final psych
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Chapter 2 ± SCIENTIFIC METHODS IN PSYCHOLOGY
Health Publications
Scientific method
Encyclopedia of Psychology, Apr 06, 2001
The scientific method involves a wide array of approaches and is better seen as an overall perspective rather than a
single, specific method. The scientific method that has been adopted was initially based on the concept of positivism,
which involved the search for general descriptive laws that could be used to predict natural phenomena. Once
predictions were possible, scientists could attempt to control the occurrence of those phenomena. Subsequently,
scientists developed underlying explanations and theories. In the case of psychology, the goal would be to describe,
to predict, then to control behavior, with knowledge based on underlying theory.
Although the positivist approach to science has undergone change and scientists are continually redefining the
philosophy of science, the premises on which it was based continue to be the mainstream of current research. One of
the prime requisites of a scientific approach is falsifiability; that is, a theory is seen as scientific if it makes predictions
that can be demonstrated as true or false. Another critical element of the scientific method is that it relies on
empiricism, that is, observation and data collection.
Research often involves the hypothetico-inductive method. The scientist starts with a hypothesis based on
observation, insight, or theory. A hypothesis is a tentative statement of belief based on the expert judgment of the
researcher. This hypothesis must be subject to falsification; that is, the research needs to be set up in such a way
that the scientist is able to conclude logically either that the hypothesis is correct or incorrect. In many cases, a
research project may allow the scientist to accept or reject a hypothesis and will lead to more research questions.
Psychologists employ a diversity of scientific approaches. These include controlled experiments that allow the
researcher to determine cause and effect relationships; correlation methods that reveal predictable relations among
variables; case studies involving in-depth study of single individuals; archival approaches that make novel use of
records, documents, and other existing information; and surveys and questionnaires about opinions and attitudes.
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Because the scientific method deals with the approach to research rather than the content of the research, disciplines
are not regarded as scientific because of their content, but rather because of their reliance on data and observation,
hypothesis testing, and the falsifiability of their ideas. Thus, scientific research legitimately includes the study of
attitudes, intelligence, and other complicated human behaviors. Although the tools that psychologists use to measure
human behavior may not lead to the same degree of precision as those in some other sciences, it is not the precision
that determines the scientific status of a discipline, but rather the means by which ideas are generated and tested.
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Chapter 3 - BIOLOGICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Biological Psychology: An Introduction to Behavioral, Cognitive, and Clinical Neuroscience, Third Edition
By Mark R. Rosenzweig, S. Marc Breedlove, and Arnold L. Leiman, Sunderland, Massachusetts, Sinauer Associates,
2001, 651 pages, ISBN 0-87893-709-9
Samuel T. Gontkovsky, Psy.D.
The multidisciplinary nature of biological psychology as a field provides a unique forum for the interaction and
collaboration of professionals unparalleled in other areas of clinical and scientific study. Indeed, the scope of
biological psychology transcends all levels of organismic development, from the molecular level to the cellular level,
the systemic level, and the social level. Contributing to the advancement of this discipline, from both a theoretical and
an empirical perspective, is a diverse representation of investigators trained in the areas of anatomy, anthropology,
behavioral medicine, biochemistry, clinical neuropsychology, endocrinology, genetics, molecular biology,
paleontology, psychiatry, and psychophysiology to name but a few. Working together, these professionals study the
structural and functional aspects of behavior across species, explore the developmental processes of biology and
behavior across the life span, and utilize findings to formulate practical applications that promote human health.
The comprehensive nature of the field and the diversity of professionals encompassed by the arch of its umbrella
pose a particular challenge, however, in the drafting of a textbook that not only can be appreciated, but easily
understood, by the representative populace of biological psychologists as well as the students desiring to acquire an
understanding of this area of study. The third edition of Biological Psychology serves as an excellent source for
bridging the gap between the multitudes of specialties that constitute this discipline. The text consists of 18
chapters divided into five primary sections. A short introductory chapter, which provides a basic overview of the field,
is followed by a section focusing on the biological foundations for behavior. Chapters in this section, which provide
the requisite foundation for understanding the remainder of the text, introduce readers to organisms at cellular level,
discussing the primary topics of functional neuroanatomy, neurophysiology, psychopharmacology, and hormones.
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Subsequently, the authors move to a presentation of evolutionary and developmental aspects of the nervous system.
Comparative methods are discussed sufficiently to allow for an appreciation for the manner in which studying the
various invertebrate species (e.g., aplysia), with relatively simple neural networks, has lead to a more thorough
understanding of the enormously intricate nervous systems housed by the vertebrate species (e.g.,
human). Furthermore, emphasis is placed upon the notion that neural networks are shaped not only by intrinsic
factors, such as chromosomal aberrations, but also by extrinsic factors, including environmental experience.
The focus of section three is that of sensation and movement. Chapters review the concepts of somatosensory,
auditory, visual, vestibular, olfactory, and gustatory perception as well as motor control and plasticity. While ample
attention is given in this section to the anatomical and physiological mechanisms involved in perception and
movement, the authors remain sensitive to the role of learning in these behaviors and the manner in
which environmental elements influence such systems. Regulation of behavior is presented in section four. Primary
topics discussed include sex, homeostasis, and biological rhythms. In this section, as in section three, the authors
provide an evolutionary, developmental, and comparative perspective of the issues and overview not only the normal
but also the possible abnormal variants (e.g., congenital adrenal hyperplasia, anorexia nervosa, and somnambulism)
of these processes.
Emotions and psychopathology comprise the heart of section five. An overview of competing theories (e.g., James-
Lange and Cannon-Bard) regarding the link between subjective psychological phenomena and the activity of the
visceral organs controlled by the autonomic nervous system initially is presented followed by the role of facial
expressions in the communication of emotional states. An excellent discussion is provided concerning the
utilization of relatively new functional neuroimaging techniques to investigate specific regions of the brain that are
particularly active during various emotional states. Special attention also is given to the neural circuitry underlying
violence and aggression as well as to the relationship between stress and immunosuppression. The major psychiatric
disorders are reviewed from both a social and a biological perspective.
The text concludes with a section devoted to cognitive neuroscience, with particular emphasis on the biological
perspectives and neural mechanisms of learning and memory. With citations ranging from classic reports of early
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pioneers, such as that of Ramón y Cajal1 suggesting that during the processes of development and learning neuronal
extensions of axons and dendrites occur to develop new connections within the brain, to that of more contemporary
investigators, including the findings of Shors, Miesegaes, Beylin, Zhoa, Rydel, and Gould2 suggesting that
neurogenesis in the hippocampus may be required for trace conditioning of the eye-blink response, the authors bring
together in a comprehensive yet concise fashion more than 100 years of research in this area.
In addition to an inclusive glossary of terms, the work includes an afterword discussing the plasticity of the ever-
changing brain as well as a nice appendix providing a basic overview of molecular biology. Throughout, the text is
richly illustrated with drawings, photographs, figures, and tables that complement the written text. With the exception
of a few minor shortcomings concerning the topic of psychopharmacology (Chapter 4), the text is integrative and
inclusive, providing the requisite information necessary for a methodical understanding of the field.
