final devoicing
TRANSCRIPT
Final devoicing: Production and perception studies*
Scott Myers
University of Texas at Austin
Final devoicing is a pattern of phonological distribution in which both voiced and
voiceless obstruents occur in a language, but at the end of a particular prosodic domain
(Selkirk 1978, 1986) only voiceless obstruents occur. 1, 2, 3 There are examples from all
over the world, involving both phonological word and syllable domains (cf. Passy 1891:
160; Grammont 1933: 365; Locke 1983: 118; Lombardi 1995, 1999; Blevins 2006;
Harris 2009):
* I would like to thank the following people for their helpful comments on this work: Juliette Blevins, Shigeto Kawahara, two anonymous reviewers, and audiences at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst and the Acoustical Society of America meeting in Portland. Thanks also to Lisa Selkirk, who I was lucky to have as my PhD supervisor, for her mentorship, her friendship, and the example she has always provided of elegant and insightful inquiry into how language works. 1 By "voiced" obstruents I mean obstruents that are distinguished from "voiceless" ones by having a higher proportion of vocal fold pulsing and a lower proportion of aperiodic noise. They are generally distinguished by other phonetic properties as well (Lisker 1986, Kingston and Diehl 1994), and in some of these cases periodic pulsing may not be the primary cue (Jessen and Ringen 2002). 2 Descriptions of the final devoicing pattern are often frustratingly vague. The position of neutralization is sometimes simply described as “final”, without making clear what domain it is final in (e.g. Dambriunas et al. 1966: 17), and it is often not clear whether the author checked other possible domains (e.g. whether devoicing occurs at the end of a word if the word is non-final in the phrase). Most of the descriptions cited here are also based on transcriptions, so they are inherently vague as to whether the devoicing effect is gradient or categorical. 3 The neutralization of the voicing contrast in final position in some languages is incomplete, i.e. there are measurable and perceptible differences between alternating and nonalternating final voiceless consonants (Dinnsen and Charles-Luce 1984, Port and O’Dell 1985, Slowiaczek and Dinnsen 1985, Charles-Luce and Dinnsen 1987, Slowiaczek and Szymanska 1987, Warner et al. 2004, and Dmitrieva 2005). Ernestus and Baayen (2006: 47) suggest that words with alternating final voiceless obstruents are influenced in production by the activation of the corresponding voiced-final items in their paradigm.
(1) (a) All word-final obstruents are voiceless.
• Slavic: Russian (Padgett 2002), Czech (Heim 1976: 14), Slovak (Rubach
1993: 283), Bulgarian (Scatton 1984: 20), Polish (Rubach 1984: 206)
• Romance: Walloon (Francard and Morin 1986: 457), Friulian (Baroni and
Vanelli 2000: 27), Old French (Ewert 1933: 75, 97), Ferrarese Italian
(stops only - Dinnsen and Eckman 1978: 5)
• Germanic: Dutch (Booij 1995: 22), German (Jessen and Ringen 2002),
Gothic (fricatives only -Wright 1899: 62-67; Hock 1991: 43), Old English
(fricatives only - Hock 1991: 43)
• Saranda Ekklisies Greek (stops only - Newton 1972: 103)
• Sanskrit (Whitney 1879: 46)
• Daragözu Arabic and Maltese Arabic (Abu Mansour 1996: 213, 215)
• Uyghur (Hahn 1991: 84)
• Fur (Jakobi 1990: 35)
• Luo (Tucker 1994: 35)
• Afar (Bliese 1981: 242)
• Basque (Hualde 1991: 13)
(b) All syllable-final obstruents are voiceless.
• Takelma (Sapir 1990: 35)
• Wintu (Pitkin 1984: 26)
• West Tarangan (Nivens 1992: 147)
• Romansch (Montreuil 1999: 531)
• Catalan (Hualde 1992: 393)
• Breton (Krämer 2000: 641)
• Haisla (Bach 1996: 5)
• Ron (Jungraithmayr 1970: 21)
• Malay (Ahmad 2005: 55)
• Turkish (stops only - Clements and Keyser 1983: 59-60)
• Buriat (Poppe 1960: 10)
• Efik (Cook 1969: 36)
• Manipuri (Singh 2000: 13-16)
• Thai (Iwasaki and Ingkaphirom 2005: 4)
• Vietnamese (Thompson 1965: 23)
• Various Sino-Tibetan languages (Thurgood and LaPolla 2003)
An optional pattern of word-final obstruent devoicing has been reported as a
distinguishing characteristic of a number of English dialects, e.g. those of some African
American communities (Wolfram 1969: 51, Luelsdorf 1975: 42), the Appalachian region
(Wolfram and Christian 1976: 63), or the Maori people in New Zealand (Holmes 1996).
The pattern is also reflected in language acquisition. Already in prelinguistic
babbling voiceless consonants greatly outnumber voiced consonants in utterance-final
position (Oller et al. 1976). When children begin to produce words, they often have a
stage where they produce both voiced and voiceless obstruents, but in word-final position
only voiceless ones (Velten 1943: 283, Smith 1973: 37, Smith 1979: 22, Flege 1982).
Persistence of this error type later into the acquisition process is recognized as a speech
disorder (Hodson and Paden 1981: 371, Cutts and Jensen 1983, Ingram 1989: 115).
Systematic devoicing of final voiced target consonants is also a prevalent error type in
second language acquisition, even in cases where final devoicing is not a characteristic of
either the target language or the learner’s native language (Eckman 1981, Flege and
Davidian 1984, Flege, Munro and Skelton 1992, Major and Audree 1996, Broselow,
Chen, and Wang 1998).
