s , with the mytho logising of thought being further entrenched .

Part One - Critical Theory and systems of identity and myth .

ritual

To e l aborate, Critical Theory asserts that Western culture has developed within set parameter s . The Western intellectual tradition has been informed by two basic needs : survival and fear . l6 Both are the touchstones o f enlightenment . Wh i l e they have been reinterpreted in different material contexts, fear of the unknown and self-preservation have d i rectly influenced cognition . Beginning with rituals and continuing through myth, religion, the Enlightenment , and capita l i sm, Western society has looked to master nature . Domination is couched in myth and reason a l i ke . I n contrast to the c laims o f ' enlightened ' culture, which separates its e l f from the realm of superstition, magic, and ritua l , there i s no distinction . Just as myth sought to comprehend and control nature, reason also looks to intervene . I n the process identity-thinking has come

14 Ibid, p . 59 . 15 Hel d , Cri tical Theory, ' Adorno ' s conception of negative

dialectics ' , p . 2 1 1 .

16 Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enl ighterwen t, (Great Bri tain : Allen Lane, 1973 ) , p . J .

19

to the fore. Human development has been .arked by totalities attempting to classify and control nature baaed on the presupposition that as soon aa we possess the for•ula we will have freed ourselves from its mire.l7 Self-preservation and the end of fear will thus be assured.

To illustrate this point, Critical Theory observes that

Man imagines himself free from fear when there is no longer anything unknown. This determines the course of demythologising, of enlightenment. Enlightenment is mythic fear turned radical. The pure immanence of positivism, its ultimate product, is no more than a so to s�eak universal taboo. Nothing at all may remain outs1de, because the

1rere idea of outsideness is the very source of fear.

So ritual, myth, and enlightenment are the same. First, ritual and myth tried to organise nature and the unknown. Humanity was still linked to nature through mimesis. By reproducing and personifying unknown forces, 'pre-rational' humanity felt able to understand and direct the elements. Both myth and ritual were reassuring in that they conferred some control. Indeed, they were the first steps toward a discursive logic. Myth in particular, underlined this trend. When the concept of classification and influence was translated into gods who ruled over nature, the theoretical component o! rituals won independence.l9 For the first time the implicit understanding of domination had been realised. Whereas magic attempted to make sense of humanity in nature, myth put humanity in charge. Now, the world was our servant in that God • s not only identified nature, they directed it (i.e. Apollo the sun, Zeus the sky and the weather, and so on) .20 Thus humanity was empowered. People were given sovereignty over their lives through the belief that supplication of the Gods would confer control over nature.

The Judaeo-Christian tradition.

17 Ibid, �The Concept of Enlightenment', pp.3-42. 18 Ibid, p.16. 19 Held, Cri tical Theory, ·Critical Theory and Phi loaophy

of History', p.lSS. 20 Ibid, p .153.

20

Of course, ' rational' society di stanced itself fro. these auperstitions . Beginning with rel igion , the enl ighten.ent process banished these irrational bel i e f s . According to the various systems that have emerged , humanity has been freed from its pas t . Yet these very systems have reproduced myths' aims and effects through attempts to classify and dominate nature . 21 In doing so, they have constructed tota l i t i es similar to myth. To understand and contro l , both within and outside, these systems have bui l t a whole in which everything has a place and a function according to divine, natura l , or scient i f i c laws. Nothing exists outside of the order, and that which operates inside i t i s subject to control . Thus, nature has been enslaved. To l iberate ourselves from its necessity we have had to understand, suppress, and d i rect i t , or e l se we wi l l return to nature ' s province . Self-preservation and fear have motivated enl i ghtenment . As Horkheimer and Adorno state :

At the turning points of Western c i v i l isation, from the transition to Olympi an r e l i gion up to the Renaissance, Reformation, and bourgeois atheism, whenever new nations and classes more f i rmly repressed myth, the fear of uncomprehended , threatenin9 nature, the consequence of its material i sation and obJ ectification, was reduced to animistic superstit ion, and the subjugat1on of nature w�s made the absolute purpose of l i fe within and wi thout .

Now several points are raised her e . Fi rst is the idea of d i fferent interpretations of survival and fear given different historical contexts . Not only perceptions of nature, but the means of domination have changed . Cogn i t ion has come to reflect the moment o f societal total i t y . I t has, in effect, come to represent ident i t y . This leads i n turn to the second point . By separating humanity from nature, identity-thinking has predisposed society to domination and instrumental rational i t y . To dominate is to be dominated . 23 A l l objects are

21 Ibid, pp . l53-154.

2 2 Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectics of Enlighten.en t, pp.31-32.

23 Ibid, on sacr i f i c e and renunciation : "Renunciation, the principle of bour9eois d i s i l lusionment, the outward schema for the intensi f i cat1on o f sacr i f i c e , is al ready present i n nuce i n that estimation of the ratio o f forces which anticipates survival a s , so to speak defendent on the concession of one ' s own defeat , and - v i rtua ly - on death". p . 57 .

2 1

seen as a means t o an end; an end insofar as we aust obey the dominant paradiqm to be l iberated . Until we exercise cont rol , survival and knowledge cannot be guaranteed . Like ayth, we must accept the whole to be the sovereign of our own li ves .

Clearly then, identity-thinking and enl ightenaent have developed hand- in-hand . The growth of reason draws its vigour from myth. 24 Nature is our greatest threat as we l l as our salvation. By comprehending and conquering our surrounds humanity wi l l be rel eased . The Judaeo-Chr ist ian trad i t i on i l lustrates this process . Beneath its doctrines lurked domination and instrumental i t y . In the divine causal chain , God had sovereignty over the universe with humanity governing on Earth. Given this hierarchy, the devout& aim was to understand the who le and their place in i t , as once this was achieved humanity would have di scovered its relation to God and thus redeemed itsel f . No longer ruled by nature we would mirror God' s image . 25 Indeed, most 1 6th and 17th century phi losophers saw arts and science as tools to further this que s t . By unravel l ing the intricacies of our surrounds the arts and sciences would enable us to appreciate God ' s omnipotence and the need for devoutness . Otherw ise human i ty would return to savagery, and consequently be condemned . 26

The era of Liberal Enlightenment .

Nature was thus equated with corruption in the tota l i t y of r i tual and myth. The world of impulses , vicissitude, and necessity threatened humanity. Yet it also led to salvation . When nature was domest i cated, we could suppress its trai t s . humanity would, i n effect, be elevated above its realm. Much the same emerged with the enl i ghtenment and the l iberal­democratic state, only now, cogni tion was shaped by a revised need to dominate . Motivated by changed material cond i t ions the

24 Ibid, pp . 26-27 .

25 Rudolf J . Siebert, The Cri tical Theory of Religion1

the Frankfurt School : fr0111 pragma tic to po l i ti cal theo ogy, (Be r l in, New Yor k : Mouton , 1985 ) .

26 George Friedman, The Pol i ti cal Philosophy of the Frankfurt School , ( I thaca and London : Corne l l University Press, 1 981 ) , pp . l l l - 1 1 2 .

22

divine order was supplanted by the 1 iberal-enliqhten.ent . 2i The liberty of humanity through the acqu isit ion of knowledge and prosperity was the enlightenment ' s lofty goal . Once aaterial satisfaction and a proper understanding of the world were attained, humanity would be free . Economic we l l -being would allow us to develop reason through observation , wh i l e constitutional government and j ustice lllediated society. By smoothing over conf l i ct between individuals who were pursuing their own material and cognitive satisfaction, l iberty would be preserved; and with liberty, humanity would be able to develop its own rational being . 28

I t was from this project that the key to enl ightenment evolved . According to Critical Theory, reason culminated with modern science . Also referred to as positivism, this science established a purely rationa l , ideational world as the only true reality . 29 Knowledge could be attained through immediate sensations, perceptions and experiences . The wor ld was a scient i f i c universe which could only be comprehended by science itse l f . As Horkheimer puts i t :

I n princi ple , the whole world has its place in a f i xed system . . . the statement that the correct form of knowledge is identical with physics is the great un ity of science i n terms of which ever�thing must be stated, posits certain forms as constan t .

Thus superstition and false belief could be negated through science . Any last vestige of the unknown would be cast off with the demys t i f i cation of the world through ongoing analysi s . Final ly, i r rationa l ity and necessity would be superseded by reason and mater i a l comfort . So l i ke the myths from which i t dissociated itself , the Enlightenment provided a whole to be dominated . By its understanding, once we

27 Held, Cri ti cal Theory, pp . l5 7 - 1 7 4 . 28 That is, to develop moral character and moral

obligation leading ultimately to a trul y harmon ious , enlightened society . This could only be achieved by discarding false beliefs and by overcoming a capr icious , precarious exi stence based on necess i t y . Held , Cri t i cal Theory, p . 6 7 .

29 Fr iedman, Pol i ti cal Phi l osophy, pp . l l B - 1 2 7 .

30 Horkheimer, ' The latest attack on aetaphys i ca ' , Cri tical Theory, p . l4 6 .

23

possessed the correct scienti f i c foraula we possessed the foresight needed to anticipate and coordinate the regu l ar i t i es of the Lebenswel t . 31

The emergence of ' state-capitalism ' .

The l iberal-enl ightenment means-end rational i ty has since been dist i l led by capital i sm . Capitalist development has reinforced identity-thinking . Just as before, people are willing to subjugate themselves in order to dominate . Or put another way, they are wil ling to adhere to the total ity so that they may govern their own l i ves . With Ol ympian myths it was the de ities, with the Judaeo-Christian tradition it was God and the rel igious hierarchy, and with the enl ightenment it was reason and positivism. Now under ' state-capita li sm ' it is survival and control . 32 Ideas such as the need to c l assify and exploit nature for our own ends s t i l l persist . In fact , they have been s trengthened by capital ' s influence over scient i f i c research, yet the ends have changed. Before, instrumental rationality and domination were tied to a sense of higher purpose . Today i t is simply a matter of fear . I f the system collapses i t wi l l be replaced by an untried one; either that, or we w i l l again be subj ugated by nature . Anarchy and chaos w i l l reprise our baser instincts . Hence, capital accumulation is rational insofar as it provides the means to di stance ourselves from nature . 33 And those we adhere to are the ones who can preserve the status quo .

As such, fear and survival have been reinterpreted within advanced capitalism. Identity-thinking has cohered with accumu l ation. This i s society ' s telos. Based on the growth of

31 Refer to section on Husser! i n He l d , Cri tical Theory, pp . 1 6 6- 1 6 7 .

32 Friederick Pollock, · state Capitaliam : I ts Possibi l i t ies and Limitat ions ' , in Frankfurt School Reader, ed . by Arato & Gebhardt .

33 Helmut Dubiel , Theory and Pol i ti cs : Studies .in the Development of Cri tical Theory, (Cambridge Mass . : HIT Press, 1985 ) , : · The claim made by the industrial age - to have achieved emancipation from the domination of nature through a high level of technological development - is interpreted aa signi fying the deepest fall into nature . ' , p . 90 .

24

· state ' or · effective• capitalisa, we see all other objects aa a means to safeguard our present, civilised lives. For this reason :

... the individuals performance ( becomes) motivated, guided and measured by standards external to hia . . . Condit ioned by the necessit ies and exi genci es of capital accumulation, the spheres governed by i nstrumental reason ( have) expanded creating a comaon network for all occupations. Compliance and the subordination of thought to pre-g iven goals and standards

3ras now required of ' a ll those who wish to survive • .

The aim of rationality is to expedite accumulation. Modern sci ence, or positivism, i s still the li nchpin. Insofar as it develops a mathematical formula to increase our knowledge of the world, i t also i ncreases our ability to intervene. Technological advances have been made in a diversity of f i elds. But, unlike before, knowledge does not correl ate with reason per se. 35 That is, the whole which sci ence has created has not been tied exclusively to l iberal- enlightenment. Instead, i t has become grounded i n accumulation. Once we properly understand the mechanics of nature we can explo i t it more fully. A vibrant economy is, therefore, imperative.

Hence, our subservience to " state-capitalism ' s ' central control. By virtue of concentrated wealth the body pol i t i c has sought to prop up capitalism's functioning. No longer governed by market impulses, capital ism has been guaranteed by the state. For all i ntensi ve purposes, the state has replaced the market as a result of the stagnating nature of the monopolised economy. Given the need for improvement in production and consumption, training and mass transportation, the state has

34 Held, Cri tical Theory, which i s further corroborated by Herbert Marcuse, · Some social implications of modern technology ' , in Studies in Phi l osophy and Social Science, vol. 9, no.3, ( 1 941 ) , where he states that : Safety and order are, to a large extent, guaranteed by the fact that man has learned to adjust his behaviour to the other fellow ' s down to the most m i nute detail. All men act equally rational l y, that i s to say, according to the standards which ensure the functioning of the apparatus and thereby the ma i ntenance of their own l i fe.

35 In other words, the notion of removing ourselves froa nature's realm of instinct, impulse ahd necessity by heightening our sense of reason through thA acqu i s i t i on of knowledge; whilst also deriving material s�faction from it.

25

intervened . 36 Consequently, what has now developed vithin the capita l i st system is a pro l i feration of state departaents coordinating the economy . Prices are fixed, di sputes are mediated, education is commod i f ied, and research is pro.oted by the state. Increasingly the state has sought to modify the infrastructure to suit accumulation . 37 Stemming from the be 1 ief that guarantees are necessary for a ' rational ' course and order, it has become the guarantor . Of course, private bureaucracies have developed also. In view of centra l i sation, large companies have had to stream l ine the i r operations to preserve their continued smooth functioning. To ensure cohesion whi l s t promoting their capacit ies , they too have centralised. For this reason, Horkheimer and Adorno assert that:

The material fate of the masses becomes increas in9ly dependent upon the continuous and correct funct i on 1 ng of the increa s i ng ly bureaucrat i c order of cap i ta l i st organisations . The objective and impersonal character of technological rationality bes tows upon the bureaucratic groups the universal d i gn i ty of reason . The rational i ty embodied in the giant enterprises makes it appear as if men, i n obey�g them, obey the d i ctum of an objective rational i t y .

Thus we obsequiously perform our designated tasks , borne out of the subj ective notion that like the ' shamans ' , · priests ' and ' enlightened thinkers ' o f before, the bureaucrac ies create a whole that we can comprehend nature and that ensures survival . This is the obj ective rational i ty of today.

Part Two - Critical Theorr, totality and nature-domination the appl1cat�on to Austra �an aid.

As aforementioned, Critical Theory understands Western thought as being circumscribed by instrumental reason . From Olympian myth to state-cap i tal ism, human i ty has attempted to create a whol e , given that once we are able to c l as s i fy and

36 For a comprehensive analysis of state capital ism ' s supercession o f market mechanisms see Freder i c k Pol lock · state Cap ital i sm : I t s Possibil i t i es and Limitations ' , Studies in Phi losophy and Social Sci ence, vol . 9 no . 2 ( 1 94 1 ) , pp . 2 04- 207 .

37 Ibid.

38 Hel d , Cri tical Theory, p . 6 5 .

2 6

comprehend nature we can begin t o dominate i t ; and once �e have the means of control, survival and the end of fear can be guaranteed. While the historicity of these needs haa altered according to material changes, the effects have not. }) Throughout the genealogy, thought has been qrounded in identity. People have looked to the whole for guidance , passively accepting domination in order to dominate. They have subjugated themselves to a set of practices aa a means to an end.

Renunc iation has usually been the key. To free ourselves from the ' sl ime of nature ' we have to provide sacr ifices. ': With myth it was a physical sacrifice; with the Judaeo­Christian trad i tion i t was a moral sacrifice; and with the liberal-Enlightenment it was all thought other than positivism.41 By studying nature humanity could promote reason whilst employing modern science to banish superst i t ion and false belief. No longer surrounded by a mystique nature �ould be demysticised, thus further removing humanity from it. Of course state-capital ism has pushed this tradi t i on to the extreme. Survival and fear of regression have a l l ied themselves with production. Now, the totality is technical . �l Society must continue to advance to reinforce the material differentiation between ourselves and primitive societi es. Less advanced cultures are still embedded in nature, whereas Western culture has the techniques to 1 if t i tse 1 f above nature ' s effects . 43 But if the system col lapses we could again return to its realm. This, the fear of deprivation, is the

39 Dubiel , Theory as Pol i ti cs, pp. S0-100.

40 Horkheimer and Adorno , Dialectic of Enl i ghtelllllent, · Men have always had to choose between their subjection to nature or the subj ection of nature to the Self' . p. 32.

41 Held, Cri ti cal Theory, Chapter 5 · critical Theory and Phi l osophy of History ' .

42 Dubiel , Theory and Pol i ti cs, p . 90.

43 Ibid, pp . 89-91.

27

guiding impulse.44

Hence, Western society has been shaped by identity-think inq. The contention of this paper is that Australia ' s aid proqraa has developed within these cultural parameters. To explore the nexus between identity-thinking, i ts historically specif i c context, and the formation of Australian aid, this study will use the negat.i ve-dialectics of Critical Theory. What this involves is immanent criticism. To show the inadequacies of aid i t is necessary to show how its claims conflict with its actuality, or, put simply, how the conceptual principles of the object collapse in l ight of its implicati ons . C5 In this way, the objective reality of aid can be critically examined. The totality of which aid is a part will thus be revealed . In so much as it contradicts the alleged altruism of a i d , the material reinterpretation of survival and fear w i ll be underlined. Nor will there be a need to construct an alternative whole as to do so would be to uphold the Western intellectual trad i t i on. By mapping out an opposing program, identity-thinking would be preserved.

I nstead, the paper's obj ective is to examine how aid is f ramed within a nature-dominating d i scourse. Negative­d i alectics will be the tool used. That is, by using Cri tical Theory the premise to be tested is how identity-think ing has been reproduced in di fferent material forms ranging from r i tual through to enlightenment. I ts present form is state­capitalism wherein public and private bureaucracies d i rect the monopolised economy. 46 I n effect, they have assumed the functions of the market, and g i ven this function they have developed an obj ective rationality. n Built into the state ' s guidance is the acceptance that state control preserves

44 Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enl i ghte1llllent ' Whoever resigns himself to life w i thout any rationai reference to self-preservation would, according to the Enlightenment - and Protestantism - regress to pre-history ' .

45 Adorno, Negat i ve Dialectics ( London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973 ) , p.136.

46 Pollock ' State Capital ism ' , in Frankfurt School Reader, ed. by Arato & Gebhardt.

47 Held, Cri t i cal Theory, p.68.

28

accumulation and affluence. Thus, the state is re inforcing society ' s dislocation from nature, as with a f f l uence we have the means to further classify and control our surrounds . A i d is part of this whole. Aid policy is for•u lated by a bureaucracy w i th its principal concepts being the preservat ion of the economy (economi c considerations ) , regional stabi l i ty ( strategi c concerns), and then humanitarian goals - a l l of which emanate from the specific moment of the nature­dominating discourse. The subj ective base of these concerns i s the need to remove ourselves from nature through econom ic and regional stability. 48 This i s the universal into which the parti cular can be d issolved.

Part Three - Critical Theory and its Marxist detractors a reply.

Of course, Cri t i cal Theory does not escape cr itic ism . In fact, i t is most stridently rebutted by other Marx ist variants. Collectively, orthodox Marxists, A l thusser i ans and even post-structuralists question Critical Theory . 4) For thezn, i t i s an avowedly philosophical and idealist doctrine grounded i n agency. Starting from the belief that humanity can attain the ideal state through self-knowledge, critics assert that Critical Theory adheres to the idealist d i a l ectic, as with the application of critical thought, the subject can transcend cultures h i storical limitations.SO Cogn ition, here, is the way to a rational future . I n view of these criticisms the following section will examine the critiques emanating !rom the secondary i nterpretations of Marxism, and the actual confluence between Critical Theory and Marxism in terms of their critical history of rationa l ity and the e f fects of social ordering through reification a shared critical

48 See Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination : A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute of Social Research 1923-50, (London : He i nemann Educational Books, 1 9 7 3 ) , on the notion of ·moment ' , p . 54 .

49 I an Craib, ·The Frankfurt School ' , Modern Social : From Parsons to Habermas, (New York : St Mart ins 1984) , pp . 197-200.

Theory Press,

so Zoltan Tar, The Fran kfurt School : The Cri tical Theories of Hax Horkhei•er and Theodor W. Adorno, (New York : John Wigley & Sons I nc . , 1977), p . 205.

29

sociology which j oins but also del ineates the two schools on the basis of the Heqelian and Kantian aspects of Marx · s materialism.

Basically, the perceived weaknesses of Critical Theory can be classified as three interlocking problematic&. The first ia the notion of a double reduction of science and politics to philosophy. According to Zoltan Tar, Critical Theory is little more than a pessimistic philosophical doctrine which is removed from a politics of liberation. Sl G i ven Critical Theory ' s emphasis on freedom through thought, it cannot serve as a revolutionary credo. Conversely, the Critica l Theory paradiqm is confined to the metaphysical . Unabl e to enter the political arena, immanent critic ism through negat ive­dialectics remains a form of impotent, inte l l ectual posturing. As such, it has the paradoxical effect of preserving bourgeo is science and politics by overlooking the material realities of life. 52

This leads, in turn, to the second critical contention. From an orthodox Marxist perspective, Critical Theory suspends material factors. Rather than characterise society as governed by its productive base, Critical Theory reduces society to a manifestation of humanity. History, in this sense, has simp ly been the continuous unfolding of the creator-subj ect . Like Heqel ' s idealism, Critical Theory defines history as an a l l ­embracinq process i n which a historical subject realises itself.53 Despite past failures, the human subj ect is imbued with a will to struqgle for a rational organisation of society. 54 As Therborn comments :

51 Ibid, pp.202-203.

52 Ibid, p. 204.

53 Goran Therborn, · The Frankfurt School ' in New Left Review, Western Marxism : A Cri ti cal Reader ( NLR 1 9 77) , pp. 8 7 -90.

54 Ibid, where Therborn states : ' Truth is objective in the metaphysical sense of being inherent in the essence of human real 1ty, however d ismal the latter may appear , for the goal o f a rational society , which today of course , on ly appears to arise in the imaqination, is really invested in every man. ' , p.88.

Society is always reducible to its creator-subject and history is the continuous unfolding of this subj ect. At every given point in �ime, society is a unique unfolding of this subject.

30

For Therborn, Critical Theory' s principal flaw ia ita agency. Given its correlation with the idealist dialect ic, it overlooks the material constraints to liberation . 55 In particular, Critical Theory trivialises Marx ' s concept of modes of production to such a degree that it is rendered irrelevant.

Likewise, post-structuralist ' s inveigh against the humanisa of Critical Theory. Concomitant with structuralists, they repudiate Critical Theory ' s agency viz-a-viz the theorist . Si For them, Critical Theory commits the same error as its forebears by adhering to a belief in non-ideological thinking and the attainment o f a true consciousness. To quote Hoy :

Foucau l t ' s own conception of the importance of his studies of power configurations is, then, that they show the inadequacy of and provide an alternative to the Frankfurt School' s still too traditional conception of the relation of power and knowledge. The very ideas of false consciousness and of the critique of ideology imply the possibility of non-ideological thinking or of true consc1ousness. Ideology is the result of introduced bl the oppressive exercise of power by the dominant c ass. Only if such distortions ( are } seen through and the �epr�sion dispelled (will ) true consciousness be pOSSlble.

Thus, according to Hoy, Foucault would object to the seeming detachment of power and knowledge. As with structuralists, Foucault would question Critical Theory on the basis of its apparent invocation of Marxist notions of false truths, consciousness and domination. Although it must be stated that Foucault himself conceded that a correlation did exist between Critical Theory and his post-modernism in that knowledge and

55 Ibid, p . 9 7 .

56 Ibid, pp. 90-92 .

57 Craib, Modern Soci al Theory, p . 1 9 8 .

58 . David Couzens Hoy, · Power, Repression, Progreas : Foucault, Lukes, and the Frankfurt School ' , in Foucaul t : A Cri tical Reader, (Oxford; New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986 ) , p.131.

3 1 power was understood a a being confined to specific societal types by both paradigms.

So, to defend Crit ical Theory, these probleaatics aust be refuted. I n response to the first claim, two points warrant mentioning. Firat is the misapprehension that Critical Theory is reductionist philosophy. While Critical Theory does concentrate on identi ty-creation, its reason for doing so is to preserve the revolutionary element of Marxism. Arising from a fear of instrumental-rationality, Critical Theory atteapta to show how Marxism has succumbed to the Western cultural tradition.S9 The Marxist dialectic is based on a collection of theories used to extricate 'humanity' from nature. I n one form or another positivism, idealism, and crude materialism all influence the Marxist project.� Thus, Marxism threatens to replicate rather than replace systems of domination. Operating within the same totality, all that Marxist philosophy promises is a reordering. Consequently, certain elements wi 1 1 stay unchanged. Society will still be run by a technocratic consciousness, as to devise means to better control nature for our own satisfaction i s society ' s rationale; and to identify through renunciation will be the people ' s goal . Marxism from this perspective will merely continue our enlightenment. &!

Secondly, by approaching questions of state, society, structure and relations from a philosophical perspective, Crit ical Theory has fused theory to practice . An insistence on philosophy does not preclude an examination of capitalism and its consequences. On the contrary, it actively promotes a study of economic laws and their social and political determination. As we have seen, Critical Theory provides a lucid account of economic primacy in its examination of state-

59 This is particularly true of Marxism ' s reliance upon the classical idealist/humanist tradition. See Terrell Carver ' Marx and Hegel ' s Logic ' , Pol i ti cal Studies, vol. XXIV, no. l , (1976).

60 Held, Cri tical Theory, pp. 358-359. 61 I nsofar as it seeks to establish a totality wherein

emancipation and a purported domi nation of nature are assured. Refer to Erich Fromm, Harx 's Concept of Han, ( New York: Frederick Ungar, 31st printing 1982).

32 capitalism . 62 Critical Theory looks upon bureaucrat ic control and economic rationality as ubiqui toua e l eaents in the runn inq of the market and society. Decis ions are aade and d i rection• are taken according to instrumental reason, with people wi l l ingly enduring the hardships because of the need to control . This is the crux of Critical Theory . Unlike orthodox or crude Marxism, Cri tical Theory does not estab l i sh a siaple causality. Instead, Critical Theory demonstrates how the development of thought has given economic laws the appearance of being · natural ' . 63 Through ident ity-thinking, state­capitalism has assumed an objective rationa l i ty. L i ke ita predecessors, state-cap i ta l i sm promises to reinforce the division between humani ty and nature, as in an affluent society humanity can better coordinate its surrounds . So what Critical Theory does i s provide an insight into Marx ' s conundrum. That being the absence of revolution in the West . 54 Whereas Marx ' s dialectic r e l i es on an inexorable march to freedom, Crit ical Theory examines the constraints . Because of this , C r i t i cal Theory i s pol i tical in that it seeks to develop a truly dissenting theory.

Nonetheless, a c r i t ique of secondary interpretations of Marxism should not be construed as promoting an absolute phi losophical d i s j uncture between orthodox Marxism and the project of C r i t i cal Theory. Essenti a l l y , both Marx and C r i t i cal Theory converge on their rebuttal of society as an object divorced from rei f i cation which can be objectively examined and class i fied, thus "attributing properties to it as i f i t were an object i n i t se l f , instead of examining the

U See footnotes No . 32 - 38 .

63 . That i s the object ive rationa l i ty of state cap i ta l ism. See Doug las Ke l lner, Cri t i cal Theory, Marxism and Moderni ty, ( Cambridge : Pol ity Pres s , 1989 ) section 3 . 2 ' From Market to

Monopoly/State Cap i t a l i sm ' . Also Dub i e l , Theory and Pol i t i cs, pp . 90-92 .

6 4 . As this i s the inexorable progression of Marx ' s material dialectic, based as i t i s , on the idea l i s t notion of historical inevitao i l i t y .

3 3 processes o f 1 ts foraation". 65 I nherent in both Marx and Critical Theory is a critical socioloqy which inveighs agai nst the liberal-humanist tradition of human ity as the agent o f history and the object o f analysis. Social foraation throu9h the development of reason is not presumed to be the outgrowth of developing · man • , nor are the products of historica l development accepted a priori . Conversely, Marx and Cri tical Theory seek to establish the roots of reification in its guise as total concepts or a totality, ( being the constellation o f truths and knowledge that constitute reality ) , as they are developed in a given society. Knowledge governing reality is neither invariant nor fixed; the laws of a society and its organisation are not givens but are instead the products of a reason constantly reshaped in history. Reality here, is posited in the realms of materialism.

Though it was not Marx but rather Georg Lukacs who introduced the term reification to the Marxian lexicon, Critical Theory ' s notion of a reified society can sti l l be located in the Marxian critique of the superstructure.66 For Marx, reality is socially constructed by the base and posited in the superstructure, thus giving rise to a totality , or total concepts, which purport to explain society as if they contained an unfettered, obj ective truth. According to Marx, social reality vis-a-vis the political economy is dictated throughout the course of history by the mediation of the commodity. Labour, in this sense, is the value accorded to the commodity through production and as such, becomes a "power to be bought and sold on a qualitatively evaluating market " .67 So the manner in which the raw materials of nature are shaped into useful items for · man ' via labour, and how this labour is valued and exchanged within the marketplace for other

65 Gillian Rose, ' How is Critical Theorr Possible? Theodor W . Adorno and Concept Formation in Soc1oloqy ' , Pol i t i cal Studies, vol.XXIV, no.1, p.77.

66 Peter L. Berger & Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Rea l i ty : A Treatise in the Soci ol ogy of Knowledge, ( London : Allen Lane, 1971 ), pp. 18 & 2 1 5 n . 6 .

67 P. Berger & S. Pullman, · Rei f icat ion and the Sociological Critique of Consciousness ' , New Left Review, 3 5 , 1966, p . 5 9 .

34

co1111110di ties, ( the aaode of production ) , detenaines the shape of the superstructure .

Marxian notions of a dialectical theory which charta the historical development of reason through ruptures and contradictions are interpretive tools accepted by Criti cal Theory. Above a l l , the hypothesis of a histor i c a l l y spec i f i c epoch wherein social reality is but a moment in its historical development is central to the Critical Theory parad igm. � Just

as Marx bel ieves that modes of production beget rei f ied thinking, Critical Theory advocates systems of identity. In essence, systems of identity, or ident ity-thinking, describe the establi shment of total concepts which claim to cover the objects they describe . Identity-thinking i s the process through which the individual accepts a concept as the equal of its obj ect, when in fact the concept can be located in the historically speci f i c superstructure, or tota l i ty69 . As with Marx, Critical Theory bel ieves that the material ism of reason as it i s produced and reproduced in d i f fering social moments of history, has the effect of making unequal things equal . R e i fication in terms of the codification of reason and knowledge, that i s total concepts , which lead to identif ication with a spec i f i c model of social organisat ion and domination, i s the shared agenda of Marxism and Criti cal Theory .

However, the commonal i ty of the paradigms does not extend beyond the shared bel ie f in a dialectical , historica l l y speci f i c reason and its effect o f soc i a l rei fication . Fundament a l l y separating the two mode l s is the core of their d i a lecti c . Whereas Marx sets out to extrapolate how · man ' realtes to the natural world through production and exchange,

and how rei f i cation changes accordingly, C r i t i cal Theory looks to how societies have interacted with the natural world through interpretation . G i l l ian Rose characterises the d i f f erence thus :

68 Gerard Raulet ' Structural i sm and Post-Structura l i sm : An Interview with Michel Foucault ' , Telos, no . 5 5 , Spring 1 9 8 3 , p . 20 1 .

69 Rose, ' How is Critica l Theory Possible ' , pp. 70-71 .

35 The concepts of tota l i ty , essence and appearance,

universal and particular, abstract and concrete are the concepts which yield the d i a lectical perspect ive . They are intrins i c a l l y inter-related . Any society 1 s a tota l i t y fro. the perspective of its interchange w i th the natural world iStoffwechsel mi t der Natur) , an interchange which resu l t s

n fundamental processes within any society by which i t ' produces and reproduces itself ' . Society is a tot a l i t y in

which a l l individuals are dependent on the tota l i ty which they form. The total i ty is determined by the basic mechanism of interchange and exchange , to which Adorno refers, inste� of specifying the mode of production, aa Marx had done .

Critical Theory, then, is a reaction against orthodox Marxist determinism and its relation to Hege l i an idealism and the Kantian notion of b i furcated reason . Desp i te drawing on the precept of soc i a l l y constructed reason spec i f i c to a moment i n hi story, Critical Theory inveighs against the Marxist orthodoxy of the economic determining not only the superstructure, but the very unfolding of ration a l i ty itself . 11

In the eyes of C r i t i ca l Theory , historical mater i a l i sm , based a s i t i s on " how man, by h i s industry, chanqes the forms o f the mater i a l s furnished by Nature, in such a way as to make them useful to him" , anO how the mode of production with its attendant rational i ty is dialectically changed, 1 eads ultimately to the modernist critique of the inexorable progression of true reason foresta l l ed momentarily by its corruption at a spec i f i c moment . 12 Marxism, as with all modernist c r i tiques, derives its rationale from the Kantian question · was ist Aufklarung? ' . 73 Marx ' s historical material ism operates on the same notion o f a b i furcated reason, wherein a moment of separation occurs between a dominating, corrupted reason and the movement towards tru e , emanc ipatory reason . For Marx, the point of rupture has occurred with the devel opment of cap i t a l i s m . Subsequent l y , the Marxian project becomes one

70 Rose, ' How i s C r i t i ca l Theory Possible ' , p . 78 .

71 Douglas Kellner Cri tical Theory, Moderni ty, ( Cambridge : Poi ity Press ) , p . l l

Hanris• and

72 Karl Marx, Capi tal : A Cri tical Analysis of Capitalist Production - Vol ume One, ( Moscow : Progress Pub l i sher s , 1 9 74 ) , p . 76

13 Or to translate loosely, ' What i s Enl i ghten.ent? '

36

of uncoverinq the 1a0aent of bi furcation between true and corrupted reason . As Gerard Raulet asserts when locatinq the Marxian model within the modern phi l osophical trad i t i on :

In these mode l s , we see either a unique bi furcation or a forqetfulness, at a given moment , fol lowing the confiscation of reason by a class . Thus, the movement across h istory towards emancipat i on cons ists not on l y in reappropriating what was confiscated ( to confi scate it agai n ) , but - on the contrarr - i n giving reason back its truth, intact, investing � with the status of an absolutely universal science .

Consequen t l y , Marxism can be classif ied as part of the modernity tradition given that, in spite of i ts crit ique o f soc i a l ly constructed reason, i t reverts to Hege l i an idea l i sm and l ibeal humanism thus enabl ing ' man ' to obtain true reason once the false ideologies of b ifurcated reason have been overcome .

To e l aborate, Marx i sm rebuts Critical Theory for being an idea l ist doctrine. Yet i t i s Marx ism that shows a remarkable correlation with idea l i sm . This i s borne out in an examination of Heqel and his relation to Marx ism. In particular , the notions of historical inevitab i l ity , concept formation and aqency are underscored. According to Aristotle, a philosophy of hi story i s not possible given its lack of a · pre-orda ined ' structure of inte l l iqible development . 75 Instead, history i s a process of chanqe corresponding with the natural wor l d . Change i s a tanqible process wherein an object i s trans formed from poten t i a l to actual form. I t i s , therefore, bioloqical ly determined . 76 Whereas, Hegel eschews natural necessity. Rather than locate progress i n the biological realm, he estab l i shes a historical order of inte l l ig i b i l i t y . Moreover , this process i s histor i c a l l y inev i t ab l e . Impe l led by an underlying be l i ef in freedom, h i story is the inevitable movement towards a structure rea l i s inq this bel i e f . Gradual ly, ant ithetical

74 Raulet, - Structur a l i sm and Post-Structural i sm ' , p . 2 0 2 . 75 . Georqe Denn i s O ' Brien , Hegel on Reason and His tory :

A Contemporary Interpretation, ( Chicaqo: The University of Chicago Press, 1975 ) , pp . 1 45 - 1 46 .

76 . Ibid, p . l4 6 .

37

notions are counterposed in such a way that · new ' , .are truthful definitions arise; and i t is through thi s dialectical method that less l imited concepts are for•ed . Eventua l l y , according to the inexorable nature of the inte l l igible orde r , humanity wi l l real ise the actual form o f the obj ect , or true reason, and with that the ideal state w i l l have co�ae into being. As O' Brien describes i t :

. . . Hegel says that i t i s the bel ief i n human freedom which i s the basic factor in inevitable histor ical change. To compress Hege l ' s whole story of history into the briefest compas s : once a be l i ef in free individuals arises in human society this be l i ef inevitably determines a certain l ine of action leading to the realisation of that be l ief in the pol itical structure . This claim can be construed as a histor i cal claim which i s no more or less metaphys ical than the c laim that, once abo l i t ionist be l iefs about the ev i l of slavery became f i rmly establi shed in the United States, a soci a l and pol i t ical change was inevitab l e . One need not pretend to the abi l i ty to predict the exact course of the soci a l change - perhaps war was not the on l y way in which this idea of human freedom might have been real i sed - but that there would have been change over time in a definite d i rection was inevitable unless that be l i e f had been abandoned . 11

A s O ' Brien i l lustrates, Hege l ' s idealism revolves around the thesis/antithesis/synthesis paradigm . 78 Part ial truths or concepts are formed only to be cha l l enged, after which a

synthe s i s occurs , thus giving an object a more accurate meaning . For Marx, this dialectical method can be applied to society. By contrasting capita l i sm ' s thesis ( that which it claims to be ) against i ts antithesis ( that which it is not ) the ' whole truth about the structure and future of capi talist society' w i l l be exposed . 79 And with that the l i mited and transitory concept wi l l be replaced . Whi l e Hegel appl ies this to inte l ligib i l i ty , Marx posits the dialectic in the mate r i a l

77 . Ibid, p . l 4 9 .