From a didactic perspective, the text is ideal for an advanced doctoral level course in the area. The book is probably
far too complex, however, for utilization at the undergraduate level, and arguably, incorporates details from various
fields that may be beyond the digestive comprehension of some graduate students who lack sufficient background in
these areas of study. Although the authors provide an introductory overview at the beginning of each chapter, a
relatively rapid progression from basic concepts to more complex issues takes place. A CD-ROM,
entitled Learning Biological Psychology, is provided with the text that provides for students multiple study questions,
animated tutorials, videos, and interactive testing to enhance learning and retention. Individuals with a basic, yet
solid, foundation in biology, chemistry, and psychosocial behavior, however, should be capable of grasping the vast
majority of presented material.
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Chapter 4 ± SENSATION AND PERCEPTION
When sensation becomes perception
Main Category: Neurology / Neuroscience
Article Date: 15 Nov 2005 - 0:00 PDT
Perceiving a simple touch may depend as much on memory, attention, and expectation as on the stimulus itself,
according to new research from Howard Hughes Medical Institute (HHMI) international research scholar Ranulfo
Romo and his colleague Victor de Lafuente. The scientists found that monkeys' perceptions of touch match brain
activity in the frontal lobe, an area that assimilates many types of neural information.
Romo and de Lafuente, both of the Institute of Cellular Physiology at the National Autonomous University of Mexico,
report their results in the December 2005 issue of the journal Nature Neuroscience, published early online on
November 6, 2005.
One of neuroscience's most difficult questions concerns how the brain converts simple sensory inputs to complete
perceptual experiences. Many neuroscientists assume that perceptions arise in the sensory cortices, which are the
first areas of the brain to process information coming in from sense organs, Romo said. Some recent research,
however, has hinted that activity in other parts of the brain may also contribute to sensory perception.
When it comes to the sense of touch, a stimulus at the skin triggers an impulse that travels first to an area at the top
of the brain called the primary somatosensory cortex (S1). The information then moves to other parts of the brain,
where it can contribute to memory, decision-making, and motor outputs.
To explore what regions of the brain contribute to sensory perception, Romo and de Lafuente analyzed neural activity
associated with the sense of touch in macaque monkeys. The researchers touched the monkeys' fingertips with a
painless stimulus that sometimes vibrated and sometimes did not. The intensity of the vibration varied, so sometimes
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it was easy for the monkeys to tell that the vibration was on, while other times the vibrations were so weak that the
monkeys couldn't always detect them. The monkeys were trained to indicate to the researchers whether the stimulus
was vibrating or still, and they were rewarded with treats when they were correct.
The scientists found that activity in S1 neurons, where touch information first arrives, correlated directly with the
strength of the stimulus; when the strength of the vibrations was more intense, the S1 neurons' fired more rapidly.
However, these neurons' activity did not correlate with the monkeys' behavioral responses. Their firing rates were
directly associated with the stimulus intensity, whether the monkeys consciously felt and responded to the stimulus or
not.
Romo and de Lafuente also recorded neuronal activity in the medial premotor cortex (MPC), a region of the brain's
frontal lobe that is known to be involved in making decisions about sensory information. Activity here did mirror the
monkeys' subjective responses to the vibrating probe. MPC neurons responded in an all-or-none manner; they fired
when the monkey thought the vibrations were there--even if they weren't--and they didn't fire when the monkey
thought the vibrations were absent--even if they were actually occurring.
These results indicate that the monkeys' perceptions arise not from brain activity in the sensory cortex itself, but from
activity in the frontal lobe MPC, Romo said.
The MPC "is very interesting," Romo said. "Apparently, it's able to pull information from memory and from the
sensory areas, and also link this activity to the motor apparatus" so that the monkeys can physically indicate what
they think is happening.
To clinch the MPC's association with the monkeys' perceptions, the researchers used an electrode to apply weak
electrical stimulation to MPC neurons. They found that stimulating these neurons made the monkeys more likely to
respond that they perceived a vibration, whether the vibrating stimulus was occurring or not.
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Romo and de Lafuente also found that MPC neurons began to fire before the stimulus even touched the monkeys'
fingertips. Romo believes this is because the monkey is expecting the stimulus and the neurons fire in anticipation.
"I think that we do not feel with our sensory cortices," Romo said. Perceptions instead arise in higher-order brain
areas from a combination of sensation, attention, and expectation. "The sensory representation is [just] to confirm
something that you have already thought."
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Chapter 5 - NATURE, NURTURE AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT
Nature vs. Nurture
Are We Really Born That Way?
By Kimberly Powell
Jul 19 2010
You got your green eyes from your mother, and your freckles from your father. But where did you get your thrill-
seeking personality and talent for singing? Did you learn these from your parents or was it predetermined by your
genes? While it's clear that physical characteristics are hereditary, the genetic waters get a bit more murky when it
comes to an individual's behavior, intelligence, and personality. Ultimately, the old argument of nature vs. nurture has
never really been won. We do not yet know how much of what we are is determined by our DNA and how much by
our life experience. But we do know that both play a part.
What is Nature vs Nurture?
It has been reported that the use of the terms "nature" and "nurture" as a convenient catch-phrase for the roles of
heredity and environment in human development can be traced back to 13th century France. Some scientists think
that people behave as they do according to genetic predispositions or even "animal instincts." This is known as the
"nature" theory of human behavior. Other scientists believe that people think and behave in certain ways because
they are taught to do so. This is known as the "nurture" theory of human behavior.
Fast-growing understanding of the human genome has recently made it clear that both sides are partly right. Nature
endows us with inborn abilities and traits; nurture takes these genetic tendencies and molds them as we learn and
mature. End of story, right? Nope. The "nature vs nurture" debate still rages on, as scientist fight over how much of
who we are is shaped by genes and how much by the environment.
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The Nature Theory - Heredity
Scientists have known for years that traits such as eye color and hair color are determined by specific genes
encoded in each human cell. The Nature Theory takes things a step further to say that more abstract traits such as
intelligence, personality, aggression, and sexual orientation are also encoded in an individual's DNA.
� The search for "behavioral" genes is the source of constant debate. Many fear that genetic arguments might be
used to excuse criminal acts or justify divorce.
� The most debated issue pertaining to the nature theory is the exsistence of a "gay gene," pointing to a genetic
component to sexual orientation.
� An April, 1998 article in LIFE Magazine, "Were You Born That Way" by George Howe Colt, claimed that "new
studies show it's mostly in your genes."
� If genetics didn't play a part, then fraternal twins, reared under the same conditions, would be alike, regardless of
differences in their genes. But, while studies show they do more closely resemble each other than do non-twin
brothers and sisters, they also show these same striking similarities when reared apart - as in similar studies done
with identical twins.
