Astrology in Mid-sixteenth Century Prussia: A Handwritten Horoscope Inscription

From the Private Library of Simon Loytz

Daniel Foote

History 4903

Dr. D’Andrea

May 2, 2012

Foote 2

Horoscopes and astrology during and after the Protestant Reformation have been studied in

various ways: astrology as a part of popular belief among an anonymous population,1 contemporary

literature concerning the topic,2 the stance on astrology taken by the Catholic Church and the various

Protestant confessions,3 horoscopes and astrology among the higher estates of society,

4 and the nature of

astrology as scientific knowledge progressed throughout this period.5 The focus of most of these types of

studies has been on ‘high profile’ individuals: popes, kings, leaders of the different protestant movements,

and intellectuals known in their time or through later attention. These types of studies thus either develop

generalities or showcase the highest status individuals. The present study seeks to start with a short,

private record of a birth and its astrological situation and then paint a picture of the biographical, cultural,

political, and religious context in which the inscription was made. It begins with an artifact, a clue, a

single evidentiary exhibit, a documented performance of astrology. Who were the performers, what was

their stage, and what script were they following?

This particular story begins with the historical holdings of the Elbing Municipal Library

(Biblioteka Elbląska im. Cypriana Norwida). One of the feature collections of this library is that of 195

1 Francis B. Brevart, “The German Volkskalendar of the Fifteenth Century”. Speculum 63, No. 2 (Apr.,

1988): 312-342. 2 Curt F. Bühler, “Sixteenth-Century Prognostications: Libri Impressi cum Notis Manuscriptis--Part II” Isis.

33, No. 5 (Mar., 1942): 609-620. 3 For example, Jonathan Green. “The First Copernican Astrologer: Andreas Aurifaber’s Practica for 1541,”

Journal for the history of Astronomy 41 (2010): 157-165; Claudia Brosseder. “The Writing in the Wittenberg Sky:

Astrology in Sixteenth-Century Germany,” Journal of the History of Ideas 66, No. 4 (Oct., 2005): 557-576; J. R.

Christianson, “Copernicus and the Lutherans,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 4, no. 2. (Oct., 1973): 1-10.; Jürgen

G. H. Hoppmann. Astrologie der Reformationszeit: Faust, Luther, Melanchthon und die Sternendeuterei. (Berlin:

Zerling, 1998); Charlotte Methuen, “The Role of the Heavens in the Thought of Philip Melanchthon,” Journal of the

History of Ideas 57, No. 3 (Jul., 1996): 385-403; Robert S. Westman, “The Melanchthon Circle, Rheticus, and the

Wittenberg Interpretation of the Copernican Theory,” Isis 66, no. 2 (Jun., 1975): 164-193. 4 cf. John Robert Christianson, On Tycho’s Island: Tycho Brahe, Science, and Culture in the Sixteenth

Century, 62,64,84,89,103,257; Monica Azzolini, “The political uses of astrology: predicting the illness and death of

princes, kings and popes in the Italian Renaissance,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and

Biomedical Sciences 41 (2010): 135-145. 5 For an in-depth study of the progress of Copernicanism see Westman, Robert S. The Copernican

Question: Prognostication, Skepticism, and Celestial Order. University of California Press, Berkeley: 2011. For

astrology fully based on heliocentrism, see Brackenridge, J. Bruce and Mary Ann Rossi. “Johannes Kepler’s on the

More Certain Fundamentals of Astrology Prague 1601. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society Vol.

123, no. 2 (Apr. 27, 1979): 85-116. http://www.jstor.org/stable/986232. (accessed January 20, 2012).

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printed Bibles from the 15th to 18

th centuries.

6 Much of the holdings of the municipal library were

previously the holdings of the Elbing Gymnasium, founded in 1535, and whose library originated from

donated private libraries.7 One such private library was that of Stephan and Simon Loytz, inherited by

Heinrich Loytz who donated most of the library to the Elbing Gymnasium in 1660.8 Among the 400 or so

pieces that are still extant and identifiable as originating in the Loytz library is a 1543 Latin bible in

paraphrase format [Figure 1]. In addition to the clear “ex libris” inscribed on the title page [Figure 2],

there is an inscription on the facing page, in the same hand, which records a birth, the godparents, and the

basic astrological positions at the time of birth [Figure 3]. The titlepage of the book translates as follows:

The most holy Books of the

Old and New Testament, from the holy Hebrew

Language and Greek sources,

also by consulting interpreters of true faith,

translated into Latin language.

You may learn the authors and the total composition of this work

from the foreword enclosed.

From the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans:

"For whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our learning, that we through patience

and comfort of the scriptures might have hope." (Rom 15:4)

In Zurich printed, C. Froschover

15439

6 Elżbieta Lewandowska, “Biblie w zbiorach Biblioteki Elbląskiej (XV-XVIII w.) [Bibles in the

Collections of the Elbing Library (15th

-18th

centuries)],” Biblioteka Elbląska im. Cypriana Norwida,

http://historia.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/artykul/1212. A partial list, with links to high quality scans of works in whole or

in part, is found at http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/publication/1392. 7 Helena Dutkiewicz, “Prywatne zbiory i biblioteki elblążan ( XVI-XVII w.) [Private collections and

libraries in Elbing],” Biblioteka Elbląska im. Cypriana Norwida, http://historia.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/artykul/2857. 8 ibid.

9 Much thanks to Jochen Frankl, Facebook correspondence, April 23 2010.

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Figure 1

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The inscribed notation at the bottom of the titlepage indicates that the book was “Number 16 of

the library of Simon Loytz.” “Simonis Loytzij” is a latinized form of the name.

Figure 2

There is something like “T.1.” written on the right side of the page, and something had been

written in the lower-right corner, which was apparently damaged. It is hard to tell from the available scans

of the leaf whether the corner had water damage or was torn away and lost, and repaired with a plain

piece.