78 . To elaborate, where a preva i l ing concept i s cha l l enged by an opposing paradigm leading ultimatel y to a revised truth . Basica l lf, this i s Hege l ' s order of intell igibi l i ty revolving around h1storical inevitab i l ity.

79 . Fromm, Harx ' s Concept of Han, p . 1 8 .

38

wor l d . Above al l , Marx uses the Hege l i an dialectic to demonstrate money ' s adverse effect on capital is11. By analysing money in terms of an inherent contrad ict ion, Marx feels able to study capitalism f rom the other side . H i s work in Gundr1ss• typifies thi s . Here, Marx attempts to explain how money used as capital i s both qualitative and quant i tative . 8C In the f i rst instance, i t represents bound less wea l th . Looking at cap i tal

qual itatively, it i s wi thout l imits . 81 Yet quant itatively it is constrained . Unl ike its theoretical expression, 11oney exists in 1 imi ted amounts as coins, notes ( and) money of account • . 82 So whi le we t a l k of wealth as something of infinite value, its present capacity is constrained. Because there is only so much, its powers of consumption must work at that leve l .

But l i ke Hegel ' s ultimately transcends impetus . The mode of

paradigm, Marx bel ieves that money its l imitations . B3 This is capita l i sm ' s production i s fuelled by the need to

overcome capital ' s present l imited sense . As such, society i s caught i n a growth spiral . Expanded production means increased

wealth, and this , in turn, del i vers us closer to the qual i tative definition of capital . Yet according to Marx, i t a l so leads to the antithesi s . A s accumulat ion grows, inequ i ty increases pari passu. Wealth i s concentrated amongst a few leaving an impover i s hed majority. Because of this the sp i r a l

w i l l eventually col lapse . When the gul f between the ' haves ' and the · have-nots ' becomes too great the system wi 1 1 be cha l l enged; or i n true Marxist parlance, the mode of production ( profit-making ) w i l l confl ict with the relat ions ( concentration of wea l th ) , thus leading to a new type .

For Marx, then, the dialectical method c l early exposes

80 . Karl Marx, Gundrisse, ( New York: Vintage Books , 1973 ) , p . 270 .

81 . Ibid.

82 . Carver, ' Marx and Hegel ' s Logi c ' , p . 6 2 .

83 . Ibid.

)9

capitaliaa ' a deficiencies. Yet this is aerely the culaination of a l ineage . Like Hege l , Marx constructs a history o f progress which dif fers only i n teras o f i ts IDclter ial i sa . Whereas Hege l ' s dialectic focuses on inte l l igibi l i ty , Marx i a

more concerned with the effects of productive activity . Aa Marx puts i t :

Hege l ' s phi l oso�hy of history presupposes an abstract or absolute sp i r 1 t , which develops i n such a way that mankind is only a mass which �rries the sp i r i t , consciously o r unconsciously.

By comparison, the Marxian dialect ic is descri bed in the fol l owing way:

As individuals express their l i fe, so they are . What they are, therefore coincides with the i r production, both with what they produce and with how they produce. The nature of individuals thus depends on the mate�ial cond itions determining the i r production.

Hence, the objective factors which shape production in turn shape human society and thought . I t is the base which determines be l iefs and behaviou r , not some underlying idea l . Yet to expunge Hege l ' s idea l i sm from Marx ' s materi a l i sm i s to leave i t bare . B6 The reason i s that both dialect i cs intersect . Turning to Marx, history is understood as the progress 1 ve development of economic type s . Over time , product ive systems have been drawn into conflict thus giving rise to new mode l s , and with that society has moved closer to the ult imate, emancipatory system communism. Once the contrad ict ions inherent in capitalism explode, the · educated masses ' w i l l adopt Marx ' s paradigm. Concomitant with Hege l , human i ty wi l l be the creator-subj ect in the rea l i sation of the ideal state . Only now, they w i l l have attained this through ega l i ta r i anism.

84 . Fromm, Marx ' s Concept of Han, p . l O .

85 . Karl Marx & Freiderich Engel s� German Ideology, ( New York International Pub l i shers Inc. 19�9 ) , p . l 4 .

86 . See Carve r , ' Marx and Hege l ' s Logic ' , pp . 5 7 - 6 8 ; a l so , Sidney Hook, From Hegel to Marx, ( University of Michigan Pres• 1962 ) .

4 0 Agency, baaed on the abi l ity t o refora, w i l l have been the key . 87

Clearly then, Marxism employs Heqel ' s inevitable proqresa lexicon. Humanity wi l l eventually arrive at the ideal state . Admittedly, the Marxist explanation of historical dyna�� ica does centre on material ism, but it s t i l l uses Hege l i an categori e s . For instance, concepts can be changed through changed economic condi tions . 88 And wh i 1 e human ity i s constrained by the present Kan t i an bi furcation of reason which has occurred under capital i sm, the future ult imately promises more . Given this nexus , Marxism stumbles on the same probl ems besetting the idealist d i a l ect i c . 89 I t cannot explain why capital ism has not col lapsed in the West . 90 Nor for that matter can i t explain the probl ems endemic in the Commun ist states . 'l

Conversely, Critical Theory ' s repudiation of Marxist r e i f i cation as a corollary of the rel ation to nature throuqh modes o f production leads it to a d i f ferent unde rstandinq of society ' s interchanqe with nature. C l early demarcated pe r i ods of production fashioning the materials o f nature into commod i t i e s , and thus creating systems o f reason, are no longer seen as the objects of analys i s . 92 Instead, Critical

87 . Another discussion o f the correlation between Hegel ' s ideal i sm, based on an order o f inte l l igibi l i ty / inevitabi l ity, and Marx ' s material dialect i c , can be found in Joseph O ' Ma l ley, ' Marx ' s Economics and Hege l ' s Phi loso�hy of Riq ht : An Essay on Marx ' s Hege l i an i sm ' , Pol i tical Stud1es, vol . XX I V , no . l , ( 1 9 76 ) , pp . 43-56 .

88 . Raymond W i l l i ams, Probl ems i n Ma terial ism and Culture: Selected Essars, ( London : NLB, 1980 ) , ' Base and Superstructure i n Marxist Cu tural Theory ' .

89 . Very simpl y , why the �rocess of hi storical inevitab i l ity has not culminated w1th the rea l i sation of absolute reason .

90 . As both tend to contradict the presumed u l t imate end to dialectical mate r i a l i sm and i ts inherent idea l isa.

91 . Ibid.

92 Rose, ' How is C r i t i ca l Theory Possible? ' , p . 76 .

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Theory examines how the interchange with nature has constructed tota l i ties on the basis of an Occidental strivi ng for e n l i ghtenment . Only for C r i t i ca l Theory en l i ghten.ent i s not interpreted as the progress invoked by the .adern rational i st tradition, but rather an increasing instrumental i sed reason which seeks to improve techniques of sel f-preservat ion . 93 The dialect of reason is part o f an ongoing development of systems which purport to d i f ferentiate society from nature . Helmut Dubi e l examines the ef fects of re i f i cation through enl ightenment in terms of a confluence of several key theses . These, he suggests, can be e l aborated upon as f o l l ows :

- The constitution of the human race at the beginning of a l l history by v iolent d i f ferentiation from its context in nature, with the productive exp l o i tation o f nature for the purpose o f sel f-product i o n .

- The reproduction o f t h i s domination over the · prima ry nature ' into· second nature ' , that i s into forms o f soc ial organi sation in which nature is dominated; the development and refinement o f technolog i cal domination over nature in the modern era and the industri a l age has its pol i t i cal express ion in the tota l isation o f pol i tical repression, whose most extreme and advanced form is fascism.

- The deformation o f a l l forms of cogn i t i ve orientation toward the worl d . Repressed nature reproduces i t s e l f precisely i n that medium considered by the Western rational1st tradition to e its most extreme opposite : in mind itse l f . I t i s not in Western phi losophy and science that Horkheimer and Adorno see the f 1 r s t appearance o f this process, but rather in histor ica l l y ear ly forms of human orientation i n the worl� : in mag i c , mytho logy, theogony, and theology .

Hence, total i ties constructed v i a the interchange with nature have evolved on the bas i s of an innate human yearning to understand and overcome nature, rather than determin i s t i c economic laws that r e i f y yet u l t imately del iver true reason . Rea l i ty as a social construct i s borne out of an identi f i cation with societal types that seek to ori entate ' man ' i n the wor l d . The h i s tory of reason has been marked by the unfolding and r e f inement o f nature-dominating tota l i t ies

93 Dub i e l , Theory and Pol i ti cs, pp . 90-9 1 .

94 I b i d .

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which, in turn, have created reification and soc ial domination . But un l i ke the Marxist d i a l ec t i c , C r i t 1 cal Theory ' s sociology does not adhere to classical modern philosophy ' s bel i e f in the eventual autonomy of reason . '� Critical Theory does not advocate that the theorist and the i r models can push aside reification and determine the point at which reason bi furcated, and when its true form w i l l emerge . To do so i s to undermine a critica l sociology of reason by invoking the idea l i s t and human i st pl anks of modern i sm .

Alternatively, Critical Theory presents its d i a l ectic as based on an immanent or negative mode l . By confronting modes of cognition, i n the sense of reif ied theories and total concepts , with the objects they claim to cover i s to see the non-identity of the relat ionship between the concept and its obj ect . 96 I n short, the negat ive-dialec t i cal technique draws out the underlying subj ecti vi ty inherent in the concepts interpretation of the object by locating it within the spe c i f i c moment of nature-domination . to establ ish the positedness of total ity, rather than portraying it

Immanent c r i t i c i sm seeks reason in the present as another stage in the

inexorable movement towards emancipation - once the Kantian rupture has been ident i f i e d . C r i t ical Theory ' s objective is to underscore how a moment of reason portrayed as the dominant, emancipated form, and the forms of soc i a l organ i sation associ ated with i t , are but one epoch in the hi story of creating techniques for s e l f-preservat ion . 97 In the words of Foucau l t :

. . I think, that since Max Webe r , i n the Frankfurt School and anyhow for many hi stor i ans of science such as Can9ui l hem, i t was a question of isolating the form of rat1onal i ty presented as dominant, and endowed with the status of the one-and-only reason, in order to show that it

95 Raulet , · Structuralism and Post-Structural i sm ' , p . 1 9 9 -200 .

96 Buck-Moras , The Origin of Nega t i ve Dialectics, pp . 6 3-64 .

97 Jay, Adorno, p . 58.

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i a only one possible fora a.ong othera . 91

Neither Horkheimer nor Adorno subscribe to the inevitable progress of humanity. 99 Converse l y , they di spute sel f­rea l i sation . For Horkheimer and Adorno , the subj ect i v i ty and abstraction of Hege l ' s idealism i s more ideoloqical than factual . I t betrays a be l ief in the ongoing advancement of humanity through reason as with the acqu i s i tion of knowledge former truths become · untruths ' leading u l t imately to the realisation of the universal , absolute Idea . Howeve r , both Adorno and Horkheimer rej ect this notion. The i r principal concern is that Hegel ian idealism suspends material factors . Baaed purely on agency , idealism reduces history to the creator-subject, or in Marx ' s case , i t t i es hi story to production with the proviso that history can be changed. IOO As such, the development of thought and society is predetermi ned , whereas from a Critical Theory perspective thought is conditioned by the particular m i l i eu . In a spec i f i c historical context, epistemology is shaped more by society than agency. People see objects in a certain l ight because of their identification with a totality. So while objects ex i s t , their conceptual isation is understood from within the who l e .

Nor does t h i s privi lege the theorist . According to Al thusserians and post-structural i sts, Critical Theory enables the theor ist to detach onesel f from the real ity of the exi s tent and chart humanity ' s progress from the standpoint of a rational society. IOI S o , l i ke Weber ' s free- f l oating intellectuals, Critical Theory a l l ows a privileged few to know

98 Michel Foucaul t op ci t Raulet, · Structuralism and Post­Structural ism ' , p . 201 .

99 . Adorno & Horkhe imer, Dialectic of Enl i ghtenmen t.

100 . Fromm, Marx ' s Concept of Han , Chapter 2 · H istorical Materialism' .

101 . TherJ:)orn, · The Frankfurt School • , pp . 87-92 .

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the absolute Idea. 102 But what such criti cisa aisses is the concept of negation . Built into Crit ical Theory i a the recognition that theor ists are embedded in society, thua rendering them unable to detach themselves and apeak imparti a l l y . Instead, Critical Theory looks to inspire negation. Once the actua l i ty of an object is contrasted against its concept, the problems of ident ity w i l l be drawn out . l03 Non-identity thinking, here, refers to the c r i t i cal appraisal of rea l i ty from within existing structures; it does not claim to transcend them. l04

Part Four Crit ical Theory, Foucault and Marxism to ontolog1 ze or deontolog1 ze reason.

Clearly then, the previous section estab l i shed the major d i fferences between Cri t i ca l Theory, orthodox and structural Marxism. Broadly speaking, these relate to perceptions o f reason, power and domination . For orthodox and structural Marxism, reason equates with ideology. That i s , reason i s distorted in history to create repressive power rel a t i ons . l:·s S u b s e q u e n t l y , t h o s e who b e n e f i t f r om t h e infrastructure/superstructure interplay, entertain power through corrupted reason . 106 Knowledge as determined by material factors ( the base ) i s the privilege they exercise over the oppressed. However , given Marxism ' s d i a l ect i c , truth outside domination can be real i sed given the tendency of the

102 . H . H . Gerth & C . Wright Mi l l s ( ed . ) From Max Weber : Essars in Sociol ogy, ( New Yor k : Oxford University Pres s , 1 9 7 9 1 p . 1 7 6 .

103 . Adorno , Nega t i ve Dialectics, ( New York : Continuum Publ ishing Company, 1990 ) .

104 G i l l ian Rose, ' How i s Critical Theory Poss ible? Theodor W. Adorno and Concept Formation in Sociology ' , Pol i ti cal Studies, vol . XXIV no . 1 , ( 1976 } , pp . 69-85 .

lOS Mark Poster, Fouca u l t Marx is• and History : Mode of Production versus Mode of Informa tion, ( Cambridge; New Yo rk : Polity Press , 1984 ) , pp. S0-8 5 .

106 . O r those who bene f i t fro11 the .ode o f production begetting the superstructure, with its rel ations of production and legitimating be l iefs .

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Hegel-Marx tradition t o locate reason i n his tory with a dialectical twi s t . l07 While assuming a aaterial i s t concept of reason, i t sti l l adheres to the absolute truth, becauae once the material determinants collapse, truth ' s inherent quality wi l l be rea l i sed. Freed from ideology and repression the true ideal wi 11 emerge _ 108

But this has not happened. As Crit ical Theory points out , transcendental reason i s a fal sehood . In contrast to the humanistic idea l i sm of Marx, human i ty and knowledge are located in history not above it . l09 Marx ' s dia lectic has not been real ised. Instead, domination continues unabated , which according to Critical Theory can be ascr ibed to historically governed reason. To understand power in society one has to examine the rol e of knowledge . This is because reason and

107 . Poster, Foucaul t, Marxism and History, pp . 10-1 1 .

108 J im Col l ins, Uncommon Cultures : popular cul ture and post-modernism, ( New Yor k : Rout ledge , Chapman and Hal l , 1 9 89 ) , p . XI V Preface, where he repudiates the classical concepts of knowled9e, power and domination : " For some c r i t i c s , my suggest1on that we need to question the util i ty of conce�ts l i ke ' mass culture ' and ' the dominant ' would be rather l 1 ke suggesting that we abandon ' the devi l ' to a grou� of fundamental ist ministers . ' Mass culture ' , ' the dominant and ' the devi l ' serve as conven ient concepts on which the bl ame for a l l e v i l may be eas i l y fixed , providing a simple narrative explanation for whr utopian states cannot be achieved, as we l l as a l l owin� for s e !- righteous poses in the present . But wh i l e ' the dev i l might make for marve l lous explanatory myths, moat so�histicated theologians would stress that such myths only tr1vial i s e the comp l e x i ty of moral questions and human psychology. In much the same way, ' the dominant ' ruling class that controls a l l facets of cultural 1 i fe may we 1 1 be a fascinatin9 methodological f i ction, but it only obstructs our understand1ng of the complexity of the conf 1 i cti ve power relations that const i tute our cultures . A more sophist icated understanding o f domination as a process must be9in with the rejection of the monolithic category of ' the dom1nant ' .

109 An examp l e of Crit ical Theory ' s reject ion of the Hegel -Marx tradition can be found in Adorno, Negative Dialect i c s , ( Continuum Pub l ishing Company 1 9 9 0 ) , ' Harmonising w i th the World S p i r i t ' , where he states that :

" I n the concept of the world spi r i t , the principle of divine omnipotence was secularised into the principle that poa1 ta uni t y , and the world plan vas secularised into the relentlessness o f what happens . " p . 305

4 6 power correlate . Dif ferent systeaa establ ish regi .. a of truth ' _ 110 Be l i efs, practices and relationships are shaped according l y . I t is not a matter of ve rtical docina t i on eventual l y giving away to true reason when ideol oqy enda . Instead, reason and knowledge are organ i c concepts that constrain, influence and di rect behaviour wi thout totally repressing it . 111 Truth i s something that haa changed throughout history in l ine w i th the soc ietal type. Truth does not contain an inherent promise to del i ver us from domination .

This i s where Western Marx ism and Foucau lt converge . Given that Western Marxism has been characterised by an at tempt to reinterpret reason and powe r , Foucau lt takes up its problematic . 112 He a l so chall enges the fundamental tenets o f the Marxian dialect i c , concerned that the · metaphys ical scope of dialecti cal thought ' i s the notion to be attac ked . t l 3 Un l i ke Marx ' s ideal ism, Foucau l t , Horkheimer and Adorno locate reason and truth i n history, not above i t . Reason and truth are not inherent qua l i ties that w i l l soon be unrave l l ed . They are, instead, constructs of the present . To f ind them one must look w i th i n , not outside . Like C r i tical Theory, reason as a concept

110 Michel Foucaul t "Truth and Power" , in Power /Knowl ed9e - Selected Interviews and Other Wri tings 1972- 77, ed . by Col 1n Gordon, ( B r ighton; Sussex : The Harvester Press, 1 9 80 ) , p . l 3 1 .

111 Michel Foucaul t "Theories et institutions penales " , Annuaire du Col l ege de France, 1971-72, in Alan Sheridan , Michel Foucaul t : the Wi l l to Truth, ( London : Tavistock Pub l icat ions , 1980 ) , espec i a l l y p . 1 3 1 where Foucau lt character i ses the c lassical knowledge I power I repres s i on model thus :

. . . power relations ( with the strug9 les that traverse them or the 1nstitutions that maintain them ) do not play w i th respect to knowledge a fac i l i tating or obstructive role; they are not content merely to encourage or stimulate i t , to d i stort o r l im i t i t ; power and knowledge are not l i nked together solely by the play of interests or ideolog i e s ; the problem i s not therefore that of determin i ng how power subj ugates knowledge and makes i t serve its ends, or how i t imprints i t s mark o n knowledge, imposes on i t ideological contents and l imits .

112 Poster, Foucault, Harllisa and His tory, pp . l - 1 6 .

113 Ibid, p . 2 .

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for Foucault i s hypostatised . 114 Reason i s exaained as a tool of domination rather than l iberation.

Foucaul t further reinforces the nexus between the two schools on the basis of a shared critical history of rational ity when he states that :

Now, obviously i f I had been fami l i ar w i th the Frankfurt School , i f I had been aware of it at this time , I wou ld not have said a number of stup id things that I did say and I would have avoided many of the detours which I made whi le trying to pursue my own humble path - when, meanwh i l e , avenues had been opened up by the Frankfurt School . I t is a strange case of non-penetration between two very s i m i l a r tyPeS of thinking which is explained, perhaps, by that very s1.milari ty. Nothing hides the fact of a .Prob l eah5in common better than two similar ways of approach1ng i t .

At the heart of Critical Theory and Foucaul ts ' shared problem i s a rational critique of rationa l i t y . Both schoo ls of thought embark upon a c r i t ical enqu i ry into the hi story of reason wi thout succumbing to to the modernist trad i t i on . Conversely, C r i ti ca l Theory and Foucau lt are crit ical theo r i es of reason which are united by their attempt to unravel the posi tedness o f current total concepts, or in Foucau l t ' s terms, discipl ines , w i th i n the spec i f i c moment of an ongoing process of rational isation . 116 As a consequence of this process, reason has undergone a constant reordering, as have the systems of knowledge and social order which i t create s .

Much o f the common ground between the C r i t ical Theory of Horkheimer and Adorno and the post-modernism of Foucau l t is evinced by their shared skepticism of epistemology. Nowhere is de-ontologized reason more transparent than in Horkheimer and Adorno ' s C r i t ical Theory . Their entire c r i t ique of modernity i s based on reason as domination . S ince the dawn of human i t y ,

114 . Reason i n domination not in the pure Marx ist sense of repression and servi tude induced by false ideology and corresponding vertical power , but rather i n the sense that reason has sought to advance our control over, or domination o f , nature .

115 Foucaul t op ci t Rau l e t , · structura l i sm and Post­Structura l i sm ' , p . 200 .

116 Ibid, pp . 200-206 .

4 8 reason has been predicated on control l i ng nature . l l; Modern i ty has been the movement away f rom nature towards enli ghten.ent ; and enl ightenmen t , iron i ca l ly, has meant subj ecting ourselves to more pervasive contro l . State-capi t a l i sm i s the latest mani festation . Based on instrumental rationa l i ty, it d i rects and governs people ' s l ives . Shie lding capita l i sm ' s f l aws , bureaucrat i c control preserves prospe r i ty, and thus further entrenches nature- dominating reason . 118

For C r i t i ca l Theory, then, reason equates with irrationa l i ty . Western civi l isat ion has developed according to d i fferent truths, or to express this another way, systems that separate us from nature . Here, reason translates into domination. This, too, is the cornerstone of Foucault ' s study. Indeed, the correlat ion is unde r l ined by Mark Poster when he atates that :

. . . thei r ( Horkheimer and Adorno ' s ) refusal to take reason at i t s word and the ir insi stence on investigating its imbrication with domination leads d i rectn¥ to the problematic explored by Foucaul t .

But for Foucaul t , reason can only be posited in society by g i v i ng up the higher epistemological ground. Where C r i t ical Theory errs i s in its tota l i ty bu i lding . By charac terising reason so genera l l y i t precludes an anal y s i s of the d i scourse­d i scipl ine-practice interplay . Accordingly, the control of reason and the exercise of power is seen as a repressive function . Power is defined by C r i t ical Theory as pur e l y negative i n that i t del imits the role o f people through ' the force o f prohibit ion ' . 120 How we speak, what we b e l i eve and what we see i s governed by a repressive force . So power in this context i s narrow and j ud i c i a l .

117 Theodor w . Adorno, Minima Hora l i a : Refl ections fr011 Damaged Life, ( London : NLB, 1974 ) .

118 Or < the acqu i s i tion of knowl edge that furthers our understand1ng and abi l i ty to control nature .

119 Poster, Foucault, Harxi a. and His tory, p . 1 6 .

120 Foucault, · Truth and Power ' , p . 1 1 9 .

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For Foucault this leads t o a second problea - the concept of ideoloqy . This i s because, endemic in the c l ass ical .adel i a an ideology-repression l ink . Classical precepts o f powe r , on which the Marxi s t model is predicated, interpret ideo loqy aa the corruption of reason . 121 As Foucault sees it t h i s creates a false di chotomy . On the one hand, power is exercised by those distorting reason, whi lst on the other , the di seapowered masses are subj ect to contro l . They are locked into a systea grounded in false truths. Power is thus the possession of the e l i t e . l22 But this does not preclude true reason , as ideoloqy rests on subj ectivism. The human subject is endowed with a consciousness inf luenced by power , meaning that once the inimical power relat ions col lapse true reason w i l l emerge . I�} Freed from its constraints, the subj ect w i l l rea l i se this inherent, transcendental quality of reason .

Whereas unl ike his characterisation of orthodox and · para ' Marxism, Foucaul t bel i eves that power should be understood nomina l i st i cal l y . 124 As Hoy describes Foucaul t ' s perceptions of power through knowledge and 1 ts del ineation from more traditional accounts :

121 John Raj chman, Michel Foucaul t : the Freedo• of Phi losophy, { New York : Columbia University Press , 198 5 ) , p . 89 .

122 Foucaul t , ' Body/Power ' , in Power/Knowl edge ed . by Colin Gordon, pp . SS-60 .

123 Which i n the Hegel -Marx tradition is the demise of thei r mater i a l determinant once the inexorable con f l i c t between mode and relations of production occurs .

124 Foucaul t , ' Body /Power ' , p . 59 .

Unl ike the Frankfurt School, Foucault does not think of power as something possessed by those who exercise i t . In Disc ipl ine and Pun ish he remarks that he wants to describe how · power i s exercised rather than possessed ' . This implies that power i s not a property possession or privi lege . Power i s not simpiy what the dominant class has and the oppressed lack . Powe r , Foucau lt prefers to say, is a strategy, and the do�inated are as much a part of the network of power relations and the parh!cular social matrix as the dominating .

5 0

Thus power through knowledge i s not a commod ity. It is not the preserve of an e l it e . l26 Rather, confined to neither the · top ' nor the · bottom' i t resemble more of a capillary network permeating through soc iety. Made up of myriad points such a network constantly translates knowledge into powe r . Nor is power necessarily repressive, because as Foucault sees i t , power would lose i ts force i f i t was who l l y negative . l27 Such negation would soon be d i sobeyed, whereas according to Foucault , power i s entrenched through positive outcome s . Instead of j us t saying no, i t a l so creates positive effect s . Far from prohibiting knowledge, power encourages i t . To quote Foucaul t : · . . i t traverses and produces things, it induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces discourse · . 128 Consequently, power and knowledge should be understood more as a network than a vert ical relationship. By doing thi s , power can be l i fted above its c l as s i ca l role as a negative func t i on .

125 Hoy, · power , Repression, Progress ' , p . l 3 4 .

126 Marx ism, of course, revel ves around the precept of the capi tal i st classes entertaining repressive power by vi rtue of reason corrupted by the capitalist mode of production . See footnote no . 9 1 o f this Chapter.

127 Foucaul t · Body /Power ' , where he states tha t : • . . . power would be a fragi l e thing i f i t s only function were to repress, i f i t worked only through the mode of censors h i p , exclusion, blockage and repression, . . exerc i s i ng i t s e l f only i n a negative way. ' , p . 59

128 Foucau l t , ' Truth and Power ' , p . l l 9 .

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To this end, Foucaul t advocates a genealogical approach. 1;; Systems that employ subjects, ideoloqy and repress i on aa key concepts are no longer usefu l . Instead, power analyses •uat make sense of knowledge, di scourse and relat ions w i thout resorting to human ism. 130 The key to understanding reata v i th the cHscourse/practice couplet . Power i s d i f fused t hrough d i scourse, with reason being the underlying principle . When discourse i s formed i t engenders patterns of doaunat 1 on . Strategies are developed and practice i s shaped according to the prevai l ing wisdom. l3l Both those at the ' top ' and those at the ' bottom' engage in power re lations based on knowl edge . Whilst the more erudite enjoy author i ty , those w i th less understanding are not repressed . Converse l y , they too derive some power from the relationship, because power , here, is not a who l l y negative function . The less erud i te can e i ther accept the imparted knowledge, or they can react to i t . Whatever the case they, in turn, w i l l be exercising a degree of powe r .

Hence, reason i s not attained through l i bera t i on . Knowledge i s tempora l , and in its wor l d l y form i t begets power relations . The form of reason speci f i c to a soc ietal type creates a network of interacting power re lat ions where in the current shape of nature-domination i s fought over, not overthrown . This is the mater i a l i sm of Foucaul d i an post­modernism. According to Foucau l t :

129 Poster, Foucaul t, Harzisa and History, p . 9 .

130 With i t s ensuing problematic& of idea l i SJD , huaa.n ia• and pos i t i vism.

131 Michel Foucaul t , ' The Subj ect and Powe r ' , in Cri tical Inquiry, 8 , ( Summer 1982 ) .

Truth ia a thing of the world : i t i s produced only by v i rtue of multi p le forms of constra int . And it induces regular effects of power . Each society has its regime of truth, i ts · general pol i t i cs ' of truth : that i s , the types of discourse which i t accepts and makes function as true; the mechanisms and instances which enable one to dist inguish true and false statement s , the means by which each i s sanctioned; the techniques and procedures accorded value in the acqu i s i t i on of truth; the status of those �o are charged w i th saying what counts as true .

52

Put simply, power relations are governed by knowledge, or as Foucaul t would say, by · regimes of truth ' . D i scourse is for�ed which i s then organised into a discipl ine; and it i s the discipl ine which confers power through reason, w i th the net result being a d i ffusion of power throughout society. Un l i ke the l imited concept of repressive ideo l ogi e s , power is not interpreted vertical ly . Instead, i t i s portrayed as a grid . Power i s exercised at myriad nodal points with varying resu l ts . Power is neither a property nor repressive .

In this way, Foucault de-ontologizes the concept of reason . Like C r i t i cal Theory, he removes i t from the transcendent realm. Power through knowledge is an ent i ty i n i t se l f ; it does not preface the awakening of a true being . l33 Thi s , i s a crucial point . Foucau l t ' s premise of histor i cal ly governed reason emphasi ses the connexion between Foucaul t and C r i t i cal Theory. On questions of power , knowledge and truth, there ia more of a convergence than a rupture . 134 Despite Foucault ' s c r i t i ci sm o f C r i ti cal Theory ' s apparent use of trad i t i onal

1� Foucaul t , ' Truth and Power ' , p . l 3 1 .

133 As Annemiek Richters observes in · Modernity Postmoderni ty Controversies : Habermas and Foucaul t ' , Theo ry, Cul ture and Societ{ , ( SAGE London, Newbury Park, Beve rly H i l l s and New De l h i ) , vo . 5 ( 1 9 8 8 ) 1 p . 620 . . "He (Haberma s ) iden t i f ies himsel f w i th those who nave ' hope wi thout hope ' , and c r i t i c i ses Foucault for radica l i s ing Horkheimer and Adorno ' s critique o f instrumental reason into a theory of the eternal return of powe r . According to Haberma s , Foucaul t ' s message that new d i s course formations sta� within an unchang ing power cyc l e , cannot but suffocate utop1an hopes and confidence in Western culture " .

134 Poster, Foucaul t, HarJCiSJa and His tory, pp . l - 1 5 .

53

concepts , he actually explores si•ilar areas . Aa such, the two school s inform rather than undermine one another . This 1 a par t i cularly true o f ideology and repress ion . At no stage doea C r i t i cal Theory adopt the Hegel-Marx " backdoor dia lect i c " . 1 :: Reason i s f i rmly pos i ted in hi story, with history iape l l ed by the need to dominate nature . In this sense, .adern i ty ia the ongoing development of syste.ms of control , or as Cr it i ca 1 Theory would put i t , the production of identity-thinking . lj�

In effect, Horkheimer and Adorno rebut Heqe l i an ideal ism . For them i t uses the false category of subject ruled by ideology. C r i t i ca l Theory, by cont ras t , i s in many ways ant i ­humani st . 137 I t s c r i t ique of modernity correlates more with Foucaul t than Hege l i an Marx ism. The continuous development of identity-thinking has rel ied on knowledqe, or reqimes of truth cons istent w i th the societal moment of nature-domi nat ion . Systems based on reason v i s-a-vis nature- domination have produced the i r own truths , the i r own d i s courses and · the mechanisms which enable one to d i s tinquish true and false statements ' . 138 Above al l , total systems have inf 1 uenced practice wi thout s h i e l ding humani ty from absolute truth . Take the latest phase of modernity - state-capi tal ism. Beneath i t s expanding scope we have become desp i r i tual i sed . Given the ubiquitous control i t exerts, d i s course and practice are shaped by instrumental rationa l i ty at v i rtual ly a l l leve l s . I t i s the i rrat ional need to preserve the system that forma our d i scourses, our truths and our bel iefs . In the end, i t i s bureaucratic inspired rational i ty that drives u s on .

135 Ibid, p . lO .

136 With systems here translating into · regimes of truth ' which beget ' ident i ty-thinking ' .

137 For an instructive def i n i t ion of human i s t and ant i ­humani s t pos i t ions, refer to E l i z abeth Gros z , ' Feminism and Ant i - human i sm ' , i n Discourse and Di fference : Pos t­s tructura l i sm, Feminism and the Homen t of History, ed . by A . M i lner & C . Worth, ( Monash Unive r s i ty Clayton: Centre for General and Comparative L iterature, 1990 ) .

1� Foucau lt , ' Truth and Powe r ' , p . l 3 1 .

Nor does this ent a i l vertical

54 do.inat ion . lH State-

capital i sm ' s · reqime of truth ' creates i t s own nodal point• of powe r . Sure, there is a fora of macro power . The a tate bureaucracy does encroach further into people ' • l ivea than ever before . But i t accomp l i shes this throuqh d 1 scourae . Governed by irrational fear, we are wi 1 1 inq to obey the systems truths which revolve around d i s location fro• nature throuqh onqoinq prosper i t y . In short , the fear of nature haa inspi red instrumental rationa l i t y .

Yet i t must be conceded that Crit ical Theory, here , requ i re• Foucault ' s power qrid. The reason is that Cr i t i ca l Theory f a i l s to detail knowledqe and power in society . 14' Beyond a few qener a l i sations about bureaucratic rationa l i ty and its forma t i on of truths, it does not examine power at the micro leve l . That i s , C r i tical Theory iqnores how di scourse is orqanised into f i e l d s , thus conferrinq power throuqh reason . 141 So when s c i ence , the envi ronment , pol i t i cs , we l fare , si cknes s , achievement and so on are d iscussed, they are done so wi thin truth sets related to the moment . D iscourse has created power i n sundry fields, a l l of which relate to the who l e .

By enlarqinq i ts focus, C r i t ical Theory can thus beqin to explore the transmission of knowledqe and power throuqh society. Rather than simply locatinq i t a l l in a · moment of societal total i ty ' , the spe c i f ics can be unearthed . We can beqin to understand how state-cap i tal ism has i t s reqime of

139 To explain my use o f the term · vertical domination ' , i t refers to the domination of · the oppressed ' by ' the dominant ' . A character i sation of this classical power relat ionship throuqh ideoloqy i s provided in Hurbert . L . Dreyfus & Paul Rabinow, Michel Foucault : Beyond Structura l i s� and Hermeneutics, ( Br i qhton; Sussex : The Harvester Press, 1982 ) , p . 129 · From the Repressive Hypothesis to Bio- Power ' .

140 Which pertains to C r i t i cal Theory ' s use o f the term � moment of societal tota l i ty ' . Now this concept could be m isconstrued as portrayinq humani t y as mere automatons that obsequiously follow the present reason/truth. I t does not seem to account for deviation or contestation of the predominant d iscourses . Hence, the need for Foucault ' s power qr i d .

141 Pos t e r , Foucaul t, HarJCi .. and History, pp . l 2 - 1 6 .

truth, and how i t produces powe r , ao that when we di scuas aomething our perceptions derive froa a spe c i f i c diacourse that confers power through knowledge on the uae r . The wood­chipping debate provides an i l luminating exaap l e . Here , the principal d i scourse emanates from bureauc ratic contro l . Supported by CSIRO scientists and the Forestry co .. isa ion , it advocates logging for system preservation . Eventua lly this d iscourse becomes entrenched in society, with its invocat ion conferring power at various po int s . After al l , it is shaped by the truth set of bureaucrat i c control and prosperity . But in keeping with Foucau l t , this should not be interpreted as repression per se. People can react against, and dev i a e , strategies of power by questioning the need for wood-chipping . Yet they do so within identity. Hence, the i r counter arguments are based on the same reason. The bureaucracy must intervene . Otherw i s e , continued denudation w i l l threaten our very be inq .

Of course , the preceding study may be d i smissed as merely highl ighting general paradigmatic sympathies which blur , but do not diminish, fundamental d i fferences in ontology . Broad ly, Criti ca l Theory and Foucaul t ' s projects are character ised as implacably d i f ferent in that Critical Theory ' s ontology is seen as a modernist crit ique based on the Kantian bi furcation of reason, whi l st Foucault ' s crit ique of rational ity is opposed to any notion of modernity. 142 To elaborate, it is asserted that a discrepancy exists on the bas i s of Crit ical Theory having f a l l en prey to modern phi losophy& ' insi stence on the inevitable arrival of true reason . As such, i t is assumed that Critical Theory ' s immanent method of a concept /object juxtaposition rests on the Kantian notion of the bi furcation of reason between dominating/ corrupted reason and a hitherto now unstated true reason. 143

By compar i son , Foucau l t ' s approach i s characterised as a ' system-theoret i c ' extension of the original problematic posed

142 Axel Honneth, The Cri tique of Power : Refl ect J ve Stages i n a Cri t i cal Soci al Theory, ( Cambridge; Massachusetts; London; England: MIT Pres s , 1991 ) , pp . 99 - 1 03 .