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Chapter 6 ± LEARNING
Learning Styles Can Become Learning Strategies
W. J. McKeachie
University of Michigan
In the last 30 or 40 years, a number of educators have proposed that teaching would be more effective if faculty
members took account of differences in students' learning styles. A number of different conceptions of learning styles
have been proposed, each with some plausibility. Probably the most widely accepted and best validated is Marton
and S lj 's (1976a,b) "deep processors" vs. "surface processors" based upon the levels of processing theory
developed by Craik and Lockhart (1972). Deep processors think about the author's purpose and relate a reading
assignment to prior knowledge; surface processors read with little thought. Another well validated style is "field
dependent" vs. "field independent" (Witkin and Goodenough, 1981). In addition to these, there are also ten or twelve
less well validated attempts to describe differing styles of learning. Probably the most over-generalized and misused
has been "right-brain dominant" vs. "left-brain dominant."
Regardless of their validity, any of these methods may have heuristic value for faculty development by drawing
attention to the fact that learners differ and that we need to take account of these differences in teaching. Too many
teachers think of students as a featureless mass; too many rarely vary their teaching methods, thinking that the
method by which they were taught is best for everyone.
A method appropriate for most students may be ineffective for other students who could learn more easily with a
different approach. Methods of teaching (e.g., graphic or verbal), ways of representing information, personality
characteristics of teachers all affect learning and affect different learners differently. Thinking about learning styles
can lead a teacher to think about different ways of teaching, and that is good. An effective teacher needs to vary
techniques and to have an armamentarium of teaching methods and learning activities that can be drawn upon from
moment to moment or from week to week to facilitate maximum learning for as many students as possible.
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Nonetheless, as in most things, there are potential undesirable side effects from the use of learning style concepts.
Probably the most serious is that styles are often taken to be fixed, inherited characteristics that limit students' ability
to learn in ways that do not fit their styles. Thus, some teachers draw the implication that they must match their
teaching to the student's particular style, and some students who have been labeled as having a particular style feel
that they can only learn from a certain kind of teaching. Learning about learning styles may be helpful to teachers
who have not previously thought seriously about differences among students. Where they go awry is when teachers
become so committed to a particular set of learning style categories that they miss individual differences and
changes over time.
Similarly, students who believe they have a particular style that cannot be changed are likely to give up when taught
by a teacher whose method doesn't match their style. Having classified the students into particular learning styles, a
teacher often feels that the problem of learner differences has been solved. Some teachers become devotees of one
or another learning style system. However, the "styles" or "types" identified by learning style inventories are not little
boxes, neatly
As in most things, there are potential undesirable side effects from the use of learning style concepts.
separated from one another; rather, they represent dimensions along which learners may differ. Each individual is
unique, falling at different points along the various continua that the learning style inventories purport to measure.
Even when considered as dimensions rather than as categories, few measures of learning styles have been
validated as being useful.
Most of the attempts to match students with teachers have proved to have relatively little effect upon learning. It is
plausible that, at least initially, trying to fit teaching to a student's learning style may be helpful. But the important
thing to remember is that what are called "learning styles" are preferences and habits of learning that have been
learned, and that everyone is capable of going beyond the particular "style" preferred at the time. Regardless of their
learning "styles," students can learn strategies that enable them to be effective when taught by methods that are not
compatible with their preferred "style." To assume that one must teach to a particular learning style misses the fact
that a given student may be best taught by one method early in learning and by another after the student has gained
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some competence. For example, anxious students need a good deal of structure when they first encounter a new
instructor and new material. But if they are to overcome their anxiety, they later need challenges that they can
successfully overcome.
None of the learning styles makes nearly as much difference as the student's prior knowledge, intelligence, and
motivation. All of these characteristics are learnable. My own research and teaching has focused upon teaching
students skills and strategies so that they can learn more effectively regardless of differences in instruction. Our
research group has developed the Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire (Pintrich, et al., 1991), which
assesses such things as the degree to which students try to relate ideas in a subject to what they already know, and
the methods they use for organizing course materials. In my "Learning to Learn" course I also teach motivational
strategies. When students learn to learn in more meaningful ways they are more likely to develop intrinsic motivation
for learning rather than being solely focused on the tests and grades or credentials. Similarly, when students become
interested in a topic they are likely to think more about it. Cognition and motivation are interdependent.
It is important for both teachers and students to realize that learners always encounter many situations that are not
adapted to their own preferences. What we teachers need to do is to help students develop the skills and strategies
needed for learning effectively from teachers who do not match the students' preferred learning "style." Methods of
teaching learning strategies are described in Weinstein and Mayer (1986) and McKeachie, Pintrich and Lin (1985).
Good teaching involves more than communicating the content of one's discipline; a good teacher also needs both to
motivate students to continue learning and to teach them the skills and strategies needed for continued learning.
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Chapter 7 ± MEMORY
Memory
In its most general sense, a memory is the trace of some past event by which that past event can subsequently be
reconstrued. In normal use, we think of memory as information that is encoded in our brains in a way that enables it
to be stored quietly away, and then subsequently retrieved when needed. This notion has been generalised to the
idea of digital electronic information stores as memory, following the perhaps unsafe analogy between animal brains
and digital computers. Metaphorically, we sometimes talk of memory in physical objects, such as when a deformable
object holds an imprint of a previous form.
This article is about memory as information stored in our brains for subsequent deliberate retrieval. As we experience
new things every day of our lives, our brains change in small but sometimes important ways. Nothing in our brains is
fixed, neurons are dying steadily, but some new ones are being born throughout our lives. Each of the nerve
cells neurons)in our brain makes many thousands of connections, called synapses, with other nerve cells - and these
are constantly in flux, the number and strength of these connections changes according to our experience. Thus
experience changes our brains in these and many other ways, and in a sense, all of these changes are part
of learning - in that they are the mechanisms by which past experience influences future behaviour. In a sense all
learning involves 'memory', but memory is not just about learning. In natural usage, a memory is a detailed
reconstruction in the mind of some past event. We believe that ultimately memories must be encoded in the brain by
changes in the patterns or strengths of connectivity between neurons. We also know that some parts of the brain like
the hippocampus are especially important for remembering certain types of things. However, to pretend that
neuroscientists have an adequate understanding of how even the simplest memory of an event is encoded in the
brain would be quite wrong. There is an enormous "gap" in our understanding; we know a great deal about the
fundamental mechanisms by which nerve cells operate, but we don't know how these allow us to store and retrieve
memories as we understand them
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Chapter 8 - COGNITION AND LANGUAGE
Perception, Cognition, and Language: Essays in Honor of Henry and Lila Gleitman
Edited by Barbara Landau, John Sabini, John Jonides, and Elissa L. Newport. Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 2000,
360 pp., $39.95.
SOPHIA VINOGRADOV, M.D.
San Francisco, Calif.