According to how the book was scanned by the Elbing Library, the titlepage is the second leaf of

the book, whereas the recto side of the very first leaf contains the inscription in question.

Figure 3

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This inscription is made in mid-16th century High German kurrentschrift, with most of the

astrological and calendrical terms given in Latin in the relatively new “italic” script. Transcription from

cursive script into a more modern print, retaining the original paleography, produces:

Natŭs s[?]ŭ Anno 1552. 4. Decemb. die Solis

nach ihm mithage 10

eine viertelstŭnde nach Elff vhr.11

Her Johan Mŏller ein Ratesman.

Frantz Mŏller.

Her Johan Connert seine tochter Anna.

Das seindt die pethē12

.

Der fŭrnembste13

planete des Jares ist Satŭrny gewesen

war Jŭpiter sein mithhelfer, den 4 tag[?] im follen

monde in Signo Cancri Luna. Sol in Sagittario.

wie die practica14

des Jares aŭsweisen.

Despite the two uncertainties indicated, this translates to:

Born … in the year 1552, the 4th of December, Sunday

at midday, a quarterhour after eleven.

Herr Johan Moller, a Councilman.

Frantz Moller.

Herr Johan Connert, his daughter Anna.

These are the godfathers.

The chief planet of the year has been Saturn

Jupiter was his attendant, the 4th day […] of the full

moon in the sign Cancri Luna. Sun in Saggitarius.

As indicated by the Practica of the year [As the Pracitca of the year indicates?].

This inscription has three main parts. First is the time and day of the birth, which give an

indication of when the inscriber and the individuals named lived. Second, the godfathers are named,

Johann Moller, indicated as holding a municipal office, and Frantz Moller, as well as the father, Johann

Connert, and the daughter Anna. The third section is a very short and general statement of the astrological

10

i.e., Mittage, midday. 11

i.e., Elf Uhr, eleventh hour. 12

“nordd. auch mit umlaut,” i.e., Northern German with Umlaut, ä = e, thus, Päthen, plural of Pate; q.v.

“Pate,” Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm. 16 Bde. in 32 Teilbänden. Leipzig 1854-1961.

Quellenverzeichnis Leipzig 1971. Trier Center for Digital Humanities / Kompetenzzentrum für elektronische

Erschließungs- und Publikationsverfahren in den Geisteswissenschaften an der Universität Trier. 1998—2011

http://www.woerterbuchnetz.de/DWB?lemma=pate (accessed March 19, 2012). 13

i.e., vornehmste; q.v. “vornehm,” ibid., http://www.woerterbuchnetz.de/DWB?lemma=vornehm

(accessed March 14, 2012). 14

The inscriber uses the Latin form ‘practica’ whereas the German would be ‘Praktik’. “prophecy,

especially the predictions of centenary calendars based on astrology, and the calendar itself,”q.v. “praktik,” ibid.,

http://www.woerterbuchnetz.de/DWB?lemma=practik (accessed 13 March 2012).

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situation at the time of the birth, followed by a kind of label of the statement as a “Practica.” The first and

second parts serve as a starting point for determining what type of people at that time found value in

recording any certain level of astrological detail, as found in the third part of the inscription.

Figure 4. Map from Karin Friedrich, The Other Prussia: Royal Prussia, Poland and Liberty, 1569-1772, (New

York: Cambridge University Press), xx.

Figure 4 shows a basic map of the region in which the individuals connected to the inscription

originated and were active. Flowing through the middle of Royal Prussia is the Vistula River (Gr.

Weichsel, Pl. Visła), whose delta empties into the north coast of the Baltic Sea. The north-west branch of

the delta flows by Danzig (Pl. Gdańsk), while the northeast branch flows through Marienburg (Malbork)

and by Elbing (Elbląg), 32.9 miles ESE from Danzig. Up river, about 87 miles SSW of Danzig, the

Vistula River turns abruptly east. 26 miles this direction lies the town of Thorn (Toruń), the birthplace of

Nicolaus Coppernicus. 114 miles further WNW on the river Vistula is Warsaw. Starting from Danzig

again, 177 miles WSW is the city of Stettin (Szczecin) on the Oder River, which roughly marks the border

between present-day Germany and Poland. Beginning again with Danzig, about 77.5 miles ENE is

Königsberg (Pl. Królewiec), which was the capitol of East/Ducal Prussia and now called Kalingrad, the

Foote 8

administrative seat of the Kalingrad Oblast, pat of Russia. 15

These cities do not mark the extent of activity

of members of the Loytz, Moller, or Connert families, but were the major centers of their lives.

In 1552 two countries named Prussia had existed separately for over 100 years. The eastern

country began as the Monastic State of the Teutonic Knights (Deutschordensland), which originally ruled

the entire geographical region labeled for centuries as Prussia. The western part split in 1454 and gained

its independence by 1466, after which it became Royal Prussia, a province ruled by the King of Poland. In

1525, the head of the Order secularized the Teutonic territories and became the Duchy of Prussia, owing

fealty to the King of Poland. In recent modern times until World War II, these two were known simply as

East and West Prussia.16

When the western part split from the Order, it was immediately organized into four Polish

provinces known as palatinates: Pomerania, which included Danzig; Kulm; Elbing; and Königsberg.

When the ensuing war ended with the Second Peace of Thorn in 1466, Könisgberg was again part of the

Teutonic Order, and the King of Poland changed Elbing into a castellanate while making Marienburg the

palatinate. A Castellan, who held the castellanate, originated from the title of a royal castle’s commander,

but by this time, castellans in Royal Prussia sat in the Landesrat, the senate within the Prussian Diet, and,

after 1569, in the senate of the Polish Diet, the Sejm.17

In 1467, Royal Prussia’s bicameral representative

institution of the cities and nobles, the Landesrat, was accepted by the Polish diet. The Landesrat

comprised the three palatinates; the three castellanates of Kulm, Elbing, and Danzig; a chamberlain for

each palatinate; and two representatives each from Thorn, Danzig, and Elbing. In 1510, the King declared

the Marienburg palatinate an ekonomia, i.e., royal demesne land which the King directly administered and

from which he received a considerable income. After the constitutional adjustments by the King in 1526,

a palatine had the duty of summoning the palatinate diets, issuing the tax decrees, levying the provincial

troops for war, and heading the provincial and national courts which included the nobility in under

15

All distances and directions derived from the search function of the JewishGen Gazetteer,

http://www.jewishgen.org/Communities/loctown.asp. From this point forward, the German names will be used. 16

Friedrich 8, 22-24. 17

Friedrich xvii.