143 Raulet, pp . 200-201 .

' Structura l i sm and Post-Structural i sa ' ,

56 by Critical Theory. 1« Despite eabarking on a crit ique of rationality as proposed by Critical Theory, Foucault does ao by uncovering social do�aination and ordering via an examination of knowledge creation and formation into discipl ines which, in turn, engender ordering through powe r . A s a resu l t , i t i s asserted that Foucau lt portrays reason speci fically, and knowledge genera l ly , as a strategic­instrumental rationa l ity. 145 Foucaul t concentrates exclusively on the effects of the codification of knowledge into powe r­generating discipl ines , and is thus d i f ferenti ated from a history of reason based on the ' intrapsychic processes ' of identi f i cation as expounded by Crit ical Theory . According to Honneth:

Thus , given the presupposit ions w i th which Foucau lt operate s , it is no longer a question of the complementary process o f self-al ienation as found in Adorno ' s phi losophy of history . To that extent , in the form of hi stor ical investi�ations , his theory of power represents a systems­theoret 1 c solution to the Dial ectic of En l i ghtenmen t . In its positivistic indif ference, the hi storical proces s , whic for Adorno took the form of a crit ique enveloped in resignation, becomes the 14pbj ective event of the augmentation of social powe r .

I n spite o f the d i f fer ing techniques of ana lys i s , I feel there remains a crit ical paral l e l between Foucault and Critical Theory on the basi s of the i r shared examination of how the present, dominant form of reason is not part of a rupture which w i l l soon be di scovered and overthrown, but i s instead part of an ongoing b i furcation o f reason; o r as Foucaul t state s , the spl itt ing of knowledge by reason again and again, which in turn has augmented soc i a l domination . For both school s the importance of the present rests in how knowledge, as i t i s constituted in d i scipl ines or tota l i t ies, i s the latest point in the sel f-creation of reason as the fulcrum o f social organisation and contro l , and not the inexorable march of rationality . Both are cri t i cal sociological accounts of the self-demarcation of reason in history and i ts exclusion of the other, which have led them on

144 Honneth, The Cri tique of Power, p . 1 03 145 Ibid, pp . 200-201 .

146 Ibid, p . 201 .

5 7

a parallel analysis o f the ongoing bi furcation of reason a a a " rationalisation process in which the means of domination are gradually perfected under the ve i l of moral eaancipation " . H:

Given the common purpose of Critical Theory and Foucau l t , I feel i t i s a legit imate exercise to propose a synthes i s of elements of the two paradigms. By doing so, a model can be created which c r i t i ca l l y explores the history of reason as the continuing formation and reformation of knowledge as it is spec i f i c to an epoch , and the subsequent e f f ects of social ordering. By using C r i t i cal Theory ' s notion of nature­dominat i ng reason as the impu lse behind reason- in hi story, tied to i t s negative-d ialectical technique of uncover i ng the inherent posi tedness of rational ity, the problems of Foucault ' s purely behav i o r i s t i c model can be overcome . That i s , h i s emphas i s on the human subject as a · forml ess, conditionable creature ' f a i l s to explain the need to const i tute the self in knowledge and discipl ine , and thus identify w i th a tota l i ty which momentar i ly excludes the othe r . Consequen t l y , the intra-psychic processes referred to by C r i ti c a l Theory elucidate · mans ' incl i nation to ident 1 ty­thinking.

At the same time, Foucau l t ' s genealogical approach to knowledge as i t i s reconst i tuted into discipl ines and networks of power in a given society, expand C r i t i cal Theory ' s narrow understanding of power/repress ion . Foucauldian notions of discipl ine creation and a myriad network of power relations based on the acceptance o f , or resi stance to the dominant reason, e l aborate upon the dynamism o f reason- in-hi story and the subsequent augmentation of soc ial power . In par t i cular , Foucau l t ' s power/knowledge paradigm exp l i cates how the inter change w i t h nature at a spec i f i c moment i s then exchanged within a society, thus completing the process of r e i f ication .

By extending C r i t ical Theory the spec i f i c i t ies o f knowledge and power can be demonstrated . Such an e l aboration a l so shows

147 I b i d , p . l 9 8 .

58

that power i s not a necessar i l y prohibit ive function . l« Conversel y , i t creates new strategies of power . But wh i l e the d i scourse may appear di fferent, the truth sets reaain the same . Reason i s s t i l l posited i n a whole that deaands nature­domination via instrumental rational ity . This is where negative-dialectics can prove insightfu l . Given its focus on d i scourse, i t can uncover reason ' s embeddedneaa in history . Above a l l , negative-dialectics can begin to redress the bias inherent in concept formation . And al though immanent criti cism w i l l not lead to true reason, i t can underl ine j ust how inappropriate many concepts are , or how restrictive truth sets are when dealing with certain obj ect s . This is the crux of this study. Based on reason in history, it attempts to excavate the present shape of reason, that i s , the shape it takes in state- capital ism. Through negat ive-dialectics I intend to expose how concepts are in fact tied to reason, and how thi s , in turn, creates a power grid rather than vertical domination . State-capital i sm ' s · regime of truth ' does not preclude resistance . Instead, i t enables power to be dispersed.

However , I woul d maintain that critical discourse is s t i l l informed by current knowledge . Unl i ke Hege l i an idea l i sm , immanent c r i t i c i sm i s not a further dialectical step . 149 I t i s , in effec t , a reworking w ithout revision . This is the case with Austral i an a i d . Here it can be shown that aid discourse ia governed by state-cap i ta l i sm ' s regime of truth . Aid is primari ly a bureaucrati c domai n . It i s promulgated by the aid bureaucracy on the basi s o f instrumental rationa l ity, with thi s , of course, pertaining to nature- dominat i on . The aid bureaucracy ' s emphas i s on strategic, economic and po l i t i cal

148 Indeed, this i s the pejorative assumption Foucault places on C r i t i ca l Theory when he states that : · 1 would a l so aistinguish mysel f from the para-Marx ists . . . who give the notion of repression an exaggerated rol e . ' , in Foucault ' Body/Power ' p . 59 . Whereas I feel that the mechanics of negative d i alectics actua l l y correspond with Foucaul t ' s understanding of resistance at nodal points . The reason being that i t a l l ows one to unravel concept formation without attaining true reason.

149 0 ' Brien , Hegel on Reason and History, pp . 1 4 5- 1 4 6 .

59

concerns is accepted as truth; a truth which confers paver on · those who are charged with saying what counts as true ' . 1 ;: But it i s not a simple case of Marxist vertical doainat ion . Critics can and do react against thi s knowledge . They do succeed in devising power strategies of their own . lSl Howeve r , they do so within the preva i l ing truth set . Given the present system, they too use categories fundamental to state­capitalism, as to do otherwise wou ld mean that truth is above history.

Negative-d ialectics, alternative l y , examines truth f rom within . To e l aborate , Horkheimer ' s and Adorno ' s C r i t i cal Theory develops f rom the notion that the object cannot be understood independently of theoretical concepts . Because of their pl acement beneath a concept, which itself is the reification of cultural be l i e f s , they are known in a one-sided way. That i s , they are governed by predicates l inking them to the who l e . Society, nature, government , prosper ity, technology, the individual , foreigners and so on are a l l concepts formed i n · a moment of societal total ity' insofar as they relate to the present interpretation of basic cultural assumptions . 152 This is ident ity-thinking . Concepts and their objects are posited within the regime of truth . So whi l e power di ffusion through resistance does occur, it is st i l l grounded in the same truth sets , therefore clos ing them to other definition s . But a l l is not lost . Using negative-dialectics, the cultural bias can be uncovered . Paradigmat ic thinking is the means to this end. l53 Ident i f i cation with an object wi l l bring a qua l i tative change i n its concept . Above a l l , its non­identity w i l l be drawn out . By contrasting a concept against its purported rational identity ( i ts ideal state ) , ita

150 Foucaul t , · Truth and Power ' , p . 1 3 1 .

151 Hoy, · Power, Repression , Progress ' , p . 1 3 4 .

152 Rose, · How is Critica l Theory Possible ' , pp . 69- 72 .

153 Ibid, pp . 69-85 .

60

aasumptions and their inadequacies w i l l be expoaed . �>' It wi ll be proven that the concept is incongruous with the object it ident i f i e s . Rather than accept the principles conferred by identity, negative-dialectics searches for non-ident ity . Aa Adorno statea :

An object can be conceived onl y by a subj ect but always remain something other than the subj ect, whereas a subj ect by i t s very nature i s from the outset an object as wel l . Not even as an idea can we conceive a subj ect that i s not an obj ect , but we can conceive an ob�ect that is not a subj ect . To be an object a l so 1s part of the meaning of subj ect ivity; but it is not equa l l� parr, s of the meaning of obj ectivity to be a subJ ect .

Subsequently, negat ive-dialectics d i f fers from the idea l i sm of Marx and Hegel insofar as i t is nei ther strictly human ist, nor inevitab l e . Certa inly, i t enables us to perceive how concepts are formed within the who l e . By comparing the concept with its claims of rational identity, humanity w i l l perceive that i t i s i nadequate . But the theorist w i l l not necessar i ly discover the obj ects true meaning. Because unl i ke Marxism and ideal i sm , there is no inexorable progres s . A l l that we can do i s begin to appreciate concept formation in society, or put another way, the continued predominance of nature-domination .

154 Ibid, pp . 70- 7 1 .

lSS Adorno op c i t Held, Cri tical Theory, p . 2 1 3 .

6 1

Chapter Two Aid and C r i t i cal Theory - the nexus .

Clearly, C r i t i cal Theory ( through negative-d ialectics ) aims to uncover the subjectivism of the obj ec t . That i a , immanent criticism seeks to weaken the obj ecti via• of a concept by locating i t within the soci a l tota l i ty . ! Our present understanding of things i s governed by the mater i a l re interpretation of a fear of natur e . Behind cultural bel iefs and practices is an attempt to ext ri cate huaan i ty from nature . Knowledge and reason are embedded in a tradition seeking to estab l ish comprehension and control . ' Concepts develop from identi t y . Thus, to expose the causal l ink, non-identity thinking must be j uxtaposed w i th ident ity. Negative-dialectics, with its immanent techn ique , holds the key i n that i t enables the theorist to unravel subj ective reason from withi n . The reproduction of the whole within the particular can only be understood negat ive l y . By confronting the obj ect with the claims of its concept , the concepts inadequacies can be drawn out , as can the assumptions on which the concept is based. Negat ive­dialecti cs a l l ows us to compare the set of properties implied by the concept with the objects actua l i t y . In this way the negative-di a lectical technique d i scredits an ob j ects claims whilst bringing it into flux . The obj ect sti l l exists, but its governing concepts have been qua l i tatively

1 Theodor W. Adorno, Negat i ve Dialectics ( New Yor k : Continuum Press 1990 ) , especially the section ent i t l ed ' Negative Dialec t i cs ' .

2 Helmut Dub i e l , Theory and Pol i ti cs : Studies in the Developmen t of Cri tical Theory, ( Cambridge, Mass . : MIT Press 1985 ) , where he states that : " The claim made by the industrial age - to have achieved emanc ipation from the domination of nature through a high level of technological development - i s interpreted as sign i fli ng the deepest fa l l into nature . Hence, the convict ion o the o l d European, rational i s t trad i t ion , of the primacy of spirit over nature , i s d i alectica l ly turned against itse l f . A view of reason rest r i cted merely to improving the technology of self­preservation is st i l l a part of that nature which actua l l y instrumentali ses reason t o even the score . ' , p . 9 0 .

62

changed . 3

To i l lustrate the connexion between state-capitalist reason and Austral ian aid, i t is necessary to explore the correlation between Critica l Theory, Foucauldianism, and the formation of aid i tse l f . Both the Critical Theorists and Foucaul t examine reason as a hypostatised ent ity . For them, knowledge i s a social construct spe c i f i c to a part i cu 1 ar society . Thought i s materially governed, not transcendental . Unl i ke the humanist idea l i sm of l iberal and Marx ist phi losophy, history i s not the inexorable movement towards true , unfettered reason. Converse l y , history is the reinterpretation of systems of thought posited in the histori ca l l y speci f i c moment . 4 As Theodor W . Adorno puts i t :

. . . a l l Western metaphys ics has been peepho le metaphys ics . The subj ect - a mere l im i ted moment -was locked up in its own self by the metaphysics, im�ri soned for a l l eternity punish it for its de1fication . As through the crenels of a parapet , the subj ect 9azes upon a black sky i n which the star of the 1dea , or of being , i s said to r i se . And yet i t i s the very wa l l around the subject that casts its shadow on whatever the subj ect conjures . . . There is no peeping out . What wou ld l i e i n the beyond makes its ap�earanfe only in the materials and categories w1 thin .

The ideal ism of marx ian and 1 iberal phi losophy is thus contested . Knowledge i s not possible beyond the present constraint o f reason, or the · wa l l ' of materia l i sm referred to by Adorno . Throughout the history of Western development , knowledge has been governed by the material shape of the nature-dominating discourse . Culminating with state­cap i ta l i s t reason, systems of thought, truths and be l i efs have been predicated on humanity ' s need to control i t s surrounds . State-capital i sm , being the latest incarnat ion, i s based on the inherent instrumental ity of nature-

3 G i l l ian Rose , ' How i s C r i t i ca l Theory Poss ible? Theodor W . Adorno and Concept Formation in Soc iology ' , Pol i t i cal Studi es, vol . XXl V no . 1 , ( 1 976 ) , p . 70 .

4 Refer to Chapter 1 of this pape r , espec i a l l y section t i tled "Critica l Theory, Foucault and Marxism . . . " .

5 Theodor W . Adorno ' Peephole Metaphysics ' , in Negative Dialectics, ( London : Routledge and Kegan Paul , 1 9 7 3 ) .

6 3

domination through state quidance. Given the .anopo l i sation of the economy , the state must intervene to promote econo•ic advancement as through onqoinq prospe r i ty our abi 1 i ty to comprehend and control nature is furthered . 6 Conversely econom i c stagnation would not enable the requ i s i te scient i f i c and technological breakthroughs to be aade .

This i s atate-capi tal i sm ' s · regime of truth' . Reason i s impel l ed b y the need t o further the · techno l ogy of eel f ­preservation ' . 7 Aid i s a part of this a l l encompassing reason wherein the state must act to preserve the system of wealth generation and mater i a l domination of nature a positedness drawn out by the ut i l i sation of negative­d i a l ect i c s . Through negat ive-d ialectics the theor i s t can begin to understand how the particular di ssolves into the universal . Or i n this cas e , how aid i s a hypostatised entity insofar as aid embodies rather than creates the truths of state-cap i t a l i sm .

But f irst the term i t s e l f must be c l a r i f i ed . What does · ai d ' refer to? For the sake o f this paper aid sha l l be examined at a macro - l eve l . 8 Pol icy statements and programs articulating the obj ectives of Austral ian aid wi 1 1 provide the terms of reference . Major documents such as the Colombo P l an , the Harries Commission, and the Jackson Report w i l l narrow the focus o f inqu i ry . The reason for this textual analysis i s three- fold . F i r s t , Committees of Inquiry such as the Jackson Report have become the touchstones of Austra l i an aid given that they largely d i ctate the compos i t i on of Austra l i a ' s aid package . As the codifying documents they provide the skeletal framework in which aid operates . This leads, i n turn, to the second point . Given the i r importance, these reports are an unequivocal account of aid phi losophy.

6 David Held, Introduction to Cri tical Theory : Horkheimer to Habermas, ( London: Hutchinson & Co . Ltd 1 987 ) , pp . 57-70 .

1 Refer to note no . 2 o f this chapter . 8 Macro- level has been empl oyed i n this context to

refer to the statements o f aid philosophy ( or the concept ) and the actua l i ty o f aid ( the obj ect ) i n ter .. of the shape of Austral i a ' s aid program.

6 4

Not only d o they auggest blueprints for a i d iaple-.ntat ion , they a l so state a id ' s philosophical aias, or put anothttr way, its concepta . Thus by scrutinis ing the theoret ical component of aid and j uxtaposing it with its actua l ity, our understanding of the object w i l l come into f l ux . The reason i s that a id ' s assumptions and the i r inconsistencies wi l l be exposed when contrasted against the actual shaptt and outcomes of the aid program. Third is the more prosa i c concern for c l arity. A study such as this has the potent i a l to lose i t thematic focus unless the object is c l early defined . Remembering that aid covers the micro- level of implementation as we l l as the macro, factors l i ke individual projects, ( or the attitudes of those in the f i e l d ) , could be studied. But in view of Critica l Theory ' s bel i e f that reason i s governed by an unde r lying subjectivism, this would be fruitless . In effec t , such an exam i nation merely recapitulates the central determinants . From the macro to the micro level , the identity remains the same . )

Indeed, a l l · non-critical sociologi cal ' accounts stumble on this point . lO Generica l l ysociological studies operate with the assumption that humanity i s a central category for research. Thus society and i t s institutions can be studied obj ective l y . They are something that can be examined independently of underlying influences . Regarding a i d , this perspective analyses how various discourses have fused togethe r . In particular, soc iological studies concentrate on the interplay between humani tarian, pol i t i ca l and economic mandates . Ul timately non-critical soc iological accounts accept that a · new real i st ' viewpoint i s dominant . 11 Given the fear that Austral i a ' s re lationship w i th As ia is asymmetrica l - that Austral ia is l arge l y irrelevant to Asia - the emphas i s i s on expanding trade within the region; that

9 That i s , from pol icy formation to implementat ion. 10 Theodor W . Adorno, · Introduct ion ' and · Sociology and

Emp i rical Research ' , i n The Posi t i vist Dispute in German Sociology, ( London: Heinemann 1976 ) , pp . l -86 .

11 For a discussion of · new real i sm ' see Dean Forbe s , ' Ai d Trade and the New Real i sm : Austral i a ' s L inks with Eaat and Southeast Asia ' , Austral ian Geographer, val . 19 no . 1 , ( May 1988 ) , pp . l 82-194 .

6 5

i a , Australia should focus .are attention on bi lateral relations with East and Southeast As i a . l2 Austra l i an aid i a understood as the means to this end . Governaents are beginning to subvene through aid pol i cy . The · new real i sa ' demands that aid be used to promote harmony through bi lateral proj ects , whi l st a l so requi r ing the procureaent of Australian goods and services . In this way, Australia wi l l consol idate i ts position as a friendly neighbour and stimulate markets in the region .

For the · non-critical sociologist ' , the · new-real ism' of Australian aid i s based on concerns about growth rates . To qua l ify thi s , the uncritical account compares Austra l i a ' s G . N . P . with that of the newly industrialised and developing countries . What it finds i s that for the past two decades Austra l ia ' s G . N . P . grew at an annual average rate of 1 . 7 per cent - one of the lowest i n the region . 13 In contrast, the NICs enjoyed growth rates of more than 6 per cent per annum, whi l e developing countries in ASEAN a l l exceeded 4 per cent . 14 Even China maintained an average annual growth rate of 4 . 5 per cen t . lS So for the uncritical account, these are the parameters in which aid has developed . As such, the sociological account claims that the · underlying rationale ' i s j us t i f i ed ; a point seemingly reinforced by empir ical research which demonstrates Austra l i a ' s parlous plight and how aid can be employed as a countermeasure .

But what the uncri t ical account does not show are the cultural assumptions determining this realism. It studies aid as an object shaped by people obj ective ly. Pol icies are devised in a considered way given the facts presented before them. Yet this ignores that pol i cy-makers too are determining socialised human beings posited in a soc ial who l e . The concepts they develop are in fact d i ssoluble into

12 David Lim, ' The economics of Austral ian Forei vn aid ' , Curren t Econ0111i c Issues, 1987; Lim, ASEAN -Australla Trade in Manufactures, ( Longman Cheshire, 1985 ) , p p . 2 5 6 - 2 5 7 .

13 Forbes, ' New Real i sm ' , p . l83.

1 4 Ibid, p . 18 5 .

15 Ibid.

t • r - . . \J�fr ;- - ·-· • • # t. .

66

the universa l . What aay appear as object ive reason is grounded in subj ectivity - or the tota l i ty that we subscribe to in order to comprehend and control nature . The very notion that governments intervene to pro.ote Austra l i an interests confirms thi s . I t merely reinforces the Frankfurt School ' s view of a material reinterpretation of the suae cultural imperative via-a-via · atate-capital iaa ' . Aid ia but a part o f this whole . 16

Of course, concepts such as the whole requ i re elaboration in order to obviate several problems of theory. The f i rat issue is Critical Theory ' s propensity to grossly general i s e . When Horkheimer and Adorno speak of reason in history, they do so at a very broad level . A sal ient example is the i r tendency to employ universal terms . This lead s , in turn, to a second problem, which is the lack of a more speci f i c focus. By general i sing, Horkheimer and Adorno have ignored discourse development i n soc iety . Human ity does not obsequious ly obey a single d i scours e . Instead, nature­domination through instrumental rationa l i ty has transl ated into many d iscourses, or i n Foucauldian terms, a · regime of truth ' . 17 Nor does i t fol low that each · separate ' f i eld ia composed o f a uniform discourse . Conversely, patterns develop . D issenters resist the main discourse and implement power strategies o f the i r own . In this way, aid di scourse is not as homogeneous as Cri t i ca l Theory might imply. l8

But neither i s it heterogeneous because discourses look to inform practice within truth. A l l are predicated by instrumental

these the

cr i t i cal regime of

rationality and nature-dominati on . These are the preva i l ing truths . Whatever criticism they have of the dominant instrumental d i scourse

16 Douglas Kel lner, Cri tical Theory, Hancis., and Moderni ty, ( Cambridge : Pol i ty Press 1989 ) , pp . S S - 6 3 .

17 That i s , sets of bel iefs and determining practices that are understood as impartia l , obj ective, factua l , and above a l l , enlightened.

18 Refer to Michel Foucault, · Truth and Power ' in Power /Knowledge : Selected Intervi ews and Other Wri tings 1 9 72- 77, ed . by Colin Gordon, ( Br ighton , Sussex : The Harvester Preas 1980 ) .

67

ia critic ism by degrees , that is it ia ati 11 grounded in state-capitalism ' s reason; a shared tradition evinced by the aid debat e . The principle discourse i s that of the bureaucracy. Concentrating on system preservat ion , the bureaucrat ic discourse advocates securing strateg i c , economic and pol i tical goals through devel opment . These are the truths of the bureaucrat i c di scourse . Then come those who make up the power grid. Some derive power fro• recapitulating these truths, whi l s t others react . 1 ; Deficiencies are pointed to i n the bureaucrat i c model and changes suggested . As they see i t , the pre-eminent discourse i s f l awed. But the important thing i s the formation of these discourses within the whol e . Although d ivergent, fundamental truths are adhered to by v i rtue of instrumental rationa l i ty and nature-domination . They do not repress , rather, they del im i t .

The c l a i m that divergent d i scourses i n fact correlate can be demonstrated by an exami nation of the Foucau ldian and Critica l Theory notions of truth . Studied i n terms of knowledge and power , reason i s f i rmly posited in the historical moment . Both Foucault and Critical Theory rej ect the tradit ional models of corrupted truths ( i deol ogy ) begetting systems of domination that shield human i ty from true reason. Based as they are on idea l i st/ human i st assumptions o f discourse formation and the inexorable movement towards reason, such accounts reduce h i story to a pre-determined course of events .

Critica l Theori s ts , by comparison, perceive hi story as the ongoing reinterpretation of reason in spec i f i c soc ietal contexts . 20 Foucaul t i s part icularly insightful on this poi n t . When discussing the j udicial-repressive perceptions of power inlaid in Marx ist and L iberal analyses of power relations, Foucaul t underscores the purely repressive

19 Foucaul t ' Truth and Power ' , p . l 3 1 . 20 Foucaul t i s included in this category in view of hia

avowed examination of reason and power within aate rial constraints .

68

function i t i s accorded . 21 Power i s understood in theae analyses as a prohibitive •echanism grounded in false or partial truths . 22 Aa such it wi 1 1 be overthrown "' i th the inception of unadulterated reason Foucaul t s trenuously takes to task.

an assessaent "'h ich

Instead, Foucault asserts that we are enveloped by a system of d i ffused power emanating from the acceptance o f , or resistance t o , given truths . 23 Each society has developed its own beliefs or knowledge which, in turn, shape the cogn i tion of the individua l . Truth and power are rel evant to spec i f i c epochs . The ideal ist concept of an absolute truth attainable through the obv iation of ideology and repressive power i s meaningless given that both are located i n the historically spec i f i c moment . According to Foucau l t :

The important thing , I believe i s that truth isn ' t outside power , or lacking in power : contrary to a myth whose h istory and functions wou l d repay further study, truth i sn ' t the reward of free spirits, the chi ld of protracted sol i tude, nor the privi lege of those who have succeeded i n l iberating themselves . Truth i s a thing of this world : i t i s produced only by vi rtue of the mul t ip l e forms of con�traint . And i t induces regular effects of power .

Bas ically, truth i s the preserve of a particular soc i etal type , with the imp l i cation being that the constraint is the h i stor i c a l l y speci f ic moment . Truth, or reason, i s constrained by the present constitution of soc iety . I n turn, the systems of truth posited in this soc i etal type beget a

21 David Couzens Hoy , · Powe r , Repression, Progress : Foucaul t , Lukes and the Frankfurt Schoo l ' , in Foucault : A Cri ti cal Reader, (Oxford; New York : Basi l Bl ackwe l l , 1986 ) , pp . 130- 131 .

22 i . e . Marxist material ism - base begetting relat ions of production, inequal ity and legit imating ideo logy - w i l l eve.ntual ly break down through confl i c t .

23 Hubert L . Dreyfus & Paul Rab inow, Hichel Foucault : Beyond Structural i sm and Hermeneutics, ( Br i ghton; Sussex : The Harvester Pres s , 1986 ) , : ' Power i s a general aatrix of force relations at a given t ime in a given soc iety . ' , p . l 8 6 .

24 Foucau l t , ' Truth and Power ' p. 131 .

myriad within

network of power the preva i l ing

relations set of

69

that al low resistance truths . Revision and

modification of discourse occurs ne i ther outside o f , nor above , but within the materially governed reason of a particular society.

This is where Foucaul t informs the Cr i t i cal Theory proj ect . 25 His paradigm al lows for a more deta i l ed examination of truth and power . Whereas Horkheiaer and Adorno tend to characteri se power through knowledge as a more repressive function, Foucault accommodates resi stance and divergent discourse inside the present conste l l at i on of truths and power relations . But while h i s analys i s overcomes the repressive nature of power through truth inferred by Critical Theory, i t lacks the iden t i f i cation of the source of the ' multiple forms of constraint ' found in the works of Horkheimer and Adorno . Despite Foucault unequ ivocally embracing the notion of materially governed reason, to explore what it is that shapes society preponderant set of truths .

he fails and its

Horkheimer and Adorno, however , identify nature-domination as the determining factor setting the parameters for reason . Reason in history has been guided by the dual imperatives of comprehending and control l i ng nature . 26 Enl ightenment , here, does not promise salvation from ' untruths ' or part ial truths . Unl ike the idealism of Liberal and Marx i st philosophy, the inevitable attainment of unfettered reason, or enl ightenment , is a fal sehood . Instead, reason is impel led by irrat ional fear . At every stage, the need to subjugate nature through understanding and domination has underpinned Western thought . Systems of be l i e f , truths and practice have revolved around the subj ectivism of nature­domination . This is the moment of societal total ity examined by Critica l Theory. In the words of Paul Connerton :

25 Annemiek Richters, · Moderni ty-Postmodern i ty Controversies : Habermas and Foucault ' Theory, Cul ture and Society ( SAGE ) , vol . S ( 1 988 ) , p . 62 0 .

26 Dubiel , Theory and Pol i tics, pp . 90-9 1 .

Enl i ghtenment comes to regard nature as an ob�ect amenable to transformation by men . To do this 1t must e l iminate the bas i c princi�le of myth . This is the principle of anthropomorphlsm, the �rejection on to nature of the subj ect ive . I n this v1ew, the supernatural , sp i r i t s , and demons , are mirror iaagea o f men who a l low themse lves to be frightened by natural phenomena . Consequently the many mythic f i 9ures can a l l be referred back to a common denom1nator , and reduced to the human sub ject . The aim of this reduction i s to free men from the dangers of natural exi stence , both animal and vegetative , and to protect them, at ever higher levels of en l ightenment from the fear of reversion to a more archaic condition of subject ion to the sway of natural forces .

70

Put s imply, the h i story of reason has been characterised by the apparent movement away from nature appeasement to systems of thought that have professed to rationa l l y understand and therefore control nature . 28 That i s , his tory has witnessed the development of · identity systems I that have promised to insulate and distance human ity from the ravages of nature . After the mimesis of r i tual and myth, fol l owed by the attempted tramme l l ing of nature I s caprice through the rel igious observances of Judaeo-Chr i stianity, the l iberal enl ightenment sought to banish the metaphysical . The processes and phenomena enveloping humanity could only be unravel led through pos i tivistic scient i f i c inquiry.

Whi le s c i ence and technological development are also central to state-capital i sm , they have become inextricably entwined with the preservation of prosperity . Reason has increasingly come to reflect the need for state intervention in the economic proces s . Wi thout i t , our monopol i sed economy would col lapse as would the commensurate leve l of mate rial wealth and, as a consequence, the techno logical mastery of nature. And it is this interplay between prosperity and the domination o f our surrounds which has formed the constraints to thought ignored by Foucau l t . Nature-domination presently takes the form of state intervention for systea

27 Paul Connerton The Tragedy of Enl i ghtelliD8n t, An Essay on the Frankfurt School , ( C&lllbr i dge : Cambridge University Press , 1 9 80 ) .

28 Ibid, p . 6 6 .

7 1

preaervation .

Thus, to return to the original point , the Crit i cal Theor ies of Horkheimer, Adorno and Foucau l t , when synthesised, a l low for resistance and interleaving power relations within the encompassing · regillle of truth ' . Thia means that whi le opposition can be expressed to the

articulation of state-capital i sm ' s truths via the concept , the under lying reason based as i t i s on nature-dominat ion

remains in situ. This is because, as aforementioned, Foucaul t adheres to the formation of regimes of truth w i thin speci f i c soc ieties, and asserts that the notion of truth has

no meaning outside a given order of power ; whi l st Horkhe i mer

and Adorno base the given order on the continual rewor k i ng of a nature dominating d i scourse. 29

To vindicate the premise that social intercourse and disputation i s informed by reason in h i story, ( with i t s

ensuing sets of societal l y spec i f i c truths ) , i t must be

proven that seemingly d i sparate mode l s in fact corre late . In the case of aid this means drawing together the adversarial strands of the aid debate . The model developed above demands

that the main aid concept, or discourse, and i t s detractors

be located in present reason . Hence the importance of negative-dialect i cs . What this C r i t i ca l Theory tool wi l l

show through a textual analysis is that in spite of the

prima facie d i f ference in aid mode ls ( the concept ) , the actual shape of a i d in terms of objectives and outcomes ( the actual i t y ) demonstrates that aid i s formulated within the

state-cap i t a l i s t system.

Whi l e the above supposi tion i s examined more extens ively

in the fourth chapter , a cursory analysis of the Austra l i an Counc i l for Overseas Aid ' s ( ACFOA ) , a i d phi losophy w i l l

serve to i l lustrate the point . Although ACFOA i s seen as a body o f Non-Government Organisations ( NGOs ) who, in varyinq degrees , contest government pol icy, its a l ternative lllOde l a

29 Col in Gordon, Power/Knowl edge, p . l l 7 ; Char les Taylor ' Foucaul t on Freedom and Truth ' , in A Cri tical Reader ed . by Hoy ( 19 86 ) , p . 7 7 ; Hark Cousins & Althar Hussain, · Power ' , Michel Foucaul t ( New Yor k : St Martins Pres s , 1 984 ) , p . 2 2 8 .

72

sti l l invoke the preva i l ing truths of a i d . This i a corroborated b y the discrepancy between ACFOA ' s concept , ( i ts philosophical conceptua l i sat ion of aid ) and the actuality of ACFOA 1 S objectives . As negative- d i a lect i cs

would stress, this betrays the underlying inst ruaent a l reason of aid . For a l l intensive purposes , a i d is there for system preservation .

Robin Luckham articulates ACFOA I s aid ph i losophy in the context of disarmament for development . 30 Luckham argues that the inordinate amounts devoted to mi 1 i tary spending have

impeded Third World development in two ways. F i r s t , i t has deprived the underdeve loped countries of much needed assi stance. As the Stockholm International Peace Insti tute est imated in 1 9 8 5 , wor l d mi l i tary expend iture amounted to

US$870 bi l l ion . This exceeded a l l O f f i c i a l Devel opment Assistance by at least twenty times . In response , Luckham

and ACFOA be l i eve that i f a mere proport ion of mi 1 i tary spending was reassigned to basic needs programs , accelerated deve lopment could be achieved by addressing the immediate

problems bedev i l l i ng the impover i shed in the underdeveloped

world, whi lst a l so obv i ating longer-term problems which could impact on First and Third World development al i ke . 31 As Luckham states :

For less than the cost of a single nuclear powered aircraft-carr i e r , i t would be possible to f inance a program of reafforestation that would ( according to the United Nations Devel ofment Program ) reverse the destruction of the world s forests . Ji

The second hindrance identified by Luckham i s the mi l itari sation of the underdeveloped countries . For Luckham, war endemic in · the South 1 is related to · the North I . Not onl y have developing countries become a useful market for m i l itary hardware, they have fought region a l i sed wars

according to a l i gnments with superpower s . Whi le debates have

30 Robin Luckham, · D isarmament and Devel opment : Analysing the present, and a better way ahead ' , i n , D i s arming Poverty : D i sarmament for Deve l opment in As ia Paci f i c , e d . by Janet Hunt ACFOA Devel opment Dossier, no . 2 1 , ( August 1 9 87 ) .

31 Ibid, pp . 3-4 .

32 Ibid I p • 3 .

7 3

raged over the relative aerita or otherwise o f South m i l itariaation in terms of economic growth , Luckhaa portrays it aa a who l l y negative relationship. The c l a i • that

m i l itary spending induces pos i t ive ef fects through tra1n i ng of s k i l led personnel , technolog i c a l spin-offa to industry or

mul t ip l i er ef fects on demand i s seen aa tendentious . A l l that m i l itary spending creates, in the eyes of Luckham, ia inveatJDent in largely unproductive sectors of the econo.y , and a burgeoning foreign exchange imbalance. B Meanwh i l e ,

areas desperate for investment are ove r l ooked and the poor continue to suf fer . I n the most impoveri shed countries , Luckham characterises this misplaced spending as a d i rect

causal relationship between · more guns and less bread ' .

Through Luckham ' s c r i t i c i sm of government spend ing, and by impl ication their corresponding neglect of adequate ODA programs , ACFOA would appear to rebu f f the predominant

bureaucratic discourse . The basic assertion i s that Western

countri e s , Austral i a included, should reduce mi l i tary

expenditure both domest ical ly and oversea s , whi l s t redirecting the funds that become available to bas ic needs programs . 34 At least this i s the humani tarian concept . Yet undermining the concept is the objects actua l ity which

relates to state-cap i t a l i st reason. Here, Luckham and

ACFOA ' s model correlates with the government ' s discourse on

the bas i s of the i r shared instrumental i t y . For ACFOA , as with the government paradigm, the state must act through aid to preserve our materi a l standing over nature .

Such a state-capital i st bias i s underl ined by the

assertion that a reassignment of funds w i l l promote economic

rej uvenation . I n the f i rst instance, excessive mi l i tary spending is seen to further depress the economy in a time of recession. Using the Reagan administration as an examp l e ,

Luckham shows that weapons production and technoloqy did provide a short-term stimulus. 35 But it i s c l aimed that in

33 Ibid, pp . 4-5, 10 .

34 Ibid, pp . 10 - 1 1 .

35 Ibid, p • 4 •

74

the lonq-tera, a i l i tary spending concentrated funda in areas with few commercial benef i t s . M i l i tary spending har-.d rather than engendered growth.

For Luckham and ACFOA, then, disarmaaent is connected to aystem preservation . Through a reassignment of funds it i a

hoped that not only the South but the North a l so wi l l experience economic benefits . Freed from the present constraint of m i l itary spending, the economies of both spheres wi l l record improved performance . Investment wi l l be

di rected to more viable and vibrant sectors of the economy, thus engendering growth and increased trading act i v i t y . W i th that, stabi l ity and prosperity w i l l be guaranteed . As Luckham concludes :

I n the long-run ne i ther the South nor the North benefit from a dep ressed g l obal economy . Increases in aid would not onl y d i rectly bene f i t the developing countries by stimulating the South ' s demand for goods and services, they woul d a l so r e f l ate the economies of the North . . . A recent study by the International Labour Office simulated the e f fects of cuts in world mi l itary spending and the real location of part of the savings of these cuts to development assi stance, using an input-output model of the g l obal economy . The simulation suggested that growth and emp loyment wou ld increase both i� the i ndustr ial i sed North and the developing South.