Some time during the late 1980s, the evening research seminar held by Henry and Lila Gleitman at the University of
Pennsylvania became "The Cheese Seminar," since gourmet cheese was the steadfast accompaniment to the
discussions of research in experimental psychology and psycholinguistics. By the acronymic 1990s, the seminar was
simply called "Cheese." During these evening discussions, many of the contributors to the book Perception,
Cognition, and Language learned how to do psychological research in memory, learning, and language and, perhaps
no less importantly, learned how to love triple crèmes. As the editors note in their introduction, "they did not need to
learn to love Henry and Lila, since that is innate" (p. 8).
This book is, most clearly, a labor of that love²love for the subject matter and love for the mentors, Henry and
LilaGleitman. Henry Gleitman has been called the best teacher of the best undergraduate introductory psychology
course in the country. Lila Gleitman is an internationally recognized psycholinguist. As a husband-and-wife academic
team, the Gleitmans are perhaps most well-known by nonspecialists for their pioneering research on Motherese, the
way that mothers all over the world speak to their babies²high-pitched, sing-song, repetitive²and the way this helps
the infant brain learn a language. Nineteen contributors, who are themselves recognized contributors and researchers
in the fields of memory, learning, perception, and language, were inspired by a 1996 convocation in Philadelphia held
in honor of Henry Gleitman¶s 100th introductory psychology course at the University of Pennsylvania. This volume is
a compilation of addresses from that meeting, as well as essays by former students of Henry and Lila Gleitman, two
of the most prominent research psychologists of our time.
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There are many ways to read this book. If you are interested in the recent history of research and teaching in
cognitive psychology in the United States, you will enjoy the overview of the development of several major areas of
investigation, especially as they occurred at the University of Pennsylvania and nearby universities. In part 1, the
editors outline the Gleitmans¶ careers and their impact on the fields of perception, language, and cognition. In part 2,
the essays focus on HenryGleitman¶s contributions to the field of psychology as a teacher (roughly 13,800 hours!)
and scholar. Part 3 contains essays from former graduate students, with descriptions of their current research and its
origins in "Cheese." Throughout, there are fascinating descriptions of early areas of study by the Gleitmans, such as
Lila Gleitman¶s involvement with the linguistics group at the University of Pennsylvania, which was using a UNIVAC
computer to comprehend the running text of naturallanguage. Lila met Noam Chomsky (who thought this approach
was fruitless), read his book Syntactic Structures (1) in secret, and began to reformulate her thinking about the
organization of language learning.
If, instead, you are interested in topics such as the usefulness of thinking out loud, the relation of language and
space, or perceptions of stability and change, or if you do research in related areas, you will be interested in learning
about how the investigator initially approached the topic, how the knowledge in the area developed over time, and
how these ideas were shaped by the Gleitmans and others.
To me, the most compelling aspect of the book was at its meta-level. For those of us who work in the research world,
where our writing is constrained to denote rather than connote, and where we must carefully restrict ourselves to
empirical facts and to quantitative data, an entire universe of our research experience is absentin the record we leave
behind: the universe of our emotional experiences as students and investigators and the way these emotional
experiences shape who we become, our relationship to our work, and, indeed, the very work itself.
This book, then, is a rather revolutionary publication, in that it boldly joins this world of emotion and memory²the
subjective and qualitative experiences of the researchers who describe their development and their work²to the
world of scientific productivity. And it does so in tribute to two extraordinary teachers, investigators, and mentors, who
obviously never shied away from emphasizing the importance of the personal experience in the genesis of solid
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research endeavor. (Indeed, the first forays into the world of Motherese were inspired by Lila Gleitman¶s observation
of her own interactions with her two infant daughters.)
And so, in the same volume, you will find a scholarly paper on mechanisms of verbal working memory revealed
through neuroimaging by John Jonides and a photograph of Henry Gleitman dressed as a 17th-century courtier (he
loves theater and apparently does a great deal of amateur directing). There are descriptions ofHenry¶s philosophy
about teaching (undergraduates are to be respected) alongside commentaries about Lila¶s passion for orchids and
bridge. Plus my favorite quote from Henry Gleitman, which I have now implemented whenever I am obliged to do
some tedious administrative task: "If it¶s not worth doing, it¶s not worth doing well!"
Lastly, for those of us who are in mentoring roles in teaching, research, administration, or clinical program
development, it is helpful to learn from these testaments what it is that makes for an inspiring and supportive mentor:
not just a command of the subject matter, but, even more important, a love of the work and a love of the mentoring
relationship, combined with generosity, enthusiasm, curiosity, and above all (as I personally always suspected)²a
love of French cheese
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Chapter 9 ± INTELLIGENCE
Understanding Intelligence
by Rolf Pfeifer and Christian Scheier. Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1999, 697 pp., $63.00.
DAVID V. FORREST, M.D.
New York, N.Y.
Working through in psychoanalysis, adding behavioral homework to abstract cognitive schemata, enactment in a host
of therapies: all require action, motor activity, and engagement with the real world. How can our psychiatric theories
move from the static to the interactive? Perhaps we are daunted by what seems like a greater complexity than the
universe of a disembodied neurotransmitter-stuffed skull on a shelf.
But here comes a book from artificial intelligence that says progress will be made in understanding the mind only
when we add movement and engagement, which will result not in complication but in simplification and clarity of our
models. Wondering about your model of a mental process? Put legs or wheels on it, give it sensors and tropisms with
which to interact with the world, and learn from what it does. But how, you ask, can one put wheels on something like
"selfobject" theory? Meet the "timid" Braitenberg vehicles in chapter 6. I once saw a Braitenberg vehicle described at
Brown University that did a pretty good job of relating to its object in a borderline way.
Perhaps the miraculous mechanism of human vision interests you (as it does Steven Pinker [1]). Neural networks
have modeled the retina, but we have no model of general vision. This book suggests that we will not have one,
because we do not see with general vision with our own eyes. The puzzle of vision is simplified by considering it as
the active engagement with the world that it truly is. We do not wait for the world to impinge upon us, hoping to extract
forms by inner-outer matching. Instead, we actively search, target, and focus our visual sampling with a simplifying
purpose.
The concept of general intelligence (Spearman¶s factor g) is similarly suspect. The authors favor
multiple intelligences. Although Duncan et al. (2) have located a center in the lateral frontal cortex that activates
during high-g and low-g spatial, verbal, and perceptuomotor tasks, Sternberg (3) has argued that localization is like
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saying we understand a computer because we have located its chip. Markman (4), reviewing this
book, acknowledged that the "perceptual and motor abilities of thenew generation of robots are impressive" but
stated that "it has not been shown that this kind of sensorimotor coordination will provide a better framework for
understanding high-level intelligence than the techniques currently being pursued in cognitive science." Perceptual
and motor abilities are essential prerequisites forintelligence to develop and function, say Pfeifer and Scheier,
pointing out that mental rotation of objects, for example, often seen as the epitome of a high-level cognitive task, is
actually a motor act.