Foote 9

jurisdiction. Each palatine received his income through a starosty, a lease estate on royal lands. The office

of Royal Prussian palatine quickly became the near-monopoly of twenty noble Prussian families.18

Such

families included von Baysen (pl. Bażeński), which supplied the first palatinate of Royal Prussia, von

Mortangen (de Mortęska), and von Weiher (Weiherów), all of whom have connections to the Loytz

family, as shown in the Appendices.

Throughhout all of this, the Bishopric of Warmia, which lay in between the two Prussias,

remained intact and under the Archbishopric of Riga (now the captol of Latvia). Because of its

connections with the families under investigation, a little about this bishopric is appropriate. At the seat of

Warmia was the cathedral in the town of Frauenburg, which was administered by a cathedral chapter. As

with other Catholic institutions at the time of the Reformation, many ecclesiastical offices were held by

members of the area merchant oligarchies, in this instance, particularly Danzig. Many of the clergy held

more than one office, and were also busy with their own academic pursuits or diplomatic duties, and thus

often absent. One example, among many others, is the Bishop from 1523-1537, Maurice Ferber, the

brother of the mayor of Danzig, and, Jan Ferber, son of the same mayor, who in 1516 was a canon as well

as a Danzig parish priest and then in 1522 also dean of Warmia and parish priest in Elbing, and only

ordained just before he died.19

During the 1520s, the only clergyman in Warmia besides the Bishop who

was ordained was Nikolaus Coppernicus, who was a canon of the cathedral chapter. Finally, beginning in

1508, the Bishop of Warmia was the head of the Landesrat, and so the highest dignitary of Prussia.20

The Loytz, Moller, and Connert families all participated in the Danzig municipal government,

which was not very different from that of other large Prussian cities, including Thorn and Elbing. The

twenty-three members of the town council were the supreme government of the city. Four of these

persons held the mayorships, which included ranked offices: the president, who was the head commander

of the city during wartime, had jurisdiction over the city garrison and the coastal fortress, in charge of

foreign and maritime affairs, and convened the town councils and sought to direct them to fair and

18

ibid., 23-24, 40. 19

Zins 592. 20

Friedrich 24.

Foote 10

beneficial resolutions; vice-president, who was the deputy, spokesman for the council, and dealt with

offences in the city and outskirts; the war commander supervised the garrison and chaired the War

Council; and the commander of the guard led the city militia.21

The rest of the councilmen could perform

more than one of their own specific duties, such as dealing with wills, the timber and tar marketplace,

overseeing the loading and unloading of freight, and health and sanitation. But the most important office

they could hold was that of judge, presiding over the town’s jury court, which was the judicial authority

of the city and from which councilmen were chosen. This judge, chosen from among the councilmen and

called senior, was often represented by a consenior who could draw up the sentencing. However, only the

senior could execute the sentence, as well as debt claims and rent and wage disputes.

The jury comprised twelve jurors, including three elders, from the two main sections of the city.

The jury heard civil and criminal cases, but only civil cases could be appealed to the council. Criminal

offenses that usually required jail time were first heard by the Council and then sent to the jury court for

investigation and sentencing. There was also a so-called Third Order (the council was First and the jury

court Second) which, convened for the most important issues, comprised 100 wise citizens and two

aldermen from each of the four main trades. 22

Finally, from eight councilmen nominated by the council,

the King chose a Burggrave to be his representative and oversee royal interests in the town, even though

the Burggrave remained a citizen of the town first, and officer of the King second. The Burggrave also

acted as the secular arm of the Bishop’s tribunal in cases where the two parties were not satisfied by the

tribunal’s decision, as well as announcing the Bishiop’s divorce judgments, although, if the Burggrave

and Bishop disagreed, the city sided with the Burggrave.23

The spread of Protestantism to Danzig, Elbing, and Thorn was partly shaped by the fact that these

cities, Thorn to a lesser degree, were prominent in the centuries-old northern European trading

confederation of the Hanseatic League. By virtue of membership in an international body, Hanseatic cities

had traditions of municipal freedoms which territorial cities did not. By this time, the Hanseatic cities

21

Goldmann 30-31; “präsidierende Amt,” “Vicer-Präsidient”, “Kriegspräsident” and “Oberwachherrn”. 22

ibid., 29. 23

ibid., 34-35.

Foote 11

employed Syndici, trained in Roman law, who advocated for their privileged status to the ruling prince.

Thus, citizens of these towns who wanted religious reform, usually combined with political motives, felt

more loyalty toward their city than to their ruler. Also, not only the trade roads and shipping lanes, but

also the network of friends and relatives conducting business in other cities facilitated the spread of news

as well as new ideas.24

The vocations of the Loytz, Moller, and Connert family are clear examples of such

social networks.

Lutheran ideas appeared in Danzig less than a year after Luther publicized his 95 theses in 1517,

and by 1522 a majority of the town was in favor of reform. Under pressure of the more impatient radicals,

the city government issued proclamations against monasteries. Seeing the results of their power, the

radical group overthrew the aristocratic magistrates, set up a popular government, closed the monasteries,

banned Roman forms of worship, and seized all church property, among other things. This was too much

of a social and political upheaval to be tolerated by the King who, joined by the recently Lutheran Duke

Albert of Prussia, arrived in Danzig, restored the aristocrats and the Romans, and beheaded fifteen rebels.