Scholars have long related this phonological pattern of final devoicing to the
phonetics of prepausal position (e.g. Sievers 1901: 289-290; Jespersen 1926: 101;
Bloomfield 1933: 373; Lindblom 1983: 237). There is no vocal fold vibration during
pause, so devoicing in prepausal position can be seen as assimilation to this voiceless
state (Lightner 1972: 332-333, Ingram 1989: 35). Non-speech breathing is characterized
by a wide glottal aperture to facilitate air passage, and speakers begin spreading the vocal
folds in anticipation before they are done producing speech (Sweet 1877: 65; Lisker et al.
1969: 1545; Klatt and Klatt 1990, Shadle 1997: 42; Jessen 1998; Slifka 2006). In addition
to this coarticulatory effect of the transition from speech to nonspeech, voicing in
utterance-final position is also hampered by a decline in subglottal pressure over the
course of the utterance (Westbury and Keating 1986: 156). The result is a gradual
breakdown in voicing as one approaches pause, often passing through nonmodal voicing
before a final voiceless interval. Such utterance-final devoicing has been found in
instrumental acoustic studies in English (Haggard 1978, Docherty 1992, Smith 1997),
French (Smith 1999, 2003), Finnish (Lehtonen 1970: 45, Myers and Hansen 2007), and
Kinyarwanda (Myers 2005), and noted as well in many transcription-based studies (e.g.
Michelsen’s 1988 study of the Lake Iroquoian languages). Oller and Smith (1977) found
utterance-final vowel devoicing to be a regular feature of prelinguistic babbling.
I would propose that this coarticulatory utterance-final devoicing is the initial
impetus for a sound change that results in phonological word-final devoicing. The first
step of this transformation would be that utterance-final devoicing affects the perception
of voicing contrasts in utterance-final position, inducing a tendency among listeners to
identify utterance-final obstruents as voiceless. This would be expected since utterance-
final devoicing diminishes voicing during the constriction period, a demonstrated
perceptual cue for voicing (Raphael 1971, Wolf 1978, Smith 1979, Hogan and Roszypal
1980, Kingston and Diehl 1994). As Blevins (2006) points out, lengthening of the
utterance-final consonant (Lindblom 1968) could have the same perceptual effect, since
listeners are also sensitive to the fact that voiceless obstruents are longer than
corresponding voiced ones (Denes 1955). Listeners are generally adept at compensating
in perception for coarticulatory effects (Lindblom and Studdert-Kennedy 1967, Mann and
Repp 1980), but they can fail to do so, leading to hypocorrection (Ohala 1981, 1993). In
this case, the result of failing to completely compensate for the devoicing effect of
utterance-final position would be a tendency to identify utterance-final obstruents as
voiceless.
The second step of the sound change would be that the listener generalizes over
the voicing categories he or she has identified in this way, and concludes that obstruents
in this position are voiceless. This generalization is a phonological restriction on category
distribution. Pierrehumbert (2001: 152) has shown how in an exemplar-based model even
a small bias in identification of this sort can over time lead to such a neutralization in
contrast between two speech sound categories. The extension of the pattern from
utterance-final to word- and syllable-final positions would be an analogical extension
based on the fact that every utterance-final consonant is also word- and syllable-final
(Ewert 1933: 75; Westbury and Keating 1986: 161; Hock 1991: 239).
The third step of the sound change is the spread of the pattern from the individual
innovators to a broader speech community (Labov 2001). This step depends heavily on
the innovators' relations to other speakers and the dynamics of group identity (Wedel and
Van Volkinburg 2009).
In this account, phonological final devoicing is the end result of a diachronic
process of phonologization (Hyman 1976), building on phonetic utterance-final
devoicing. It is a hypocorrective sound change (Ohala 1981, 1993), beginning with a
listener's failure to compensate perceptually for an effect of context on production.
Such a diachronic account would explain a number of the properties of
phonological final devoicing. The phonological pattern is common and has emerged
independently in numerous language groups because it results from a straightforward
change based on a pervasive pattern of laryngeal coarticulation. Voiced obstruents are
subject to change in final position because anticipation of the open glottis of nonspeech
breathing diminishes the voicing that contributes to distinguishing those sounds. Voiced
obstruents change to voiceless obstruents, because that is what a partially devoiced
obstruent tends to be mistaken for. The pattern is restricted to obstruents, because
partially devoiced sonorants are so low in intensity that they are mistaken for silence
rather than for a voiceless segment (Myers and Hansen 2007). The sound change is
recapitulated in first- and second-language acquisition because the identification errors
that are the basis for the sound change are more frequent in inexperienced learners of the
sound system.
The basic phonetic prerequisites for the phonological final devoicing pattern are
widespread, perhaps universal. But not every language that has the phonetic pattern ends
up with the corresponding phonological pattern. This is because the phonetic pattern of
utterance-final devoicing is only the first step of the change, and the emergence of
phonological final devoicing depends on all the subsequent steps as well. A listener has
to make an identification error due to the phonetic pattern often enough that it serves as
the basis of a generalization about voicing categories, and then this innovated
phonological pattern has to spread beyond that individual to a speech community. A
sound change will only occur when these events happen to line up in the right way, but
the point is that this series of events is more likely than one with a less frequent starting
point (Yu 2004).
The articulatory and acoustic bases of this diachronic account are well-supported;
the studies cited above demonstrate the effect of utterance-final position on the actions of
the vocal folds and on the resulting acoustic reflexes of voicing. But no evidence has
been provided to date for the claim that these acoustic effects of utterance-final
coarticulation affect identification of voicing categories and lead to a tendency to identify
utterance-final obstruents as voiceless. The aim of the present study is to test this claim.