The chapter on memory is both interesting and a tease because it remains so tentative. It demolishes the traditional
"storehouse" concept of memory as a limiting metaphor. Memory is not located in the individual but manifests itself in
the individual¶s interaction with the environment. There are methodological limitations to recording from multiple sites
in a behaving animal, but the authors propose that interactive memory processes can be studied by means of
autonomous (robotic) agents. Although much remains speculative at this stage, the authors present extensive
design principles and "cases" (robotic agents) that rely on connectionist neural networks, which are explained briefly
here and which I have explicated elsewhere (5) for psychiatrists. They then argue that "actually building a robot draws
attention to the enormous complexity of behaving systems. It also shows us very clearly all the assumptions we are
making and all the processes we are leaving out when we focus only on µhigh level¶ processing, as in the cognitivistic
paradigm" (p. 570). They admit here a fundamental problem, that robots have used digitalmicroprocessors, whereas
brains do not just run programs or have buses to transmit data.
The next step is neuromorphic engineering, mimicking brain structure (of which the artificial retina is the most
prominent example so far). Sensory-motor chips are being designed without intervening digital processing (and used
in a line-following robot in Zurich called Morpho).
The authors argue throughout the book for the usefulness of autonomous agents (robots) to
understand intelligence (as embodied IQ, citing Edelman and Fuster but oddly omitting McCulloch [6]) and all other
aspects of mind. At the book¶s end, however, having considered communication between humans and robots
(such as Koboyashi¶s facial expression robots), the authors conclude that "without going into detail, what we can say
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at first consideration is that because of their different sensory-motor and physical setup, robots will have emotions of
a completely different nature than human emotions" (p. 642) and will be evaluated by a Turing test. Although this is
admirably respectful of William Cannon and the origin of human emotions in body organs, emotions are singled out
unnecessarily. All models of natural sensory-motor phenomena will differ from the biological, but this is not the point.
It is from the underlying logic, the dynamisms and discernible quanta, even of emotions, that we shall learn.
Other goodies the reader can learn about are the TOTE (testing-operating-testing again-exiting) architecture;
Brooks¶s subsumption architectures, which incrementally add task-achieving behaviors on top of each other; and
action election dynamics for robust and flexible behavior in a complex dynamic world, achieved in a bottom-up way
and marked by motivations, avoidances, and conflicts.
Rothchild (7) complained that the word "model" has been used as a substitute for any number of precise terms. I
think he would have to agree that these are models that are both precise and true.
If we do not choose to build robots, we may still observe that the nature of our minds is active and that the study of
movement can clarify many psychiatric and neurological disorders (8). Leiguarda et al. (9), employing
photogrammetric motion analysis to quantify gestural slicing of bread in patients with Parkinson¶s disease,
progressive supranuclear palsy, or multiple system atrophy, showed that patients with high clinical atrophy
scores tended to have greater spatial and temporal disruption of their pantomimed slicing movements.
This book has the clarity of exposition and logical exposition of engineering texts that our psychiatric books could well
imitate.
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Chapter 10 ± CONCIOUSNESS
States of Consciousness
By Jorge Waxemberg
Everyone wants to unfold, but we cannot always do it because we do not clearly know what this process entails.
The first thing for us to do is to recognize our state of consciousness. This recognition is the fundamental basis for
our point of departure and is the direction for our unfolding.
We all have a state of consciousness. But we cannot really group people according to their states of consciousness,
because that would lead to arbitrary classifications. And, besides, who can say what another person's state of
consciousness is? It isn't always the same: at one point in life we express ourselves as though we have one state of
consciousness and at another moment we act according to a different state of consciousness. Our inner world is also
apparently contradictory, for it manifests various sometimes opposite tendencies simultaneously, which could
indicate that there are different states of consciousness operating in us at the same time.
We could say that each of us is a soul, and the soul is a composite. Mind and heart, reason and passion, instinctual
voices and spiritual yearnings are forces in us which struggle to predominate and don't always let us have a clear
vision of who we are. Yet it is possible to outline certain stages of spiritual unfolding in the soul. Here we call these
stages "states of consciousness." In spiritual life, each stage is really a state of consciousness.
Positive state of consciousness is what we call the stage in which we develop our personality, improve our will,
develop rational thought and learn to categorize within the system of pairs of opposites. Most of us spend a long time
in the state of positive consciousness.
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Let us look for a moment at the state of consciousness of human beings long ago, when humanity first began to
develop self-awareness: Early in our development, life was only an expression of the instinct for self-preservation. To
live was to survive. The instinct of self-preservation was (and continues to be) the manifestation in human beings of
the will of nature. At that stage, the human will is the will of nature. Love, at that stage, means obeying that law. Self-
awareness is yet to be developed. Our state of consciousness, at that stage, is "I am-as-species.
But in order to survive, we needed to learn to defend ourselves. Such defense tenuously points to "something" we
defend myself plus my first or foremost extension: weapons, tools, other people I identify with. This instinct of self-
preservation has been necessary it bonded the first human groups. In time, the group became the family, peoples,
races, nations.
We have evolved a lot in the course of the centuries of human development. We have expanded our notion of the
group. But the growth of the group of the "greater I" doesn't necessarily mean that there has been a fundamental
change in our states of consciousness. We still, as individuals, tend to identify with a group to the extent that that
group is useful and that it protects us. This means that the number of people forming our groups expands or
contracts according to circumstances. It is rare to find a person who loves everyone; we tend to love all the ones who
are in our group. When the group changes, for any number of reasons, our love can also change, even to the point of
becoming hate.
At one time we identify with the family, the people, the race or the country around us, at another time our feelings can
completely change. Our identification isn't real; it is the identification of personal interest. Sometimes it seems
complete, as happens in war or persecution which threatens the survival of our nation or race. But once danger is
past, people so often again reduce their identification to the small group which, within their race or country, coincides
with their personal interest. This means that our identification is not only partial but also superficial and temporary.
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How do we develop this identification and this personality? Our personality is formed as a by-product of our self-
defense. Since we don't yet have a deep self-awareness, we identify with what we defend: our bodies, possession,
progeny, group. We tend to think: "I am al l that." We don't yet have a real personality of our own.
If we remain in this early state of consciousness, the thing we identify with most tends to be our bodies. We then do
everything we can to satisfy what the body demands. Satisfaction of physical needs leads rapidly to identification with
the body. Will is at the service of a physical self. To love means loving a self which is mainly physical. The
satisfaction of desires and of that self is the basic need, which is the basis on which the laws that rule life are
structured.
This is the way we have developed the consciousness of being a separate, differentiated being. Human
consciousness incarnates: I am-in-a-body. We create divisions: we divide races according to physical characteristics.
Physical differences likewise accentuate our personalities. The meaning of personal property is defined. The
personality acquires precise limits. Reason divides and separates in order to know and classify.
But each of us is left alone when we delimit ourselves within a personality. Before we were like the group; now we
are facing the group. Instinctual love brings us together but doesn't unite us. We then seek encounter,
communication. The need to share gives rise to reciprocal affection, which endures beyond physical need. We
recognize others: "neighbors," someone like us.