But the restoration of Catholicism was mostly superficial. After this crisis, Lutheranism spread in Danzig

quetly until it reached such a point in 1540 that the King no longer tried to work against it.

The Reformation was quick to reach the other Royal Prussian cities and resisted the efforts of

royal edicts and ecclesiastical court decrees, particularly because the royal and ecclesiastical decrees

infringed on the liberites that had been granted to the nobility the previous century.25

Elbing likewise

experienced riots that combined religious and political motives. Luther’s teachings appeared in the city by

1522 and the first outbreak of unrest occurred in 1524. In 1526, when three Lutheran preachers arrived in

Elbing, they received protection from the town council against Bishop Ferber. Through the actions of

King Sigismund the external changes were suppressed. The threat of hanging ordered by Sigismund

caused many to flee, but the execution of such order was up to the town council. The animosity against

24

Heinz Schilling, “The Reformation in the Hanseatic Cities,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 14, no. 4

(Winter 1983), 443-456. However, Schilling focuses on the Hanseatic cities of the northwestern Germanic regions,

whereas the Prussian cities had the added influence of feudal relations with Poland. 25

Fox 35.

Foote 12

church athoritites grew so much in the following years that, when the parish priest Jan Ferber died in

1531, his appointed replacement refused.26

These efforts included an edict the clergy got from the king in 1534 which forbid youth of Polish

nobility from attending universities suspected of heresy and the kings order in 1540 that the starostas

enforce the edict.27

For his part, the Bishop of Warmia from 1523-37, Maurice Ferber, was

uncompromising in his resistance to Protestantism in his diocese.28

But these were the climax of opposition. In contrast, the King issued an order to the Starostas in

1546, forbidding Polish citizens to take part in the religious conflicts in Germany.29

King Sigismund I was

succeeded by his son, Sigismund August, who was sincerely religious, but proved to be indifferent about

the outward forms of expression.30

By 1540, Calvinism was spreading in Poland and Prussia, partly

because it was not of German origin, and particularly among the higher classes and by the Diet of 1552,

the Polish nobility instructed their representatives to protest against and demand the abolition of

ecclesiastical jurisdictions.31

Beginning in 1555, the Polish Congress started working toward full religious

tolerance and at the Diet of Piotrkow of 1562-63, the King ordered the starosts to respect the

constitutional rights of the szlachta, which effectively annulled all the previous edicts against heresy and

made ecclesiastical prosecution impossible.32

In 1570, the Consensus of Sandomir placed the Lutherans,

Calvinists and Bohemian Bretheren in harmony and tolerance and after the death of Sigismund August in

1572, the Polish szlachta joined a Pact of Confederation in Warsaw which legally established religious

toleration and equality, and had to be sworn to by any future elected king.33

Such was the geographical, political, and religious world in which a man named Simon Loytz

recorded a birth and horsoscope onto a blank page of a 1543 Latin Bible. The inscription records the birth

26

Leopold Prowe, Nicolaus Coppernicus. Erster Band: das Leben. II. Theil 1512-1543. Berlin,

Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1883. 236-237. Goolge Book. 27

Fox, 30-32. 28

Zins 592. 29

ibid., 38. 30

ibid., 40. 31

ibid. 44-45. 32

ibid., 49, 60. 33

ibid., 62.

Foote 13

of Anna, a daughter of man named Johann Connert, into such a world. The identity of this man, and his

daughter, should fit certain criteria: Johann Connert must have been alive at least nine months before

December 4, 1552, and will have been in the proximity of a town councilman named Johann Moller, a

man named Franz Moller, and a man named Simon Loytz, all who were alive in 1552. Because they have

the smallest role in the inscription, Johann and Frantz Moller will be discussed first, then Johann Connert,

and then Simon Loytz. After identifying each person with an individual from other historical sources,

each discussion will attempt to establish connections to the other participants and give a brief indication

of the person’s vocation, activities, and place in society. It is important to note that the very process of

identifying reveals much about the individual, since status, vocation, connections and activities played a

role in if and to what extent a person from this time survived in the written sources.

As fortune would have it, Johann and Franz Moller, the two participants in the birth of Anna

Connert with the fewest indications of who they are, and with no clue to how they are connected with the

Connert family, present the most difficult challenge. To begin with, the exercise of identifying

individuals from this time period requires that one takes into account the lack of spelling standardization.

In editions of historical records, editors oftentimes combine various spellings of the name into one index

entry, for example, “Möller ([cf.] Mölner), Moller, Molre, Molendinarius, Molner.”34

The next to last

form sheds more light on the difficulty of identifying individuals bearing this surname – the Latinized

form of the German, Molendenarius means “a miller.”35

Thus, the surname is given to both individuals

who are millers or have descended from a miller, a vocation not at all unique. An analogous situation

occurs in the the English surnames of Miller or Smith. This situation is complecated by the existence of

unrelated families based in different cites, each of whom who have members active in international affairs

34

Verein für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, Mecklenburgisches Urkundenbuch Vol.

22, (Schwerin: Baerensprung’schen Hofbuchdruckerei,1907),

http://books.google.com/books?id=0DYDAAAAYAAJ, 46 of index; pagination restarted after page 660 of the main

text. 35

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/morph?l=Molendinarius&la=la#lexicon

Foote 14

and commerce.36

Geneologists, past and present, have almost fully described the families in Hamburg37

and Reval38

, yet small branches of these names in Danzig still defy any harmonius unification.39

The family tree given in Appendix 3 shows the indisputable familial relations between the

Moller, Connert, and Loytz families. The identification of Johann and Frantz Moller is possible, almost

serendipitously, through scattered original documentary records. Their place in the Danzig

Moller/Mollner family is not certain, making their relation to the Loytz and Connert families all the more

circumstantial.