English was chosen as the language of the study, since it has a robust contrast in
voicing in word-final position (e.g. pat/pad), and English speakers are therefore
experienced in producing and perceiving contrasting voice categories in this position.
The first experiment is a production study, which is meant both to explore the conditions
for the utterance-final devoicing effect and to generate stimuli for the perception
experiments. The second and third experiments are perception experiments, in which
English-speaking listeners identify words belonging to minimal pairs differing in final
voicing (e.g. proof/prove), excised from utterance-final or nonfinal position.
1. Experiment #1: Production
1.1 Methods
The test items, listed in (2), all belonged to minimal pairs differing just in the
voicing of a word-final obstruent: final voiceless vs. final voiced fricative (e.g.
proof/prove), or final voiced vs. voiceless stops (e.g. greet/greed). There were ten test
words for each class of word-final segment, for a total of 40 items.
(2) Test words
(a) Fricative-final (voiceless - voiced) (b) Stop-final (voiceless - voiced)
loose - lose greet - greed
proof - prove feet - feed
cease - seize beat - bead
leaf - leave seat - seed
Bruce - bruise loop - lube
noose - news neat - need
belief - believe moot - mood
grief - grieve leak - league
relief - relieve heat - heed
use (noun) - use (verb) sweet - Swede
To control for the effects of stress (Lehiste 1970: 36) and vowel height (Lindblom 1968)
on the duration of the vowel, the final syllable in all test words bore main word stress and
had a high tense vowel.
Each test word occurred in two carrier sentences. To control for the effect of
utterance length on vowel duration (Lindblom 1968), each carrier sentence consisted of
15 syllables. In one sentence, the test word was sentence-final (e.g. The garage can
tighten any of the bolts that are too loose), while in the other it was non-final and
preceding a word beginning with a nasal stop (e.g. There is a loose nylon cover over the
whole area). Each of the 40 test words occurred in 2 sentence positions, so there were 80
test sentences for each speaker.
6 adult native speakers of American English produced the materials.4 The test
sentences were presented in random order at 5-second intervals in a timed Powerpoint
presentation on a laptop, interspersed with 60 distractor sentences (stimuli for another
experiment). The speaker read them aloud seated in a sound recording booth and was
recorded on a solid-state digital recorder. 480 test sentences were produced by the 6
4 The subjects were from Oklahoma, Illinois, Tennessee, Oregon, and California.
speakers, but of those 1 item was excluded because the speaker produced the wrong
word, and 2 were excluded due to background noise that made the measurements
impossible. That left 477 items for analysis.
There are many acoustic correlates for voicing (Lisker 1986), but since this study
concerns the interaction of such correlates with utterance position, we focus on measures
which are defined for both stops and fricatives, and which are known to be sensitive to
both voicing and utterance position.
The duration of the following intervals was measured, using Praat
(http://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/praat/): (a) the vowel, (b) the constriction for the postvocalic
consonant (if any), (c) the release (if any), and (d) the voiced and voiceless subintervals
within the VC sequence (a) -(c).
The onset of the vowel was defined as the onset of an increase in amplitude and
wave complexity after the prevocalic consonant. The offset of the vowel was defined as
the end of F2 and F3 of the vowel. The constriction interval was a period of minimum
amplitude beginning with the vowel offset. In the case of stops this corresponded to the
closure interval, while in fricatives it was the noise interval. The release was the interval
of increased amplitude after the constriction and before the onset of a following sound, if
any. In a released stop, this was the noise burst and aspiration. In fricatives, this was a
period characterized by a shift to lower frequency and lower intensity noise. In these
recordings, all utterance-final stops were released, suggesting a fairly careful
pronunciation.
The voiced interval was from the onset of the vowel to the offset of quasiperiodic
pulses in the waveform. The voiceless interval consisted either of noise without such
pulsing, or silence (in a stop closure). In these recordings, the voiced interval was always
continuous, i.e. all the VC sequences measured had an initial voiced interval, which was
followed in some cases by a voiceless interval that stretched to the end of the VC
sequence. The transition from voiced to voiceless always occurred either in the
constriction interval or in the release.
The constriction interval was expected to be longer in voiceless obstruents than in
voiced obstruents (Denes 1955, Lisker 1957, Stevens et al. 1992), and longer in
utterance-final than in nonfinal position (Byrd et al. 2005).
The duration of the voiceless interval within the consonant (constriction + release)
was expected to be longer in a voiceless than in a voiced consonant (Raphael 1971,
Kingston and Diehl 1994), and longer in utterance-final than in nonfinal position
(Haggard 1978, Docherty 1992, Smith 1997). The absolute duration of the voiceless
interval was chosen in this study as a measure rather than the proportion of the voiced
interval to the whole consonant interval because the latter measure had a bimodal
distribution, complicating statistical analysis (cf. Kuzla, Cho and Ernestus 2007). The
duration of the voiceless interval was chosen over that of the voiced interval since it is a
devoicing effect that we are aiming to measure.
The duration of the vowel was expected to be longer before voiced than before
voiceless consonants (Chen 1970), and longer in utterance-final position than in nonfinal
position (Lindblom 1968, Oller 1973). The ratio of the vowel duration to the duration of
the whole vowel + consonant sequence has been argued to be a more robust acoustic
correlate of voicing than the absolute duration of the vowel alone (Kohler 1979, Barry
1979, Pind 1986). This V/VC ratio is greater when C is voiced than when it is voiceless,
because the vowel before a voiced coda is longer and the coda itself is shorter. The ratio
is also lower in utterance-final syllables than in nonfinal syllables (Barry 1979), because
final lengthening is gradient and has more of an effect on the utterance-final coda than on
the preceding vowel, proportionally (Turk 1999).