An attitude of self-defense entrenches us deeply in a personality. We don't want to die, but since death is
unavoidable, we entrench ourselves in l ife through children: they prolong "my" life. We entrench ourselves in posterity
as a way of projecting ourselves beyond death, beyond time. Human beings want to escape from the prison of time.
But the yearning to be free of time is a way of wanting to be free of the personality. The personality is not only
limitation in a self, it is limitation in a particular time: during the lifetime of the self's physical body.
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The desire to be free marks the beginning of the expansion of the state of consciousness. To discover another
human being means perfecting love. When we discover our neighbor, charity is born. Charity is the capacity to
sacrifice oneself for others. We suffer for them, work for them. Our consciousness expands.
But still, we do not know what real love is. We protect our neighbor, but we still attack and destroy our enemy. By
fixing ourselves in a personality, we have fixed our vision of life in a system of pairs of opposites: myself and others;
people like me and those who are different. Charity is the beginning movement of expansive love, but we are not yet
able to see everyone as someone to love. Our consciousness has expanded, but it still sees existence through a
dualistic vision, in which good and evil exist in a world of "good people" and "bad people." We only conceive of
compassion toward good people. At this stage, our conception of God is that of a military god who protects the good
himself included and destroys the bad.
The positive state of consciousness has allowed human beings to become masters of the world, nature, and space.
But it has also perfected our capacity to destroy. It gave us material wings but did not teach us to fly inwardly. We
can travel the cosmos with our spaceships, but we still cannot transcend our anguish or inner problems, or find the
way out of the vicious circle of the problems created by our progress.
Yet love is like a flower which opens and expands unt il revealing all its beauty and releasing its fragrance. Love is the
door which leads the soul to transcend the positive state of consciousness.
When love stops asking for something, mysticism begins.
To stop asking means to stop expecting, to stop pursuing personal objectives. The personal self interprets the
perfecting of love as a renouncement, because the personal self is an expression of separateness. Our positive
attitude prevents us from understanding that our consciousness won't expand unless we, individually, begin
renouncing from now on.
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The expansion of Renouncement is of a different nature from the positive expansion we were used to. The expansion
that comes from Renouncement is a negative expansion. The word negative, of course, is incapable of explaining the
nature of spiritual expansion. But it is the closest we can come to describing an expansion that is not positive.
Positive expansion is an increase in extension; it's something that happens on the exterior. Negative expansion
happens inside the self, it's an expansion in depth: it is the spiritualizing of the state of consciousness. From the
moment negative expansion begins, our state of consciousness acquires a new dimension.
When we transcend the dualistic representation of existence, our love expands inwardly until it embraces everything:
people, the world, the Divine. It turns into participation.
Until then, the act of loving was a movement²something we gave, something that came to us. In contrast to this
movement, participation is spiritual identification: others live inside us. Communication is no longer a movement:
communication is established through the expansion of self-awareness. To be is to be in all souls.
When we expand, we participate, and our life is Presence. We no longer spend life darting from one experience to
another. Our awareness consists in having the Divine reside within us and ourselves in the Divine. We become the
expression of the harmony between what is limited and human and what is Divine and limitless. Exteriorly our life is
rhythm and measure; interiorly it is simple movement.
Every human being has a state of consciousness. Within that state of consciousness there are many possibilities
which, when fulfilled, provide the knowledge of the range of things we embrace from our state of consciousness. But
we begin to unfold when we expand our state of consciousness, transcending our limited, personal identification. We
unfold when we learn to love without limits.
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Chapter 11 ± MOTIVATION
Article On Motivation - Regain Your Motivation
Do you feel your motivation has diminished recently? Or do you feel at the moment that it's gone completely? Do you
wonder how you'll ever get it back?
It often happens that many people find their motivation decreasing or disappearing altogether. When this happens
you tend to feel stuck and you're not really moving forward. You may feel frustrated because you're not making any
progress. Seeing yourself making progress is one way to be motivated. But if that's not there, it becomes a vicious
circle, because when you're not making progress, you don't feel motivated and vice versa.
When you want to increase your motivation, it's worth remembering that there's a difference between it and
inspiration. Motivation is an external source which encourages you and gives you ideas. Inspiration comes from
within and the encouragement and ideas are your own. When it comes from within, you own it and will feel inspired.
When you feel inspired you'll take action and taking action is the key to achieving what you want, whether it's
increasing your business, making changes in your life or progressing towards your dreams.
So, we're really looking to increase your inspiration here and not necessarily just to motivate you. I've found that
people's inspiration drops when they've been doing the same thing over and over again for some time. You may feel
you're stuck in a rut; it's become a bit of a drag. If you're feeling this way, it's no wonder your inspiration has decided
to 'wander off'.
Sometimes you just need to take a break or have a rest from what you're doing and your inspiration may well come
back. This break also allows you to re-assess what you've been doing and not doing. Perhaps then you'll see there
are some changes you want to make, perhaps deciding to implement a different strategy or action plan.
Taking a break will mean different things to different people and you need to determine for yourself what this break
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will be. Perhaps, you'll decide take a day or a week off work, to play and have fun. Or you may decide to go for a
brisk walk. I'm even inclined to suggest to you that, while taking this break, you tell yourself that you're not allowed to
do or think about anything related to work or whatever it is that you're taking a break from. It's surprising how much
most of us react to being told we can't do or have something. The rebellious part of us often surfaces and wants to
fight it.
Taking a break from whatever it is you've been doing will probably make you feel apprehensive. All your fears about
how much you have to get done, you're wasting time, what if I don't want to go back to doing this, are likely to
surface. It's a natural reaction, but the fear is usually much worse than the reality. You need to trust yourself, face up
to the fears and know that you can handle any situation.
After a break, you'll feel refreshed and when you feel refreshed, your enthusiasm and inspiration will return. Then,
you'll be ready to start moving forward again.
What I want for you is to take a break and allow your inspiration and desire for life and business to return to you
naturally.
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Chapter 12 ± EMOTIONAL BEHAVIORS, STRESS AND HEALTH Emotional Response May Predict How the Body Responds to Stress
ScienceDaily (Feb. 21, 2011) ² Your emotional response to challenging situations could predict how your body
responds to stress, according to research published this month in the journal Brain, Behavior, and Immunity.
"People who reported high levels of anger and anxiety after performing a laboratory-based stress task showed
greater increases in a marker of inflammation, than those who remained relatively calm," said Dr Judith Carroll, who
conducted the study at the University of Pittsburgh. "This could help explain why some people with high levels of
stress experience chronic health problems," she added.
The investigators asked healthy middle-aged individuals to complete a speech in the laboratory in front of video
camera and a panel of judges. During the speech, they monitored the physical responses to the task and then
afterwards asked them about the emotions that they had experienced.