To begin with, Katharina Feldstedt, whose sisters Cordula and Christina married the brothers

Michael and Simon Loytz, respectively, first married Herman Giese in 1522. He was from a very

established, old, and influential Danzig family, including his brother, Tidemann, who was Bishop of

Culm from 1538 until he became Bishop of Ermland in 1549, and died a year later, when he was buried

next to his good friend, Nicolaus Koppernicus.40

Another brother, Georg, was a merchant of the Hanseatic

League for Danzig, and for a time stationed at their office in London, the Stahlhof/Steelyard, where he

had his portrait painted by Hans Holbein the Younger.41

When Hermann died in 1528, Katharina married

for a second time in 1529 to Georg Moller, who died in 1551. They had ten children, only two of whom

are known for certain: Reinhold, the oldest, who married Anna Conrad, a sister of Johann Conrad III, and

Christiane. That leaves eight possible individuals of the Moller name who would have been adults in

1552, the year of the birth inscription.

36

Cf., the index to Danziger Inventare, under “Moller, Molner, Muller“: Andreas, Lübeck; Andreas,

Hamburg; Fabian, Ratm., Elbing; Hans, Schiffer, Kurland; Heinrich, Braunschweig; Heinrich, Danzig; Heinrich,

Stralsund; Hermann, Memel; Joachim, Bgm., Malmö; Johann, Hamburg; Jost, Lübeck; Jürgen, Ratm., Danzig;

Jürgen, Danzig; Lorenz; Mattheus, Matthias, Sekr., Danzig. 1023. Under “Müller, Moller“: Georg, Danzig; Hans,

Antwerpen; Martin; Thomas, Danzig; 1024. 37

cf. Michael Kohlhaas, ed., “Dat Slechtbok von 1541“ erstellt von Joachim Moller, Geschlechtsregister

der hamburgischen Familie Moller [vom Hirsch] neu herausgegeben von Dr. Otto Beneke, 1876, Archivar der

Hansestadt Hamburg, Mit Auszügen und Ergänzungen (blau) in neuer Übersicht zusammengestellt, am 15.2.2007,

letzte Änderung 31.12.2011, http://www.nd-gen.de/images/pdf/slechtbok.pdf. 38

cf. Torsten Derrik, “Das Bruderbuch der Revaler Tafelgilde (1364-1549)“, Edition Wissenschaft Reihe

Geschichte Band 59, Tectum Verlag: Marburg, 2000.

http://dspace.utlib.ee/dspace/bitstream/handle/10062/1755/Derrik.pdf. 39

see under “Tafel Mollner”, “Ahnentafel Marie Schumann * 1824 in Danzig,“ Das Lemmel-Archiv:

Genealogie und Familiengeschichte Lemmel/Lämmel/Lemlein, http://geneal.lemmel.at/Schumann_AL.html. 40

http://geneal.lemmel.at/Gie-29j.html 41

http://geneal.lemmel.at/Gie-29u.html

Foote 15

The records of a Franz Moller of Danzig in the mid-to-late sixteenth century are so few that they

almost certainly deal with the same person. In 1556, Frantz Moller is referred to as the contact in Danzig

for purchasing copper nails for shipbuilding.42

The next known record for Franz Moller directly connects

him to the Loytz circle. In a May 12, 1560, letter to a business associate, Steffen Loytz mentions that

1500 Thaler worth of sable furs are to stay with Franz Moller in Danzig.43

However the furs had been

bought with money received in a transaction with a Livonian Catholic Bishop who had been taken by

Russians, along with most of the wealth of the Bishopric. Moller had to send a letter to the Duke in

Königsberg explaining that he was only holding the merchandise and had not been involved in

transactions involving the plundered wealth.44

Sometime before 1561, Duke Albrecht of Brandenburg

had borrowed 1000 Thaler from “Frantz Moller in Danzig.”45

In 1564, Franz Moller, “Borger i Dantzig,”

received permission to send a ship captain westward through the Oresund to Spain, but without

exemption from the Danish tolls.46

The last known activities of Franz Moller occur in 1576-77. In October of 1576, the town of

Danzig appealed to King Friedrich II of Denmark to advocate for a merchant from Danzig, Hans von der

Linde, who had been detained by the Duke of Mecklenburg already for nine months.47

In February of

1577, Franz Moller acted as an authorized representative of the Danzig town council in order to solicit the

Electors and Princes at the Princes’ Diet in Stettin to work for the release of von der Linde.48

In the

meantime, the King of Poland, Stephan Báthory was beginning to build his troops around Danzig. In

1575, Emperor Maximillian II had been elected King by the Upper House of the Polish Parliament but, as

42

“Frantz Mølner i Dantzick“; C. F. Bricka, ed., Kancelliets Brevbøger Vedrørende Danmarks indre

Forhold 1556-1560: Første Halvdel. (København: C. A. Reitzel, 1887), 22,

http://books.google.com/books?id=BV8xAQAAMAAJ 43

Stefan Hartmann, Herzog Albrecht von Preussen und Livland (1557-1560): Regesten aus dem

Herzoglichen Briefarchiv und den Ostpreussischen Folianten. Veröffentlichungen aus den Archiven Preußischer

Kulturbesitz, Vol. 60. (Köln: Böhlau Verlag GmbH & Cie, 2006),

http://books.google.com/books?id=ILtQWvoL5HcC, 490. 44

ibid., 526. 45

Oskar Schwebel, Die Herren und Grafen von Schwerín: Blätter aus der preussischen Geschichte,

(Berlin: Abenheim'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1885), 139, http://books.google.com/books?id=bSsRAQAAIAAJ. 46

L. Laursen, ed., Kancelliets Brevbøger Vedrørende Danmarks indre Forhold i Uddrag: 1561-1565.

(København: Nielsen & Lydiche, 1893-95), 482. http://books.google.com/books?id=vMsBAAAAYAAJ. 47

Danziger Inventare, 559. 48

ibid., 564.