In the statistical analysis a mixed model was used in which speaker and test word
were treated as random effects, and fixed effects were voicing (voiced/voiceless), manner
(stop/fricative), and (utterance) position (final/nonfinal). The alpha level was .05. A given
acoustic measure was considered to show utterance-final devoicing when a significant
effect of utterance-final position coincided with (i.e. went in the same direction as) the
effect of having a voiceless obstruent in coda position.
1.2 Results
1.2.1 Constriction duration
Fig. 1 presents the percentile distribution of constriction duration by manner,
voicing and position:
Fig. 1: Constriction duration (ms) by manner, voicing and position
Mean constriction duration was greater in voiceless obstruents (118 ms) than in voiced
obstruents (77 ms), greater in fricatives (138 ms) than in stops (57 ms), and greater in
utterance-final syllables (124 ms) than in nonfinal ones (71 ms). All three main effects
were significant (d.f. = 1, 469): voicing (F = 109.0, p < .001), manner (F = 444.5, p <
.001), and position (F = 433.4, p < .001). The 2-way interactions were also significant
(d.f. = 1, 469): voicing*position (F = 30.7, p < .001), voicing*manner (F = 36.1, p <
.001), and manner*position (F = 274.7, p < .001). The 3-way interaction was not
significant.
In order to explore the interactions, the data was split into subsets according to
manner and position. Considering the manner classes, both the voicing and position main
effects were significant in both stops and fricatives: voicing in stops (F (1, 234) = 17.0, p
< .001), voicing in fricatives (F (1, 235) = 96.8, p < .001), position in stops (F (1, 234) =
13.1, p < .001), and position in fricatives (F (1, 235) = 612.1, p < .001). The interaction
between the two factors was significant in both stops (F (1, 234) = 17.5, p < .001) and
fricatives (F (1, 235) = 17.4, p < .001).
Splitting the data according to position class, voicing was a significant main effect
in both final and nonfinal positions (final, F (1, 233) = 190.9, p < .001; nonfinal, F (1,
236) = 35.2, p < .001). The main effect of manner was also significant in both position
classes (final, F (1, 233) = 983.4, p < .001; nonfinal (1, 236) = 78.7, p < .001), as was the
interaction of voicing and manner (final, F (1, 233) = 41.6, p < .001; nonfinal (1, 236) =
23.1, p < .001).
In both stops and fricatives, and in both final and nonfinal position, constriction
duration was significantly longer in voiceless than in voiced obstruents, as previously
found by Denes (1955). As in Byrd et al. (2005), the constriction duration was longer in
utterance-final than in non-final position. The two factors interacted so that the difference
between the voiced and voiceless group means was greater in final position (55 ms) than
in nonfinal position (27 ms). The lengthening of constriction duration associated with
utterance-final position coincided with and reinforced the lengthening effect of belonging
to the voiceless category, so with respect to this measure utterance-final position had a
devoicing effect. The same result is obtained if the whole consonant duration
(constriction + release) is used as a measure, instead of just the constriction interval.
1.2.2 Duration of the voiceless interval
Fig. 2 presents the percentile distribution of the duration of the voiceless interval
by manner, voicing, and position class.
Fig. 3. Duration of the voiceless interval by manner, voicing and position
The mean duration of the voiceless interval was greater in voiceless obstruents (146 ms)
than in voiced ones (78 ms), greater in fricatives (130 ms) than in stops (93 ms), and
greater in final position (181 ms) than in nonfinal position (43 ms). All three main effects
are significant (d.f. = 1, 469): voicing (F = 194.8, p < .001), manner (F = 56.9, p < .001)
and position (F = 1213.4, p < .001). All of the interactions except that of voicing and
position were significant (d.f. = 1, 469): voicing and manner (F = 5.0, p = .03), manner
and position (F = 7.8, p = .01), and voicing*manner*position (F = 4.4, p = .04).
In the manner subsets, the main effect of voicing was significant (stops, F (1, 234)
= 45.5, p < .001; fricatives, F (1, 235) = 272.4, p < .001), as was the main effect of
position (stops, F (1, 234) = 406.8, p < .001; fricatives, F (1, 235) = 970.3, p < .001). The
interaction of voicing and position was significant in stops (F (1, 234) = 5.0, p = .03), but
not fricatives.
In the position subsets, the main effect of voicing was significant (final, F (1, 233)
= 108.0, p < .001; nonfinal, F (1, 236) = 104.5, p < .001), and so was the main effect of
manner (final, F (1, 233) = 44.8, p < .001; nonfinal, F (1, 236) = 17.4, p < .001). The
interaction of voicing and manner was significant in the nonfinal subset (F (1, 236) = 9.7,
p = .002), but not in the final subset.
Thus the voiceless interval in the consonant was significantly longer in voiceless
obstruents than in voiced ones in both stops and fricatives, and both final and nonfinal
position. The voiceless interval was longer in utterance-final position than in nonfinal
position. The voicing and position factors interacted in such a way that the difference
between the voiced and voiceless group means was greater in final position (74 ms) than
in nonfinal position (63 ms). For this measure, the lengthening effect of final position
coincided with the lengthening effect of a voiceless obstruent, so utterance-final position
had a devoicing effect. The same general pattern holds if the proportion of voicing to
consonant duration is used as a measure.