Thus, the above example has d i spl ayed the mate r i a l location of reason and resistance . I n keeping w i th

Foucauldian notions of power and knowledge, aid di scourse is posited within a power grid . Those res i s t ing the predominant

bureaucrati c concept e l i c i t thei r own power , yet they do so

whi ls t invoking the same truths g i ven that state-cap i tal ism

i s bui l t on a regime of truth grounded in state-cap i ta l i st

reason . Thus , the intention o f t h i s study i s to examine

discourse location within this regime, that i s , examine the effect of reason on d i s course and practice . By using the

immanent method , the fol lowing truths w i l l be uncovered in both the principle concept and its " detractors ' .

First i s the notion of survival that has endowed

bureaucracies ( and the ent i re capitalist structure ) with an

36 Ibid, pp . 10- 1 1 .

75

objective rationa l i ty , namely, the whole with which people identify based on an instrumental rational ity and the need to dominate . In order to preserve the functioninq of accumulation we assume that it i s acceptable to use aid as a means to an end; that i s , for the Government to formu l ate aid in such a way as to fac i l i tate accumulat ion .

Second, i s the idea of an economic threat which can be averted. Behind aid i s the fear of the other . Throuqhout East and Southeast Asia countries are industrial isinq and developing apace . Hence, Austra l i a must conjoin i ts economy with theirs, otherwise they may ecl ipse us, and with that Australia ' s financial security w i l l be endangered . Indeed, this is a foreboding prospect given the obj ective rational i ty of our system. That i s , centra l i sed bureaucratic guidance to preserve aff luence and prosperity. After a 1 1 ,

does not advanced , civil ised society imply an abstraction from nature'?

Of course, this Central to strategic

has geopolitical imp l ications also. fears i s the prospect of instabi l i ty.

destabi 1 i s ing of the status quo . I f Or more prec isely, a bureaucrat ic aid does face the prospect of

not cons o l idate the region, we may instabi 1 i ty which could imper i 1 the

system via punitive action taken by a hos t i l e ne iqhbour , exclusion from future membership of ASEAN, or di sruption to Australian l ines of trade and communication incurred by the intervention of an expansionist power in the region.

The final point i s related to the above content ion, but does not manifest itse l f in a purely capi ta l i st di scourse . Instead, i t revolves around our perceptions of other cultures as primitive given thei r c l oseness and our relative distance from nature . For examp l e , we have seeminqly developed the means to be able to · rationa l l y ' comprehend and therefore control nature, whereas they are sti l l embedded i n i t . We have the means to classify and control our surrounds for material satisfaction and profit ( which is now equated with survival ) - they do not . Thus we import technology that w i l l begin to undermine their totality and replace i t with our more sophisticated who l e . This I would call the humanitarian concept of aid . Supposedly reJIOved

7 6

from economic rea l i aa o r atrateqic rationa l i ty i t exhort• society to help ' those leas fortunate than ourselves ' . Aa a rich country, i t i a beholden on us to share our aaatery � i th others.

So what this d i alectica l method � i l l expose ia that the d i fferent conceptual isat iona of aid are the same . Whether they are couched in economic rea l i s t , strateq 1 c , or

humanitarian terms they are not i rreduc ible mandates formed by a e l f-determininq individual s a - l a human ist accounts . Conversely, they are mere reworkinqs of the one d i scourse .

Each derives f rom the cultural base of dominatinq natu re . Preservation of the economy, reqional stab i l i ty and a l t r u i sm

are a l l located i n the histor i ca l ly spec i f i c momen t . They

are a l l part of the societal who l e .

Part One - Austral i an a i d : concepts and c laims .

Since i ts inception in the early 1 9 50s , Austra l i an aid

pol i cy has been qoverned by the three concerns d i scussed above . Toqether, diplomacy, economy, and altruism have shaped a i d . Successive reports and ministerial statements have underl ined thi s . 37 Hence, what I propose to do i s survey the development of these concepts from the inauquration of the Colombo P l an throuqh to the Harries and Jackson Report s .

By doing so, the principal truths o f aid can be shown w i t hin

the evolution of the main d i scourse . That i s , the

instrumental d i s course which has entrenched aid ' s truth set s .

The Colombo P l an .

The f i rs t clear articulation of Austral i an aid po l i cy, its concepts and its focus came i n the form of the Col ombo P l a n .

Conceived a t a Commonwe a l th Foreiqn Ministers conference in Colombo ( c i rca 1 9 50 ) , and implemented a year late r , i t s lofty amb i t i on was ' the econom i c and social advancement of

37 Bi 1 1 Hayden, · Austra l i a 1 s Overseas Aid ProqraJI ' , Austral ian Forelgn Affairs Record, vol . 5 6 no . 1 1 , ( November 1 9 85 ) ; or Gareth Evans, ' Austra l ia ' s Forei c;111 A i d : Obj ectives and Aqenda 1 , Austral ian Forei gn Aff,urs Record, vol . 59 , no . 1 1 , ( November 1 9 88 ) .

77

the peoples o f South and Southeast Aaia ' . 36 I n i t i a l l y , the Pla.n was composed of representat ives from the United Ki nqdo.

including the British Ter r i tories of the Feder at ion of Malaya, S i ngapore, North Borneo and Sarawak - Canada, Ind i a , Pakistan, Ceylon, New Zealand and Austra l i a . Later t h i a waa revised to include Afghanistan , Banq ladesh, Bhutan , Buraa , Fi j i , I ndonesia, I ran , Japan, Kampuchea , The Repub l i c of Korea, Laos, the Mal d i ves , Nepal , Papua New Guinea, the Phi 1 ippines, Thailand and the Uni ted States . 3) Each of these

countries was involved i n an ident i f i cation and rev i ew process . To attain their goal o f coordinated econom ic and technical assistance, recipient countries had to present

their case to the donors . The Consultative Committee was the

body through which this took place . Convened at a Ministerial level it examined the progress of member

countries and d irected the al location of resources for development . 40 Its primary role was to act as a forum for the

exchange of views on deve lopment issues . However , it was not the sole functionary of the Plan . Below the M i n i ster i a l leve l , the Colombo P l an Counci 1 operated as a secondary forum. Made up of diplomat ic miss ions from the member countries, i t served to identify deve lopment issues and topics of interest for consideration by the Consu ltative Commi ttee . 41 Essenti a l l y , i t was an interim body for the

discuss ion of a i d . Here, representatives of member count r i es could articulate the problems facing them, the programs that had been enacted, and the required amount of aid . Al though, c l ea r statements of spec i f i c issues and · entreat ies ' were

reserved for the Consultative Committee . 42

38 Refer to the Proceedings of the 1 9th Parl i amen t , 1st Session vol ume 206-208, House of Represen tati ves, 2 2nd February - 6th July 1950 , pp . 4 7 , 6 2 2 - 62 9 .

39 Ibid.

40 A concise summary of the Colombo P l a.n modus operandi i s provided in Colombo P l an Bureau, The Col ombo Plan : Proceedings and Conclusi ons of the Thi r ty-First Consul tative Commi ttee Meeting, ( Sydney Austral i a , November 1 9 8 6 , ) , p . i .

n Ibid.

42 Ibid.

78

By establishing these formal l inks it was envisaged that progressive and rea l i s t i c programs could be advanced for the economic and social deve lopment of the recipient count ri ea . Using a coordinated approach based on increasing production and consumption, it was held that l i ving standards wou ld

ame l iorate, and with that, the spectre of poverty, soc ial unrest, pol itical instab i l ity and extremist ideologies wou ld be exorcised . As Percy Spender, ( the Minister for External

Affairs and Territories ) , noted on the submission of the

Plan:

Si tuated as we are in the Southwest corner of the Paci f i c , with the outlring i s l ands of the Asian continent almost touch1ng our own territories of New Guinea and Papua , our first and constant interest must be the security o f our own home land and the maintenance of peace in the area in which our country i s geographical l y placed . . . Our po l i cy must be to ensure, to the full extent we can, that these new States co-operate w i th each other and with us in meeting positively and actively the new probl ema created i n this area . 4j

Already, the concept of aid was entrenched. The Colombo P l an was an instrument for strateg i c , economic and hwnani tar ian concerns . Through a comprehensive approach to aid in Southeast Asia , stab i l ity, expanding markets, and the a l l eviation o f poverty would be assured . 44

I n fact, the concept ' s truths were clearly i l lustrated in the Colombo P l an program of capital aid and techn i cal

assistance to Indonesi a . i n Indonesia from 1955

inter-country relations ,

Despite a worsening domestic scene onwards, which severely strained

aid was purposeful ly continued . As many have observed, it was used to promote · neighbour l i ness ' at a time of considerable instab i l ity. 4� Then, fol lowing

43 Proceedings of the 1 9th Par l iamen t , 1 s t Sess ion, 22nd February - 30th March, 1 9 5 0 , p . 62 3 . Also : Proceedings , 20th Parliament l s t Session, Fourth Period, vol . 21 7, House of Rep . , 6th May - 6th June 1 9 5 2 , pp . 1 370- 1 3 7 3 .

44 Vol ume H. of R . 12-13, 22nd Parli amen t 1 s t Session, 2nd Period, 2 9 th August - 8th November 1 9 5 6 , pp . 24 0 , 1 3 5 8 -1 3 60 .

45 Phi l i p J . Pol i tics of A i d Monograph no . 1 8 ,

Eldridge , Indonesia and Austra l i a : the Since 1 966, Development Studies Centre

( C anberr a : ANU Press 1 9 7 9 ) , in part i cu l ar

79

Sukarno ' s demise Australian aid to Indonesia escal ated . In 1 9 66 the Australian Govern.ent provided an eaergency grant o f $0 . 5 m i l l ion toqether with a g i ft of rice worth $0 . 2

mi l l ion . 46 Thereafte r , aid coaaitted to Indones i a successively grew from $5 . 2 llli l l ion in 1 9 6 7 / 6 8 , to S 1 2 . 7 mi l l ion in 1968/69 and f inal ly to $ 1 5 mi l l ion in 1 96 9 / 7 0 . 4;

The qual itative growth of this period was subsequently

eclipsed by the aid a l l ocation for the three year per i od from 1970/71 to 1972/7 3 . During this time , the Austra l i an Government consi gned $53 . 8 mi l l ion in economic assi stance to

I ndonesi a . 48 According to Arndt , each commi tment resul ted

from i nterdepartmental wrangl i ng . 49 Given its respons i b i l i ty for aid and foreign relations, the Department of External

Affairs sought these increases for diplomat i c as we 1 1 as humanitarian reasons . In part icular , it saw aid to the f l edgling Suharto regime as vital for the national interest .

For the Department of Trade it was a question of econom i c s . Aid in this context was seen a s a stimulus for Austral ian exports . SO Given I ndones ia ' s predi cted economic growth , it

was hoped that the scope for economic intercourse wou ld increase. Needless to say, the third pl ayer involved was the Treasury Department . As the budgetary watchdog it waa

reluctant to assign funds without a guaranteed return . Sl Yet i n view o f the proposed d i ploma t i c , economic , and to a

lesser extent humani tarian bene f i t s , it relented . As a resu l t , Austr a l i a continued to show a pred i l ection to Indonesi a via the Colombo Plan.

The Harries Report : uphol d i ng the tradition.

Despite i t s � non-crit i c a l sociologica l ' content, Arndt ' a

Summary and chapter 2 .

46 H . W . Arndt, Austra l i a and Asia : Econo•i c Essay11, (Canberra : ANU Pres s , 1972 ) , p . 5 9 .

47 Ibid.

48 Ibid, p . 6 1 .

49 Ibid, pp . 59-60 .

so Ibid.

51 Ibid, pp . 59- 6 1 .

80

account ia useful insofar as 1 t charta the qene a i a of the three aid truths . These were reinforced by the Har r 1 e a Commiasion . 52 Commiss ioned in Apr i l 1 9 7 8 a a the co .. l t tee on Austra l i a ' a Relations vi th the Third Wor l d , and Chaired by Professor Owen Harr ies, the Report was inst ructed to review

existing foreign pol i c y . Broadly speakinq, Foreign M i n i s ter Andrew Peacock requested that the report address the

changing role of the Third World in international r e l a t i ons and its contacts with other countries; assess the impact of the Third Worl d on international structures ; and formu late pol icy recommendations attuned to Austra l i a ' s interests v i s ­

a-vis the Third Wor l d . 53

According to Peter King and Martin Indyk, the empha s i s on

po l i cy readjustment was a reaction to three chanqinq e l ements in the international envi ronment . These could be sununa r i sed as detente in East-West relat ions ; the Ame r i can wi thdrawal from Vietnam; and escala t i ng tens ion between the countries o f the Third World and the Wes t . 54 In the view of

King and Indyk, these international var i ables d i luted Austra l ia ' s loyalty to Amer i can anti -commun i sm and

underscored Austral i a ' s posit ion as a Western country in a region o f impover i shed, over-populated Third World countr i e s . I n essence, Austral i a sudden ly rea l i sed it was posi tioned in a region of extreme d i squiet prec ipi tated by

the Indochina con f l i c t and Ame r i ca ' s abrupt wi thdrawa l . Consequently, i t was f e l t that Austra l i a ' s fore i gn po l i cy needed reorientation. As King and Indyk commented at the time:

52 Austra l i a and the Third World : Report of the Commi ttee on Austral ia ' s Rel ations with the Third World, Apr i l 1 9 7 9 ; For the compos i t ion of the Harries Commission , see Appendix I .

53 Peter King & Martin Indyk, Austral i a ' s ' Relations with the Third World : A Review of the Harries Report ' , in Current Affa i rs Bul l e tin, vol . S6 no . l 2 , ( May 1980 ) , p . 5 .

54 Ibid, pp . 4- 1 4 .

Confronted br this rapidl y chang ing international environment , n which the Third Wor l d has become the cruci b l e for East-West and North-South con f l i cts , Austral ia cannot hope to preserve i t s · l ucky ' status in terms of i ts security and we l l -being , by revert 1 ng to the o l d refrains . New, soph i s t i cated and sens 1 t 1 ve policies are required for coping w i th co•p lex s i tuations in which Austra\�a can expect i t s interests to be more heav i ly engaged .

81

Seen i n this way, the Conunission ' s parameters were the state capital ist truths o f state- sponsored programs that consol idated our advanced l evel o f prospe r i ty and mat e r i a l control o f nature . Statements such as the need for po l i cy reformation i n order to preserve Austra l i a ' s secu r i ty and wel l -being i n the face o f a changing international c l imate are motivated by present reason : and i t i s the truths of system preservation which have determined the shape of a i d .

Nonethel ess , aid as towards humani ta r i an concerns purportedly

a concept has been constant l y o r i ented goal s w i th economi c and po l i t i ca l

remaining subord inate . Indeed, on the eve o f the Report ' s release, the then M i n i ster for Foreign A f f a i r s , Andrew Peacock, foreshadowed its empha s i s . In three separate statements , he i l lustrated the interplay of strateg i c , economic and humanitar i an obj ect ives . As he

observed i n 1 9 7 8 :

55 Ibid, pp . 4- 5 .

. . . Austra l i a i s uni qu e i n being a countri of western origi n , western values and western way o l i fe in the closest possible proximity to the Third Wor ld . This 1 a the essential di fference between Austra l i a ( and New Zealand to a lesser extent ) and the rest of the donor commun i ty . They can take decis ions about development assi stance in the abstract , in the l i ght of the i r idea and ideals and domestic preoccupations . We cannot . We l i ve where the action i s : our neighbours are developing countries . . . I t i s easy to see this em�hasis on our neighbours as a matter of foreign pol 1 cy - and so it i s . I t i s vital to Austral i a ' s future that we maintain friend ly relat ions w�th those countries who are our neighbours .

82

Of course, such a f r i endly posture would have commercial benef i ts also . Bui l t into Austral ian aid i s the presumption that economic opportuni ties wi 1 1 increase . Less devel oped countries are seen as worthy recipients to the extent that future development wi l l be mutua l l y benef i c i a l ; or at least they w i l l sustain the developed countries :

. . . pol i ti ca l rel ations , trade , transpor t , and investment f lows , indeed economic exchanges of a l l sorts between developed and develop ing countries are now more diverse and sign i f icant than they have ever been . They are no longer character i zed by the one-way dependent relationships of the colonial era . Instead, the wel fare of developed and developing has become interdependent . However , this s a l i ent and bas ic fact of international economic relat ions i s a l l too f r equentl y, overlooked . Developing count r i e s , for examp l e , bought one 9uarter of the v i s i ble exports of developed countries 1n 1 9 7 5 ; and purchased almost a third of thei r manufactured exports . The i r capac i ty to maintain and expand this rate of consumption is vital _ to sfhe future economic welfare of developed countrJ.es .

However, the humani tarian component of aid has always been held as paramount within the concept . Aid i s to be d i s t r ibuted amongst the needy . Other considerations must develop as a corollary otherwise aid i s self-defeat ing . The perceived interrelationship between the three was underscored by Andrew Peacock when he stated that :

56 Andrew Peacock, � International Development : Looking Towards the 1980s ' , Australian Forei gn Affai rs Record, vol . 48 , no . l l (November 1977 ) , pp . 573-574.

5 7 Development Cooperation : Austral i a 's Progrt!lll of support for Soci al and Econo111i c Devel opmen t in the Third Worl d. Key Statemen ts, October 1 9 75 - 3 November 1 980, p . 3 2 .

Austral i a gives aid for a co�lex of reasons , with humanitarian considerations be1ng paramoun t . M¥ Government believes it i s the unquest ionable r1ght of a l l human beings to be rel iev� of poverty and to have a decent standard of l i ving . . .

8 3

Thus, the parameters remained unchanged . The three constructs underpinning aid had remained constant . This waa the tradition inherited by the Harries Report .

As such, the Report emphasised the need for aid to have strategic and economic as we l l as human itarian dimensions . In fact , these were dominant gi ven the more exp l i c i t focus accorded to strategic and economic goals in the reports demarcation of Third and First Wor lds . 59 Using the Report ' a paradigm, the Third World was seen as an agglomerat ion of

diverse states ranging from the Newly Industrial iaed and

spectacularly rich, to the most impoveri shed subsistence

cultures . Yet a common thread l inked them al l . Despite econom i c , cultural and pol i tical d i f ference s , they were united by the same ideological stance ' based on oppo s i t i on to neo-colon i a l ism or nee-impe r i a l i sm ' . 60 For them the West was a singular power which sought to max imise ita exploitation of the underdeveloped . The international economic system was consequently looked on as inherently biased as it diverted the bene f i t s to the West wh i l st extracting the costs from the Third World . 6l

Hence, the Report arbitrar i l y del ineated between West and the Third Worl d . In particular, it characterised a l l Third World countries as having interna l ised an · us ' and · them' ment a l i t y . Given t heir shared experiences of Western exploitation and ind i f ference to the needs of Third World

58 Ibid, p . 9 .

59 The Harries Report, Chapters 1&2 .

60 Ibid, Chapter 1 , pp . 1 - 3 .

61 Ibid, Chapter I I , Section 3 , ' Harmony and Con f l i ct of Interests Between the Third World and the West ' , notes 6 5 -72 .

84 ' . countries, the developing world has coalesced . ·' For

Australia this was siqn i f icant . By virtue of our reg1 onal position the repercussions were he ld to be i-ense. Therefore, the Report suggested that our relat ions shou ld be conducted bi latera l l y . 63 Above a l the Harries Report felt that Australia should al iqn itself with the aaore aK>derate developing countries enc ircl ing it in order to draw these less radical members · on-side ' . Despite the i r Third Wor ld affinity, it was assumed these countries would be less receptive to the extreme pos it ions of fel l ow Third Wor ld countries . 64 Instead, the lure of prosperity wou ld induce them to coordinate the i r development with other economies; a presumption which led the Report to recommend symbiotic relat ions , or at the very least, · neighbourl iness ' and w i l l ing interact ion . Operating on the rationale of devel oped countries elevating the wealth of the Third Wor l d , it insi sted that Austra l i a should subvene . Accordingly, aid was to be increased and open and non-discr iminatory trade was to be supported in principle . 65

For the Harries Report, then, the ut i l ity of aid and trade was v i tal . Togethe r , they could fac i l itate the growth of domestic economies in moderate count ries . Additiona l l y , they would create friendly relations within our sphere . Through a i d and trade Austra l i a would be proj ected as the conscientious, compassionate Western Nei ghbour . The corol l a r i es of this were seen as three - f o l d . Fi rst , it wou ld ensure regional stab i l ity for a western country immersed in a Third World envi ronment . By al igning i tself with the moderates, Austra l ia could avert the potentially host i l e F i rst/Third World division. Second, a pol icy o f regional cooperation would provide an economic stimulus for

62 Preston King, · on Develop ing an Interest in the Right Pol icr ' , Quadrant, ( August 1980 } : "Or one may be concerned to e i c i t the manner i n which the i r common cond 1 tion, however minimal a factor, activates a functional unity among them" .

63 The Harries Report, Chapter 1 .

64 S i r Les l i e Melvi l l e , · The Harries Report ' , Quadran t vol . 24 , ( March 1 980 ) , pp . 27-29 .

65 The Harries Report, Introduction and Chapter 1 .

8 5

Austra l i a . Given the rapid developaent o f the .aderate countries i t was envisaged that Australian exports could bene f i t . With growing economies on our doorstep, 1teas such as food, minera l s , energy resources and perhaps tour isa and services would be in demand . Moreover it was antic ipated that Austra l i a could become an important suppl ier of manufactures , technology and offshore industry. S i r Lea l i e Mel v i l l e best summed this up when he stated that :

. . . We must strengthen our rel ationship with a number of progressive countries within our immediate reg ion and perhaps elsewhere . We should do this because good relations

6rith those countries w i l l bring mutual

bene f i t s .

This leads, in turn, t o the final point . Almost by impl ication, the Report be l ieved that human itarian concerns would be addressed through growt h , as by exped it ing growth i t was assumed that prosperity woul d fol l ow . Subsequent ly, the i r wealth would increase thus amel iorating the pl ight of the less fortunat e . In keeping with the neo-classical economic trad i tion it was argued that domestic economies had to walk ( grow ) before they could run ( redistribute ) . 57

The Jackson Report : the culmination of the l i neage .

The Jackson Report was perhaps the most comprehensive review of Austral ian aid ever undertaken . Spawned by the Auditor General ' s critical appraisal of aid administration, the Jackson Committee was forma l l y estab l i shed in Apr i l 1983 . Init iated by the Fraser Government and then comp leted by the incoming Hawke Government , the Jackson Report set out to address the ineff icacy of Austra l i an a i d . Like the Harries Report before i t , the Jackson Report sought to maximise Austral ia ' s relations with its Third World neighbours through an expedi t iously managed aid program. Aa the Department o f Foreign Affairs ' submiss ion to the Joint Committee on Pub l i c Accounts states

66 Melv i l le , ' The Harries Report ' , p . 2 9 .

67 David L im , · The Jackson Report on Austral ian Aid : The Under l ying Framework ' , Austral lan Ou tlook, vol . 39 , no . l , ( 19 85 ) , p . 2 0 .

Whi l e Austra l ia ' s a i d i s an i mportant e l ement in our relations with developing countries , it must be developed within a framework emb racing Austra l i a ' s overal l national interests . The main po l i cy di rections which the Government has estab l i shed for the aid program are set out i n the Audit Report . The Report qui te right l y refers to the d i f f i cu l ty that can a r 1 s e in reconcil ing the po l i t ical commercial and humanitarian factors �h i ch must be refl ected i n our b i lateral aid program.

86

The actual Report of the Committee was not tab l ed in the House of Representatives unt i l the 7th o f June 1984 . 5S On its submi ssion , the Foreign Affairs Mini ster under l i ned the

Jackson Report ' s importance . He dec lared that the Report

would i n f luence the shape o f Austra l i a ' s a i d program for years to come . Yet the underlying concepts of the Report d i f fered l ittle from its predecessor . L i k e the Harries Commission , i t defined development i n terms of growth and equity. 70 The two were synonymous . Wi thout the removal of constraints to growth, less developed country ' s cou l d not advance, whereas a i d , when assigned to i n f rastructural programs, could overcome ' bott lenecks ' . 71

By adopting this framework the Jackson Report perpetuated the emphas i s o f the Harries Commi ssion . Now, howeve r , there was a more exp l i c i t focus on human i ta r i an concerns .

According to the Report , Austral ian a i d could magn ify i ts impact by improving the phys ical and human i n f rastructure of the recipi ent country ' s . 72 Above a l l , i t recommended concentrating on projects relevant to our exper t i s e ; in

68 The Parl iamen t of the Commonweal th of Austra l i a , Joint Commi ttee on Publ i c Accounts, Effi ciency Audi t Administration of Bila teral Overseas A i d, Report 201 , 1 9 8 2 , pp . 8-9

69 R . Gordon Jackson, · Austra l i a ' s Foreign Ai d · , Australian Outlook, vol . 39 , no . l , ( 1 9 8 5 ) , p . 2 0 ; For the compos i t ion o f the Jackson Committee , refer to Appendix I I .

ro Phi l ip J . Eldridge, ' The Jackson Re�ort on Austral ia ' s Overseas Aid Program : Pol i t i ca l Optlons and Prospects ' , Austra l i an Outlook, vo l . 39 no . l , ( 1 98�) , p . 2 4 .

71 Ibid.

72 The Report of the C0111111i t tee to Review Australia 's Overseas Aid Program - The Jackson Report, June 1 9 8 4 , p . 4 .

87 other words , projects rel ated to agr i cu l ture, transportation and pub l i c works . Then, once aid had helped to reaove these constraints, i t was envi saged that prospe r i ty and a gradual redistr ibution of wealth would fol low . Austra l ian aid wou ld thus have ful f i l led its moral obligation, whi l st a l so furthering Austral i a ' s less a l truistic interests . As w i th the Harries Commission, aid was understood as a pre­condi t ion for stab i l ity . I f aid succeeded in promoting economic development , then the surrounding country I s wou ld be less vulnerable to upheava l ; or in Harries terms, the divis ion between Third and Fi rst Worlds wou ld be less l i ke l y to occur . Instead, the dec i s ion-makers and peop le of the less developed country ' s would look on Austra l i a in a favourable l ight . And for Austra l i a , located as it is in area of underdevelopment , this was seen as imperat ive . Then, of course, there was the economic coro l l ary. Successful development would not only produce more stable nei ghbours , but trading partners a l so . Opportuniti es for export expansion would increase, as would the potent ial for direct foreign investment .

Yet to ful f i l these objectives it was asserted that Austral ian aid would have to be professional ised . One of the Committee ' s major c r i t i c i sms was that Australian aid was too fragmented . To j us t i fy this i t painted Australian aid as being thinly spread over a wide area. 73 To counter the deleterious ef fects that such a dispersion was having, the Committee recommended that foreign aid should be rationa l i sed . Gone were the days of the · shopping l i sts I . H Instead, a country ' s e l ig i b i l ity for aid was to be determined by four geographic categor ies at tuned to our strategic and economic interests, our regional respons i b i l i t i e s , our capacity to assist, and human itar ian concerns . Accordingly, the categor ies were organised thus :

73 Austral i a 's Overseas Aid 1 983-88, Submission to the Joint Commi t tee on Forei gn Affairs Defence and Trade, Review of the Operations of AIDAB - AIDAB International Development Issues no . 3 , ( AGPS, February 1988 ) , p . l 6 .

74 Shopping l is t was a term often employed as a characterisation of the requests for deve lopment assi stance submitted to mul t i lateral organ isat ions such as the Colombo Committee by LDCs .

88

1 ) Papua New Guinea and the sma l l is land states of the Pac i f i c and Indian Oceans .

2 ) Southeast As ia and the smaller states of South Asia ( Bhutan, Nepal and Sri Lanka ) .

3 ) China , India, Pakistan and Bang ladesh.

4 ) Other developing country ' s ( including the poorest of the Afri can states ) . 75

As proposed by the Committee, the extent of bi lateral projects was to taper according to the d i f ferent categories . Based on country programming some would be e l igible for more than woul d others . Hence, the f i rst category wou ld be enti t led to a l l forms of support; the second would receive project aid in areas of Australian expertise; country programming i n the third was to be confined to a genera l i sed level with the selection o f projects undertaken j udiciously; whi l st the fourth woul d only receive assi stance through mul t i - lateral and non-government bodies . 76 Where b i l a teral aid was preserved, country managers were to formu late programs w i thin the overa l l p l ans of the region . Using the i r detai led knowledge of i t s economi c , pol it ical and soc ial institutions, they were to devise accepted long-term strategies .

Needless to say, these strategies were not based on grass roots ' programs . Instead, Australian aid was to e l iminate ' bottlenecks ' caused by a lack of education, domest i c savings for investment, and administrative and techn i cal s ki l l s . 77 Of paramount importance, the Report conc luded , was the upgrading o f a recipient LDCs physical infrastructure v i a the trade/aid i ssue . On this point it extrapolated that

75 Lim, · The Underlying Framework ' , p . 2 0 .

76 The Jackson Report, Chapter 9 , pp . l 40 - 1 4 1 .

77 For a discussion o f the conflicting mandates of the Jackson Report consul t , W . R . Stent , ' The Jackson Report : A C r i t i cal Review ' , Austra l i an Outlook, vol . 39 , no . 1 , ( 1985 ) , pp . 3 3 - 38 .

89 Australia could best pro�K>te econoaic growth by not tyinq aid to Australian goods and services when these were uncompetitive , by opposing mixed credits unless they protected against unfair competit ion, and by openinq our markets to their goods . 78 I t was hoped that in the lonq-ter• such measures would create an envi ronment i n which · . . production, investment and exports would be encouraged by sensible exchange and interest rates; the per capita incoae woul d r i se accordingly; and the revenue generated cou ld be taxed, thus providing for the estab l i shment of publ i c infrastructure ' . 79

Even so, it was felt that pub l i c inf rastructure alone was not suf ficient to overcome · bottlenecks • . People w i th the requisite manager ial and techn ical ski l l s were a l so needed . Hence, training and education were seen as crucia l . I n an effort to raise the general level of personnel sk i l ls , the Committee planned an across- the-board education program. This was to be bui lt on an extensive scho larship system which promoted student interchange between Austra l i a and the deve loping country ' s . Included in this system were recommendations :

- That the h idden subsidy to developing country students ' education be made expl i c i t and counted as part of o f f i cial development assi stance .

- That a fees system based on full cost recovery be gradually introduced with an extensive scholarship system replacing the former government-to-gove rnment model .

- And that additional sorts of scholarships, including a mer i t scholarship and a scholarship targeting d isadvantaged groups, be offered. BO

Thus the Report forecast that after such training, the

78 The Jackson Report, Chapter 8 , Sections 8 . 25-8 . 27 .

79 Lim, · The Underlying Framework ' , p . 20 .

80 The Jackson Report, Executive Suaaary, p . l l .

90

students o f today would becoae the s k i l led personne 1 of tomorrow.

To ef fectively impl ement these changes the Ca.. i t tee acknowledged that the exist ing admini strative organ ( ADAB ) had to be reformed . With this in mind , the Report reco.mended that ADAB be incorporated into the Department of Fore 1 qn Affairs as an autonomous bureau, with the Di rector becom ing a statutory appo intee exercising control over a l l a i d resource s . Then and only then, with e f f i c ient management at home and sensible implementation abroad, would aid have a greater impact on economic development .

Fol lowing the incorporation o f ADAB into the Department of Foreign Affairs, this department also subsumed the trade portfol i o . The integration o f aid, trade, and foreign po l i cy betrays the under lying emphasis o f the Jackson Report . Despite the inherited trad i t i on of aid reflect ing humanitarian concerns before a l l else, when the falsehood of the concept i s stripped away the truths of system preservation through economi c and strateg i c negotiation are borne out . This i s the shape of aid vis-a-vis state­capital i s t reason . The Jackson Report is l i tt l e more than a hypostatised entity which embodies the present interpretation of nature-domination through prosperity and security - an orientation which wi l l be born out in the next chapte r .

9 1

Chapter Three The Jackaon Report as Reason in History.

Given the history of Austral i an aid foraation, two po1nta are clear . First, i s the predominance of the bureaucr atic discourse . Bureaucratic control has estab l i shed the reqi•e of truth. l The expanding state has determined the shape of reason. Second is the importance of the Jackson Reports articulation of these truth set s . Developed by the a i d

bureaucracy, this report unequivocally states i t s d i scourse . ;

That i s , the Jackson Report articulates the main discourse . So to uncover the bias in the regime of truth, one must textua l l y

analyse aid phi l osophy. Using negative-dialect i c s , the embeddedness of reason in history can thus be rea l i sed via the Jackson Repor t . As the most cogent expression of a i d po li cy, i t promises to be the most fruitful l ine o f inqu i ry . Al though the culmination of a bureaucrat ic aid discourse that has subscribed to a concept based on the preponderance of human! tar ian concerns, the actua l i ty of the Jackson Report w i l l con f i rm the preponderance of state-capitalist truths .

The aim of this chapter i s to examine the ' truths ' of the bureaucratic di scourse as i t applies to a i d , that is , the rational identity o f the concept . 3 Using the negative­dialectics of Cri tical Theory, it w i l l be demonstrated that the Jackson Report i s deeply rooted in state-capital ist reason. In contrast to the ' traditional ' concept revo l v ing around humanitarianism, aid i s governed more by strategic and economic concerns . Insofar as these objectives are cruc i a l to our material standing over nature, they constitute the truths

1 See Mi chel Foucau l t ' Truth/Power ' i n Power/Knowledge -Selected Interviews and Other Wri tings 1 9 72- 77, ed . by C o l i n Gordon, ( Br i ghton; Sussex : The Harvester Press 1980 ) .

2 . In e f fect, the concept i s enshrined in these statements of phi losophy and pol icy.

3 That i s , i t s c laim o f accuracy pertaining to the . obj ect .

9 2

of a i d . The state capi tal i st bias inherent i n the Jackson Report i s drawn out by the actua l ity of the ob j ect . When the actual shape of aid i n terms of budgetary a l locat 1ons and geographical focus i s contrasted against the purported humanitarian i sm of the concept, the influence of nature dominating reason comes to the fore . Rather than increase the aid budget to the prescribed target of 0 . 7% of GNP , and concentrate on areas of immense poverty, Austra l i an aid has diminished i n overa l l terms at a t ime when a l l ocations to the middle- income countries of ASEAN have continued to increase . Such a distributive trend can on ly be exp l a ined by the pol itical and economic importance of the region . Not on ly does Southeast Asia promise to resuscitate Austral ia ' s stagnant economy through aid and commercial contacts , it a l so straddles an area of strategic sensitiv ity for Austra l i a . Hence , the state has acted, via the Jackson Report and aid, to preserve Austra l i a ' s wel l -being .

Briefly, then, the fol lowing chapter can be broken into f i ve sub-sections . Sections I and I I examine the articula ti on of the aid concept as i t is i denti f i ed within the Jackson Report . Throughout , aid i s promoted as humanitarian devel opment through infrastructural upgrading and export-oriented industrial isat ion . Section I I I subsequently contrasts the actual shape of aid, in terms of volume and geographic focus, against the c l aims of the concept thus drawing out the import of state-capi t a l i sm ' s truths . Final l y , Sections I V and V posi t aid i n the present moment of history v i a a textua 1 analysis of statements taken from the Jackson Report , associated governmental statements, and a brief case study of the disproportionate emphasis accorded to Indonesia by the aid program.

Part One The Jackson Report - aid as a concept .

W i th i n the bureaucratic discourse aid i s conceptua l i sed as a response to poverty a l l eviation . According to the Jackson report , i t i s the moral obligation of Fi rst Wor l d count r i es to assist the less fortunate . Given our technolog ical and

93

material advancement , we should help the Third World . � Aid i s , above a l l , an attempt to estab l i sh economic and soc ial par 1ty . But through parity aid w i 1 1 a l so achieve the other qoa 1 s , name ly strategic and economic cons iderat ions . Because of Austra l i a ' s location on the Asia-Pac i f i c rim stabi l i ty i s essential ; unrest could threaten the status quo . : Aid, it i s be l i eved, can foresta l l such probl ems wh i l st a l so improvinq Austra l i a ' s position economi cally, as conce ivably develop1n9 countries w i l l generate economic opportun it ies for Austral ia . �

But aid i s foremost a human itarian concern , with the other " benef its ' mere coro l l aries . As the Jackson Report state s :

Aid i s given prima r i l y for humanitarian reasons to a l l eviate povert¥ through economic and soc i a l development . I t 1 s the response o f the wea lthy industrial countr i es to the needs of hundreds of mi l l ions of people who l ive harsh and mate r i a l l y meaqre l ives . Aid also complements strateqi c economi c and foreign pol i cy interest s , and by helping deve lopin9 countries to gfow, it provides economi c opportun it 1es for Austral i a .

To accomp l i sh this aid pol i cies must promote development through infrastructural programs . A basic needs approach i s not enough . Development requ i res improved fac i l i ties such as educational leve l s , roads, dams , ports and machinery, as with that productivity wi l l increase thus l i fting the mean income . Consequent l y , the benefits w i l l accrue to a l l members of the developing country enabling them to share in the spoi l s .

A i d a s a concept - humanitar ian development i n the Jackson Report.

Of course, i t i s envisaged that Austra l i a wi l l bene f i t also .

4 . The Report of the ColiUIJi ttee to Review Austral i a ' s Overseas Aid Program, The Jackson Report, ( Canberra: AGPS, 1984 ) , p . 3 statement 1 .

s . Ibid, Chapter 1 , section 1 . 9 , p . 22 .