Foote 16

an embodiement of Rome, he did not gain support from the rest of the Protestant Polish estates and

vacated the throne. The previous King’s daughter, Anna, was elected King in December of 1575, and then

married Stephan Báthory in May 1576, who in turn became King. The Reformation was well established

in Danzig by this time, but its rejection of Stephan Báthory stemmed from the actions of the Bishop of

Kujawien, Stanislaw Karnkowski. Karnkowski had drawn up statutes at the 1570 Polish Parliament which

reduced many old privileges of Danzig. He was also the only ecclesiastic to vote for Báthory. The

rebellion was an attempt by Danzig to regain its previous privileged status as the wealthiest Hanseatic

port.49

Frantz Moller had a role in Danzig’s brief rebellion against the King of Poland in 1577. Three

independent sources mention Frantz Moller and identify him as a captain of one of Danzig’s noble-troop

divisions. The leader of the guilds in this conflict was a Caspar Göbel50

who, in an appeal for help to King

Friedrich II of Denmark, mentions that the Danzig people have been divided into troops, the captian of

one which is named as Franz Moller.51

Frantz Moller is also mentioned in such a role in the second book

of Michael Friedwalds’ Wahrhaftige Preussische Geschichten, first printed by the author in 1579, 52

as

well as in the account by Georg Knoff included in a 1599 continuation of Caspar Schütz’s Historia Rerum

Prussicarum.

Both Knoff and Friedwald list the same names as captains of the Danzig troops, but they differ

slightly on how they describe Frantz Moller. Knoff, a native of Danzig, lists him as the first of the

“honorable and esteemed capatins,” 53

while Friedwald, of Elbing names Frantz Moller among the

49

Friedrich, 111; for a full account of the 1577 conflict, see W. Behring, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des

Jahres 1577: I“ Zeitschrift des Westpreußischen Geschichtsvereins 43. (1901): 161-218.

http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=18923. 50

ibid., 173-174. 51

“Hauptleute“, i.e., Captains, ibid., 199. 52

Max Toeppen, ed., “Das ander Buch wahrhaftiger Beschreibungen der Preuschen Geschichten, was sich

nemlich nach des … Fursten und Hern, Hern Stephani, … heiligen kronungen und nach des einen rebellischen

Burgermeisters der konigl. Stadt Danzig, des Georgen Clefelts erschrecklichen Tode (wie davon im ersten Buche

Meldunge gethan ist) weiter habe zugetraten.“ Peter Himmelreich's und Michael Friedwald's, des Löwentödters,

Elbingisch-preussische Geschichten, Die preussischen Geschichtschreiber des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts, Vol. 4,

(Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1881), http://books.google.com/books?id=NkgFAAAAQAAJ. 53

Caspar Schütz, David Chytraeus, Georg Knoff, Historia Rerum Prussicarum : Warhaffte Und eigentliche

Beschreibung der Lande Preussen, ihrer gelegenheit, namen und teilunge [...]. Darinnen auch Die ankunfft und

Foote 17

“Captains, standard-bearers, and lads from the nobility together with the wicked Rumormeisters,54

a title

technically referring to a “magisterially-appointed overseer for restoring order” and “the overseer of order

among the troop quarters.”55

However, this officer was also the “Hurenweibel,” the one who oversaw the

military supply train, which included “Huren und Buben,” “whores and boys.”56

Historians have dubbed

Friedwald a “royal instigator,”57

who picked fights with prominent citizens of Danzig and Elbing and

always ran to the King of Poland. His Prussian History, dedicated to and praising the King, is an example

of this. In an earlier section that narrates the rebellion of 1577, Friedwald taks a jab at Franz Moller:

Welch man die Adelsburs genant,/ Mancher wahr nie kumn aus dem Landt,/ Hilten ihr Hend auff

Ruhrn schon,/ Ir Finger wohren angethon/ Mit Ringlein, darin edle Stein/ Verfaset wahren artlich

fein.// Sie ritten wie zum Hochzeittantz,/ Mancher der fyhrt ein Perlenkrantz./ Mit silbren Tolchen

wahrn sie getziehrt,/ Gelich wan alda war eingefiehrt/ Der Meyegraff mit grossem Pracht,/ Drum

werden sie spotlich verlacht.// Man furht in nach Biehr, Meht un Wein./ Martzpahn aus

Apotecken fein./ Auch furht man innen Huren nach,/ Frantz Moller der bestalt die Sach,/ Ein alter

gantz verhurter Gsell, / Drum wierd er leiden in der Hell, / Wie Sanctus Paulus klerlich meldt,/

Da er verurteilt solchen Heldt.

Those that are called Adelsburs [noble youth in the troops], some had never come out of the

country, their hands ready to stir, their fingers had little rings, in which precious stones were

finely set.

They rode as to wedding dance, some bore a wreath of pearls. With silver daggers they were

adorned, Just as if there were led the May-Count with great splendour, so will they derisively

laugh.

He is given beer, meat and wine. Marzipan from the Apothecary fine. One also brings in whores,

Frantz Moller took care of this, an old completely lecherous fellow, Therefore will he suffer in

Hell, As St. Paul clearly tells, Since he condemns such heroes.58

erbawung der Königlichen Stadt Dantzig [...]. Hierzu ist kommen eine Continuation der Preusischen Chronica [...]

(Leipzig: Henning Gross, 1599), http://www.dbc.wroc.pl/dlibra/docmetadata?id=9685, 533 [1064 of online

document], “Uber obgemelte Stände seind Hauptleute gewesen, die Ehrnveste, Erbare und Vornehme Frantz Moller

…“, also 539 [1076], “Frantz Mollern“. 54

“Hauptleüte, Fehnriche und stoltz genente Adelspursche sampt den frefflichen Romohrmaisteren waiss

ich aller nicht zu nenen, disse nachvolgenden aber ungemeldet zu lassen, hab ich fur Sunde geachtet,“ Toeppen,304. 55

“obrigkeitlich berufener Aufseher, der unmittelbar für Ordnung sorgt; Aufseher über die Ordnung im

Militärquartier,“ http://www.rzuser.uni-heidelberg.de/~cd2/drw/e/ru/morm/eist/rumormeister.htm. 56

“Huren=Weibel,“ Johann Leonhard Frisch Teutsch-lateinisches Wörter-Buch (Berlin: Christoph Gottleib

Nicolai, 1741), 477, http://books.google.de/books?id=DY8NAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA477. 57

Toeppen, 104. 58

ibid., 261.