1.2.3 Vowel duration
Fig. 3 presents the percentile distribution of vowel duration (ms) by coda voicing
and utterance position:
Fig. 3: Vowel duration (ms) by manner, voicing and utterance position
Mean vowel duration was greater before a voiced obstruent (199 ms) than before
voiceless ones (mean = 152 ms), slightly greater before a fricative (177 ms) than before a
stop (175 ms), and greater in an utterance-final syllable (198 ms) than in a nonfinal
syllable (154 ms). The main effects of voicing and position were significant (d.f. = 1,
469): voicing, F = 57.8, p < .001; position, F = 255.0, p < .001, but not the main effect of
manner (F < 1). The significant interactions (d.f. = 1, 469) were those of voicing and
position (F = 21.0, p < .001), voicing and manner (F =13.3, p < .001), and voicing,
manner and position (F = 18.8, p < .001). The interaction of manner with voicing was not
significant (F < 1).
The main effect of voicing was significant in both manner subsets (stops, F (1,
234) = 22.7, p < .001; fricatives, F (1, 235) = 35.6, p < .001), as was the main effect of
position (stops, F (1, 234) = 65.5, p < .001; fricatives, F (1, 235) = 226.3, p < .001). The
interaction between voicing and position was significant in fricatives (F (1, 235) = 46.7, p
< .001), but not in stops (F < 1).
Examining the final and nonfinal subsets separately, the main effect of voicing
was significant in both the final and nonfinal subsets (final, F (1, 233) = 79.7, p < .001;
nonfinal, F (1, 236) = 19.2, p < .001), while the main effect of manner was not significant
in either subset. The interaction of voicing and manner was significant in the final subset
(manner, F (1, 233) = 6.9, p = .009), but not in the nonfinal subset.
Thus, as in previous studies (e.g. Chen 1970), vowel duration in this sample was
significantly greater before a voiced consonant than before a voiceless one in stops and
fricatives, and in final and nonfinal position. As in previous studies (e.g. Oller 1973),
vowel duration was significantly greater in an utterance-final syllable than in a nonfinal
one. The two factors interacted in that the difference between the voiced and voiceless
group means was greater in final position (60 ms) than in nonfinal position (33 ms).
Umeda (1975) found a similar interaction in a study of connected speech in English, but
in her study the significant effects of voicing were limited to final position. For our
purposes, what matters most is that with regard to this voicing cue, the lengthening
effects of utterance-final position coincide with and reinforce the effect of a voiced coda,
rather than the voiceless category as with the previous two measures. Thus with respect
to this measure, utterance-final position has a voicing effect, not the expected devoicing
effect.
However, it should be noted that some scholars have argued that the appropriate
cue for voicing in a postvocalic consonant is not the absolute duration of the preceding
vowel, but the ratio of the vowel duration to the duration of the whole VC sequence
(Kohler 1979, Barry 1979, Pind 1986). The percentile distribution of this measure,
V/VC, is presented in Fig. 4.
Fig. 4: The ratio of vowel duration to VC duration, by manner, voicing and position class
The mean V/VC ratio was greater for voiced codas (.64) than for voiceless ones (.51),
greater with stops (.61) than with fricatives (.54), and greater in nonfinal position (.66)
than in utterance-final position (.49). All the main effects were significant for this
measure (d.f. = 1, 469): voicing (F = 129.2, p < .001), manner (F = 36.9, p < .001), and
position (F = 568.8, p < .001). The significant interactions (d.f. = 1, 469) were those of
voicing and manner (F = 14.6, p < .001), and manner and position (F = 25.8, p < .001).
The main effect of voicing was significant in both the stop subset (F (1, 234) =
19.6, p < .001) and the fricative subset (F (1, 235) = 220.3, p < .001). The main effect of
position was also significant in both manner subsets (stops, F (1, 234) = 325.9, p < .001;
fricatives, F (1, 235) = 269.0, p < .001). In neither manner subset was there a significant
interaction between voicing and position.
Dividing the dataset by position, the main effect of voicing was significant (final,
F (1, 233) = 133.6, p < .001; nonfinal, F (1, 236) = 60.4, p < .001), as was that of manner
(final, F (1, 233) = 8.5, p =.004; nonfinal, F (1, 236) = 38.6, p < .001) and the interaction
of voicing and manner (final, F (1, 233) = 14.2, p < .001; nonfinal, F (1, 236) = 7.1, p =
.008).
Thus the V/VC ratio was significantly greater with voiced codas than with
voiceless ones in both stops and fricatives, and both final and nonfinal position. The ratio
was significantly greater in final than in nonfinal position for both stops and fricatives. In
this case there was no significant interaction between these two factors, so that there was
no significant difference in the voicing effect depending on utterance position. The
lowered ratio associated with final position coincided with the lowering effect of a
voiceless coda - an utterance-final devoicing effect.
1.2.4 Discussion: Production study
It has been found that there are three important acoustic cues for voicing that
show utterance-final devoicing in this dataset, such that the effect of final position
coincides with the effect of voicelessness. Constriction duration and the duration of the
voiceless interval are longer in final than nonfinal position, and longer in voiceless than
in voiced consonants. The V/VC duration ratio is lower in final than in nonfinal position,
and lower with voiceless than with voiced codas.
Vowel duration goes the other direction, since vowels were longer in final
position and with voiced codas. There are also other cues for voicing that have not been
measured in this study (Lisker 1986), such as f0 or F1, in which the effects of final
position might coincide with those of the voiced category.