6 . Ibid, Chapter 8 .

7 Ibid, Executive Summary, p . 3 .

9 4

The more rapidly development takes p l ace , the better Austral i a ' s commercial and strategic interests vi l l be served . However , these ' offshoots ' have been adequately discussed in Chapter 2 . The focus, here, is on the actual shape of aid . What must be addressed i s whether or not aid as a concept adequately describes the obj ect . That i s , vhether the bureaucrati c d iscourses conceptua l i sation of aid translates

into practi ce . I f a contradiction exists betveen aid philosophy and pract ice, then there is more to the concept , because to draw out the inadequacies of the concept is to point to the underlying regime of truth . s Aid in this sense, is shaped by state-capital ist reason . Aid is governed by the instrumental rational i ty of system preservation through bureaucratic contro l .

F i r s t , though, i t must be proven that the concept is not supported by the obj ect i t describe s . 9 To do so is to unde r l i ne the other dimensions of the concept . As aforementioned, aid i s based on an a l t ru i s t i c / pragmatic causal i ty . Humanitarian concerns are of paramount importance , whi l s t the ensuing benef i ts accrue. R i chard Higgot examines the emphas i s on development from a developmental theory perspective . H i s avowed aim i s to locate the Jackson Report in its ' in te l lectual and politi co-economi c contexts • . lO Indeed, Higgott sets out to show that the Report owes much to the dominant orthodoxy of developmental theory. This revolves around a movement away from bas i c needs to structural adj us tment po l i c i e s . Induced by the fai lure of the United Nations F i rs t Development Decade, a deb i l i tating recession and the growth of neo-conservative pol i t i c s , First World countr ies

B . That i s , it demonstrates that other determinants shape our treatment of aid .

9 . Thus a l l owing an analysis of the other aspects of the concept , o r the reason why i t fai l s to adequately describe its object .

10 . R i chard Higgott, · structural Adj ustment and the Jackson Report : The Nexus Between Development Theory and Austral i an Foreign Pol i cy ' , i n , Austra l i an Overseas Aid : Future Directions

i ed . by P . El dridge , D . Forbes & D . Port e r ,

( Sydney: Croom He m 1986) , p . 3 .

9 5

have adopted export-oriented strategies ( EOIS ) . 11 Rather than restructure the international economy , they have sought to adjust i t . What the international structure requ i r e s , it 1 a argued, i s a freeing up of trade . 12 Once th1s i s done developing countries w i l l advance . Structural ad j ust•ent w i l l have faci l i tated export led growth . By concentrat 1 ng on outwardly or iented strategies, the LDCs w i l l trade the i r way to prosperity; whereas to pe rsist with a basic needs approach during recession · . . . is to throw good money after bad ' . 1 ;

Here, structural adj us tment correlates with comparative advantage, with comparative advantage referring l i te r a l l y to a countries attributes favouring economic growth. Un l i ke the earl ier perceptions of comparative advantage which focused exclusively on the avai labi l i ty of labour, now · . . . factors such as land, resource s , capital . . . are a l so taken into greater consideration ' . 14 Structural adjustment asserts that by enhancing these attr ibutes through development a i d , a LDC could generate i ncome by v i rtue o f its new-found trading status . Geared to export manufactured and primary good s , the LDC would expand its capital stock . Further domestic and export growth would ensue with the bene f i ts eventua l l y being d i stributed . l5 Not that export-oriented strategies are based solely on al truism. Overa l l , the economic order w i l l benefit from development . New markets wi l l arise thus engendering a

11 , Ibid, pp . 4 2 - 4 5 .

12 . J . Cami l leri · Foreign Pol icy : Strategic and Economic Issues ' , in From Fraser To Hawke : Austra l i an Pub l i c Pol i cy in the 1 980s, e d . by B . Head & A . Patience, ( Me lbourne : Longman Cheshire, 1 989 ) , pp . 59-6 1 .

13 . Higgott, · structural Adjustment ' , p . 4 2 .

14 Ibid, p . 4 3 .

15 . As export oriented industrialisation wi 1 1 estab l ish an industrial manufacturing sector thus creating employment, improving incomes and genera l ly enhancing the standard of l iving. Eventual ly via this trickle down process it ia envisaged that poverty w i l l be obviated .

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1110re robust international econolll)' . 16 And atab i l i ty wi 1 1 be assured through poverty al leviation.

Such an analysis is clearly based on human i st assuaption s , a s humanism endows the subject with the ab i l i ty to for•ulate and receive discourse . In essence, humani sm revolves around agency, or the ab i l i ty o f the subject to consciously for• or rej ect d i scours e . According to Higgot, con f l ict ing strateg 1ea are introduced by pol i t ical actors in view of the preva i l i ng c l imate. That i s , poli cy-makers consciously form aid d i scourse as a response to immediate needs . So what we are faced w i th in an examination of a i d discourse i s a r i g id d e l i neation between antithetical strateg i es . 17 Bas i c needs was supplanted by structural adjustment with the emergence o f fundamental changes in development thinking . One set of be l i efs replaced the othe r . Conversely, C r i t i cal Theory would argue that both should be seen as variations of the same discourse ( this i s d iscussed more thoroughly i n Chapter 4 ) . Whi l e the de l i very d i ffers somewhat , the concepts ' truths ' rema i n the same . Aid works to estab l i s h par i ty , then once this is achieved poverty w i l l be el i m i nated, the international economy wi l l be rejuvenated, and stab i l i ty w i l l fol low .

Thus aids regime o f truth i s s t i l l based on bureaucrat i c reason . I t i s s t i l l held that bureaucrat i c guidance i s needed for system preservation. The only di f ference that exists occurs in strategies of powe r . Res i stance to one interpretation o f instrumental reason has led to anothe r . Because o f the apparent ineffectiveness o f bas i c needs i t has now been replaced by structural adj ustment . But despite th i s changed focus, the key truths of aid have remained the same . A i d as a concept i s s t i l l formed within state- capita l i st reason, or that which demands system preservation through the

16 . For a d iscussion o f the mandates o f a i d , refer to Mark McGi l l ivray ' An Examination of Austra l i an Bi latera l Aid A l loca t i ons ' , Economics Discussion Paper no . 1 5 , ( LaTrobe School o f Economics, 1 9 85 ) .

1 7 . A la the idea l i sm o f Hegel Marx and the 1 iberal trad i t i on1 w i th the i r notions of hal f or f a l se truths coming into conf i c t and thus y i e l d i ng a more accurate truth.

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instrumental rationa l i ty of bureaucrat ic guidance . Everythinq i s employed as a means to this end .

Nonetheless, Higgot ' s article i s useful insofar as it examines the present shape of the concept . Aid, i n the Jackson Report, i s export-oriented . Inf rastructural deve lop•ent i a

ident i fied as the stimulus . LDC& can begin to develop outwardly once the i n frastructure is in place . le To expand upon t h i s , I sha l l now examine the concept as i t i s articu l ated in the four parts of the Jackson Report .

Part Two Humanitarian development as articul ated in the Jackson Report.

The Setting

Broadly speaking, the Jackson Report iden t i f ies export­oriented development as crucial for the reasons stated above . In keeping w i th the concept, development is necessary for poverty al leviation . This is paramount . Austral ia has a moral ob l i gation as a r i ch country to ass i st the poo r . 19 Any other outcomes are to purportedly remain inc identa l . 20 But of these, pol i t i cal stab i l i ty i s advantageous to the donor country also . For Austral i a , located as i t i s i n a less deve loped region , stab i l i ty i s vital . I f condit ions are not improved then the pos s ib i l i ty of a dramat i c upheaval must be considered, whereas development can avert this catastrophe . Through export growth the domestic s i tuation of less developed count r i es wi l l amel iorate, and w i th that, the di scontented masses w i l l receive the i r share of the wea l t h . In effect, they wi l l be p lacated . As Lim puts i t :

1 8 . Higgot t , · structural Adj ustment ' , pp . 4 2 - 4 5 .

19 . David Lim, · The Jackson Report on Austral i an Aid : The Underlying Framewor k ' , Austra l i an Outlook, vol . 3 9 , no. l , ( Ap r i l 1 9 8 5 ) , p . 1 9 .

20 . That i s , mere corol laries .

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I f aid succeeds in promot ing econoaic develop•ent, it is l i kely to enhance the standing of Austra l i a i n the eyes of the decis ion-makers and popu lations of the recipient LDC . This i s part i cularly des i rable 1 f the LDCs concerned are strateg i ca l l y important to Austra l i a , as it is better to have f r iends rather than enemies i n one ' s 9eo-po l i t i ca l sphere of concern . ( Indeed ) , the po l 1 t ical reason for g i v ing aid i s particu l arly important to Austra l i a , located as i t i s unl i ke most other �onor countries, i n an area of under-development .

Then of course come the economic bene f i t s . Keeping w i th the structural adj us tment paradigm, devel opment wi l l enhance the v i ab i l ity of less developed countries by transforming them into stable trading partner s , once a product ive i n frastructure is in place . 22 Using the i r comparative advantage , LDCs w i l l be locked into the international economy . And g i ven Austra l i a ' s pos i t i o n , this i s an opportunity that should be sei zed upon i n v i ew of Austral i a ' s prox i m i ty t o the LDCs of Southeast Asia and the Paci f i c . When devel opment achieves its goa l s , this region w i l l become a vibrant market for Austra l i an goods and serv i ces . Providing Australia is a l so w i l l ing to l i bera l i se i t s economy, rewarding trade and investment can be conducted between the two . 23 Indeed, this i s al ready proving to be the case . Successful NICs such as S ingapore, Hong Kong and South Korea are generating wealth within the region . Thus, a i d can help Austra l i a derive some benef i t from their rapid development, as i f Australia shows a wi l l i ngness to further the progress of deve loping countries, they w i l l be favourably d isposed to Austral ia as a regional partner . 2�

I ssues in development assistance.

The p r i ncipal focus of this section is aid rationa l i sation .

21 . Lim, ' The Underlying Framework ' , p . l 9 .

22 . J . Cami l leri , ' Foreign Pol i cy ' , pp . 4 0 - 4 3 .

23 . David Sad l e i r , ' Aspects of Australian Strateg ic and Pol i cy P lanning and the AS EAN Region ' , Practising HantJger, vo 1 . 7 no . 2 , ( Apr i 1 1 9 8 7 ) , p . 1 6 .

24 . Ibid.

r�,. - - · r " • . -. � � - . . .. .. , , . , , . , ,E�,. - , . � , - , """ I·, ' • I . • • • • • • t ' f r" :: I • I ... . ; . ' .

99

For aid to execute the a illlS of its concept it needs to be streamlined. Of particular concern i s the fragmen tation of

Austral i a ' s aid program · . . . over too many sector s , by 1 ts use of too many instruments of de l ivery, and by i ts imple•entat 1 on

in too many countries ' . 25 The adj ustments for the latter two are discussed in the fol lowing section, whi l e the sectoral

remedy is based on the removal of major constraints to development . Populat ion planning, health and nutr i t ion, rural

and urban development , i n f rastructure, women , and educat ion are a l l iden t i f ied as sectors of Aust r a l i an expe r t i se . l� But it

is in the area of education that aid as a concept is most clearly articulated .

According to the Jackson Report, a greater share of the aid budget should be assigned to educat i on and train ing . The Report goes on to recommend that Austra l i a estab l i sh a

comprehensive scholarship scheme w h i l st a l so improving the graduate training system. 27 The rationale behind this recommendation being that education , spec i a l i sed training, research and techn i c a l assi stance are an integral part of

development . I n the opinion of the Jackson Report :

Education i s central to development . The lack o f ski l led peop l e is a key constraint at the early stages of development , and high levels of investment in education continue to be necessary at a l l stages of the growth process to manag�8 programs i n the pub l i c sector and in private business .

This i s the humani tarian component of a i d . Equ i tab le growth can only be sustained through educat ion . Wi thout i t ,

i n frastructural projects wi l l be rendered useless . The LDCs wi l l lack the requi s i te professional and manager i a l sk i l l s to

25 . Jackson Report, Executive Summary , p . 5 .

26. Ibid, Chapter 4 - Aid for Development, sections 4 . 1 -4 . 2 8 .

27 . Refer back to the brief examination of the Jackson Report in Chapter 2 of t h i s pape r .

28 . Jackson Report Part I I Chapter S i x , " Educat ion , technical assistance and research ' , p . 8 7 , sect ion 6 . 1 .

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oversee export-oriented develo�nt . 2S They w i l l cont 1 nue to languish i n poverty.

Then come the incidental benefits . Stab i l ity is obv iously one. Economic advantage the other . As the Jackson report sees i t , development in Asia w i l l increase demands for educat 1on . Austra l i a shoul d thus transform i ts education inst i tut 1ona into an export industry . 30 This wou ld assist deve l opinQ countries and stimulate the Australian economy . I t would do so in two ways. On the one hand, promoting education wou ld provide immediate empl oyment for professional sta f f . On the other, exporting education would have a mu ltiplier effect , throughout the economy, for as the Report suggests :

I n American un ivers i ty towns , one ' town ' j ob is genera l l y added for every add i t ional · gown ' enro l l ed . The development of an education export industry, part i cu l a r l y in the graduate field, would benefit the economy d i rectly, and through research i t woul d be l i nked to the ' high tech ' and · new tech ' �dustries which Austra l i a so strongly wishes to deve l op .

So by exporting education the Australian economy w i l l prosper . From the more mundane leve l s of raised consumption to the development of ground-breaking technology, benefits w i l l accrue . 32 Not only development , but commercial and po l i tical interests will be furthered .

Australian interests in the deve lopi ng wor l d .

I n conjunction with a sectoral focus, the Report ident i f ies the need for a geographic concentration of aid . G i ven i ts fragmented nature, aid i s seen as l i ttle more than tokenism

29 . Ibid, p . 88 .

30 . Ibid, Part I I , Chapter S i x .

31 . Ibid, section 6 . 22 , pp . 9 3-94 .

32 . i . e . i t ident i f i es the provi s ion of food, she l ter, c lothing and entertainment for students . Tourism is another sector mentioned a l so .

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which f a i l s t o serve e i ther developmental o r foreign pol icy interests . 33 Up unt i l the tabl ing of the Repor t , Austra l l an donor programs had given b i lateral aid to over 70 count r i e s . :'

An addi tional twenty- two per cent of Austra l i an aid waa distributed as mu l t i l ateral aid through various interna t 1 onal organ i sations . 35 Subsequently, a i d was being thinly spread over a broad area . To counter the · minima l i z i ng ' effects of such d i spersal , the Jackson Report demands a geoqraphic rational isation . Gone are the days of shopping l i s ts, rep l aced instead by a framework of geographic categor i es . ; :

According ly, the composit ion of aid is to be governed by the fol lowing selection criter ia : f i rst and foremost human 1 ta r i an concerns; developing country needs ; Austra l i a ' s capac i ty to ass i s t ; our regional respons i b i l i t ies and trad i t ional l i nks ; and our strategic and economi c interests . 3; Accord ing l y , category ( i ) countries receive the highest leve l s o f bi lateral support, while assi stance to category ( i v ) count ries is confined to food a i d . 38

I n this way, the Report be l i eves the aims of the concept can be ful f i l l ed . The LDCs of our region w i l l receive the highest leve l s of a i d , and by v i rtue of i t s rational isation, aid wi l l now be more e f fective. Aids sectoral and geographic focus wi l l ensure that program development within spec i f i c LDCs is attuned to the i r needs . No longer fragmented, devel opment a id

33 . Refer to The Jackson Report Chapter N ine - Austral ian Interests in the Developing Wor l d .

34 . R . Gordon Jackson, ' Austra l i a ' s Fore ign Ai d ' , Australian Outlook, vol . 39 no . l , ( Ap r i l 1 985 ) , p . l S .

35 . Ibid.

36 . Refer to Chapter 2 footnote no . 4 9 .

37. Jackson Report, Chapter Nine, p . l39 .

38 . Ibid, Chapter Nine, pp . l40- 1 4 2 .

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wi l l focus on growth · bottlenecks ' . ls Then once they are overcome , export-ori ented strategies can be enacted . U s i ng t he i r newly created infrastructure, LDCs wi 1 1 be able to exploit the i r comparative advantage . Resources can be developed for export with the ensuing wealth promoting a .are robust domest i c economy . Further inf rastructure can be established, as could new industries, with the end resu l t being the rapid development o f a once impoverished count ry . Now integrated into the world economy they w i l l become rewarding commercial and pol i t i cal partners, thus creat1ng an envi ronment that i s conducive to mutual growth for themselves and their ne ighbouring countries- Austra l i a included.

Administration and managemen t .

The final e lement o f aid as discussed by the Jackson Report i s administration . To fu l f i l the objectives of the aid concept , professional management is a l so requ i r ed . Geographi c , sectoral , and instrument reform cannot ensure aid e f f icacy by themselves . A strong, coherent admini stration i s a l so a pre requisite for success . I f development is to be achieved, the aid bureaucracy must provide d i rection . 40 Rather than simply oversee the disbursement of funds to marginal proj ects , the aid bureaucracy must estab l ish the framewor k . In particu l a r , the Report s tipulates that a i d management wi l l demand a h i gh level o f : pol i cy ana lysis and programming ; proj ect and program selection and preparation ; f i e l d appraisal , impl ementation, supervis ion and mon i toring; evaluation and procedures to feed back resu l t s across pro j ec t s , sectors and country programs to management; and important l y , dia logue with recipient countries . 41 As the Report states in i ts

39 . Phi l i p Eldridge , ' The Jackson Report on Austra l i a ' s Aid Program : P o l i tical Opt ions and Prospects ' , Austral i an Outl ook, vol . 39 no . l , ( Ap r 1 l 1985 ) , pp . 2 4 - 2 5 .

40. Jackson Report, Chapter Fourteen, section 1 4 . 9 , pp . 2 1 2 -2 1 3 .

41 . Ibid, Chapter S ixteen, section 1 6 . 8 , p . 2 32 .

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assessment of ADAB42 :

Aid management requ i res the usual s k i l l s of po l i cy departments and of those which negotiate with other governments and international bodies . ADAB should be geared towards manag ing a high qual ity program, subject to r i9orous forward p lanning and professional implem­entatlon . It should have adequate resources for po l i cy development , country pro9ramming, and program manage­ment, appra i sa l , mon i tor1ng and evaluat i on . ADAB must have financ i a l f lexibi l i ty and fund ing predictab i l 1 t y .

Its or�nisat ional structure must ref lect program goa l s .

Conclusion

In sum, then, aid as a bureaucrat i c concept is clearly articulated i n the Jackson Report . Throughout , the emphas i s is on bureaucrat i c init iated action to enhance Third World development . Human itarian concerns take precedence. But they are inter leaved with commerc i a l and po l i t i ca l ones . Based as i t on state-capi tal ist reason, aid ' s regime of truth demands bureaucrat i c intervention to a l l eviate poverty and serv i ce Australian interests . As an aff luent country i n a less developed region there are compel l ing demands for growth . This i s the Jackson Reports conceptual isation of a i d .

Part Three - Aid a s an object : its actua l i ty

To show that the aid concept, from bas ic needs to structural adj us tment correspond, the truths of the concept must be drawn out through a id ' s actua l i ty . But i t i s no simple matter to contrast the concept against the ob j ect it cla ims to represent . After a l l , how should the obj ect be defined? The answer to this r iddle l ies i n Critica l Theory ' s use of the term actual ity . This estab l i shes a counterdistinction between the c l a ims of the concept, and the actual shape of the obj ect

42 . Which has subsequent l y changed to AI DAB .

43 . Jackson Report, Chapter Fifteen, section 1 5 . 2 6 , p . 2 28 .

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i t seta out t o describe . 44 I n turn , this points to the inadequacy o f the concept . The concept f a i l s 1 ts ob j ect because o f its dependency on present reason. Rather than an objective ident i f ication , the concept is formed accord1n9 to prevai l ing truths . 45 These are the aan i festation of atate­capitalist reason. So when aid is d i scussed, it i a conceptual i sed within the nature- dominatinq di scourae .

For the. purpose of a contrast, a id ' s actua l i ty here refera

to the aid program and i ts ef fects on rec ipient countr 1 es . Studied at the po l i cy leve l , the con f iguration of a i d wi 1 1 expose def i c i encie s . Statements pertaining to aid wi l l show that the concept f a i l s to describe the obj ect . 4� A cursory assessment wi l l crysta l l ise aid ' s bias . G i ven ai d ' s regime of truth, the aims of the concept are not being met .

The volume o f a i d .

Perhaps the most damning indictment o f state-capi ta l i sm ' s conceptual isation o f a i d l ies in successive budgetary a l locations . Since the Jackson Report , Austra l i a ' s aid program has been drast i c a l l y cut . From 0 . 5% of Gross National Product in 1 984-85 , O f f i c i a l Development Assi stance f e l l to a low of

44 . G i l l ian Rose, ' How i s Critical Theory Pos s i b l e ? Theodor W . Adorno and Concept Formation in Soc iology ' , Pol i tical Studies, vol . XXI V no . l , ( 1 97 6 ) , pp . 69 - 8 5 .

45 . These being governed by interpretation and reinterpretation o f the nature dominating di scourse . As Horkheimer and Adorno state op c i t Helmut Dubi e l , Theory dnd Pol i ti cs : Studies in the Development of Cri t i cal Theory

i ( Cambr idge; Mass . : MIT Press , 1 9 8 5 ) p . 90 " A phi losop hica reconstruction of world histor� would have the task of showing how the consistent dominat1on of nature, despite a l l deviations and resistance, has been continuousl y and increasingl y successful and has integrated that wh1 ch i s intrins i c a l l y human . Economic forms , forms of autho r i t y , and cultural forms could also be derived from this perspect ive " .

46 . Thus a l luding to the fact that the concept says more than as i t currently app l i e s ; with the actual ity be 1ng the shape o f the program v 1 s-a-vis statements and the ef fect of the program on recipient countries .

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0 . 33% i n 1989-90 . 47 While t h i s dec l ine has been arrested , forecasts for aid i n 1992 are less then optimistic . In l 1 ne with the previous year it is envisaged that aid w i l l co•p r 1 se 0 . 35% of GNP . 48 To put thi s in context , aid has proqres s 1 ve l y tapered from 0 . 52 i n 1983-84 to the meagre fi gure o f today. Worse st i l l , this dec l ine has occur red despite the Devel opment Assistance Commi ssion setting a target of 0 . 7 \ for donor a 1 d . � ;

Given recent trends this i s unattai nab l e . I ndeed, the marked f a l l in the aid budget has meant that Aust ra l i a is rap i d l y s l ipping into the bottom hal f o f the donor tab l e .

The question that begs i s how can the concept be legitimated . The claim that advanced countries have a moral obligation to promote development is undermined in view of the adverse ef fects the draconi an reductions in aid have had on country programs . Many have been wound down , whi lst programs elsewhere have been scrapped . so As the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade state s :

4 7 . 1 990-91 Budget Related Paper No . 4 , Austra l i a ' s Overseas A i d Program, 1 990-91, p . l 2 Table 1 .

48 . 1 991-92 Budge t Related Paper No . 4 , Austra l i a ' s Overseas A i d Program 1 991-92, Tab l e 1 p . 1 3 .

49 . indeed as the Join t Commi t tee on Forei gn Affairs, Defence and Trade - A Review of the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau and Austral i a ' s Overseas A i d Program, ( Canberr a : AGPS, February 1985 ) , states : "The Development Assistance Committee of the OECD - the donors club- has described the fal l in Austral ian aid as unprecedented : that i s , no Western country has ever reduced ai d so far so fas t . i t has cal l ed on the Government to resume real growth , and to set targets to achieve the internationa l l y accepted goal of 0 . 7 \ . " . pp . 5 3-54 .

SO. Ibid.

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Aid effectiveness in the mid to long term was under­mined . by the �o�s .of AI DAB ' s capacity to undertake v 1 t al p lannlng_ �ct 1 � 1 t �es s�ch a� feas 1 b i l i ty stud 1 e s . A health¥ p 1 pe l 1ne of a1d p roJects and other p rograms i s essent1al for ef fect ive del iver y . I t is probab l y that the drying up of this pipel ine . . has had an adverse effe�t on the qua l i ty o f Austra l i a ' s aid in subsequent years . ·

Hence, the state has reneged on the cornerstone of i t s concept , namel y assistance for development , a s a r i ch count ry cannot hel p to a l l eviate poverty when i t s programs are disabled . By diminishing the quantity of a i d , the ef fects on infrastructure and outward growth must dimin i sh a l s o . Md given the importance accorded to this by the concep t , the humanitarian aspect cannot be sat i s fied . Thus the entire concept of humane developmen t , with its ensuing bene f i t s , is contradicted .

Even more anomalous i s the a l l ocation of the remaining aid . Whi l e ODA has hovered around the 0 . 35 mar k , one reg ion , the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( ASEAN ) , has continued to receive largesse . Since the advent of Austral ian a i d , over 740 b i l l ion has been given to the ASEAN nat i ons . �2 Rather than change the bias the Jackson Report a f f i rmed i t , as from 1 9 8 6 t o 1992 , a i d expend iture rose from $ 1 89 . 5m to $ 2 3 7 . 8m . 53 No other region has experienced such a constant increase . The more impover ished regions have ei ther had programs cut or at

51 . Ibid.

52 Dean Forbes , · Ai d , Trade and the New Rea 1 i sm : Austra l i a ' s Links with East and Southeast Asia ' , Austra l i �n Geographer, vol . 19 , no . l , ( May 1988 ) .

53 . Thisi i t should be stipulated, i s based on total aid flows , ' inc uding aid f l ows to regions and indiv idual countries which often include more than the expendi ture shown under spec i f ic country programs . This i s because expendi ture shown under country programs includes act i v i t ies that are programmed on a government-to-government bas i s . Spec i f i c countr i es a l so bene f i t from a range o f devel opment coope ration activit ies which a!e programmed. i.n .other ways . These include regional or mul t 1 country act 1 v 1 t 1es, globa l programs or sectoral i n i t i atives, support for activities i n i t i ated by non­government organisations ( NGOs ) in a number of countr1es , and funding for mu l t i lateral organ i sations involved in devel opment assistance activities internationa l ly ' . Table 2 pp . l 4 - 1 5 , Budget Related Paper, no . 4, 1 991-92.

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best received modest al locations .

Yet the i rony i s that the ASEAN countries have evolved 1nto middle- income countries . '� Given the i r prospe r i t y , the concept of humanitarian aid i s rendered asunder . Wh i l e they do reta1n pockets o f extreme poverty, the i r econom ies have experi enced dramat ic growth . Beginning in the 1 9 50s and 1 9 60s , Tha i l an d , Malaysia and the Phi l ippines have al l devel oped rapi d l y . � : By adopting comparatively open economic pol i c i e s , augmented by varying degrees of protection, these countr ies st imul ated import-subst i tuting industr i a l i sation . '5 Indone s i a , on the other hand, was subj ect to s l ower growth . I ts econom i c introspection hampered export devel opment . '7 Howeve r , Indones ia has a l so enj oyed an improved performance in the 1 9 80s . So whi l e the wor l d economy l abours under recess ion, ASEAN has preserved its s trong performance . As Ari f f observes :

Asean economies are among the most successful in terms o f economic 9rowth and developmen t , some of them posting double-diglt growth rates and doub l ing or treb l i�g the i r per capita incomes in the last f i fteen years .

An examination o f OECD and ASEAN economic forecasts serves to reinforce the remarkabl e growth of this reg ion. As the fol l owing tab l e demonstrates , the ASEAN aid rec ipients are far more robust than economies e l sewhe re .

54 . Sei j i Naya , ' Economic Performance and Growth Factors o f the ASEAN Countr ies ' in , The ASEAN Success Story : Soc i d l Economi c and Pol i ti cal D1mensions, ed . by L i nda G . Mar t i n , ( Honolulu; Hawai i : East-West Centre, 2nd Printing 1 988 ) , p . 4 7 .

55 . Anne Booth, The Economi c Devel opmen t of Southeast As.ict 1 8 70-1 985, ( Monash Univers i ty : Working Papers , Centre for Southeast Asian Stud i es , no . 6 3 , ( 1 9 9 0 ) ) , p . 3 .

56 . Mohamed Ar i f f & Hal Hi l l , Export-Ori ented Industri al i sa t i on : The ASEAN Experience, ( S ydney: Al len and Unwin, 1 9 85 ) , Chapter 2 - espec i ally pp . 7- l 2 and pp . 1 3 - 2 4 .

57 . Booth, Economic Devel opmen t, p . 3 .

58 M . Ar i f f & Joseph L . H . Tan ' Introduction ' , in Asean Economic Bul l etin, vol . 8 no . 3 , ( March 1 9 9 2 ) , pp . 2 5 1 - 2 5 7 .

108

Economic Outlook for ASEAN and OECD Economies %Change In Real GOP

Indones ia Malars i a Phi l 1ppines Thailand

United States Canada Japan W . Germany France United Kingdom Italy G- 7 Total OECD LDCs Eastern Bloc World

1990actual

7 . 1 10 . 9 2 . 5 1 0 . 0

1 . 0 0 . 9 5 . 7 4 . 7 2 . 8 0 . 5 2 . 0 2 . 5 2 . 6 2 . 2

- 2 . 5 1 . 7

Based on the exportation

' 9 1 forecast

of

6 . 0 8 . 5 1 . 5 8 . 0

- 0 . 2 - 1 . 7

4 . 0 3 . 0 1 . 5

- 1 . 0 1 . 1 1 . 0 1 . 3 1 . 8

- 1 . 0 1 . 1

primary

' 9 2 forecast

6 . 5 7 . 6 3 . 5 7 . 5

2 . 1 2 . 3 3 . 5 2 . 7 2 . 1 1 . 0 2 . 1 1 . 2 2 . 4 3 . 0 1 . 0 2 . 3

products ,

'�

ASEAN coun t r i e s have embar ked upon e x po r t - o r i ented industrial i sation . Rather than generate prosperity through import substitution, they have industr i a l i sed through expor ts . Gradual l y , pr imary goods are being repl aced by new manufactured product s . 60 I tems such as e l ectronic components, clothing and petrochemicals have assumed more important roles in the export portfolios of these countries . 61 Al though 1 t must be said that primary products s t i l l comprise the bulk of ASEAN export s .

Thus, ASEAN growth has been susta ined by primary exports and trade . Their open economies have led to the creation of an industrial base . Needless to say, this has guaranteed the i r ongoing succes s . Indeed, their devel opment to date has been so pronounced that they have now graduated to the ranks of middle

59 . Ibid, p . 2 53 .

60 . Naya, � Economic Performance ' , p . 6 1 .

61 . Ibid.

1 09

and upper middle- incoae countries . 62 East Aaia aside , ASEAH countries have surpassed any other group of developinq nations . 63 Yet a di sproportionate share of Austra l i an aid haa gone to this region. At a time when ASEA.N econom ies have registered cons iderable growth, Austral ian ODA has increased not decreased . Despite the obvious progress made , Austra l i a s t i l l persists with its program.

Of course there has been an economic slowdown in these countries . Exogenous factors have impinged on development . ��

Nonethe less, the ASEAN countr ies sti l l boast growth rates we l l

in excess of any other region. Thailand, in par t i cu l a r , remains vibrant . After four consecutive years of GOP growth exceeding 10 per cent , the Thai economy decelerated in 1 99 1 . �:

The principal variable was the onset of the Gu l f War . Gi ven i t s adverse impact , economi c growth was reduced to between 7 and 8 per cent . Similarly, the forecast for 1 9 9 2 i s for a 7 . 5 per cent rate , and while this represents a dimini shed performance i t i s env i saged that Thai land ' s export sector, together with an expanding industrial capac i ty and tour i sm , w i l l provide the impetus for sustained development . 66 In short, they w i l l guarantee the high level of GOP growth .

L i kewise, Malaysia has enjoyed a time of prosper i t y despite the slowdown . A phenomenal GOP rate of 1 0 . 9 per cent in 1 990

62 . Ibid, p . 4 7 .

63 . Refer back to footnote 59 .

64 . Exogenous factors here referr ing primarily to the ' deepening world recession ' and the impact of the Gu l f Wa r . See introduction to The Economist Intel l i gence Un i t Thai l and, Burma Country Report no . 1 , ( 1 9 9 2 ) , ( Business International Limited : 1 99 2 ) .

65 . Tan Lian Choo, ' Persona l i ty Pol i t i cs in Thai land ' in Southeast Asian Affairs, Institute of Southeast Asian Studi es 1 9 9 1 , pp . 289-290 .

66 . Refer to footnote 6 4 .

� 1 I

1 1 0

epi tomised thi s . 67 Indeed, Malays i a ' s pronounced growth has led some to specu late that NIC status may be within reach . I ts economic performance has been so vibrant that in 1 9 9 0 - 9 1 the country boasted ful l employment for the f i rst ti11e . �e Given

Malays i a ' s diversi fying indust r i a l base, it seems that l i t t l e

wi l l change . 69 Export manufacturing wi l l continue to propel Malaysia towards the First Wor l d .

I ndonesia, also, has engendered growth through an open economy geared to export s . Dramatic increases in foreiqn and domestic investment l i fted the GOP rate to 7 . 1 per cent . · ·

Al though below the 1989 f i gure of 7 . 4 per cent, th is sti l l constituted reasonable growth. Moreover, a demonstrable increase in manufactured exports promises to ma inta i n a GOP rate of between 6 and 7 per cent . 71 Keeping in mind that GOP rates el sewhere rare l y exceed 2 - 3 per cent , this is s t i l l an

impressive performance; it certainly looks impressive compared

to the Phi l ippine s . Fol lowing the ser ies of natural and po l it i c a l problems that have beset the Phil ippines recent l y , per capita i ncome has suffered . 72 But i n spite of this decline, the Phil ippine GOP has c l awed its way back to a figure around

3 per cent . Again, t h i s i s a leve l surpassing the rates of vi rtua l l y a l l other nations , so whi l st not i n the same category as other ASEAN member s , moderate growth does exist . And according to V i l legas the Aquino government has

67 . Ar i f f & Tan, ' Introduction ' , p . 2 5 2 .

68 . Khong Kim Hoang, ' Malaysia 1 990 : The Elect ion Showdown • , Southeast Asian Affa i rs, ( 1 9 9 1 ) , p . 1 7 3 .

69 . Ibid, pp . 1 7 3 - 7 4 .

10 . A r i f f & Tan, ' Introduction ' , p . 2 52 .

11 . The Economist Intel l i gence Uni t Indonesia Coun t ry Report no. l , ( 1 99 2 ) , p . 5 - a l so Ian Chalmers, ' I ndonesia 199 0 : Democratization and Social Forces ' , Southeast Asian Affairs, ( 19 9 1 ) , pp . 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 .

12 . Bernardo H . V i 1 le9as ' The Phi l ippine Economy and beyond ' , Southeast Aslan Affairs, ( 199 1 ) , p . 2 4 1 .

1 9 9 2

establ ished a rej uvenation . 73

legacy that wi l l

1 1 1

safeguard econ011i c

The imp l i cation then, i s c l ear . Not only has Austral i a ' s ODA dec l ined substantially, but the one area of expansion has been in a region o f unpara l l e led growth. Increasing l y , a i d has been directed to ASEAN whi l e other impover i shed countries are overlooked. On the spurious grounds that a spec i f i c regional focus is needed , aid de l i very has been c i r cumscri bed w i th ASEAN emerging as the pri ncipal benefic iary . No doubt, a i d has fac i l i tated their export-oriented indust r i a l i sation, but the exigency o f aid must now be questioned . In view of the i r extreme growth, Australian a i d looks increas i ng l y super f l uous . That i s to say, one must question whether the concept of aid i s being satisf ied . Given its reduction and increas ing concentration on middle- income countries , the answer would appear to be no .

Part Four : The Importance of Strate�ic and Economic Imperat1ves : the predom1nance of sta e- cap1tal1sm's regime of truth.

Instead, the instrumental i ty of a i d is borne out . 7' Aid i s governed b y present reason, with i ts be l iefs and truths posited in state-capitalist discourse . This demands that aid be used to preserve our material prosperity; or in other words, our d i s l ocation from nature . Here, the concept says

73 . Ibid, pp . 2 4 1 -242 , where V i l legas ident i f i es these favourable legacies as : 1 ) the rejuvenation of a �rivate enterprise economy as a result of the d i smantl 1 ng of agricultural monopo l ies ; 2 ) the continuing goodwi 1 1 o f the international financial commun i ty ; 3 ) the inte l l i gent hand l i ng o f the l e f t i st threats to po l i t i cal stab i l i ty ; 4 ) the improved ut i l i sation o f o f f i c i a l development assi stance ( ODA ) ; 5 ) a concerted e f fort to encourage overseas F i 1 i p i no workers to remit their earnings home ; 6) a determined move to increase the s a l aries of c i v i l servants , espe c i a l ly teachers and soldiers; 7 ) inroads against poverty .

74 . Instrumenta l i ty insofar as i t i s employed as a means to state-cap i t a l i sm ' s end s .