"Most people show increases in heart rate and blood pressure when they complete a stressful task," explained Dr
Carroll, "but some also show increases in a circulating marker of inflammation known as interleukin-6. Our study
shows that the people who have the biggest increases in this marker are the ones who show the greatest emotional
responses to the task."
"Our results raise the possibility that individuals who become angry or anxious when confronting relatively minor
challenges in their lives are prone to increases in inflammation," explained lead author Dr Anna Marsland, an
Associate Professor of Psychology and Nursing at the University of Pittsburgh. "Over time, this may render these
emotionally-reactive individuals more vulnerable to inflammatory diseases, such as cardiovascular disease," she
said.
The research, funded by the National Institute of Nursing Research, is part of a burgeoning field, known as
Psychoneuroimmunology, which investigates the interactions between psychological processes and health. "This
paper addresses a key question in psychoneuroimmunology -- what explains individual differences in the
inflammatory response to stress," said Dr Margaret Kemeny, a Professor at the University of California, San
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Francisco. "These findings suggest that the specific nature of the emotional response to the task may be a key
predictive factor and set the stage for future work defining these pathways and addressing their clinical implications,"
she added
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Chapter 13 ± SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Remorse Regret and Sorry - A Triad of Social Psychology
By Dr. Michael Nuccitelli
Remorse, Regret, and Sorry are three words vital to adaptive living. These three words when practiced increase the
probability of all social interactions being successful. Ignorance and/or refusal of this psychological triad lead to
criminal and/or deviant behaviors with victimization as the modus operandi. Two diminutive words, "I'm Sorry", is one
of the most powerful and complex phrases expressed in communication.
Since the beginning of civilization, this phrase has been part of all societal and cultural exchanges communicated via
various languages. "I'm Sorry" will always be integral to social relationships. The premise of this phrase concretely
illustrates how all people are fallible creatures. Actions and/or words can offend briefly or inflict a life long
psychological scar void of healing. Understanding the meaning and origins of "I'm Sorry" will assist the reader in
comprehending this powerful phrase.
The actual term, Sorry, dates back to prehistoric times and theorized to derive from the West Germanic term, Sairig,
a derivative of Sairaz, with the English source denoting Sore. The original definition meant both physical and
psychological pain. Over hundreds of years, the word evolved into an expression of regret now coined, Sorry.
Despite the resemblance, the word Sorry has no etymological connection with the term, Sorrow. This word also dates
back to prehistoric Germanic language meaning "care." Contemporary German dialect uses the word, Sorge,
meaning to worry or feel sorrow.
The term, Sorry, is an adjective with a multitude of meanings defining different communications expressed in social
relationships. From a reductionist standpoint, and adding the identifier, I'm, makes the phrase a form of apology and
expression of regret.
The definition of apology is an expression of regret for causing someone else trouble or pain. The definition of regret
means to feel remorse or contrite about ones actions. Remorse and regret are two emotions people in general have
a very difficult time experiencing and admitting.
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Remorse is another vital term to succinctly understand the phrase, "I'm Sorry." Without the experience of remorse, it
is impossible to sincerely communicate regret for ones misdeed(s). Remorse is defined as a sense of deep regret
and guilt for causing someone harm. Depending on the harm committed, severity of remorse can range from subtle
to severe. The societal purpose of remorse is to educate people on behaviors not acceptable in social interactions.
Without the experience of remorse, people can not learn to change their actions leading to a more conducive
lifestyle. Since the beginning of recorded history, civilization has written poetry, music, songs, and various other
forms of communication in an attempt to define and express the experience of remorse. Without remorse for
wrongdoings, society could not exist and isolation would be central to human existence.
The human being is a social creature surviving and thriving within a group dynamic. As part of this evolutionary
structure, remorse and communication of regret is both encouraged and necessary for survival of all people, the
homo sapiens.
Given the vital purpose of remorse and regret to humanity, the term, "I'm Sorry", is often confounded by suspicions of
sincerity. A person's character and integrity is a barometer of sincerity and the impact of communicating remorse is
directly connected to the person's intent. If integrity is deemed suspect, then attempts to apologize can easily be
construed as misguided void of sincerity.
Character and integrity related to being genuinely remorseful is tied to past, present, and future actions following their
misdeed(s). Some are unforgivable while most are accepted provided specific actions are exhibited after his/her
misdeed(s). The end product of actions following a misdeed is new learned behaviors reducing the potential for
repetition of the specific misdeeds.
An analogy to illustrate human fallibility not addressed, changed, or redirected would be the person who suffers from
alcoholism. Although the alcoholic is secretly aware his/her drinking causes pain and anguish to others, he/she
continues to drink using a variety of defense mechanisms such as denial, displacement, and minimization. Engaged
in the gradual demise of his/her character, integrity, and trust by others, the alcoholic may go years before
experiencing remorse and abstaining from future alcohol consumption. The process of recognition, remorse, regret,
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recovery and rehabilitation illustrates the path all people should experience in the process of positive human
adaptation.
Without remorse or regret for actions deemed hurtful by others, the probability for positive change is minuscule.
Given the depths of the human mind, there are copious defense mechanisms ready to protect someone from feeling
regret for their actions. The ability to say, "I'm Sorry", and mean it requires an internal reservoir called conscience.
Conscience is defined as a moral sense of right and wrong. This psychological construct affects a person's behavior
and encourages functional behavior.
Consciousness, thinking, awareness, and self-awareness are all relevant facets of the conscience. This construct is
like a glass of water ranging from empty to full. Most people's reservoir of conscience ranges from ½ to ¾ filled. As
mentioned above, a part of the human condition is fallibility and proclivity to engage in non functional behavior(s).
The less conscience a person possesses, the more apt he/she is at a risk for victimizing others. The severest
outcome of lacking a vessel of conscience would be the criminal, deviant, or sociopathic mind.
The phrase, "I'm Sorry", is one of the most important phrases involved in the human experience. From the beginning
of time and ad infinitum thereafter, the process of recognition, regret, remorse, and rehabilitation will always be a
barometer for human adaptability. Laws, religions, philosophies, and familial guidelines for raising children are all
geared to manage and reduce human suffering.
The goal is quite simple and easy to practice using five steps.
1. Expect others to become offended given variability of perceptions filtering all human interactions.
2. Whether innocent or guilty causing others harm, initiate an apology followed by empathy for their experience.
3. Verbalize a plan for not offending in the future.
4. Introspect upon and initiate a paradigm shift reducing the potential for future offending action(s).
5. Never forget, always forgive, and foster mutual respect.
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Chapter 14 - PERSONALITY
Our Personality Determines How Long We Will Live
By eNotAlone.com
Published: April 13, 2009
The latest research by the scientists from the Boston University School of Medicine (BUSM), found that it is our
personality that could be a factor to determine how long we live. Researchers have discovered that the children of
centenarians, in general, possess certain personality features that are linked to healthy ageing and longevity.