The question is which class of acoustic correlates is dominant in the identification
of voicing categories in utterance-final position. If, as we have hypothesized, listeners
tend to identify utterance-final obstruents as voiceless, this would suggest that the cues
that are most salient to listeners are those in which the effect of utterance-final position
coincides with the effect of a voiceless coda. If, on the other hand, absolute vowel
duration is the most salient acoustic correlate of coda voicing for listeners, then we would
expect that listeners would tend to identify utterance-final obstruents as voiced. The
perception experiments presented in the next session will provide evidence on this point.
2. Experiments #2a and #2b: Perception
We have seen in the production study that utterance-final position has significant
effects on the acoustic correlates of the voicing contrast in English. The goal of the
perception studies is to investigate what consequences, if any, these acoustic effects have
on listeners' identification of categories contrasting in voicing.
2.1 Methods
The 20 obstruent-final voiced-voiceless pairs in (2) above served as the test items
for the perception experiments. The test words were excised from the soundfiles
produced in the first experiment, cutting at the closest zero crossing preceding the onset
of the word and the closest zero crossing immediately following the end of the word
(including the final consonant release, if any).
There were 477 tokens from the production study. 2 of these were excluded due to
speaker error, leaving 475 stimuli. The recordings were processed in Adobe Audition.
They were normalized to the same peak intensity (-15 dB relative to full scale). To
decrease the abruptness of the soundfile onset, a 100 ms. interval of silence was added to
the beginning of each soundfile, and if the initial sound wasn’t a plosive, the initial
portion was reset to fade in gradually.
In the stimuli for Experiment 2a, the files were presented in the clear, without any
added noise. However, it was expected that the error rate would be low in this case, and
perhaps too low to provide enough information about the kinds of errors listeners were
prone to. Thus a new series of stimuli was created by taking the stimuli for Experiment
2a and mixing in pink noise (in which intensity is inversely proportional to frequency) at
a signal-to-noise ratio of 10 dB. These stimuli were used in Experiment 2b.
Since no changes were made to f0, voice quality, or segment duration, the stimuli
do not sound like isolation words, i.e. complete intonational phrases consisting of a single
word, but are clearly incomplete snippets from a longer utterance. Subjects were told that
the stimuli were cut out of longer sentences, and that that is why they might sound odd.
The stimuli were presented through headphones from a laptop computer using
Superlab (Cedrus). The stimuli were blocked by word pair, and presented in a different
random order within the block for each subject. For each block, the subject was presented
with the choice of items on the laptop screen – one choice in blue on the left side of the
screen, and the other in red on the right. Sound files were presented every 2 seconds, and
subjects were instructed to listen to each one and press a key on a response box to
indicate as quickly as possible their choice as to which word they heard. A blue key on
the left of the box corresponded to the left-hand choice in blue, and a red key on the right
corresponded to the right-hand choice in red. Voiced and voiceless choices were evenly
distributed between left and right.
16 adult native speakers of American English participated in each of the two
experiments. Each subject participated in only one of the experiments, and none of the
subjects for the production experiment participated as subjects in these perception
experiments.
Since the experiment involves native speakers of English identifying familiar
words of English, it was expected that the error rate would be quite low. But the
hypothesis was that there would nevertheless be a significant tendency among listeners to
identify utterance-final obstruents as voiceless, and that there would be more voiceless
judgements for forms excised from utterance-final position than for forms from
utterance-medial position.
The dependent variable here is a categorical response (voiced/voiceless), so the
models are based on a binomial distribution. Subject (i.e. listener), talker, and minimum
pair were included as random effects, and the fixed effects were stimulus voicing (voiced
coded as 0, and voiceless as 1) and stimulus position (final coded as 0, and nonfinal as 1).
The logistic regression models expressed the likelihood of a voiceless response based on
these factors.
2.2 Results
There were 7600 trials in each experiment (475 stimuli * 16 subjects). In
experiment 2a there were 67 nonresponses, i.e. cases in which the subject did not press
either key in the 2-second interval allowed. These were excluded from the analysis,
leaving a total of 7533 responses. In Experiment 2b, 62 nonresponses were excluded, as
well as 2 responses with suspiciously low response times below 110 ms (from stimulus
onset), leaving a total of 7536 responses.
As expected, subjects were in general quite accurate in their identification of the
stimuli. 6844 of the responses in Experiment 2a (90.9%) were correct, while in
Experiment 2b, with added noise, 6539 responses (86.8%) were correct.
The responses are broken down by stimulus category in Table 1 for Experiment
2a and in Table 2 for Experiment 2b. Correct responses are highlighted in boldface.