1 1 2

more than as i t i s currently app l i ed . 7S Contained within it are economic and pol i t i ca l objectives whose inst ru.ental ity far outweigh the humanitarian concept . Aid is foraul ated by the state according to one imperat ive, that being syste• preservation . To safeguard our advanceaent the state •ust avert pol i tical and economic threats ; threats that i s , emanating from a region on our doorstep . 76 As Andrew Selth int imates , Austral i an aid to ASEAN has been determined by the region ' s strategic importance . Not on l y does i t encompass Austral i a ' s l ines of communication and trade routes , but a l so its primary source o f supply . 77 So despite the improbable nature o f overt mi l i tary action , host i l e nei ghbours could create problems for Austra l i a , whereas v i s i b l e support for these developing countries wi l l engender friend l y relations . ;E

r• Thus Austral i a ' s commercial and strategic interests wi l l be served, as w i l l the need for material advancement .

I n terms o f a id ' s instrumental i ty , Sel th raises several pertinent points . However, there is an inherent f law in his argument: his b e l i e f i n realpo l i t i k . For him the state acts in an opportuni s t i c way, with i ts dec i s ions being made according to the prevai l ing c l imate . Whi l e this summary contains a modicum o f truth, i t overlooks the motivating factors . The discrepancy between concept and actua l i ty exists because of state-capi t a l i sm ' s regime o f truth. The concept shaping aid ' s actua l ity i s governed by the present interpretation of a nature-dominating discourse . The state must act as a bulwar k .

75 . Which i s the precondition for the succe ssful implementation of negative dialect ics .

76 . With advancement here , of course, al luding to our level o f domination o f , and control over nature . See Mart in Jay, The Di a l ect i cal Imagination : A History of the Frankfurt School and the Insti tute of Soci al Research 1 923- 1 950, ( London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1973 ) , p . 2 60 .

77 . Andrew Selth, ' Austral i an Aid to Asia : p roblems of publ i c po l i cy ' , Current Affairs Bul letin, vol . 6 1 no . 9 , ( February 1985 ) , pp . 30 - 3 1 .

78 . Sad l e i r , ' Austra l i an Strategic and P o l i cy Planning ' , pp . 1 2 - 1 6 .

113

Hence, the importance of the ' secondary ' cons iderations vis-a­vis the aid concept . The more instrumental conside rat i ons dominate by virtue o f present reason . A particularly sal ient example of this can be found in Austra l i a ' s total aid expenditure . Despite the fact that absolute poverty i s most pronounced in South Asia and Africa, total ODA to these regions i s less than that received by the middle- income countries of ASEAN alone. 79 For the year 1 9 9 0 - 9 1 the disparity

was $ 2 1 . 4m in ASEANs favour . The actual f i gures were ASEAN $22 9 . 4m, compared to the Other Regions $208 . 0m . s: Obviou s l y , humanitarian concerns are secondary, a s a t once , Southeast

As ia poses the greatest threat through instab i l ity and economic asymmetry , whi lst a l so promising to be Austra l i a ' s salvation.

Examples of this abound . A cursory reading of the Jackson Report, a l ong with other ministerial statements, soon underl ines the importance o f ' othe r ' concerns . That i s , the grounding of the concept in state-capital ist reason. Throughout , key statements refer to the strategic and economic sign i f icance o f aid to Southeast Asia. They are , in effect, con f i rmation o f the distributive trends that have j ust been discussed . For instance, the Jackson Report states that :

79 . I t must be stated that these categories exclude the Middle-East and the rest o f the Wor l d category from Other Regions .

80 . Again, this f i gure omits the Middle-East and the Rest of the World category f rom Other Regions .

1 1 4

After the war , Austral ia changed and developed in a much broader international contex t , and overseas aid became recognised as an important international act i v i ty for Aus t ra l i a to undertake . Whi l e i t i s d i f f i cult to define particular atti tudes that i n f l uence aid po l i cy , the fol l owing contr i bute to commun i ty support for aid -i ) a bel ief that Austra l i a has �art 1 cular s k i l l s which can be used to assist poorer ne1 ghbours; i i ) a grow1ng appreciation that Austra l ia ' s economic prospects are enhanced by sustained economic development in the As 1 an , Pac i f i c and Indian Ocean regions; and i i i ) an increasing awareness of the po l i t i cal importance �� Austral i a o f Asian , Pacific and Ind i an Ocean nat ions .

C l early this statement intimates that there i s a gu id ing bureaucratic rational ity, wherein the state must act as a bulwark for the preservation of prospe r i ty . The state must use aid as a diplomati c tool to estab l i sh cordial relations w i th Southeast As ia in parti cular . instab i l ity and disturbance,

As a be i t

resu l t , the threat o f mi l i tary or pol itical

enmity, w i l l be averted; the economic threat o f asymmetr i ca l relations w i l l b e reduced; Austral ia ' s general economic performance will be enhanced through trade r e l at ions w i th the prospering ASEAN region; and Austra l i a ' s stand ing within the international commun i ty w i l l be a f f i rmed . But underpinning a l l o f these concerns i s i rrational fea r . By performing these tasks the state w i l l preserve and advance our mater i a l statu s , or put another way, our ab i l i ty to comprehend and control nature. These are the truths of state-cap i ta l i s t reason which shape our treatment of a i d . 82

The constraints of reason, o r the regimes of truth as

· ' Foucaul t would c a l l them, are evinced by an appra i sal of the Jackson Report . A textual analysis ident i f ies various passages which clearly show the under l ying i n f l uence of state capi t a l i s t reason on aid formation . The exigency of strategic cons iderations i s one e l ement, as according to the Jackson Report :

81 . Jackson Report, pp . l9-20 .

82 . That is the treatment through the concept which shapea the actuality of the obj ect .

•

1 1 5

A successful Australian aid proqram serves the over­a l l national interest in various ways . At the outset , it enhances Australia ' s status with countries of strateqic s i qn i f i cance . Because Austra l i a and New Zealand are located in a reqion o f developin<J count ries , un l l ke European aid donors , they have part 1cular qeo-po l i t 1 cal concerns which need to be ref lected in the aid pro9ram. Thus for Austra l ia stab i l i ty in Asia and the Pac 1 f 1 c is o f special importance . Aid can contrib�e , i f only in a small way, to the preservation of thi s . J

Austra l ia ' s security must be preserved . Any threat to our material standinq must be thwarted . Hence, the need to concentrate on Southeast Asia, as instab i l ity here has the potential to j eopardise Australian interests . 8< The ensuinq ructions could adversely ef fect our mater i a l status . Only now, i t i s not so much a di rect mi l itary threat . Most commentators aqree that the possibi l ity o f sustained mi l i tary action is neql igibl e . 85 Unl i ke preceding decades, with the ubiqui tous fear o f an attack from the north, i t is now more a question o f d i s rupt ion. No doubt Southeast Asian , and ASEAN countries in part icular, have acquired soph ist icated arsena l s . But they have neither the capacity nor incl ination to waqe war on Austra l i a . 86 The original truths o f a · ye l l ow • invasion have become redundant . 87

83 . Jackson Report, p . 22 .

84 . Selth, ' Austra l i an Aid to Asia ' , pp . 30 - 3 1 .

85 . See for instance Gareth Evans, Austral i a ' s Reg i onal Securi ty, Ministerial Statement by Senator the Hon . Gareth Evans OC c Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, December 1989 . Also T im Hux l ey· southeast Asia and Austra l i a ' s Security • , Asia Paci fi c Communi ty, 2 3 , ( Winter 1984 ) , pp . 40 -58 .

86 . Evans, Austral i a 's Regional Securi ty, pp . l 2 - 1 4 .

87 . J . A . C . Mackie " Austra l ia ' s Relations with Indonesia : Principles and Pol i cies I ' Austral ian Outlook, vol . 28 no. l , ( 1 974 ) , p . 6 where he states that : "Fears that Indones ia miqht at some future date again become expansionist or adopt an aggressively assertive foreign po l icy as she did in the last years of Presi dent Sukarno s t i l l persist in the minds of many Austral i an s , intermixed with fol k myths and fantasies about ' teeming mi l l ions ' o r the · ye l l ow pe r i l ' or " Asian hordes ' descending from the north out o f " turbulent Asia ' . . . We can disregard crude notions that Indonesians are castinq covetous eyes on Austral i a ' s open spaces for the sake o f lebensraum or because of some deeper pr imeval drives" .

1 1 6 Instead, geo-po l i t i cal concerns are framed by the need to

avert puni tive measures . Of ma j or concern is the spectre of discontent, insofar as i t is envisaged that if a country ' s economic stabi l i ty crumb l es their domestic situat ion "' 1 1 1 deteriorate . 88 Thi s , in turn, wi l l cause widespread unrest leading u l timately to one of several scenarios . The f i rst is insurgency. Radical parti e s w i l l depose incumbent real ign the i r countries . Various commun ist or movements w i l l provoke hos t i l ity in the region. BS

regimes and separatist

Pointing to states inside and extraneous to the region as the cause of the i r i l l s , bel l igerent nations wi l l embark on a program of isolation. 90 New tensions wi l l emerge and armed con f l ict could follow.

t Para l l e l to this i s the prospect o f bell icose dip lomacy . Given acute unrest caused by economic stagnation, governments might look for scapegoats . As with I ndones ia and its confrontation program during a period o f economic instab i l i ty, intense nationa l i sm and a sabre-rattl ing campaign might be used to restore order . 91 In this instance, t i es with other states , and even the i r possessions, could be endangered , as the spectre of an external enemy promises to draw together the disaffected populace . Again host i l ity, uneasiness and quite possibly armed con f l i c t could f o l low .

Ongoing economic deve l opment, it is bel ieved, w i l l avert

88 . Ibid, p . 7 .

89 . A scenario that i s actua l l y invoked by Huxley, · southeast Asia and Austral ia ' s Security ' , primarily with regard to the Phi l ippines, pp . 4 9- 5 1 .

90 . That i s the wi thdrawal and poss ible overt conf 1 ict with estab l i shed Association members of Southeast As ian organ isations simi l ar to the Confrontation Program between Indonesia and Mal ays i a .

91 . Mac k i e , · Principles and Policies I ' , p . 7 where he provides a brief account o f Confrontation and the galvan 1 s i nq e ffects that such parti sanship and intense nati onal ism had on an otherwise disa ffected popu lace .

1 1 7

these scenarios . I f development continues, di scord w i l l fai l to appear as wi l l any regional instab i l i ty ; an outcoae v i t a l t o Austra l i an security. 92 To rei terate , i t i s not a aatter of direct m i l itary action . Rather, it is the af fect instab i l i ty would have on Austral i an interests . Intra or inter-reg i onal con f l ict could severely j eopardise Austra l i a ' s communi cat i ons , and the freedom o f sea and a i r passage . 93 Add i t i on a 1 1 y , possessions l i ke o i l r igs on the northwest she l f and the sma l l sovereign i s l ands coul d be lost , a l l of which wou ld adve r sely af fect the system. 94 The r igours caused by this ag i tat ion would severely impinge on our mate r i a l standing .

Thus the geopo l i t ical importance o f aid . By augmenting development in Southeast As ia i t foresta l l s instabi l i ty, or at the very least it may predispose nations to l ook favourab l y on u s . Countries such as the ASEAN states can act as a check to intra-regional tension, subsequently protecting Austra l i a ' s mater i a l status; or put b l untly, preserving our extract i on from and control over nature . This i s the inst rumental rational i ty behind strategi c imperatives . As Senator Gareth Evans sumrnized :

92 . Jusuf Wanand i , · Secu r i ty Deve l opments in Southeast Asia ' , in , Aus tral i a and the World : Prologue and Prospects, ed . by Desmond Bal l , ( Canberra : Strategic and Defence Stud i es Centre, ANU 1 9 9 0 ) , p . 2 62 .

9 3 . Huxley, · Southeast Asia and Austra l i a ' s Secu r i ty ' , p . 4 4 .

94 . Which i s an expansionist scenario invoked by Cora 1 B e l l , ' The Case Against Neutral i ty ' , Curren t Affairs Bu l l e t i n , 6 1 , ( September 1984 ) , pp . 9 - 1 0 .

-- . .

1 1 8

There i s . . . a genera l l y more pos i t i ve international envi ronment , and in that envi ronment economic considerations are growing more influen tial . But there is no reason to assume that the habits of m i l lennia w1 l l disappear in our l i fetime , or that there wi l l be an y forswearin9 by states of the use of mi l i tary power and inf luence 1n pursuit of the i r objectives . The 1mportance of this for Austra l i a i s that we cannot assume that in future, states e i ther in the region or outside 1 t w 1 l l not use m i l i tary capab i l i ty to seek to achieve goa l s contrary to our secur i t¥ inte�ests . We must develop our pol i cy responses according l y .

That i s , Austra l i a must formulate po l i cies according to the truths of system preservat ion . Aid, in this contex t , must be used to avert threats to our prosperity through gun-boat diplomacy to the north. Stab i l i ty and goodwi l l are the keys .

Then come economic concerns . I n conjunction with strateg i c considerations, these far outweigh human itarian goa l s . Gi ven that the concept i s shaped by present reason, econom i c and strategic obj ectives shape our treatment of aid . S5 An unequivocal statement of this can be found in the Jackson Report where it i s noted tha t :

Southeast A s i a i s of v i t a l interest and importance to Austral i a . ( Thus ) a consider�l e aid presence in this region should be maintained .

Yet this assessment i s not predi cated on humani tarian grounds . Instead, i t i s based on the fact that :

Growth in the newly industrial i s ing countries has been spectacular during the l ast two decades . ( Wh i l e ) i n the ASEAN countries both agri cultural and indus trial growth has been rapid with the 7 . 2 per cent annual rate of growth i n GNP over the last decade making ASEAN t� second fastest growing group of countries in the wor l d . 0

Hence, the economies o f East and Southeast Asia are

95 . Evans, Australia ' s Regional Security, p . l 2 .

96 . Or our def i n i t ion and treatment of the obj ect .

97 . Jackson Report, p . 1 4 0 .

98 . Ibid, p . l 8 8 .

•• •

1 1 9

experiencing a dynamism unmatched anywhere e l se in the wor l d . The last two decades have been characterised by unpar a l l e led growth.

At the same time Austra l i a ' s growth and export rates have stal led . From 1965 to 1984 , Austra l i a ' s GNP recorded an average rate of growth o f 1 . 7 per cent . 99 Tradit iona l l y , our deplorable export performance is ident i f ied as the central prob lem. Unl i ke other industrial market economies in the region, Austra l ia ' s merchandise export growth has fal len dramati cal l y . Between 1965 and 1 9 8 5 , Austra l i a ' s exports expanded at 3 per cent per annum . 100 By contras t , the average for industrial i sed market economies was 4 . 2 per cent . lu i So what this has meant is that increasingly the economic performance of ASEAN countries has ecl ipsed Austra l i a . Our economy appears moribund, whi lst ASEAN economies forge ahead . This leads to the fear that Austra l i a , formerly the lucky country, w i l l be overtaken by longer a r i ch Western country region, Austral i a wi l l become As ia ' . 102

its northern neighbours . No surrounded by a developing the poor white trash of

Consequent l y , the state must act ; it must formulate an aid program that wi l l avert this outcome . In short, Austra l i a must con j o i n i t s economy with those o f ASEAN . Through a i d , Austral i a can show a w i l l ingness to help the region , with goodw i l l serving as the catalyst in establishing long-term trading r e lations , because a more intensive focus wi l l al low economic integration into the region. Otherwise, it is

99 . Dean Forbes " Ai d , Trade and the New Rea l i sm : Austral i a ' s Links with East and Southeast Asia ' , Aus t ra l i an Geographer, 1 9 , 1 , ( May 1988 ) , p . l 8 3 .

100 . Ibid, p . 1 8 5 .

101 . Ibid.

1� . w . MacMahon-Bal l " Act or be the poor white trash of Asia ' , The Age, 1 0 Decembe r , 1 9 7 9 . See also John Button " Austra l i a : poor white nation of the Pac i f ic? ' Austra l i an Foreign Affairs Record, 5 5 , ( 6 June 1984 ) , pp . 602-606 .

1 2 0

envi saged that an asyauaetrical relationship w i 1 1 deve lop . l : : No longer a leading market economy in the region, Austra l i a depend upon the ASEAN states, whi lst converse l y , Austral i an economy wi l l be largely i rrelevant to them.

Behind this concern i s state-cap i t a l i s t reason . At

w i l l the

f i r st glance, the central i ty o f economi c concerns appears to stem from a legitimate concern . The need for an ASEAN orientat1on

in the aid program might be motivated by an economic appra i s al

of Austra l i a ' s p l ight . But it is not . The need for state subvention i s not a humanist di scourse . Instead, i t i s grounded i n the preva i l ing reason . Economi c prospe r i ty, here, translates into nature-domination . I f economic development i s i n any way impaired, then our material advancement is threatened subsequently putting our abi l i ty to comprehend and control our surrounds at r i s k . Any reduction in wealth w i l l lower 1 i ving standards and 1 imi t our capacity to proceed further through advances in modern medicine, techno logy, agriculture and so on .

For this reason, state po l i cy must act as a st imulus via a i d t o resuscitate our seemingly moribund economy . And i t is ant i c ipated that it wi l l do so in three stages . At an immediate leve l , i t i s assumed that bi lateral programming best serves Austral i a ' s economi c interests . Given i ts empha s i s on project development, i t a l lows for the procurement of Australian goods and services . l� This i s a recogn i sed means of addressing Austra l ia ' s short-term problems . Indeed, the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, expl i c i t l y

; ' supported a b i l ateral orientation in aid during its review of AIDAB ' s act i v i t i e s . As i t stated :

103 . Forbes, ' New Real i sm ' , pp . 182- 183 .

104 . Phi l i p Eldrid�e , ' Ai d , in the End, i s a Po l i tical Process ' , Curren t Affa�rs Bul l e tin, ( 1 February 1 979 ) , p . 2 5 .

AIDAB has shown a preference for providin9 aid d i rectly to those countries i n our own req 1on, and for using mu l t i l ateral channe ls further afield and in cases requi r ing an urgent international re�nse . This should continue to be the rule of thumb . · -

1 2 1

The imp l i cation then i s clear . C l ose l i nks should be preserved within our region, as this i s the most viable area in which to develop economi c contacts . But more then tha t , it fac i l i tates the tying of Austra l i an goods and services to the aid program. To devote a larger share of aid to regions' further afield ' would make i t probl emat i c . The use of Australian expertise and technol ogy i n A f r ica, for instance , would prove increasingly uneconom i c . The costs of transportation alone wou ld far outweigh the bene f i t s that accrue. Even before the Jackson Report this focus was patent , as during 1982-83 9 3 per cent of goods and services employed bi lateral l y outside o f Papua New Guinea were from Austral ian source s . l06 So as the Jackson Report r ightly concludes : · B i lateral a i d brings pol i t i cal recogn i t ion to the donor , and commercial opportuni t ies through part i c i pat ion in the aid program ' . 107

In the medium term, aid should bene f i t the economy through trade subs t i tution . That i s , the country program manager should supplant a i d with trade, i n that when a proj ect or sector i s deemed suf f i c i ently advanced, trade l inks should be estab l ished . I n this way, Austral ian compan ies can be d i rectly exposed to new overseas markets . And according to aid log i c , i t w i l l further enhance development whi l st serving Austra l i a ' s interests ; a l though within state- cap i ta l i st reason, the latter i s the paramount concern.

Of course , the aid/trade substitution w i l l have long-term benefits also . Australian f i rms w i l l be integrated into the

105 . A Revi ew of the Australian Interna tional devel opment Assis tance Bureau and Austral ia 's Overseas Aid Program, Joint Commi ttee on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade, February 1 9 8 9 , p . 68 .

106 . Jackson Report p . 12 0 .

107 . Ibid, p . 65 .

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Southeast Asian econoay through a i d replaceaent . Rather than simple procurement , they can establ ish d i rect links overseas . As a resu l t , Australian producers w i l l have economies of sca l e suf f i c i ent t o generate growth . 108 New opportunities wi l l a r 1 se that w i l l overcome the probl ems associated with Austra l i a ' s sma l l domestic marke t . No longer confined to Austra l 1 a , Austral i an f i rms and the economy generally wi l l prospe r , and with that, our dominance over nature wi l l be re i n forced . Indeed, the consol idating effect that Southeast As i an development w i l l have on our advancement has been the cornerstone of a i d . Throughout aid to Asia has been legitimised by future benef i t s . Government expend iture has been j us t i f i ed by the trading partners i t wi l l create . From the inception of aid through to the 1970s it was a matter of establishing comparable economies . 109 Deve loping markets, it was he l d , would further stimulate Australian growt h . 1 E Now i t i s a matter o f Austral i a capita l i s i ng . Goodwi l l and the aid trade l in k wi l l enable compan ies to lock into the regions accelerated development . Consequen t l y i t is env i s ioned that with an ongoing aid program oriented towards ASEAN , Austra l i a ' s short, medium and long-term interests w i 1 1 be served . 111 That i s , system preservation is assured through continued prosperity.

DIFF and Food Aid : tools of state- capitalist truths

The des i re to perpetuate growth and prosperity is refl ected i n the Development Import Finance Faci 1 i ty Scheme ( DI FF ) . Begun i n 1980 as a countermeasure to the mixed credit schemes of other donor countries, D I FF now ful f i l s an important role

1� . Forbes , " New Rea l i sm ' , pp . 1 8 2 - 1 9 4 .

109 . consul t , for instance, Andrew Peacock ' s address del ivered at the 29th annual Roy Mi lne Memorial Lecture in Perth on 1 5 September 1 9 7 8 .

110 . Ibid.

111 . Forbes, " New Rea l i sm ' , pp . 1 9 2 - 1 9 3 .

• •

1 2 3

in Austral ian aid . 112 At least important according to the preva i l ing reason . What DIFF attempts to do is prov1de · concessional export credit packages ' organised by the Export Finance and I nsurance Corporation ' ( EF I C ) . 11; When a rec 1 p u !nt country has spe c i f i c needs that can be met by an Austr a l 1 an f i rm, D I F F may supply a grant . Provided that the EFIC sponsors the program, and that it holds developmental mer i t , A I DAB furnishes a grant of at least 20 per cent of the contract value . 114 In effect , Australian f i rms are subsidi sed by the aid budget to replace aid. Here, trade supp lants aid, with the benefits being obvious . L i ke the mid-term goa 1 s d i scussed above, Austral ian f i rms wi l l overcome the cons train ts of the domestic market . New markets w i l l engender growth and w i t h i t prosper ity . As a consequence, our material advancement wi l l be preserved . The high degree of comprehension and control over our surrounds w i l l be galvanised.

A measure of D I FFs escalating importance w i t h i n the aid budget i s i ts proportionate growth. I n 1986-87 , DIFF received $ 1 5 . 6m . For the year 1 9 9 1 - 9 2 , it was estimated that D I FF would rece ive $93m . 11S At a t ime when Australian aid has stagnated ,

112 . Jackson Report - Chapter 8 sect ions 8 . 28 , 8 . 2 9 .

113 . An i l luminating summary of D I F F and the mi xed cred i t s scheme i s provided i n Austra l i an Inte rnat i onal Devel opment Assistance Bureau, I nternational Devel opment I ssues no . 1 5 , Poverty A l leviation Through Austra l i an Deve l opment Coopera t i on, 1 9 9 1 , p . 2 6 , where i t states that : · . . . the Development Import Finance Fac i l i ty ( DI FF ) enables Austra l i an business to suppl y developmenta l l y important goods and services to developing countries . DIFF combines grant funds from AIDAB w i th commerc ial loans through the Export F i nance and Insurance Corporation of the Austral ian Trade Comm i s s i on ( AUSTRADE ) . Such mixed credits provide concess ional f i nance to developing countries for proj ects w i th a h i gh devel opment priority. A maj or examp l e is the purchase by Indone s i a f rom Transfield Construction o f steel bridging worth $ 3 4 3 m i l l ion over three years commencing 1 9 9 0 , with a D I F F grant component o f $67 mi l l ion ' .

114 . D I FF i s only avai lable where an Australian f i rm o f fers a f inancial package supported by EFICs buyer credit faci l ity.

115 . Budget Related Papers No . 4, Austral i a ' s Overseas A .i d Program, 1 990-91 , 1 991-92. Table 1 0 .

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i f not diminished in real value, this phenoaenal increase can only be interpreted in one way . Aid i s being eaployed by the state to a f f i rm our · civil ised ' status . It is foraul ated according to the present regime of truth.

Even food aid is def ined by this regime . Behind the altruistic disbursement o f surplus food production l i es the economic truths o f a i d . Food aid, too, is used inst rumenta l l y . Comprising up to 1 2 per cent o f the total aid program, food aid has an unm i stakable bias . 116 In the words of the Jackson Report :

As a major food exporter, Austra l i a cannot avoid food aid issues . The Austra l ian Wheat Board and the Flour Mi l lers ' Counci l of Austra l ia would l i ke to see Australian food aid not onl y maintained but increased . Al thou9h more than 400 000 tonnes of grain devoted to food a1d is a sma l l proportion of the total annual Australian grain crop, there are 1tpmmercial spin­offs in the penetration of new market s .

On the one hand, food a i d can b e uti l i sed a s a tool for market expans ion . By supplying grain in the f i rst instance , the Austral ian government may predi spose recipient count r i es to purchase our produce in the future . In this way the state w i l l have acted as the stimu lus . On the othe r , the state can guarantee a dumping ground for Australian surp l us . l l B Through larger food a l locations, the excess grain produced can be procured by the state for aid, thus ensuring that Austra l i an producers w i l l dispose o f their goods . I t provides another outlet for produce which might otherwise suppress prices .

Part Five - Indonesia : A Case Study

S ince 1 9 6 6 , Indonesia has been second only to Papua New

116 . Jackson Report p . 50 .

117 . Ibid, p . 70 .

118 . As food aid compr ises shi pments of grain procured from Australian sup� l iers, see Forbes, ' New Rea l i sm ' , p . l 9 1 , and E l dr i dge, ' Aid 1s a Po l itical Process ' , p . 2 5 .

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Guinea as a recipient o f total Australian aid. l l ; Austral 1a ' s predilection to Indonesia was confi rmed by the Jackson Report , whereafter aid to Indonesia remained di sproportionately large . The total aid f lows to maj o r recipients i 1 1 ustrates th 1 s point . I n bi lateral terms, Indonesia recei ved ( S ' OOO ) 70 4 6 1 with the 1985-86 est imate remaining at a comparable level . Whi l e wel l be low Papua New Guinea ' s figure of 3 1 5 359 ( $ ' 000 ) , this total far surpassed that o f any other rec ipient . 1 � : Further confirmation o f Austra l i a ' s preferent 1 a l a l l ocat ions can be found in the total aid f l ows from 1987-88 to 1 9 90 - 9 1 . During this period, Australian expend i ture to Indones ia grew from $89 . 1m to $107 . 9m. 121 At a time when aid has continued to diminish in real terms, this constitutes a steady increase . Not surprisingly, the growth in Indonesi a ' s a l l ocations has been matched only by the other ASEAN states of Tha i l and and the Phil ippines .

The preponderance of I ndones i a in Austra l i a ' s aid equation relates d i rectly to state-capi t a l i s t reason . As this study has emphasi sed, aid i s shaped by the need to protect our mater i a l standing over nature . The underlying imperative i s for the state to shield the system from any tremors wh i ch may impede ongoing prosperity and the ensuing mastery of nature .

Indones i a ' s case i s no exception . Bas i c a l l y , Austral ian a id to Indonesia can be interpreted as a bridge-building exerc i s e . Pervading aid deci sion-making i s the rea l i sation that the relationship between the two countries i s a fundamenta l ! y asymmetrical one . l22 Aust r a l i a would find it d i f f i cu l t to coexist with a hostile Indones i a , whereas Indonesia wou l d not be trouble untowardly by a deterioration in relat ions . As

119 Phi l i p Eldridge, Indonesia and Austral i a : the poli ti cs of a�d and developmen t since 1 966, ( ANU ; Canberra: Development Studies Centre Monograph no . l 8 , 1 9 7 9 ) , p . 3 3 .

120 Budget Related Paper No . 9� Austral i a ' s Overseas Devel opmen t Assistance Program 1 985-�6, p . 4 .

121 1 991 - 92 Budget Related Paper No . 4 , Austra l i a ' s Overseas Aid Program 1 991 - 92, Appendix D - Austral ian Aid Flows to Maj or Recipients, p . 65 : Consult Append ix I I I of this pape r .

122 Forbes, " New Rea l i sm ' , p . 1 8 3 .

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P h i l i p Eldridge observes i n h i s ana lysis of Austra l 1 a Indones i a relat ions :

So far as Australia is concerned, Murtopo makes it clear that · Austra l i a needs Indones ia ( and ASEAN ) through which Aust ralia w i l l make meaningful contacts . On its �art Indonesia ( and ASEAN ) needs aid from Austra l � a in the form o f technology and capita l . Interpreted l i tera l l y this wou ld l imit Austra l 1 an sovereignty i n that , informa l l y at least, I ndones ia expects that ma jor initiat i ves towards onber ASEAN countries should be cleared through he r . l:

Murtopo ' s statement ident i f i es the ins trumental truths of Australian aid to Indone s i a ; these being the promotion of Austral i a ' s economi c interests in Indonesia and ASEAN through cordi a l d i p l omacy. I n the f i rst instance, i t i s acknowl edged that unless Austral i a ass i m i l ates w i th the f louri sh1ng economies to the north, these · catching up ' count ries wi 1 1 have ecl i psed Austral i a ' s standard of l i ving and it s economic competitivenes s . 124 The process of wealth generat ion and mate r i a l advancement wi l l be rendered asunde r . Unless, that i s , Aust r a l i a can begin to integrate into this emerging po l i t i cal and economic bloc . Above a l l , in the opinion of some commentators , Austra l i a must set out to supplement its more traditional exports with services, techn i cal expertise and capital .

An aid commitment to Indones i a is presumed to achi eve these obj ectives on several leve l s . At a fundamental leve l , tied-aid to Indones i a has immediate and favourab l e repercussions for Austral i an commerce. Given the emphas i s on pub l i c ut i l i ties through t i ed a i d , Austral ian businesses bene f i t on the bas is o f procurement . Bui l t into the tied-aid package i s the prov i s i on that at least two-thirds o f the overall value of equipment needed is acquired from Austral ian source s . 12� Then, of course, comes he ongoing need for techn i cal expertise i n

123 E ldridge , Indonesia and Austra l i a , p . 1 5 .

1 24 J . A . C . Mackie, · Austra l i a , Indones ia and Papua New Guinea : The T r i angu l a r Relationshi p ' , Inside the Tr1angle Austral ia, Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, ( Me l bourne : 1 3 th National Conference o f the Australian Insti tute of International A f f a i r s , 1 4 - 1 6 March 1986 ) , p . 2 9 .

125 The Jackson Report, p . 1 2 0 .

1 2 7

Austral i an sponsored proj ect s . As Eldr idge speculates :

Several exp lanations can be o f fered for this empha s i s on publ ic ut i l i t ies . Many would claim that Aust ral ia is building u� an inf rastructure favourab l e to the same type of sc1enti f i c and indus t r i a l growth pattern she i s herself e�rsuing, thereby assist ing her investments and export s .

Whi le I would be reluctant to intimate that Austral ia has del iberately al igned Indonesian economic devel opment with its own, there is no doubt that its devel opment aid has concentrated on certain sectors . Reflecting Austra l i a ' s own f i e lds o f expert i s e , t h i s has provided export opportun i t i e s , ( v i a procurement initi a l ly ) , for Austral ian enterpr i ses . But more important l y , aid has probably given Australian f i rms a foothold in the I ndones i an economy given that the i r developmental needs wi l l not curta i l once an a i d proj ect is ' comp leted ' . Converse l y , the proj ects Austra l i an inf luence wi l l ensure that Austral ian goods and servi ces are requ i red wel l after i ts establi shment .

From I ndonesia ' s v i ewpoint , Austra l i a ' s a i d commitment i s a d i s p l ay o f goodw i l l necessary to o f fset any antagon ism which could j eopardise Austra l i a ' s pos i t i on in one of two ways . First , hos t i l e relat ions with Indonesia could severe ly hamper Austral i a ' s movement i nto ASEAN spec i f i c a l l y , and Southeast As i a gene ra l l y . I f Austral i a provoked Indone s i a , i t would invariably become d i f f icult to conduct relat ions with other Asian countries . 127 ASEAN countr i es , i n part i cular , would be reluctant to seemingly a l ign themse lves with Austra l i a aga inst Indones i a given the de l i cate balance o f power in the Asian region . Any deal ings with Austra l i a i n a host i l e cl imate wou ld be construed as an infl aaunatory act thus threatening the pol it i c a l and economic connexions developing between the ASEAN countr ies . l28 In short, f e l low states l i ke Tha i l and , Malays i a , and the Phi l ippines woul d have to consider whether the advantages o f co l l aboration with Austr a l i a outweighed those of Indonesia ' s f r i endship. C l early the answer would be no, and as

126 Eldridge, Indonesia and Austral ia, p . 4 3 . 127 J . A . C . Mac k i e , ' The Tr i angu lar Re lationship ' , p . 2 6 .

128 Ibid.

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such, Australia would be prec luded f r011 the area o f rap i d expansion which promises to rev i ta l i se i t s own econa.y - a fear which i s at the heart of aid • s truths "'i thin state­capitalist reason .

Second Austra l ia ' s economic interests could be endangered i f Indones ia f l exed i t s mi l i tary musc le . Al though not having the capacity to sustain a protracted conf l i ct with Austra l i a , it could serious ly disrupt patterns o f trade and commun icat i on . 1� ; History has shown Indones i a ' s w i l l ingness to engage in mi l itary actions . The 1 9 63-66 Konfrontation campa i gn against Malaysia was an example of such sma l l - scale punitive action . l j : For Austral i a , this could translate into interference with Austr a l i an shipping, commun ications and a i rspace, occupation o f the Cocos I s l ands , and nui sance raids on the northwest coast and offshore o i 1 rigs , 131 Taken togethe r , punit ive a c t ion and diplomatic enmity would i so l ate Austra l i a . And w i th that , our economic development woul d be grave l y hamstrung i f not cripp l e d .

Hence, the importance o f a visible aid program . By devoting a large proportion of its aid budget to Indones i a , Austra l i a has sought to extend f r i endship and show an affi nity with Indonesia ' s prob l ems and needs . These good o f f i ce s , it is hoped, w i l l forestal l any breakdown in the relationship . 132 Indeed, a deter i oration that has l oomed during the past decade w i th regard to the PNG/ I r ian Jaya d i l emma . Al ready, several border inc idents have threatened to ignite a diplomatic stand­o f f .

A t the heart o f the prob l em i s the Organ i sasi Papua Merdeka ( OPM ) . Whi l e its agitation in I r ian Jaya has remained large ly

129 Evans, Austra l i a ' s Regional Securi ty.

130 Harold Crouch, - I ndonesia and the Security of Austral i a and Papua New Guinea ' , Inside the Triangl e, p . 4 .

131 J . A . C . Mackie , - Australian- Indonesian Relations · , in Sel ected Readings in Austra l i an Forei gn Pol i cy, ed . by D . Pett i t & A . Hal l , ( Victo r i a : Sorrett Publ ishing Pty Ltd , 1 9 78 ) , pp . 1 57- 1 60 .

132 E ldridge , Indonesia and Austra l i a , pp . 2 6- 2 7 .

1 29

peripheral , several factors could qalvanise the OPM ' a strength. One i s Jakarta ' s transmiqrat i on proqraa. I f thia program continues unabated , the OPM could accrete support f roa Melanesian resentment . 133 The other conceivab l e factor i s the estab l ishment of a pro-OPM government in Port Moresby, which is unl i kely, or the co l l apse of PNGs po l i t i cal system thua enabling pro-OPM groups to operate with i mpun i ty on the border areas . l34 E i ther way, Indonesia wou l d presumab l y respond through mi l i tary interven tion, leading u l t i ma t e l y to heightened regional tension .

To summarise, Australian aid has sought to galvan i se the Indonesian-Austral ian relationship in a t ime of continued uncertainty surrounding East Timor and I r ian Jaya . Behind t h i s pol i cy o f rapproachment are the truths of economic we l l -being and regional stab i l i ty .

Austra l i a, Indonesia and ASEA.N in the ' 90s of the state -cap1tal1st d1 s course

a sophist i cation

The argument pertaining to Australian integration into ASEAN ( and Southeast Asia genera l l y ) through I ndones i a has undergone further refinement in l ine with changes in the international scene. l35 The col lapse of the I ron Curtain has i r revocab l y ended East-West tension and ushered in an era of detente . Whi l e this i s an encouraging development , i t has profound l y transformed international economic and po l i t i cal structures . From a c learly demarcated bipolarity, the new detente has induced a complex system of mul tipolari ty . 136 The protective umbrel las o f the superpower states have been removed thus ending, or at least derogating from, the dichotomised

133 Mackie, · The Triangular Relationship ' , p . 26 . 134 Crouch, · Indones ia and the Security o f Austra l i a ' ,

pp . 24-2 9 . 135 Coral Bel l , Austral i a ' s Al l i ance Options : Prospec t

and Retrospect in a Worl d of Change, ( Canberra; ANU : Australian Foreign P o l i cy Papers, 1 9 9 1 ) .

136 Tony Kevin, ' Ma j o r Power Inf luences on the Southeast Asian Region : An Australian View ' , in, Strange Nei ghbours : The Austra l i a Indonesia Rel a t i onship, ed . by Desmond Ba l l & Helen W i l son, ( Austra l i a : A l l an & Unwin, 1 9 9 1 ) , pp . l 3- 1 5 .