For many years, the scientists from BUSM's New England Centenarian Study have been concentrating on a group of
very long-lived individuals 100-years of age and beyond, as well as on their siblings, spouses and children. This
study has already revealed some interesting facts about particularly long-lived people, such as:
� They tend not to be overweight, and as to men - they are almost always lean.
� They generally stay sharp-witted, and very rarely suffer from many of the major age-associated diseases,
like heart disease and cancer.
� They are leading a healthy lifestyle.
� They typically deal with stress pretty well.
For the study purposes, researchers involved 246 offspring of centenarians. These included 125 women and 121
men, with an average age of 75 years. All the participants were asked to fill out appropriate questionnaires so the
experts could measure and determine the levels of neuroticism (tendency to experience negative emotions like
depression or anxiety), openness, extraversion (gregariousness), agreeableness and conscientiousness in their
personalities. The experts then carried out the same experiment with a group of randomly picked unrelated people of
the same age, and then compared the results.
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It was found that the participants in both groups showed some substantial differences, and this made the researchers
assume that the following personality traits may have important implications to help people live a longer life: Low
neuroticism: both male and female offspring of centenarians scored at the bottom of the published normal range for
this trait. High extraversion: the offspring of long-lived individuals scored in the high range for sociability. They like
being surrounded by people and enjoy being in the center of public attention. The experts further said that women
also scored comparatively high in agreeableness, which means that they tended to be cooperative types. The elderly
male offspring of centenarians scored within normal range in this trait. In addition, both genders scored within normal
range for conscientiousness and openness.
Dr. Thomas Perls, director of the New England Centenarian Study, said: "Interestingly, whereas men and women
generally differ substantially in their personality characteristics, the male and female offspring tended to be similar,
which speaks to the importance of these traits, irrespective of gender, for health aging and longevity."
It is possible, he further added, that low neuroticism and high extraversion could be beneficial for health. It certainly
makes sense that it might not be good for a person to be constantly stressed and worried about problems. The
findings coincide with the results of the other research that revealed the negative effects of long-term elevations in
stress hormones, for example. As for extraversion, high levels of this trait have been associated with establishing
friendships and looking after yourself. Dr. Perls concluded that the new findings suggest that personality is a very
important characteristic to be included in future studies of longevity and its genetic and environmental determinants.
The study, conducted in collaboration with scientists from the National Institute on Aging, has been published online
in the Journal of the American Geriatrics Society.
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Chapter 15 ± ABNORMALITY, THERAPY AND SOCIAL AND SOCAIL ISSUES
Psychological Abnormalities Considered - Book Review
By Lance Winslow
When it comes to psychology what's that famous line; What is Normal Anyway? Indeed, it's hard to say if anyone is
completely normal, and with that said, who'd want to be of normal psychology anyway. And surely no one wants to
be considered abnormal, and if they did, they probably already are you see? In any case, because abnormality in
psychology is such a fascinating topic, perhaps you'd like to learn more on the topic.
Well, if this sounds good to you, then there is a pretty straight forward and easy book to read on the topic even for a
layman like me, someone outside of the field of psychology. Okay so, the book I'd like to recommend to you is a book
I personally own, and its well worth taking a gander at, and reading through when you have the time. The name of
the book is;
"Casebook in Abnormal Psychology" (second edition) by Timothy A Brown and David H. Barlow, Wadsworth -
Thompson Learning Book Publishers, Pacific Grove, CA, (2001), 334 pages, ISBN: 0-534-36316-4.
This book is an excellent overview of several abnormal psychology conditions and issues, some of the most common
in fact. I was originally upset, and concerned to read in the introduction the following statement: "All of the cases in
this book are based on actual clinical histories and treatment outcomes although the patient names and identifying
characteristics (i.e. demographics such as age, occupation, martial/family history) have been changed." This
bothered me because I believe those factors are very important.
And yet, as I read through this book, I began to realize that perhaps that wasn't so important as to understanding the
basic principles of abnormal psychology or at least the types of abnormalities described in this book. Things like
PTSD for instance, as that can happen to anyone, of any age it appears. Indeed, you should have this book as a
reference and everyone should know a little bit about psychology anyway. Please consider all this.
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Chapter -16 ± SPECIIC DISORDERS AND TREATMENT
What Causes Anxiety Disorders?
The exact cause of anxiety disorders is unknown; but anxiety disorders -- like other forms of mental illness -- are not
the result of personal weakness, a character flaw, or poor upbringing. As scientists continue their research on mental
illness, it is becoming clear that many of these disorders are caused by a combination of factors, including changes in
the brain and environmental stress.
Like certain illnesses, such as diabetes, anxiety disorders may be caused by chemical imbalances in the body.
Studies have shown that severe or long-lasting stress can change the balance of chemicals in the brain that control
mood. Other studies have shown that people with certain anxiety disorders have changes in certain brain structures
that control memory or mood. In addition, studies have shown that anxiety disorders run in families, which means that
they can be inherited from one or both parents, like hair or eye color. Moreover, certain environmental factors -- such
as a trauma or significant event -- may trigger an anxiety disorder in people who have an inherited susceptibility to
developing the disorder.
How Common Are Anxiety Disorders?
Anxiety disorders affect about 19 million adult Americans. Most anxiety disorders begin in childhood, adolescence,
and early adulthood. They occur slightly more often in women than in men, and occur with equal frequency in whites,
African-Americans, and Hispanics.
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How Are Anxiety Disorders Diagnosed?
If symptoms of an anxiety disorder are present, the doctor will begin an evaluation by asking you questions about
your medical history and performing a physical exam. Although there are no laboratory tests to specifically diagnose
anxiety disorders, the doctor may use various tests to look for physical illness as the cause of the symptoms.
If no physical illness is found, you may be referred to a psychiatrist or psychologist, mental health professionals who
are specially trained to diagnose and treat mental illnesses. Psychiatrists and psychologists use specially designed
interview and assessment tools to evaluate a person for an anxiety disorder.
The doctor bases his or her diagnosis on the patient's report of the intensity and duration of symptoms -- including
any problems with daily functioning caused by the symptoms -- and the doctor's observation of the patient's attitude
and behavior. The doctor then determines if the patient's symptoms and degree of dysfunction indicate a specific
anxiety disorder.
How Are Anxiety Disorders Treated?
Fortunately, much progress has been made in the last two decades in the treatment of people with mental illnesses,
including anxiety disorders. Although the exact treatment approach depends on the type of disorder, one or a
combination of the following therapies may be used for most anxiety disorders:
� Medication : Medicines used to reduce the symptoms of anxiety disorders include anti-depressants and anxiety-
reducing drugs.
� Psychotherapy : Psychotherapy (a type of counseling) addresses the emotional response to mental illness. It is a
process in which trained mental health professionals help people by talking through strategies for understanding and
dealing with their disorder.
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� Cognitive-behavioral therapy: People suffering from anxiety disorders often participate in this type of psychotherapy
in which the person learns to recognize and change thought patterns and behaviors that lead to troublesome
feelings.
� Dietary and lifestyle changes
� Relaxation therapy