Table 1: Experiment 2a: Number (and percentage) of voicing responses by stimulus
manner, position and voicing
Stimulus
manner
Stimulus
position
Stimulus
voicing
Number (and
percentage) of
voiced responses
Number (and
percentage) of voiceless
responses
Stop Nonfinal Voiced 866 (92%) 74 (8%)
Stop Nonfinal Voiceless 98 (10%) 841 (90%)
Stop Final Voiced 891 (95%) 49 (5%)
Stop Final Voiceless 72 (8%) 866 (92%)
Fricative Nonfinal Voiced 919 (97%) 33 (3%)
Fricative Nonfinal Voiceless 189 (20%) 760 (80%)
Fricative Final Voiced 820 (89%) 106 (11%)
Fricative Final Voiceless 68 (7%) 881 (93%)
Table 2: Experiment 2b: Number (and percentage) of voicing responses by stimulus
manner, position and voicing
Stimulus
manner
Stimulus
position
Stimulus
voicing
Number (and
percentage) of
voiced responses
Number (and
percentage) of voiceless
responses
Stop Nonfinal Voiced 802 (86%) 136 (14%)
Stop Nonfinal Voiceless 114 (12%) 825 (88%)
Stop Final Voiced 833 (88%) 110 (12%)
Stop Final Voiceless 83 (9%) 855 (91%)
Fricative Nonfinal Voiced 859 (90%) 93 (10%)
Fricative Nonfinal Voiceless 184 (19%) 766 (81%)
Fricative Final Voiced 767 (83%) 162 (17%)
Fricative Final Voiceless 115 (12%) 832 (88%)
In both experiments, the fricatives show a higher percentage of voiceless
responses for corresponding stimuli from final position than for those from nonfinal
position. Thus in Experiment 2a, voiceless fricative stimuli were correctly identified as
voiceless in 93% of the final cases but only 80% of the nonfinal ones. Voiced fricative
stimuli in the same experiment were incorrectly identified as voiceless in 11% of the final
cases, as compared to 6% of the nonfinal ones. The same generalization held for the
fricative stimuli in Experiment 2b.
However, the stops did not show such a pattern. In both experiments, as with
fricative stimuli, voiceless stops were correctly identified as voiceless more often in final
position than in nonfinal position. For example, among stimuli with voiceless stops in
Experiment 2a, 92% were identified as voiceless in final position, compared to 90% in
nonfinal position. But, unlike the fricative stimuli, the incorrect identification of voiced
stops as voiceless was slightly less frequent in final position than in nonfinal position. For
example, in Experiment 2a, 8% of the final voiced stops were identified as voiceless,
compared with 10% of the nonfinal voiced stops.
The results of the statistical analysis are given in Table 3 for Experiment 2a, and
in Table 4 for Experiment 2b.
Table 3. Experiment 2a: Fixed effects
Fixed effect Estimated
coefficient
z p
Voicing 5.2 29.0 <.001
Position -1.4 -6.4 <.001
Manner -0.9 -3.3 <.001
Voicing * Position 0.1 0.4 .66
Voicing * Manner 0.9 6.4 <.001
Position* Manner 1.8 6.4 <.001
Voicing*Manner*Position -1.0 -2.6 .01
Table 4. Experiment 2b: Fixed effects
Fixed effect Estimated
coefficient
z p
Voicing 3.9 27.7 <.001
Position -0.7 -4.9 <.001
Manner -0.5 -2.2 .03
Voicing * Position 0.1 0.6 .53
Voicing * Manner 0.9 4.2 <.001
Position* Manner 1.0 4.9 <.001
Voicing*Manner*Position -0.8 -2.7 .007
In both experiments, all the main effects were significant. The positive coefficient for
voicing, in conjunction with the significant z value, indicates that a voiceless stimulus
(coded 1) had a significantly greater likelihood to be identified as voiceless than a voiced
stimulus (coded 0) had. This just reflects the high accuracy of identification of voicing
categories. The negative coefficient for position, in conjunction with the significant effect
for that factor, means that a nonfinal stimulus (coded 1) had a significantly smaller
likelihood to be identified as voiceless than a final stimulus (coded 0). The negative
coefficient for manner meant that a stop (coded 1) was less likely than a fricative (coded
0) to be identified as voiceless. However, there were significant interactions among these
factors, complicating the interpretation.
The dataset was split into stop and fricative subsets so that the effects of voicing
and position could be examined in these different manner subsets. The results of these
tests are presented in tables 5-8.
Table 5. Experiment 2a: Fricatives
Fixed effect Estimated coefficient z p
Voicing 5.3 28.1 < .001
Position -1.4 -6.5 < .001
Voicing * Position 0.2 0.6 .53
Table 6. Experiment 2b: Fricatives
Fixed effect Estimated coefficient z p
Voicing 4.0 27.1 < .001
Position -0.7 -4.9 < .001
Voicing * Position 0.1 0.6 .53
Table 7. Experiment 2a: Stops
Fixed effect Estimated coefficient z p
Voicing 6.1 27.8 < .001
Position 0.5 2.4 .02
Voicing * Position -0.8 -3.2 .001
Table 8. Experiment 2b: Stops
Fixed effect Estimated coefficient z p
Voicing 4.8 28.6 < .001
Position 0.3 2.0 .048
Voicing * Position -0.7 -3.1 .002
In the fricative subset in both experiments (Tables 5 and 6), the main effect of
voicing was significant, with a positive coefficient reflecting the subjects' largely
accurate identification of voicing categories. The main effect of position was also
significant, with a negative coefficient reflecting an association of final position with
voiceless responses and nonfinal position with voiced responses. The interaction was not
significant, so there was no evidence that the effect of final position on identification was
different for stimuli with a voiced fricative compared to those with a voiceless fricative.
In the stop subset (Tables 7 and 8), both main effects and their interaction were
significant. The coefficient for voicing was positive in both experiments, indicating that
among stops, as with fricatives, voiceless stimuli were more likely to get voiceless
responses than were voiced stimuli. But the coefficient for position is positive, and that
for the interaction is negative. This reflects the fact, noted above, that the effect of
position was different for voiced stimuli than for voiceless ones. Voiceless stops were
more often correctly identified as voiceless in final than in nonfinal position, as expected
and as found with fricatives, but voiced stops were unexpectedly more often identified as
voiceless in nonfinal than in final position.
The nonfinal condition was expected to be a neutral control condition, and in
Experiment 2b this is how it turned out, with voiced and voiceless responses evenly split.