1 30

strategic and economic partnerships . The clear al iqnaent of a set of countries with one of the superpowers is beginning to become blurred. As a resu l t , state cap i tal ist reason has progressed f rom a simple emphas i s on ASEAH integration and regional stabil ity for material advancement , to the need for the formation of a pol itico-economic bloc to foresta l l the rigours o f mul tipolari ty . 137

First, the economic imp l i cations . Now that the Cold War has ended, America has begun to real i se the economic burden its protectorate rol e incurred . 138 In add i t i on , the need to nurture the Japanese , North Asian and ASEAN states as a check to communism has dimini shed. Subsequently, Amer i ca has begun to perceive these economies as threats which can on l y be averted through protectionism. Along w i th the European Commun ity, Amer i ca has become less receptive to outside · p layers ' in the international economy .

The move towards protectionism threatens the status of Austr a l i a , ASEAN and Southeast Asia in four ways . At a very broad leve l , trade wars between ma jor blocs such as the US and EC, or even Japan, could severely curtai l Aust ra l i an and ASEAN exports . 139 A second outcome could foreseeab 1 y be the orchestration of trade arrangements between the ma j or powers that art i f ic i a l l y set prices and preclude outside compet ition. 140 In effect, the North Asian , ASEAN and Australian economies would have nowhere to go . A t h i rd poss ible scenario would be US protectionism against the more vibrant Japanese , North Asian NICs and to a lesser extent ASEAN economies, which would seriously inhibit the growth

137 Mack i e , · Principles and Pol icies I ' , pp . l 57- 160 .

138 Kevin, ' Major Power Influences ' , p . 1 7 & Leszek Buszynsk i , ' ASEAN and its Orbit ' , i n , Agenda for the Ni net 1 es : Studies of the Contexts for Austral i an Choi ces in Fore 1 gn and Defence Pol i cy, ed . by Coral Bel l , ( Me l bourne : Longman Cheshire, 1 99 1 ) pp . 1 66 - 1 6 7 .

139 Kevin, · Major Power inf 1 uences ' , p . 1 7 .

UO Ibid, p • 1 8 •

1 3 1

prospects o f a dependent Austral i an aarket . Hl The resu 1 ts would be economical l y devastat ing .

Related to this i s the prospect of US pun i t i ve measures against · unfair ' North Asian investment in Southeast Asia . I f the US sees that investment in that region i s exploit ing lower wage s , easy access to cheaper commod i t ies and undervalued US do l l ar exchange rates , i t could move to redress the imbalance. U2 This may involve some form of import embargo f rom Southeast Asia which wou ld severely depress Asian and Australian economies . But whatever form it takes , mul t ipolarity could conceivably create adverse economic condi t i ons for Southeast Asia and Austra l i a - which is the fear central to state-cap i t a l i s t reason .

Unless that i s , Southeast Asia expands the ASEAN concept to form a core body, whi l st s imul t aneously estab l i sh ing a range of regional associations encompassing Austra l i a and the Pac i f i c . Such an organ i sation woul d strengthen member countries against outside expl o i tation . Basi ca 1 1 y , it wou 1 d empower them as actors wi thin the international economy , thus f ac i l i tating the i r respective economic and material development . As Tony Kevin notes when d i scussing the attributes of an expanded ASEAN :

ASEAN as an association has strengthened i t s member coun t r i es i n important ways . I t has provided a ph i l osophy and structure for the mana9ement of disputes between member countr ies, thereby act1ng as a ma jor reg ional confidence bui l ding reg1me and al lowing mi l itary budgets to be hel d down . It has given ASEAN coun t r i es a forum and a stronger col lective voice in advancing the i r mutual interests - po l i t ical and economic - in wider regional and internat ional contexts . I t has provided a vehicle for the advancement of d i a l ogue relat ionships with ma j or outside powe r s , col lectively and individual l y . Overal l , ASEAN has demonstrated an important lesson to a l l of the sma l l and med i um-si zed countr i es in Southeast Asia that international negot iating leverage grows w i th un i ty . In terms of the wider def i n i t ion of securi ty , ASEAN has enhanced its

141 Stuart Harr i s , ' Economic Change in the I nternat ional System : Imp l icat ions for Austra l i a ' s Prospects ' , in Agenda for the Nine ties, ed . by Bel l , pp . 36 - 3 7 .

142 Kevi n , · Major Power Inf luences ' , p . 1 8 .

member countries security on a l l these fronts _ IC 1 3 2

For Austra l i a , the formation o f a pol i tico- econom ic bloc 1 s seen as imperative . I n state-capital ist terms , not on l y w 1 l l an Asia-Pac ific association shield the system from the r i gou r s o f punitive action taken w i thin the international mar ket , i t wi l l a l so insulate Austra l i a from possible strateg i c ' tremors ' . Of part icular concern i s the perce i ved vulnerab i l ity of the Asian region w i th the advent of mul tipolari ty and the ensuing diminution o f Ame r i can and Russian involvement in this zone . An outcome often mooted i s the extension of outside m i l i tary power into the Asian region . 144 Given that Southeast Asia has long cons ti tuted a region of considerable d i spute and contention, the fear i s that larger expans i on i st power s , such as China , Ind i a , o r even Japan, may seek to gain a footho ld, thus expanding · t he i r spheres o f influence and economic contro l ' . 14S

Alternatively, it is held that if ASEAN is galvanised as a regional economic , diplomat i c , and defence organ i sat ion, the possibi 1 i ty of extraneous intervention can be ave rted . For Austral i a , with its dependency on Asian markets as we l l as the sens i t ivity of the region in terms of trade and commun icat ion , the obviation of such threats i s imperative . I f the worst case scenario was real i se d , Aus t ra l i a would not only lose its l i nks with lucrative Asian/ASEAN markets, but would also suffer disruption within the international economy . Nei ther ab le to trade with Asia, nor transport goods to other estab l i shed markets, the apparatus for preserving and advancing sel ! ­preservation would be gravely impeded - an outcome that i s calamitous for state-capitalist reason .

143 Ibid, p . 2 1 .

144 Busyynski , · ASEAN and its Orbi t ' , pp . 1 72 - 1 7 5 .

145 Kevin, ' Major Power Inf luences ' , p . l 9 & Buszynski ' ASEAN and its Orbit ' , pp . l 7 2 - 1 7 5 .

)

)

l f.;O::?T.;;_: .

1 3 3

Chapte r Four The aid debate resi stance w i thin the regi •e of truth .

Unl i ke orthodox and structura l i s t Marxian precepts of reason and power , Foucault a l l ows for res i stance by refutinq notions of an absolute system. That is we do not obsequiously adhere to a superstructure which on ly chanqes with a reformed base . Instead, power d i f fuses throuqhout society . Power i s conferred through adherence to a princ 1 pa l discourse . Those invoking the preva i l inq wi sdom e l i c it author ity, whi l s t those who resist also glean powe r . By rej ecting the main discourse and promoting the i r own concept, they too are establishing a power base . The · new ' concept i s usua l l y proj ected as the more accurate and correct one, with the ' old ' being rendered asunder by f l aws . I n this way, the advocates of the new attempt to invert the power of the o l d . l

But to f u l l y understand resistance wi thin the aid debate, i t is f i rs t necessary to trace the evolution of the ma in paradigms from the i r crude beginnings in the 1 9 50s and 1960s to the revisionism of the 1 9 8 0 s . By doing so, the preva i l ing inte l l ectual c l imate which has given preponderance to one model or another w i l l be examined, as w i l l the i r dependence upon state-cap i t a l i s t reason . Because the crux of the expanded C r i tical Theory paradigm is the assertion that divergent points are possible, but ult imately a l l reason i s coloured by the present regime of truth . I n keeping with the C r i t i cal Theory of Horkheime r , Adorno and Foucau l t , configurations o f beliefs are ruled by the present interpretation of nature-contro l .

Two p r incipal schoo l s of thought have pervaded the development debate the l inear-stages model o f the 1950s and 1 9 60s, and the international- structura l i st model of the

1 . I n effect, they try to redirect i t back against the o l d knowledge .

134

1970s and 1980s. 2 Turning to the l i near-stages .adel f i rst , this paradigm identified a series of developaental stages common to a l l countries . Third Wor ld countries are located at the bottom end of the scale and as such must progress along an economic growth path historically fol lowed by the more developed countries . 3 As the economic h i s tor ian, Professor W . W . Rostow, characterised this uniform pattern of development :

I t is poss ible to identif¥ a l l soci et ie s , i n the i r economic dimensions , as ly1ng within one of f i ve categories : the trad i t i onal soc iety, the precond i t i ons for take-off into s e l f - sustaining growth, the d r i ve to maturity and the age of high mass consumpt ion . . . These stages are not merely descr i p t i ve . They are not me r e l y a way o f general i s i ng certain factual observa t i ons about the sequence of development o f modern soc i e t i es . They have an inner logic and cont inu i ty . . . they consti tute1 in the end, both a theory about econom i c growth ana a more genera l , i f st i l l 4 highly par t i a l theory about modern h i story a s a who l e .

Development i s , for a l l intensive purposes , synonymous w i th economic growth . But according to l inear theory, growth and development can only be prec ipitated in a LDC i f i t fol lows a spec i f i c set of rule s . The f i rst r u l e i s the mob i l i sa t i on of domest i c and foreign savings in order to · generate sufficient investment to accelerate econom i c growth ' . s A second e l ement i s the retention o f a proport ion of a country ' s national i ncome to replace worn out or obso 1 ete capital goods , ( bui ldings , equipment, mater i a l s ) ; wh i l st new investment representing net addi tiona to the cap i tal stock is necessary for subsequent growth . 6

2 Michael P . Todaro, Economics for a ( Burnt H i l l , Harlow, Essex , UK: Longman , ' The meaning of development ' .

3 Ibid, p . 88 .

Developing Worl d, 1 9 7 7 ) , Chapter 6 ,

4 W . W . Rostow, The Stages of Economi c Growth : A Non-Communi s t Mani festo, ( Cambridge; England : Cambridge University Press, 1960 ) , p p . l , 3 , 4 , 1 2 .

5 Ibid, p . 7 .

6 Ibid, p . 9 .

1 3 5

To genera l i se , the l inear-stages IK>del advocates that a developing country needs initial investment and increased savings to catalyse expansion which can then be susta ined through continued domest i c savings and reinvestment . Once this process i s in train, development can be fue l l ed by foreign aid, foreign investment and assimi lation into the international economy . I n neo-class i cal economic parlance , a trickl e-down effect would be estab l i shed thus disseminating the bene f its of growth to a l l sectors of the economy .

Conversely, the internationa l - structur a l i s t model strongly inveighs against the precepts of l i near development . For international- structural i sm, Third World count r ies are beset with a vari ety of social and economic edif ices which stymie developmen t . The s t i f l ing effect of this structural r igid ity i s both related to and exacerbated by the dependence and dominance relat ionship between r i ch and poor countr ies . ' These v i ews are articulated in two schoo ls of international structura l i sm the fal se-paradigm model which attr ibutes Third World underdevelopment to inappropr i ate advice from i l l - i n formed experts and organ i sations; and the more radical neo-colonial dependence mode l . 8 This could be aptly described as nee-Marx ist given i t s empha s i s on international capita l i st inequa l i t y .

Taking root i n the 1 9 7 0 s , a time when i t was apparent that despite growth targets being achieved the poverty of the masses o f people continued relentlessly, the dependence model has sought to dethrone GNP . 9 Rather than look to the international economy as a stimulus, internationa l ­structura l i sm perceives t h i s structure t o b e an inherently b i ased hand i cap . Above a l l , the international capital ist system is construed as a tool of the capitalist class . The system has been used to exp l o i t both the resources and the frag i l e markets of the Third World for capital ist gain . Both

7 Todaro, Economics, pp . 89-92 . 8 Ibid, pp . 90-92 .

9 Paul Streeten, First Things First : Mee ting Bas i c HUJIJan Needs i n the Developing Coun tries, ( New Yor k : Oxford University Press, 1 9 8 1 ) , p . 1 2 .

1 36

f i rst World governments and corporations conspire to extract

the maximum advantage from impoveri shed countries . l : Nei ther able to compete with, nor forsake foreign investmen t , T h i r d

World countries have been assimilated into the ex p l o i t a t i ve

capital ist structure . Indeed, according to neo-co l on i a l theory, an integration which has been faci 1 i tated by the

emergence of supine rul ing classes and vested i n t e r e s t s who

are attuned to the demands of capi tal i sm i n o r d e r to

preserve the i r own privi leged status . As Michael Todaro summarises the intrinsic inequ i t i es ident i f i e d by neo­colonial theory

. . . the neo-Marxist structural view a t t r i b u t e s a l a rge part of the Third Wor ld ' s con t i n u i n g �overty t o the exi stence and po l i ci es of the i n du s t r 1 a l c ap i ta l i st countries of the northern hemisphere, and t hei r extensi ons in the form of sma l l but powe r f u l e l i t e1 1o r comprador ' groups in the less developed coun t r i e s .

The actual mechanisms by which the cap i t a l i s t s t ructure

extracts profit from the Third World are summarised thus

the power of strong countr ies to manipulate and

control world resource and commod ity markets to the i r advantage ;

the spread of international capitalist domination of domestic economies through the fore i gn investment activities of private mul t i - n a t i o n a l

corporat ions ; the priv i l eged access of r i ch nations to scarce raw

materials ; the export of unsuitable and inappropriate science

technology and education ; the freedom for industrialised countries to impose

the i r products on frag i l e Third World markets; the abi l ity of r i ch countr ies to di srupt ef forts at

industri a l i sation by developing countries by dumping cheap products in these contro l l ed markets;

10 David P o l l ard , - Bas i c Human Needs as a Strategy f o r Development ' , ACFOA Developmen t Dossier 6 , ( 1 980 ) , pp . l 4 - 1 7 .

11 Todaro, EconOIIJics, p . 9 1 .

1 3 7

harmful aid pol i c i es which serve to perpetuate and exacerbate internal dua l i s t i c economic structures;

and the creation of a vi rtual puppet el ite sens i t ive to the demands of First World countries . 12

At a fundamental leve l , therefore , the internat iona l ­structural ist model inveighs against the stages theory on the bas i s of the weight it gives to economic growth , and the inequi t i es i t reinforces . Indeed, these are the c r i t i c i sms level l ed against the Jackson Report . Founded on the repr i sed l inear-stages mode l , the Jackson Report adheres to the premise of unavoidable economic rules in the pursuit of development . Throughout , the onus for development i s placed on the inj ection of capital need for sound LDC domestic and above al l , the need economy . 13 By doing so, i t

to estab l i sh infrastructure , the savings and investment po l i c i e s ,

t o integrate into the world is presumed that the inf 1 ux of

foreign money w i l l consol idate a LDC ' s domest i c economy and with t ha t , its overa l l development .

However , the international - structural i s t paradigm strongly contests the preponderance of GNP as an accurate touchstone for development . Despite improved industrial and economic growth, ' internationa l - st ructural ists ' would assert that nei ther suff i c i ent employment has been generated nor have the benefits d i ffused down to lower income groups . Several working-mode l ' s of international-structura l i st theory subsequent l y emerged to address the perce ived flaws of the stages paradigm. The f i rst was succinct l y articulated in the watershed pub l i cation, Redistribution with Growth, publ i shed i n 1 9 7 4 for the Development Research Center of the Wor l d Bank and the Sussex Institute of Devel opment Studies . �' Based qui t e l itera l l y on the precept of red i s t r ibution of increments of growth to enhance the status of the poo r , the book raised two sets of questions ( i ) How can the

12 Ibid, pp . 9 2 -9 3 .

13 Refer t o Chapters 2 & 3 of this pape r . 14 Hol l i s Chenery e t al . Redis tribution t��i th Grot��th,

( London: Oxford University Pres s , 1 9 7 4 ) .

1 38

productivity of the working poor or the self-eaployed involved in subsistence farming, art i sans , traders and the displaced such as landless labourers, educated youth and women - be improved without j eopard ising overa l l growth'? ; ( i i ) How does economic growth rei nforce structural rigidi ties and inequa l i t i es? After al l , growth must be unequal l y shared when i t starts from an unequal distribution of assets and power.

In order to recti fy systemic inequa l i ty , ( or the dual i sna of an increasing gul f between rich and poor ) , the redistribution model proposed diverting increments of growth to pub l i c servi ces . lS I t was envisaged that as a resul t , growth would not be impaired and programs for the poor could be instituted . Theore t i ca l l y , the redistribution mode l was cred ib l e . However, simulation exercises demonstrated that the effects of diverting increments of growth to pub l i c services were neg l igible i n low-income countries . l6

Hence, the emergence of the bas i c needs approach. As with the redistribution model before i t , bas i c needs corresponds with internationa l - structural ism insofar as i t d i savows notions of economic growth and economi c assimi lat ion as the panacea to underdevelopment . For bas i c needs , neo-class i cal economic theories merely serve to galvanise exploitat i on at an international leve l , whi l st magn i fying dua l i sm at the domest i c leve l . Unl i ke classical economic theories , and even the redistribution paradigm, the path to development i s not found i n income growth . A l ternatively, the stimu l us for development i s to come from programs that concentrate exclus ively on the basic needs of the poores t . l7

This i s the argument invoked by the Austra l i an Counc i l for

15 Ibid .

16 Streeten, First Things First, p . l 6 .

17 Penelope Lee, · Basic Human Needs : Aid Program ' , ACFOA 1 9 8 3 ) .

Caesar D ' Me l lo & Russell Ro l l ason, A New Focus for Austra l i a ' s Overseas Developmen t Dossi er no . l 2 , ( August

1 3 9

Overseas Aid against the bureaucrat i c discourse . H Representing 52 voluntary aid agenc ies , ACFOA encapsu 1 a tea the · al ternat ive • voice of Australian a i d . As such, i t constantly resists the main bureaucrat i c concept art i cul ated in s tatements such as the Jackson Report . Va r i ous submissions exp l i c i t l y outline this oppos i t i on . For ACFOA Australia ' s regional concentrat ion of aid i s warranted, but its emphasis on infrastructural devel opment i s not . Rather than depend on export growth to a l l eviate pove rty, Australian aid should target the poor . Programs shou ld be reoriented towards the bas i c needs o f a l l people, as by providing assi stance d i rectly to the poo r , obstacles that forestal l a better way of l i fe can be overcome . 1 ; Furthermore, this wi l l be accomp l i shed sooner and with fewer resources than woul d be the case with income growth . T h i s i s the crux o f the a i d debate .

In its submi ssion to the Jackson Report, ACFOA vindicates the basic needs approach on the following grounds :

- i t focuses on both the phys ical and non-mate r i a l aspects o f the l i fe o f the poor; i n other words, i t does not set up a dichotomy between economic and social development; - the needs as described are the bas ic rights of every human being ; - implementation o f such a strategy would al low development to originate from, and be in response to, the needs o f those in poverty;

18 . ACFOA - as the Jackson report states : The central organisation of the voluntary aid agencies i s the Austral ian Counci l for Overseas A i d . ACFOA provides services to its 5 2 member agencies, and represents them col lect ively a s a lobby to the government . ACFOA ' s role as a coordinating agency i s supported by a substantial annual grant from ADAB for i t s running costs, which represents more than 80 per cent of ACFOA ' s annual income .

19. Pollard, · aasic Human Needs ' , pp . l 4- 1 7 .

- the stress on part icipation in deci s i on-aakinq is necessary as true development is the ab i l ity to take control of ones ' l i fe . 20

1 4 0

Whereas, i t i s arqued, an export oriented recovery does not guarantee poverty a l l eviat ion . Income w i l l be generated , but infrastructure does not ensure equ i t y .

The question of Contained within

equity is the key its repud iation of

to basic needs . export -or i ented

strategies i s a fear of income disparity. Above a l l , bas i c needs seeks t o reduce the gap between the · haves ' and the ' have-nots ' . Basi c needs bel ieves that this is a problem ignored by c l assical trickle-down theories . Given the trickle-down mode l ' s emphas i s on growth as the l i tmus test for development , i t overlooks the obstac l es to redistribution . 21 Inherent in neo- c l assical econom i c s , according t o bas i c needs theorists, i s the assumption that the benefits of economic growth wi l l rapidly d i f fuse through society. Once productivity, labour demand and wages improve , so too w i l l the lot of the poor . I n c l assical parlance, there w i l l be a trickle-down effec t . Act ivity generated at the top w i l l speed i l y f low through a l l sectors of soc iety. 22

Yet bas i c needs theorists rebut this concept . For them, trickle-down i s dysfunctional in two ways . First is the lack of an automatic mechanism of red i stribut i on . Bas ic needs theorists assert that income rema i ns concentrated . 23 Un l i ke the trickle-down paradigm, wealth does not rapidly dif fuse . Nor do rec i p i ent governments enact equitable d i st r ibut ion . Rather than

po l i c i e s conducive to intervene to correct

20 . Austra l i a and ASEAN : A submi ssion to the Sub­Commi t tee on Austra l i a and ASEAN of the Joi nt Commi ttee on Foreign Affairs and Defence, ACFOA, ( May 1 984 ) , p . 5 .

21 . Lee , D ' Me l l o & Rol lason , ' A New Focus ' , p . l l .

22 . Rostow, Stages of Economi c Growth, pp . l - 1 2 .

23 . Streeten, First Things First, pp . 9 - 1 0 .

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imbalances caused by aarket forces recipient govern.enta often foster i t , because according to the bas i c needs

approach a connex ion usua l ly exists between the ru l i ng e l 1 t e

and the wealthy. 24 Hence, this symbiosis precludes the poor from sharing the spo i l s .

Even so, it i s not a quest i on of growth per se. Indeed , basic needs recognises growth as a precond i t i on f o r

developmen t . Less developed count ries need expanding

economies to fac i l itate the ir progre s s . 2S Wi thout gene r a l

growth, poverty cannot be reduced . But according t o bas i c

needs , growth i s not the sole cond i t i on . Whenever growth occurs w i thout an equitable distribution, growth actu a l l y

hampers the devel opment proce s s . A s a f o rement ioned ,

internationa l - st ructural i sm be l i eves t h a t growth r e i n forces

divis ions in wea lth. Those exposed to i n come growth ben e f i t ,

whi l s t the larger mass are excluded from i t s consequ enc e s . So for advocates o f bas ic needs , t r i c k l e-down f a i l s i n i t s

a im of poverty a l l eviat ion . 26 Programs geared to export­

oriented growth do promote development but i t s bene f i t s

remain narrowly confined to certain s o c i o -economic sect o r s ,

whi ls t i n the meant ime, the p l i ght of the poor continues to deteriorate .

By contrast , bas i c needs theorists contend that a bas ic needs approach addresses the root probl ems o f pove rty . A

bas i c needs strategy c i rcumvents the many probl ems of i n c ome distribution and ame l iorates the e v i l s of ma l nu t r i t i o n ,

starvation, d i sease and i l l iteracy . 27 That i s , it focuses spec i f i ca l l y on the basic needs of the poor . As the

U. Ibid, pp . 10 - 1 1 .

25 . W . R . Stent ' The Jackson Report : A C r i t i c a l Review ' , Australian Outl ook vol . 39 , no . l ( Ap r i l 1 9 8 5 ) .

26 . Stent, ' A C r i t i cal Review ' , & Gunnar Hyrda l , Asi an Drama : An Inquiry into the Poverty of Na t i ons, ( New Yo r k : Twentieth Century Fund, 1 9 68 ) .

27 . Lee, D ' He l lo & Rol l ason, ' A New Focus ' , pp. l l - 1 3 .

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International Labor Organisation ( I LO ) describes basic needs :

- Bas ic needs as understood in this program of action include two elements . Firat, they include certain minimum requirements of a family for private consumption : adequate food, she l te r , and c l othing, as wel l as certain household equipment and furnitu r e . Second, they include essential services provided by and for the community at l arge, such as safe drinking water, sanitation, pub l i c transport and hea lth, education and cultural fac i l i ties . - A bas ic needs oriented pol i cy imp l ies the part icipation of the people in making the dec isions which a ffect them through organisations of their own cho i ce . - Strategies and national development p l ans and pol ic ies should include exp l i c i t l y as a priority objective the promotion o f employment and the sat i s f action o f the bas i c needs of each country ' s population . 28

So the bas ic needs concept d i f fers from the t r i c k l e-down paradigm in several regards . Above a l l , i t targets d i rectly the probl ems besetting the poo r . Whereas an income strategy believes that growth w i l l eventually cast o f f poverty, basic needs looks to estab l ish the conditions for improvement at once . The d i fferences in terms of concept between the two model s i s encapsulated in the seeming ly divergent approaches based on general growth or spec i f i c programming . To use an apt metaphor, i t i s the d i f ference between precis ion and carpet bombing . 29 Bas ic needs i s precise insofar as it seeks to e l iminate the spe c i f i c probl ems of food, hunger , education, malnutrition and sanitation, whi 1st income s trategy i s more indiscriminate in its approach. As with

28 . Meeting Eradicating Mass I LO, l 9 77 ) , p . 2 4 .

Basic Human Needs : Strategies for Poverty and UneJDpl oymen t . ( Geneva:

29 . Streeten, First Things First, p . 3 8 .

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carpet bombing, it seeks to obviate probleas by attacking them in a generalised way . �

Not that bas i c needs i s opposed to growth. On the contrary, ACFOA interprets bas ic needs as a bottom-up approach. By improving the lot of the poor, who are ma inly s i tuated in the countrys ide, sustainable growth can be achieved . First , raised l iving standards wi l l enhance productive capac i ty . 3l Rural projects attuned to farmers needs w i l l enable them to yield more . This in turn , wi l l improve consumption . Fami l i es wi l l have more to eat wit h the surplus produced creating a di sposab le income . They w i l l be able to purchase other goods , thus having a mu l t i p l ier effect throughout the economy . 32 Moreover , this wi l l have the desi rable effect o f stab i l i t y . More labour w i l l be absorbed in production whi ch wi 1 1 mit igate the migration of rural poor to the c i t y . 33 As a resu l t , the creation o f a disp laced poor w i l l cease .

In sum, i t i s envisaged that a bas i c needs approach w i l l not only reduce poverty, but actua l l y st imulate growt h . The objective o f meeting the bas i c needs of the poor wi l l lead to a ' d i fferent composition of products and choice of techniques ' . 34 Unl i ke an i ncomes mode 1, i t i s presumed that production and consumption wi 1 1 increase pari passu. Once productive capacity increases, consumption and growth w i l l fol low. More w i l l be employed in labour-intensive wor k , and the surplus produced w i l l f i lter through the economy . As Paul Streeten succinctly puts i t :

30 . Ibid.

31 . ACFOA, Austra l i a and ASEAN, pp . 4 - 5 .

32 . Ibid.

33 . Streeten, First Things First, p . 2 4 .

34 . Ibid, p . 40 .

1 4 4

By redirecting the compos i t ion o f production toward products consumed by the poor it encourages more intra-Third World trade, so that developing count ries produce more o f wh�t they consume , and consume .are of what they produce .

Put s imply, bas i c needs w i l l perform the dual role of growth with poverty a l l eviation . Through labour-intensive production, the underemployed w i l l be uti l i sed . This w i l l raise consumption as we l l as product ion , and improve the overal l qua l i t y o f the labour force by e l iminating the evi l s o f malnutri tion, disease , and i l l i teracy .

Given the apparently divergent nature of this concept , i t would seem that ACFOA has formulated a · new ' response . 3 � However , this i s not so . Instead, ACFOA has res i s ted the preva i l ing bureaucrat i c concept whi l s t trying to estab l i sh a n i che o f i ts own . ACFOA has attempted to invert the power network by submitting a revised concept . 37 Yet the aid truths remai n the same . Thei r knowledge forma t i on s t i l l occurs within state-cap italist reason. The concept is s t i l l governed by the obj ective rationa l i ty o f the state in that the state must implement po l i c i es attuned to system preservation, and therefore the preservation of our degree of control over, and comprehension o f , nature . 38 Thus the foundation o f ACFOA ' s concept corresponds with the preva i l ing wisdom. Whi l e the interpretation differs , the fundamental instrumental ity remains the same . Aid exists as a means to an end .

At times , the aid truths o f state-capi t a l i s t reason are exp l i c i t . In l ine with preceding concepts, aid i s understood

35 . Ibid, p . 24 .

36 . New, that i s , paradigm with regard discourse .

in the parlance of humanist 1 ibera l to the formation o f a separate

37 . See Chapters 1 & 2 of this paper for a discuss i on of Foucau l t ' s ' di f fused ' power paradigm.

38 . Otherwise translatable into · material advancement ' , ' ci v i l i sed ' and so on .

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as a state instituted tool that should protect our aaterial status . Again, economic and geopo l i t i cal concerns are seen as the principal threats . According to ACFOA ' s subaission to the Jackson Committee:

As an aff luent, resource rich, industrial i sed nation situated on the southern edge of the Asian region - the most populated region of the world with massive problems of poverty , hunger , unem�loyment and sheer human misery ACFOA believes Austra l 1 a has more to gain than most countries from a rational approach to North­South relations, for which aid is the ' touchstone ' o f po l i t ical commitment and also, perhaps , more to lose than most i f �e N-S debate becomes ster i l e and unproduct ive .

The tone i s remarkably similar . L i ke the Jac kson Report ' s growth w i th equity paradigm, aid can provide stab i l i ty . Aid can mol l i fy the potent i a l ly rebe l l ious masses through programs des i gned to reduce poverty, as once soc i o-econom i c development i s achi eved and perpetuated through growth the region w i l l conso l i date . This is already refl ected in the dimini shed threat of a m i l i tary assau l t . But the poss i b i l i t y of disruptive action, or intra-regional con f l i c t , s t i l l l ingers . Hence, Austral i a should try to avert future hosti l ities through developmental a i d , or i f that proves imposs i b l e , at least try to favourably di spose Asian countries to Austra l i a via our aid commitment . '0 To again quote ACFOA :

I n the interest of regional stabi l i ty, Austra l i a should maintain a substan t i a l a i d program to both the ASEAN nat i ons and to the Indo-China states . Regional peace and stabi l i ty w i l l be enhanced bl any action Austral ia can take to reconc i l e the di ferences, Hr encourage cooperation between these two power groups .

Of course , economic considerati ons are a l so espoused. As with the Jackson Report , Austral i a ' s future prosperity is l inked to Southeast Asian development . Even ACFOA

39 . Lee , D ' Me l lo & Rol l ason, ' A New Focus ' , p . 3 3 .

40 . As this would enable Austral ia to be construed as an impartial Western power who could avert, or at least mediate intra-regional conf l i cts .

41 . Lee, D ' Me l lo & Rol lason, ' A New Focus ' , p . 5 6 .

)

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appreciates that regional advance.ent pra.ises to secure Austra l i a ' s we l l -being . 42 Without i t , Australia could l angui sh . From a prosperous nation, Austra l i a could bec08e an economic basket case . Unable to integrate with As 1 a , it could suffer a marked decline in l iving standards; a scenario that few w i l l entertain because of the high degree of control we now exercise over our surrounds . In conjunction with stab i l ity, economic progress is central to system preservation . As in the eyes of ACFOA :

Australi a-Asean relations are cri tical to the future of this nation . . . ACFOA be l ieves Austra l i a ' s future wi l l be principa l lr determined by the extent and qua l i ty of economi c , po i t i ca l , cultura l , and social relat ions with the Southeast asian region, and therefore particularly with the ASEAN states . The ASEAN states are our neighbours we need to develop nei 9hbour l y relations i f there i s to �� peace, stab i l 1 ty and progress in the neighbourhood .

No doubt many would disagree with this assessment . They would point to other statements as confi rmation of ACFOA ' s humanitarian intent . For instance, i t i s claimed that Austral i a has a moral obligation to reduce suffering in our own region . 44 But what this ignores is the inherent bias . Moral obligation, here , translates into material advancement . As an advanced industr i a l i sed nation we have attained a high degree of control over nature which i s reflected in our technological prowess vis-a-vis science , med i c i n e , food produc t i o n , manufactured goods , communications , and the income and material possessions of most households , thus enabl ing Austral i an ' s to enj oy a l i fe

42 . ACFOA, Austral i a and ASEAN, p . 6 , where it states that : · A focusing of the a i d program in the region wi 1 1 fac i l i tate more thorou9h and thoughtful bi lateral negot iations with the rec1.pient Government ' . Also see p . 2 where i t states categorica l ly that : ' Austra l i a - ASEAN relations are critical to the future of this nation ' . p . 2

43 . Ibid.

44 . Lee, D ' Me l lo & Rol lason, ' A New Focus ' , p . 3 1 .

)

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o f relative ease . 45 Conversely, those i n the leas developed countries are s t i l l embedded in nature to the extent that any fluctuations ( i . e . f l ood , pesti lence, drought and so on ) , threaten the wel l -being of mi l l ions of peop l e . Thus , Austra l i a should transfer some of i ts expertise, as by doing so, the poor can begin to understand and regulate the i r surrounds . For as the human itarians say · . . . true development is the abi 1 i ty to take control of one · s ovn 1 i fe 1 • 46

Part One - Marxi sm, Neo-Colonial ism and Crit ical Theory

Admittedly, ACFOA 1 s bas i c needs approach is a somewhat di lute form of internationa l - structural ism. But given ACFOA 1 s role as an umbre l l a organ isation encompassing the whole gamut of aid bodies from the most conservative to the more radical , a modus vi vendi must occur . �7 Certainly, the crit ique of structural constraints i s inlaid in ACFOA ' s basi c needs paradigm . Howeve r , it does not assume the overt Marxism o f other crit iques .

Nonie Sharp i n her critique of Australian aid, for instance , employs the Marxian categories of the neo-co lonial approach . 48 For her, Australian aid has been an exercise in economic and cultural imperial ism. She asserts that aid has revolved around the economic and cultural integration of the Asia-Pacific region into the international economy of cap i ta l . 49 Accordingly, a strategy has been elaborated that seeks to form a non-communist bloc through a three- tiered

) system. Japan and the United States have col l aborated to form the f irst t i e r ; with Austra l i a , New Zeal and and Canada comp r i s i ng the second t i e r , and · acting as a spri ngboard for

45. That i s , the possessions that enabl e us to modulate our surrounds and create an increasing l i fe of ease .

46 . ACFOA, Austra l i a and ASEAN, p . S .

47 Refer to footnote no . 18 of this chapter .

48 Nonie Sharp ' The Aid Debate : The Bonds of Charity ' , Arena, no . SO , ( 1 97S ) .

49 Ibid, p . 5 1 .

)

)

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investment into the l owest tier - the Third World count ries of the area ' . SO Behind this tiered approach, in the opinion of Sharp, is an agenda of integration into the capita 1 i st sphere not only for the economi c bene f i t s that accrue via an unequal relationship, but a l so to avert ca.aun ist development .

In classica l Marx ist parlance, Sharp forecasts that the inimical effects of neo-colonial ism can be characterised as the creation of a segmented, unequal society with a · rul ing e l i t e ' presiding over the impoverished masse s . In add i t i on to the legitimising be l iefs and ed i f ices spawned by capital ism, the privi leged classes w i l l derive support from the major powers . That i s to say, they receive f i nanc i a 1 , mil itary and diplomatic assi stance providing the country • s pol i cies accord with the demands of the major capi ta l i s t powers . 51

Yet Sharp bel ieves the move towards economic and cultural imperia l i sm can be thwarted if · the people ' spurn technocratic development. Once Third and First World peop le a l i ke rea l i se the repressive nature of capi ta l i sm its legi timising institutions can be undermined, thus ushering in an a l ternative soc i a l mode l . In the words of Sharp :

Peopl e ' s movements in op�osition to neo-imperial domination w i l l no doubt 1ncrease as the strategy of economic integration proceeds in the area . . . For those in Austral i a who have begun to reject the short-term ' benefits ' of consumer dominated soc ial relationships, the projects would go beyond one-way support movements for others and towards mutual projects for social change centred around soc i a l l y and ecolog i ca 1 1 y non­destructive ways of l iving . Only at this stage - of intercultural reciproci ty amon<;1 equals - would it be possible to say truthfully and 1n Eebral ' s words : · the people must do it for themse lves ' .

The orthodox Marxist content of Sharp ' s appra i sal of Austra l i a ' s nee-imper i a l i s t bias i s unmi stakab l e . First i s

SO Ibid p . 52 . See a l so J im Hyde , Austral ia : The Asia Connection, ( Malmsbury: Kibble Books , 197 8 ) .

51 Todaro, Econ0111ics, Chapter 6 , pp . 89 - 9 2 .

� Sharp, ' The Bonds o f Charity ' , p . S3 .

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the assertion that economic, po l i t i ca l , social , and cultural edi f i ces that arise from capital i sm and that are ini•ical to development w i l l pro l i ferate via international capita l 1 a• . Attempts made by industrial i sed nat ions to ass i•i 1 ate the Third World entail l i ttle more than the impos 1 t 1on of capital i sm ' s unequal , exploitative system. Sj Yet Sharp remains optimistic that the end i s niqh. In keeping wit h Marxist idea l i sm and humanism, Sharp be lieves that the demise o f capita l i sm ' s inequities i s hi stor i c a l l y inevitab l e .