Foote 18

Such is the picture history has left of Frantz Moller of Danzig: a man involved in commerce,

international diplomacy, town pride, and, perhaps, supplying the women for troops. One of the mayors at

this time was Reinold Moller, the husband of Anna Conrad. By virtue of exercising this office, he is quite

well documented in other activities.59

In 1582, he held the position of Royal Burgrave in Danzig.60

Although the Danziger Inventare index locates him in Antwerp, there is a Johann Mölner in

1532, to whom the town of Danzig requests that the goods of the late Heinrich von Reszen be given.61

An

earlier record of the same year, a Christoph Beyer and Wilhelm von Res promise to pay the debts of the

late “Heinrich and Wilhem von Res.”62

These are important clues, because Christoph Beyer (d. 1553) and

Johann Moller (d. 1556), both Danzig merchants, were married to daughters of a Danzig merchant,

Berndt von Rehsen. This Johann Mollner/Möller was born around 1490 and offices in Danzig of

alderman in 1528, towncouncilman in 1533, and judge in 1538. 63

This might be the same as a “Hans

Molner korkenmacher” (i.e., cork-maker), listed among the aldermen in instructions for the Danzig

representative to King Sigismund in 1526.64

In 1558, two years after this Johann Moller has died, a

shipper Hans Moller based on a current-day Estonian island complained that the ship in which he sent

barley to Johann Conradt in Danzig was siezed by the Danzig town council.65

Given the fact that

merchants from a certain city could be based in another one, it seems a bit more than coincidence that a

Hans Moller is shipping goods to a Johann Conrad in Danzig. In 1577, Cologne tells Danzig that Kaspar

59

Brief bio, http://geneal.lemmel.at/Mlnr-30e.html; For records of his activities, see for instance, Danziger

Inventare, numbers 6927, 6928, 7143, 7233, 8448, 8467—8470, 8475, 8476, 8478, 8480, 8481, 8484, 8486, 8488,

8492—8496, 8498, 8502, 8761, 8765, 8773, 8774, 8780, 8791, 8796, 8806, 8817, 8819, 8820, 8823, 8830, 8834—

8837,8878, 8888, 8889, 8891, 8892, 8904, 8905, 8909, 9059, 9199, 9233, 9281, 9283, 9284, 9286, 9302, 9308,

9310, 9314, 9315, 9319, 9321. 60

“Royal Burgraves of the City of Gdańsk” Urząd Miejski w Gdańsku, Kancelaria Prezydenta [=City Hall

of Gdansk, Office of the President] http://www.en.gdanszczanie.gdansk.gda.pl/o_gdansku,6,16.html. 23.10.2009

10:40 (accessed 13 March 2012). 61

ibid., 14 (number 194). 62

ibid., 13 (number 184). 63

http://geneal.lemmel.at/Sww-27Re.html 64

Theodor Hirsch, Die Ober-Pfarrkirche von St. Marien in Danzig in ihren Denkmälern und in ihren

Beziehungen zum kirchlichen Leben Danzigs überhaupt . Danzig, S. Anhuth, 1843. [Upper Church of St. Mary's in

Gdansk in their monuments and their relationship to the life of the Church in Gdansk told and represented].

http://books.google.com/books?id=S6sAAAAAcAAJ. Beilage [Appendix] XI, Instructio Gedanensium Nunciis data

ad Sigismundum Regem (1526). 65

Danziger Inventare, 256 (number 3479).

Foote 19

Göbel (mentioned above) will pay for a transaction that he contracted with a Hans Müller, who lives in

Antwerp in the house for traders from the east.66

A more certain connection is documented in 1546 when, at the request of the community, four

towncouncilmen were appointed as “Hospitalsherren“ with the direction of all the “Hosptials“, on whose

report disloyal “Spittalers“ are deposed, name four good citizens to wardship over the two hospitals that

were put under the same administration, and in general direct such an appropriate provision of resources

among each of these institutions, that they bear witness to the charitable influence of the new teaching.67

Three of the councilmen appointed to this administration were Johann and Jörgen (Georg) Möller and

Johann Konrad. Uundoubtedly, these are the same Johann Moller and Johann Connert from the birth

inscription. This Georg Möller found in other documented connections, besides holding the office of

Royal Burgrave of Danzig in 1549.68

The most significant occurred in 1536, when the guardians of the

children of the late Reinhold Feldstedt, who died in 1529, are named. They are none other than Nicolaus

Copernicus, a cousin to Feldstedt’s wife, Michae Loytz, who had married one of Feldstedt’s daughters,

and a man named Arndt von Schellinge.69

The 1536 document is the declaration by the Danzig council

that these guardians are turning over all their duties to Georg Möller, an alderman, who had also married a

daughter of Feldstedt.

66

ibid., 570, number 7240. 67

Hirsch, Ober-Pfarrkirch, 336-337. 68

“Royal Burgraves of the City of Gdańsk”. 69

Full original transcription in Andreas Kühne and Stefan Kirschner, eds. Urkunden, Akten und

Nachrichten vol. 2 of Nicolaus Copernicus: Gesamtausgabe. 6: Documenta Copernicana, edited by Heribert M.