But in Experiment 2a there were more voiced responses than voiceless responses in
nonfinal position (51% among the stops, and 58% among the fricatives). This tendency
toward voiced responses could be due to coarticulatory voicing, since each test obstruent
is between two voiced sonorants (a vowel and a nasal). But it raises the possibility that
the observed effects of position are due more to nonfinal voicing than to final devoicing.
To exclude this possibility, we restrict our view to utterance-final fricatives. In this set, in
both experiments, the proportion of voiceless responses was significantly greater than
that expected by chance: Experiment 2a, z = 1.7, p = .04; Experiment 2b, z = 2.2, p = .02.
2.3 Discussion: Perception Studies
The hypothesis was that the acoustic effects of utterance-final devoicing observed
in the production study would lead to a tendency for word-final obstruents from
utterance-final position to be identified as voiceless. The two perception experiments
have provided support for this hypothesis in fricative-final words, but not in stop-final
words, and in particular not in words ending in voiced stops.
One explanation of this difference between stops and fricatives could lie in the
effects of manner on the acoustic correlates of voicing found in the production study.
Fricatives had a longer constriction duration, a longer voiceless interval, and a lower
V/VC duration ratio than stops, and in all of these measures the effect of a fricative thus
coincided with the effect of a voiceless sound.5 As Ohala (1983: 201) pointed out,
"voiced fricatives have more exacting aerodynamic requirements than do voiced stops",
since voicing requires supralaryngeal pressure to be lower than sublaryngeal pressure,
while at the same time supralaryngeal pressure behind the oral constriction must be high
enough to generate turbulent oral airflow. Ohala suggests that this aerodynamic issue is
part of the reason that consonant inventories with only voiceless fricatives are twice as
common in Ruhlen's (1987) survey than inventories in which all stops are voiceless. He
goes on to propose that it is also the reason that "in American English the 'voiced'
fricatives /v, z/ are more likely to be devoiced in word-final position than are the stops /b,
d, g/." Thus it could be that the inherently weaker voicing cues for fricatives are more
susceptibility to confusing interference from utterance-final devoicing than the stronger
voicing cues for stops.
5 Manner had no significant effect on the last measure considered: absolute vowel duration.
3. Conclusion
The production study reported here has replicated previous findings of a
significant utterance-final devoicing effect in English. Utterance-final obstruents
displayed a longer constriction duration, a longer voiceless interval, and a lower ratio of
voswel duration to total VC duration in comparison to nonfinal obstruents. In all these
measures, the effect of utterance-final position coincides with the effect of belonging to
the voiceless category.
The two perception studies tested the hypothesis that the acoustic effects of
utterance-final position lead to a tendency to identify utterance-final obstruents as
voiceless. The results of the studies clearly support that hypothesis for fricatives, but not
for stops. Voiceless stops in final position were more likely to be correctly identified as
voiceless than those in nonfinal position, but there was no tendency in either perception
study for voiced stops to be misidentified as voiceless. I have suggested that this
difference might have been due to that the effects of fricatives on the voicing cues
coincides with the effects of voicelessness and utterance-final position.
The results provide a basis for rejecting the null hypothesis that utterance-final
position has no effect on identification of voicing categories. The fact that fricatives from
utterance-final position tended to be identified as voiceless further suggests that for word-
final fricatives the dominant perceptual cues for voicing are those like constriction
duration, voiceless interval duration, and V/VC ratio, for which the effects of final
position coincide with those of the voiceless category.
The test words in the perception experiments were presented in isolation, without
following context. Thus listeners were not able to use their abilities to compensate for
the acoustic effects of coarticulation (Lindblom and Studdert-Kennedy 1967, Mann and
Repp 1980), and to fill in missing information top-down from discourse context (Warren
1970) or from knowledge of the lexicon (Ganong 1980). These abilities are impressive,
but they are not infallible, as evidenced by the fact that listeners do make identification
errors in conversation even with the full phonetic and discourse context known. The
perception experiments reported here provide information about a baseline pattern of
errors when such contextual information is held constant by complete removal of context.
The results thus provide support, at least in the case of fricatives, for one step in
the diachronic account sketched in the introduction of how utterance-final phonetic
devoicing provides the basis for a sound change resulting in phonological final devoicing.
In this account the phonetic basis of final devoicing is limited to utterance-final position,
but the pattern is generalized from there to word-final and syllable-final position through
analogical extension. The results of the perception experiments also suggest that the
perceptual basis of the sound change might be limited to fricatives, and extended from
that subset of obstruents to the class of all obstruents.
One might expect from this that utterance-final fricative devoicing should be the
most common version of the phonological pattern of final devoicing, since it requires the
fewest further steps of generalization. There are cases of devoicing limited to fricatives
(e.g. Gothic: Wright 1899: 62-67; Hock 1991: 43) and there are cases in which the
devoicing is said to be limited to utterance-final position (e.g. some Yiddish dialects:
Wetzels and Mascaró 2001: 224; Polish: Jassem and Richter 1989; examples in Blevins
2006: 142). But it certainly does not seem as if such cases are more common than word-
final devoicing, or devoicing of all obstruents including stops.
It would appear, then, that the tendency to generalize the phonological pattern,
from utterance-final words to all words and from fricatives to all obstruents is strong
enough to render utterance-final phonological fricative devoicing unstable. If so, this
tendency must lie not in the phonetic basis of the pattern, but in how language learners
make generalizations about the distribution of speech sound categories (Hayes 1999,
Moreton 2008).
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