Already, accordinq to Sharp, people i n both Third and F irst World countries are beqinninq to repud iate consume r ­oriented relations q i ven the rea l i sation that they repress throuqh vertical domination . 54 Now, to continue with Sharp ' s arqument , these people have started to embark on a path o f soci a l reconstruction and development that frees them from capita l i st institutions, and opens the way for the attainment of an emancipated society . SS I n other words , Sharp insists that the repressive functions o f capital i sm have reached the staqe wherein ' the people ' have bequn to rebel thus precipi tatinq the inevitable move towards soc ial reconstruction - a reconstruction which w i l l al low the true, unfettered individual to emerqe .

The C r i t i cal Theory o f Horkheimer, Adorno and Foucault would rebut a primary e l ement of Sharp ' s appra i sal . As with a l l Marxist accounts , i ts economic dete rminism re l i es heav i l y on Heqel i an ideal i sm and humani sm . 56 Statements pertaininq to the qrowinq wave of oppos i t ion betray a bel ief

53 ibid p . 4 7 where she states : " . . . impove ri shment was the other s ide o f the i r own enri chment : the root cause was to be found in the process o f unequal exchanqe quaranteed by the world capita l i st system" .

54 Ibid, p • 53 .

55 Ibid.

56 Terrel l Carver ' Marx and Heqe ls Loq i c ' , Pol i t ical Studies, vo l . XXIV, no. i , ( 19 76 ) .

)

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in historical inevitab i l i ty . Si Like nuaeroua Ha nust theorists before her , Sharp abides the hi stor ical trea t 1 ae o f Western development which charts the eye 1 i ca 1 r i ae and f a l l o f productive systems, culminating in the emergence of a truly emancipated soc iety. When the internal mechan i sms of capitalism confl ict with the l i fe experiences of the mas ses; that i s when repression, deprivation and dual i sm between rich and poor become most pronounced , the agents of hi story wi l l seek to introduce an alternative economic and soc ial type . Or in the case o f aid, a construct that transforms aid from an exploitative capitalist tool into a mutua l l y beneficial vehi c l e for development .

Converse l y , the synthesis model employed in this paper assumes reason i s a hypostatised ent i ty embodying the present interpretation of nature-domination . Unl i ke the Marxist mode l , reason and truth are not perverted by repressive systems that w i l l eventually co l l apse before the true idea l . Rathe r , truth relates directly to the regime of beliefs belonging to a societal type ; that i s the contemporary shape of nature-dominat ion . 58 Whi 1 st power i s not a repressive function i n the Marxist sense , but rather i s enmeshed in struggles over interpretations of the concept within the preva i l ing who l e . �

For Crit ical Theory, then, the inevitable movement towards an ideal type, whereby repressive power based on corrupted truths w i l l be supplanted, i s an idea l i s t i c falsehood . In terms of the Marx i s t crit ique o f aid, this ent a i l s understanding a i d a s part o f a set o f enveloping b e l i e f s instead o f a capit a l i s t i c tool l eg i t imated by f a l se ideology, and engendering repress ion, which wi 1 1 be overthrown with systemic collapse . A i d , as with the soc i ety

57 Joseph O ' Ma l l ey ' Marx ' s Economics Phi losophy of Right : An Essay on Marx ' s Pol i tical Studies vol . XXIV, no . 1 , ( 1 97 6 ) .

and He9el ' s Hege l i an 1 sm ' ,

58 Max Horkheimer & Theodor W . Adorno , Di a l ect i c of Enlightenmen t ( Great Britain: Al len Lane , 1973 ) , p . 3 .

59 Annemiek Richters · Modernity Poatmodern i ty Controversies : Habermas and Foucau l t ' , Theory, Cul ture and Society , vol . S , ( Sage : 1 98 8 ) , p . 620 .

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and regime i t represents , w i l l continue to be supported as a mechanism for the ongoing control and comprehens 1 on of nature . The reason on which aid is based is located in history, not above i t .

Part Two - The envi ronment as resi stance

Another man i festation of the Foucau ldian power /knowledqe paradigm can be found in the importance accorded to envi ronmental concerns . 60 Now, the envi ronment has j o ined economic and strategic imperat ives . The envi ronment , he re , i s construed as another dire threat to our mate rial standinq over nature . Admi tted ly, this was not contained within the Jackson Report ' s terms of reference . I t has been inteqrated since then . But i t is important insofar as it shows the dynam i sm of concept formation . Res i stance is poss i b l e .

After the Jackson Report, a i d was d i scussed purely in terms of economic, strateg i c , and human itarian goa l s . Then came sustainable development . As the Budget Related Paper

No . 4 states i n its overview, a i d exists :

To promote sustainable economic and soc ial advancement o f the peopl e s of develo�ing countries i n response to Austral i a ' s humani tar1an conce rns , as wel l as Austral i a ' s fore ign po l i cy and commercial interests . bl

To this end, development proj ects must be assessed according to poss ible envi ronmental effects, otherwise, economic and social progress w i l l be undermined by depredation . 62 Programs

) that augment problems w i l l yield short-term bene f i t s , but thei r long-term cost w i l l be refl ected i n worsening poverty . S imilarly a degraded envi ronment w i l l be unable to support higher l i ving standards . Scarcity and hardship wi l l again

60 Both primary and apparent l y divergent d i scourses .

61 . Budge t Related Paper No . 4 , Austral i a ' s Overseas Aid Program, 1 991 -92 .

62 . Ecologically Sustainabl e Deve l opaent in Interna tional Development Coopeera tion,an interi• po l i cy s tatement , AIDAB ( AGPS 1 9 90 ) .

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sta l l the progress o f LDC ' s .

This in itse l f i s alarming . Iniaical devel opaent v i l l upset Austra l ia ' s economic aspirations in the develop1nq worl d . But it has global imp l i cations a l s o . Envi ronmental denudation adversely af fects Third and F i rst Worlds al 1 ke . ! : I t does not discriminate . Instead, deforestation i n the LDC ' s creates problems i n terms o f reduced b i o-dive rsity, g l obal warming and so on . Like air and water po l l ution, degredation destab i l ises nature ' s frag i l e balanc e , hence threatening our qua l ity o f l i fe as wel l . Un less that i s , the aid bureaucracy can steer developing countr i es along a sustainable path. Development is the utmost concern . But it must be undertaken with sensi tivity to the envi ronment , as reduced fecundity means reduced productivity. To avert th i s , AIDAB has imp l emented vetting procedures . On the one hand , the environmental impact o f proj ects is to be studied more rigorously, whi l e activi t i es that exacerbate problems are to cease . These inc lude activities that :

-adversely a f fect soil structures and long-term ferti l ity; -adversely alter levels or flows of ground water; -cause i rreversible damage to estuar ine , coastal or oceanic seas; - impinge on si tes o f particular scient i f i c or conservation sign i f i cance ; -do not provide for adequate waste management ; - further deplete the ozone laye r ; and -are l i ke l y to cause the extinction or endange ring o f any species f l ora/fauna association or ecosystem. 6�

In this way, development with its ensuing benefits can be attained without creating probl ems i n the concept based on Austra lia bene f i t ing a l l eviation , aid now revolves around

63 . Ibid.

64 . Ibid, especially pp . 48-52 .

long-term. From a through poverty

bene f i ts through

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development without environmental degradation . s; But desp 1te undergoing an adjustment , the concepts truths remain the same ; those being the inst rumental rationa l 1 ty of bureaucratic quidance . In keeping w i th Foucau l t , power through knowledge i s not repressive per se. State­capitalism ' s truth sets do not preclude resi stance . Instead , they promote i t . Concepts do change with the acqu 1 s i t 1 on of · new ' data, but what must be rea l i sed is the bias within this information given that it is gl eaned f rom w i th i n the present regime o f truth. So in spite of the amended focus o f a i d onto sustainable development, very l i t t l e has changed . The truths o f aid di scourse s t i l l demand syste� preservation. Bureaucrat ic governance must avert the pol i t i cal , economic and envi ronmental threats to our prosperity. In short, i t must safeguard our mate r i a l advancement which has empowered us . Otherwise a l l is l os t .

A clear articulation o f this can be found in Toh Swee­Hin ' s articles on the PEACE paradigm. 66 For Toh, the F i rst World must address the inequ i tab l e d i s t r i bution and depletion o f resources i f Third World underdevel opment i s to be cast o f f and long-term stabi 1 i ty attained . Three key issues are identi fi ed . The f i rst is the · g loba l strangleho l d ' . 67 This pertains to the exhaustion of resources by the Fi rst World, and the di saggregation of production to the Third World . Both are seen to further degrade the envi ronment whi l s t margina l i z ing the poor . 68 The second i s

65 concept .

Refer to note Chapter 3 Section I · A i d as a

66 . See especially Toh Swee-Hin · Survival and Solidarity : Austral i a and Third World ( South) Peace ' , Social Al ternati ves, vol . 6 , no . 2 , ( Apri l 1 9 8 7 ) .

67 . Ibid, pp . 60- 6 2 . Strangl ehold on Africa.

Also refer to Rene Dumont ,

68 . As once resources are further depleted it means that an ever diminishing share i s a l located to the very poor .

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t h e · t e c h n o c r a t i c t r a p ' 6 7 H e r e b l a a e 1 a apportioned to · experts ' who seek to st imulate growth via export-ori ented strategies . 70 Usua l l y, these requ 1 re industries and technologies that are inconsistent with Th1 rd World needs . Worse sti l l , they are often unsafe given the absence of adequate safequards and strict pol i c inq . Bhopal i s a sal ient examp l e . Then comes the f inal issue : the · p 1 ty trap ' . 71 Characterised by Toh as the transfer o f funds from Fi rst to Third World countr i es , the · p i ty trap · acts to salve our conscience wi thout addressing the unde rly1ng inequ i t ies . I n effect, i t diverts attention away from the root causes of poverty and suffer ing in the Third Wor l d .

The PEACE approach, by contrast , looks to redress the imbalance . Basi cal l y , PEACE i s seen as resi stance to the dominant discourse through an amal gam of bas i c needs and envi ronmental conce rns . This i s perce ived as the means o f attaining Third World stab i l ity whi 1 st averting the threat of continued environmental depredat ion. In the words of Toh :

. . . the acronym PEACE . . upholds development po l i c i es which are part i c ipatory with the poor no longer powerless and passively accepting decis ions di spensed from above by e l ites o r experts . Part i c i pation a l lows the accumulated knowledge of the poor to be tapped , rather than ignored to the detr iment o f many modernisation schemes , soc i a l , po l i t i cal and economi c structures require rad i cal transformat ion, so that societal resources and wealth are equitably d i stributed within and between nations . Methods and technology have to be appropriate opt imis ing the use o f local mater i a l , human and cultural resources and ca�ab l e o f max imi s i nq economi c benef i t s to the poor maj or1t ies . Above a l l , PEACEful development embodi es the process of conscient ization , whereby the oppressed understand the pol i t ical roots of thei r poverty and act to l i berate themselves . But at the same t ime , such mass-oriented development should harmonise with, not destroy, the

69 . Toh, · survival and Sol i darity ' , pp . 62-63 .

70 . see Toh Swee Hin · Th i rd World Studies Conscient i zation in the Geography C l assroom ' , for an e l aboraton of the PEACE paradi �m, in Teach i ng Geography for a Better World, ed . by J . F1en & R . Gerber, ( Jacaranda 1 9 8 5 ) .

7 1 . Toh, · survival and Sol idarity ' , pp . 6 3-64 .

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enviro�t on which long-tera huaan survival depends .

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The correlation with basic needs is sal ient . Both es chew the trickl e-down component of the main di scourse. For the•, strategies of poverty a l l eviat ion must begin at the grass­roots . Development programs shou ld address the bas i c needs of the poorest in order to ame l iorate the i r pl ight . Of particular importance i s the estab l i shment of industries and technologies attuned to the needs of the poor . ;: I ncr eased productivity and consumption amongst the poor · masses · i a seen as the impetus for growth; material improvement and stab i l i ty w i l l fol low .

However, there i s a conspi cuous d i f ference . That being the emphasis on the envi ronmental facet of underdevelopment . Ongoing depletion i s related to marg inalisation of the Third Wor ld . 74 Whereas bas i c needs underscores the fai lure o f neo­c l assical paradigms to redress poverty, PEACE blames F i rst World excesses . 75 Resource exhaustion, inappropr iate technologies, and d i saggregation of production have compounded the Third World ' s p l ight . ' Northern ' experts and ' southern ' e l ites have co l l uded to promote unequal development , with the costs being counted in terms of human misery and a degraded envi ronment .

Whi l e the PEACE model does look to extend bas ic needs through an envi ronmental d i scourse, its obj ectives s t i l l correspond with the bureaucrat i c imperatives of · sustainable development ' . State-cap i t a l i s t reason is transparent . Modernisat ion must be f ramed against envi ronmental concerns . L i ke strategic and economic truths , they threaten our

12 . Ibid, p . 60 .

73 . Such as water , san i tation, crop productivity, sma l l absorptive industries, and so on .

74 . R . Kotha r i , Environmen t and A l ternative Devel opmen t , ( New York : Institute for World Order, 1 9 8 1 ) .

7 5 . Toh, · survival and Sol idarity ' , p . 6 1 .

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material advancement , or put simply, our dominat ion o f nature. I f the eart h ' s resources conti nue t o be depleted by a rapacious First World and inappropr iate modern 1 sation programs , then our standing wi l l be underm 1ned . Margina l isation wi l l prec ipi tate massive unrest in the Th1rd Wor l d . The end result being an explosion that threatens the a lready tenuous global stabi l i t y . According to Toh:

Peaceworkers who agree that Third World peace i s no less important than the threat of nuc l ear destruction, wi l l need to constantly cla r i fy to the average c i t i zen the d i f ferences between the two compet ing devel opment worldviews . . In part­- i cu l a r , the �rospects for authentic world peace are enhanced 1 f advanced industr i a l zed peoples are w i l l ing to contribute the i r part in reject ing and creating a l ternatives to three major d 1mensions of underdeve l opment : the globa l stranglefio l d , the technocratic trap, and the p i ty syndrome .

Clearly, this accords with the instrumenta l i ty of the dominant paradigm. There is resi stance insofar as environmental concerns are paramoun t . But l i ke the economi c , geopo l itcal and · sustainable ' truths o f the main paradigm, they arise from nature-domination. The principal concept i s bui l t on an i rrational fear o f a regression to nature through diminished prosperity. Economic advancement in the Third World provides Aust ra l ia with an envi ronment conduc ive to further progress . 77 Aid can enhance our pol i t i ca l and economic prospect s . Or put another way, i t can estab l i sh the cond i t ions that wi l l s trengthen our ' c ivi l i sed ' status .

The PEACE model i s not markedly d i f ferent . I t seeks to fashion Third World development on the basis of two imperative s . First, the industr i a l i sed world must arrest the diminution of non-renewab l e resource s , otherwise the material basi s of our prosperity could be lost . But more than t hat , denudation w i l l precipitate greater Third World marginalisation and with it massive unrest; the fear being

76 . Ibid, p . 60 .

11 . Which i s , o f course , primari l y related to Asia.

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that such instab i l ity could enqu l f the g l obe . ;e Pockets of unrest could f lare up into major con f l i ct . A l i gnaenta cou ld be establi shed and armaments used that wou l d p l unge ua a l l into internecine war . U l t imately our material status wou ld suffer, with nature again exerting ita contro l . 7S

78 . Toh, · survival and Solidarity ' , p . 6 0 .

79 . Indeed, the drama t i c transformat ion of the l i ves of the Yugoslavians induced by the internecine secta r i an con f l ict i l lustrates this po i nt . The Bosnians and Creat ions , who formerly enjoyed a reasonabl y high standard of l i v ing, now suffer scarcity, disease and sundry other privat ions . again they are at natures mercy.

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Conclusion .

I n terms o f its larger s i gn i f i cance, th i s study haa exaained the formulation of Austra l i an aid vi z-a-vi z Southeast As 1 a froa a Cri tical Theory perspect ive . Using the C r i tical Theory of Adorno and Horkheimer i t has shown that aid po l i cy 1 s based on several principal ax ioms . These are the need to comprehend and dominate nature, because according to C r i t i c a l Theory the development of human cogn i t i on has been shaped by a fear of the myriad phenomena encompassing us . Hence , successive tota l 1 t i es have been constructed to explain these phenomena and a l low human i ty to d i rect them. In effect, human thought has been condi t i oned by the need to l i ft ourselves above natures sl 1me . Yet these tota l i t i e s are not constant s . Rathe r , · regimes of truth' have changed according to society ' s conf iqurat i on . So when the mater i a l base o f Western society chanqes , so too does the means to comprehend and control our surrounds . Th i s 1 s the mater i a l i sm o f C r i t i ca l Theory. It be l i eves that concepts describing objects are formed within the universal who l e . The way we see, explain, and accept · thinqs ' i s determined by a shaped subj ectivity.

For Critical Theory, then, Western society has evolved w i thin these parameters . Each · societal moment ' has been a revised form o f the nature-dominating discourse . Beginning with ritual and myth, and continuing through the Judaeo-Christ ian trad i t i on , the Reformation, and l iberal-en l i ghtenment , soc i e t i es have been j ust i f ied on the bas i s o f thei r ab i l i ty to distance human i ty from nature . Capital i sm i s the same . Referred to as · s tate­capitalism' by Critical Theory, capi ta l i sm has inherited th1s trad i tion; only now it takes the form of bureaucratic guidance . Given the monopo l i zation and poss ible stagnation of the cap i t a l i s t economy, the state has increas inly replaced market mechan i sms . The state acts to reinvigorate the cap i tal i s t structure by maximiz ing profitab i l ity within the domes t i c market, whi lst estab l ishing markets overseas . But un l i ke orthodox and even structuralist Marxism, with the i r idea l i s t i c economic determinism, this does not s i gnal the end of capi tal i sm . Instead, i t shows how the structure of soc i ety haa changed thus leading to a reinterpretation of the nature­dominating d i scourse. Now, the state ' s functions are leqitimi zed

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by ita preservation of a f f luence and prosper ity, both o f which are seen as the keys grasp. Together they

to extricating ourselves provide the bas i s for

fra- natures techno l oq 1 ca l

advancement. So whi lst · primit ive ' societies are sti l l governed by the i r surrounds, we are no longer at the mercy of 1 t a

capr ice . Instead, · advanced soc ieties ' , have the means to d 1 rect and explain virtual l y a l l phenomena . Or at least we envisage that one-day we wi l l have .

Aid is thus posited within this who l e . Aid i s formu lated by the state and impl emented by the administrative bureaucracy as part of the a l l - embracing subj ecti vi ty. The state shapes a i d according t o these objectives . Primary concepts such a s econom i c goa l s , strategic imperatives and even human itarian be l i e f s are a l l part of this universal who l e . In the last instance the pragmat ism and humani tarianism of aid relates back to nature­domination. This i s their genes i s . Economic equates w i t h expanding markets and the preservation of a f f l uence . I t a l so constitutes an attempt to draw Southeast As i a into our sphere of influence . Li kewise strategic concerns arise from a fear that Australian prosperity and resources may be threatened by host i l e and be l l i cose neighbours - unless a policy of appeasement is conducted through aid relations . And even human itarian concerns relate to perceptions of ' primitive ' and · advanced ' . We have the means to control whereas they do not, therefore ob l i ging us to help them l i f t themselves above nature via the al location of funds and technical expert i s e .

But this begs the question as to how the underlying di scourse can be exposed . I f we are a l l enmeshed in this · moment of societal total i ty ' ( as c l early C r i t i cal Theory ' s mater i a l i sm rebuts human i s m ) , then how can we begin to examine its pro found e ffect on us? Crit ical Theory overcomes this problem through negative-dialectics . This involves contrasting a concept against the object i t claims to represent . In this way, the concepts irrequlari t ies are drawn out, thus exposing i ts part in the universal who l e . For aid, this entai l s an analysis of po l i cy statements to show how the concepts are undermined by the actuality of the obj ect . Or put another way, how the ob j ects actual ity rests on sub j ectivism.

Such an analysis reveals that the Australian aid prograa, aa

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articu l ated by the Jackson Report, is en.eshed in s t a t e ­

cap i ta l ist reason. The current aid program shou l d be seen as a

hypostatised entity reflecting state-capita l i sm ' s r eg 1 ae of truth. Based as it is on the reprised l i near- stages -ade l , the

Australian aid · concept ' as it i s expounded r e l ates t o the

al leviat i on of poverty through infrastructural deve l opment . A i d

i s to remove obstacles to d eve lopment w i t h i n re c i p i e nt

countries , thus allowing them to develop more robu s t , expo r t ­

oriented economie s . Once this stage i s a t ta i ned , acco r d 1 ng to

the l inear-stages mode l , the rec ipient LDCs economy w i l l expand

with the ensuing benef i ts of growth ' tr i ckl ing- down ' t o even the

poorest members of soc iety.

This premise enshrined in

is the human i tarian the Jackson Report .

concept of a i d as i t i s

Yet through nega t i ve-dialect i c s , the f laws inherent in the concept a r e drawn ou t ,

thus exposing a i d ' s dependency on state-capi t a l i sm ' s regime o f truth. The most damn ing statistic evinced by the nega t iv e ­

d ialectical technique is the increasing importance p l aced on

Southeast As ia . During the 1980s , at a time when the a id budget

suffered draconian reduct ions, ( refer to Chapter 3 ) , one region

continued to enjoy Austral i an largesse . Southeast As i a , or more prec i sely the ASEAN states, have progress ive l y r e c e i ved the

l ions share of aid behind only that of Austral ia ' s t r ad i t i o n a l

dependent , Papua New Guinea; al though even PNGs s h a r e has diminished during this time . In no way can this be p r e d i cated on

the humanitarian concept . Converse l y , Austra l i a ' s predi lection to ASEAN states betrays the import of strategic and econom i c

truths , as this i s now a region of rapid economic growt h among s t

countries largely attaining midd l e- income status . On the one

hand, a i d i s to be used as a buffer to any unrest or di sturbance caused by hos t i l i t i es within Southeast As i a ; a po l i cy

underscored by Austral ia ' s interactions with Indonesia via aid .

Australian a i d to Indonesia typi f ies the predominance of nature-domination in the bureaucratic di scourse . By devo t i ng an increasing amount o f a i d to Indones ia i t is hoped that the goodw i l l generated w i l l galvanise a more amicable diplomat i c relationship between the two . Indeed , during a period o f tense

relat ions , which it was feared could be inf lamed by border

problems in I r i an Jaya w i th PNG and the Organi sasi Papua

Merdeka, Austral i a has needed to estab l ish good o f f i c e . Above

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al l , Austra l i a has needed to establish qoodwi l l , not because of the threat of d i rect mi l itary action, but �re because of the strateqic position of Indones i a . By straddl inq our 1 i nes of communication and trade, Indonesia has the potential to severe ly impair Austra l i a ' s economi c we l l -be inq, which is anathecaa to state capitalist reason and the compe l l inq need to preserve prospe r i ty and, therefore, the techniques of sel f-preservat i on and control over nature .

A l l ied to this are the economic imperat i ves . I f rela tions w i t h I ndones i a deteriorate, then Austral i a ' s economic advancerDen t wi l l a l so be severely inhibi ted . The reason being that I ndones i a i s l itera l l y Austra l i a ' s gateway to ASEAN . Apart from i t s physical proximity, the del i cate balance o f power w i t h 1 n As 1 a woul d ensure that discord between Indonesia and Austra l i a wou ld turn Austral i a into a par i a h . Fel low ASEAN members wou l d be reluctant to imperi l nascent economic and po l i t i c a l t i es developing between them by antagon ising Indonesia . Hence, Austra l i a would be pre c luded from the reg ion of rapid expansion which holds the promise of rej uvenation for our own stagna t i ng economy . Cast aside by the f ledqling econom i c powers of Southeast A s i a , Austra l ia ' s economy , i t s prospe r i ty, and therefore its degree of comprehension and control over n a t u r e would recede - a fear at the very heart of the state-capit a l i st d i scours e .

Moreover, i t i s this irrational fear o f nature which in forms the ' di ssenting ' d i scourses within the aid debate . Un l i ke the tendency of Critical Theory to examine power through know ledge ( or the shaped subj ective ) as a repressive function wh ich stymies and suppresses, Foucaul t a l lows for the pos 1 t i ve development of alternative discourse , or points of resi stance to the predominant bureaucratic discourse, within the present regime of truth. Consequently, the amalqam of Foucauldian pos t ­modernism with i t s precept of constrained truth , and C r i t i c a l Theory ' s nature-dominating reason, creates a paradiqm that perceives reason as materially governed, but not necessa r i l y repressive . Reason i s posited i n history . I n keeping w i th Foucaul t , regimes of truth, or system.s of cogn i t ion , be l i e f s and practi ce s , are material ly governed by the society in wh i ch they are located. But in the last instance, the predominant d iscourse, and its opponents within the power qrid, are shaped

)

)

162 by the need to rule nature .

Such i s the case with the adversar ial interna t i ona l ­structural i st di scourses of the aid debate discussed i n Chapter 4 . The redistribution with growth paradigm of the 7 0 s , the bas 1 c needs approach o f the 80s, and Toh ' s PEACE paradiga of the 90a a l l stem f rom aid truths pertaining to the protection of our material s tanding . Despite these mode l s ' attempts to e l l c 1 t the i r own power through resistance, they in fact cor re l a te w 1 t h state-cap i t a l i s t reason. One statement from ACFOA underscores the p reponderance of nature-dominating reason. The fol lowing statement encapsulates the need for a prudent aid comm i tment , for as ACFOA states :

Austral i an-ASEAN relations are c r i t i cal to the future of this nation . The ASEAN states are our neighbours so we need to develo� neighbourly relat ions i f there i s to be peace, stab1 l i ty and progress i n the ne i ghbourhood . !

The correlation with the predominant d i scourse i s unm i s takab l e . Again, the themes of cord i a l relat ions between Austra l i a and ASEAN spe c i f i c a l l y , and Southeast Asia genera l l y , are invoked as imperative for ongo ing economi c development and nature control . I f the state , through a i d , engages in bridge-bu i l d i ng exercises , then prosperity via economic integration and geopo l i t i cal stab i l i t y is assured.

To conclude, this study has set out to cha l l enge the human i s t idea l i sm of orthodox Marx ism, structural funct iona l i sm and l i beral rati onal ity, through the fusion of C r i t i cal Theory and Foucaul t when studying a i d . The subsequent model has explored how reason i s posited in h i story, not above i t . Add i t i ona l l y , through Foucau l t , C r i t ical Theory has taken a further step in overcoming i ts principa l f law of repressive powe r . I n its original form, the C r i t i c a l Theory of Horkheimer and Adorno portrayed systems of cogn i tion as who l l y negat ive . Systems of beliefs were interpreted as s t i f 1 ing and repressing human it y through the impos i tion of an immutable set of thought , i deas and prac t i ces : whereas Foucaul t , by introducing a power netwo r k , has a l l owed for the positive aspects of a condi t i oned sub j ec t i v i ty

1 Australia and ASEAN : A Sub•ission to the Sub-Caa.i ttee on Austra l i a and ASEAN of the Joint Commi ttee on Foreign Affa J rs and Defence, ACFOA, ( May 1 984 ) , p . 2 .

)

)

NORT.-1 .... . �------------ ----------------�

1 6 3

to be drawn out . That i s , the expanded C r i t i ca l Theory 80del

understands that resistance to the predom i nant i n t erpretat 1 on o f

the nature-dominating di scourse does occu r , b u t that d 1 verqent

model s are s t i l l based on the same truths o f state i n tervent 1 on

and guidance to preserve our advanced econom i c s t a t u s and , by

association, our advanced techniques of control ove r , and

comprehension of nature.

)

)

APPENDIX I : The Comfosit ion of the Committee on Austral a's Relations w1th the Tfi1 rd Wor l d .

- Professor 0 . Harries, Chairman, University o f New South Wales and Department of foreign A f fa i r s .

- Hr E . K . fisk, Research School of Pac i f i c Stud i e s , Austra l i an National University.

164

- Hr A . T . G r i f f ith, A . M . , Spec ial Advisor Department of the Prime Min1ster and Cabinet .

- Mr N . D . Mcinnes, Deputy D i rector-Gene ra l , Office of National Assessment s .

- Hr J . D . C . C . Moore , f i rst Ass i stant Secretary, Department of the Treasury.

- Hr P . I . Nolan, Secretary, Austral i an Counc i l of Trade Unions .

- Mr A . R . Parsons, Deputy Secretary Department of Foreign Affairs .

- Dr B . W . Scott, Managing D i rector, W . D . Scott & Co . Pty Ltd .

- Mr J . T . Smith, I . S . O . Canberra . - Hr J . A . Uhri g , Managing D i rector, Simpson Pope Ltd .

Source : Austra l i a and the Third World : Report of the Committee on Austral i a ' s Rel a t i ons with the Thi rd Worl d ( The Harries Report ) , Parl iamentary Paper no . 2 6 9 , Apri i 1 9 7 9 , p . V ( Austra l ian Government Pub l i shing Serv i ce September 1 9 79 . )

r I I

I I

I I 1

I � I

APPENDIX I I - The Composit ion of the Committee to Reviev Australia's OVerseas A1d Program .

1 6 5

- S i r Gordon Jackson, Chairman, De puty Chai rman C . S . R . , member of the Board of of the Reserve Bank of Austral i a .

- Professor Helen Hughes , Executive Di rector o f the Development Studies Centr e , ANU - Deputy Chairperson .

- Ne i l Bat t , Resident Di rector of the TNT Group o f Companies for V i ctor i a and Tasman i a .

- Professor David Lim, School of Modern Asian Stud i es , G r i f f i th Univers ity .

- Dr Peter McCaw l e y , Head of the Indonesian Proj ect , Research School of Pac i f i c Stud i e s , ANU .

- Dr Brian Scott, Chai rman and Managing Di rector of W . O . Scott & Co . Pty Ltd .

Source : David Lim, ' The Jackson Report on Aust ral ian Aid : The Underl y i ng Framewo rk ' , The Austra l i an Journal of Internati onal Affairs, vol . 39 , no . l , ( Ap r i l 1985 ) , p . 22 .

166

APPENDIX I I I Total Austral ian Aid Flows to Major Rec 1E1enfs 1987-88 fo 1990-91 [ lml. Major ReciEient 1987-88 1 989-90 1 99 0 - 9 1

PAPUA NEW GUINEA 306 . 0 337 . 8 333 . 0

SOUTH PACI FIC Fij i 1 9 . 0 25 . 3 22 . 7 Vanuatu 1 0 . 4 1 2 . 4 1 3 . 9 Solomon Islands 1 1 . 2 1 3 . 3 1 2 . 7 Western Samoa 9 . 8 1 0 . 2 12 . 3 Ton'1o 9 . 5 1 0 . 4 10 . 7 Kir1bati 3 . 0 5 . 4 3 . 9 Tuvalu 1 . 6 2 . 0 2 . 4 Other SOUTH-EAST ASIA Indonesia 89 . 1 98 . 0 107 . 9

b Phil ippines 28 . 3 30 . 2 50 . 1 Thailand 2 5 . 0 4 6 . 6 38 . 3 Malaysia 50 . 3 3 5 . 2 2 6 . 8

I Vietnam 1 4 . 2 1 6 . 8 1 0 . 0 Laos 7 . 2 8 . 3 8 . 4 Cambodi a 6 . 1 8 . 7 8 . 3 Singapore 5 . 2 2 . 7 1 . 8 Burma 1 1 . 8 4 . 0 1 . 0 Other 1 3 . 3 1 1 . 7 1 7 . 0

OTHER REGIONS Total East As i a 4 3 . 3 4 8 . 9 4 5 . 2 Total South As i a 30 . 2 8 8 . 3 82 . 4 Total Indian Ocean 6 . 4 4 . 6 4 . 1 Total Southern Africa 2 5 . 0 67 . 9 4 2 . 0 Total Other Sub-

Saharan Africa 34 . 3 2 7 . 7 30 . 2 Total North Africa/

Middle East 2 4 . 1 22 . 9 22 . 6 Rest of World 1 . 3 5 . 8 5 . 3

Source : 1 9 9 1 - 92 Bud9:et Related Paper Overseas A i d Program 1 91 - 92, Appendix D .

No . 4, Austra l i a , s

I)

D

1 6 7

APPENDIX I V : Dissent ing View from Mr J . T . Sai th in the Harries Report.

An example of the Foucauldian/Cri t i cal Theory thea is of seemingly di vergent di scourse actually being located wi thin society ' s present regime of truth, based as it is upon the current interpretation of nature dominat ion , i s found in the statement of d i ssent submitted by a member of the Harr ies Commi ttee, Mr J . T . Smi t h . As he state s :

I d i ssent from the �rops i t ion, which i s the foundat ion of the Committee ' s f 1 rst recommendation, that Aust ralia i s a Western country. This view i s vigorously repeated i n Recommendation No . l 3 ( i ) ; i t is the opening thought i n Chapter VI on Australian interests involved in relations with the Third Wor l d ; and indeed it is a recurring theme in the Report . . . How much more perplexing i t wou ld be to the Third worldi and espec i a l l y Asia, to di scover that we regard ourse ves as Western and our basing our po l i cy towards them on that, j ust when ( after 30 years effort on our pas t ) they were beginning to be l i eve that re rea lly are Austra l i an ' s and not Europeans or Br i t i sh .

Mr . Smith ' s observations betray an under l ying structural­functiona l i st approach revolving around the realpo l i t i k ' of Forbe s ' new real ism' given that Smith advocates the selective adoft i on and denouncement of the Western tag in Austra l ia ' s e forts to rursue its self-interest through the reco�ni s e? internationa diplomat i c , econom i c , and cul tural edi f 1 ces . In that regard, as i s endemic in the structura l ­functiona l i s t accoun t , such a di ssenting crit ique converges w i th the subj ect ivism of the Foucaul t-Adorno-Horkheimer synthesis model of reason in hi story. Here, in keeping w i th Foucau l t , a v i ew d issenting from the bureaucrat ic mode l is expressed, thus const ituting a power network whe re i n resi stance to the pre-eminent model el i c i t s power i n i tsel f . Nonetheless , as w i t h · the material ism of Cr i t i cal theory and Foucau l t , reason or knowledge i s governed in the last instant by the present incarnation of society ' s regime o f trut h . Consequently, to invoke the Crit ical Theory paradi9m, the truths or bel iefs of Mr Smi th ' s account correlates w1th the prece�ts of the principal di scourse . Both relate back to state-cap 1 t a l i s t reason which i s the moment of societal tota l i ty . Nature-domination through state i n i t iated action to preserve aff luence i s the preva i l ing rationa l i ty determining thought .

Support for the C r i t i ca l Theory assessment i s evinced by

1 ' Di ssenting View from Mr J . T . Smith ' , in Austra l i a and the Third Worl d : Report of the Commi ttee on Austra l i a ' s Relations wi th the Third World, ( Canberra : AGPS , September 1 97 9 ) , p . 1 9 1 .

2 Dean Forbe s , ' Ai d , Trade and the New Austral i a ' s L i nks w i th East and Southeast Asia ' , Geographer, vol . 1 9 , no . 1 , ( May 1988 ) , pp . l 82- 1 9 4 .

Rea l i sm : Austral i a.n

D

1 68 the notion that Austral ia must prevar i cate when using the Western tag in relation to Europe and As i a . The princ1pal concern ( vis-a-vis state-capitalist reason ) is that the projection of a Western affinity by Austra l i a w i l l precl ude Austra l i a from integration into the Asian sphere with 1 ts ensuing economic and strategic bene f i t s . That i s , Smith fears that a Western tag would inhibit the expression and �ursuit of Austra l ia ' s interests through the recogn ised 1nstitutions when dealing w i th As i a . Such an outcome would be catastrophic in the eyes of state-capital i sm with 1 ts emphasis on the preservation and advancement of affluence to enhance the technologies of sel f-preservation and surviva l . As Smith states:

This i s not to say that on matters of mutual interest we should not caucus at international 9atherings and have other arrangements with the countr 1es of Western Europe, the United States , Japan, Canada and New Zealand - a l l included i n the Committee ' s def i n i t i on of the - West ' . We have done so with advantage to our interests and shou ld, as appropr iate , continue to do so. But these l inkages , however described, should be seen as the consequences or means of pursuing our interests internationall y not the starting poin; i n approaching our relationships with the Third Wor l d .

For Smith, i n l i ne with state-cap i ta l i st reason, i t i s imperative that Austral ia present an independent image divorced from the Western persona . To do so would fac i l itate the ongoing assimi l ation into Asia thus protecting Austral i a ' s advanced status . Otherwise, as Smith specul ates :

The main thrust of this Report is to seek a stronger and real istic re lationshi p with the Third World countries of our region and with the groupings ( l i ke ASEAN ) bui !ding up there . How can we approach them successfu l ly as anything e l se than Austra l i ans , genuinely independent and ready to be fart of an As i an­Paci f i c wor l d , uncluttered by labe l s i ke · western ' or other appeals to the past?

As th1s Report brings out very clearly , the Third World tends to see - the West ' as its adversary - i n terms of its colonial pas t , its economic expl o i tation, its res i stance to their demands and somet imes for its grudging concess i ons . By so del iberately identif y ing ourselves as Western we would invite the Third World to �ee u'\ in the same l ight - yet that is not our real 1mage .

3 Smith, ' Di ssenting View ' , p . l92 .

t Ibid, p . l9 1 .

D

, )

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