Nobis and Menso Folkerts, (Akadamie Verlag GmbH: Berlin, 1996), books.google.com/books?id=aEZrYxkjLkIC.,

350-351. English summary in Biskup, Marian, ed. Regesta Copernicana : (calendar of Copernicus' papers). (Zakład

Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, Wrocław:1973), 157. http://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/plain-content?id=40242. von Schelling

was also a well-to-do merchant and citizen of Danzig, and his wife was later a cause of controversy for Copernicus

as his housemaid. Lemmel, because of his ancestral connection to him, has investigated the family ties of

Copernicus and proves this identification, http://geneal.lemmel.at/Sche-28s.html. Lemmel is discussed further

below. German-language accounts and discussions of the sources concerning this controversy include Leopold

Prowe, Nicolaus Coppernicus. Erster Band: das Leben. II. Theil 1512-1543. (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung,

1883). http://books.google.com/books?id=aI3tgTK5c58C. Bogucka 174ff. contains English summaries of the

documents.

Foote 20

The source of the most consolidated information for the Connert family of Danzig is a personal

genealogy website that is outstanding for its quality of research and citation of sources.70

Although Hans-

Dietrich Lemmel began his research by focusing on tracing his own family name, he has compiled a great

deal of historical data relating to many other families among the German population that resided in

current-day Poland from the 12th century onward, an area that came to be called Prussia. The compiled

information for the Connert family provides the patriarchs of the family and the members that would join

the family tree of Lemmel. However, the information is incomplete, focusing only on establishing the

direct connections from one generation to the next, with basic lifetime data and vocational labels and

sometimes information about other children and spouses. For the purposes of identifying the individuals

mentioned in the birth inscription and their relation to the inscriber, this information serves as a core

around which to add the scattered pieces of information found in all the various other sources.

The Connert family name also has its own spelling issues within the historical sources. Lemmel

utilizes the form “Conrad” for this family, sometimes including variations in his notes. Transcriptions of

original records never follow any standard, especially when records could be in Latin, German or

Polish71

, but editors usually clarify name variations in the indexes72

, as does the editor of the index to the

35 volumes of the Mitteilungen des Westpreßischen Geschichtsvereins73

. Sometimes historians pay

attention to this issue and provide the name variations.74

70

Hans-Dietrich Lemmel, “Ostpreußische Familien,” Das Lemmel-Archiv: Genealogie und

Familiengeschichte Lemmel/Lämmel/Lemlein, http://geneal.lemmel.at/StammtafelnOpr.html (accessed April 10,

2012). 71

cf., “Ioannis Connarth” 302, “Ioannem Connath” 363, “Ioannem Conradt” 422, Theodorus Wierzbowski,

Matricularum Regni Poloniae summaria, excussis codocibus, qui in Chartophylacio Maximo Varsoviensi

asservantur, contexuit indicesque adiecit Theodorus Wierzbowski. P. 4, Sigismundi I regis tempora complectens

(1507-1548). Vol. 1, Acta cancellariorum 1507-1548. (Warsaw: C. Kowalewski, 1910).

http://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/docmetadata?id=63776; “Hans Konrad” 76, “Hans Conradt” 479, “Hans Conrat”

781, Hanserecesse von 1477-1530. Dritte Abtheilung, Siebenter Band(1517-152); “Johann Conradt” 256 Danziger

Inventar 1531-1591;” “Hans Konradt” 100, “Win. Conrat” 200, Kölner Inventar. Erster Band: 1531-1571. 72

cf. Hanse; 73

cf. “Konnert (Konrad),” “Konrad (Conrad),” Friedrich Schwarz, ed., Inhaltsverzeichnis der Mitteilungen

des Westpreußischen Geschichtsvereins, vols. 1-35: Personen, Orte, Sachen, (Danzig: Danziger Verlags

Gesellschaft m. b. H. Paul Rosenberg, 1940), 48, http://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/docmetadata?id=13793. 74

cf. “Johann Connert (oder Conrath),” Daniel Gralath, Versuch einer Geschichte Danzigs: aus

zuverläßgen Quellen und Handschriften Vol. 2. (Königsberg: Hartung, 1790), 204,

http://books.google.com/books?id=BeEAAAAAcAAJ.

Foote 21

Two Connert brothers paid property taxes in Danzig in 1377, but there is no paper trail to connect

them with a Johann Connert who was a Schöppe in Danzig in 1456, in 1458 a part owner of an estate

called Schönfeld, and died in 1462 in Danzig. He had a son of the same name who payed property taxes

in 1495 and was, in all likelihood, the Johann Connert who married a Margareta Pirch (Pirck) 75

, was the

father of an Andreas (b. ca. 1475), another Johann (b. ca. 1493)76

, two daughters, and died before 152677

.

This Johann III was born in Danzig and married Gertrude Huxor, daughter of Ulrich Huxer, a merchant of

Danzig and member of the city government,78

sometime around 1525 or 153079

. In 1531, he became an

alderman of the Main City of Danzig80

, vice-president81

of the aldermen in 1536 and then president82

in

1539. In 1540, he became a member of the town council, and then a judge83

in 1544. In 1540, he had also

established an iron foundry, which was soon named Conradshammer84

. This Johann Connert appears most

often in historical accounts for providing most, if not all, of the funds to rebuild Danzig’s orphanage that

had burned to the ground in 1547.85

However, his lasting legacy is the family epitaph he commissioned

around 1554-6, still hanging in St Mary’s Church, on the wall by the altar of St.Anthony, which was the

75

Justyna Olszewska-Świetlik, Technologia i Technika Malarska Wybranych Nowożytnych Epitafiów z

Bazyliki Mariackiej w Gdańsku, 22. 76

Lemmel. 77

Although the identification is not completely verifiable, the Acta cancellariorum records a probate

process for the property of a late Johann Connarth, citizen of Danzig, beginning October 16, 1526 with the division

of his property between “his surviving Margaretha and children of the same, Johann, Catharina, wife of Michael

Barenfusz, councilman of Danzig, and Elisabeth, wife of Andreas Wornigk, citizen of Danzig,” Wierzbowski, 302;

In 1532, the 1526 decision and a translation from German to Latin of the record was confirmed after a petition from

“Margaretha, widow of the same Johann,” ibid., 363; then, in 1546, the mayor and aldermen of Danzig dealt with

the “property of the father and mother” of sisters Elisabeth, wife of Andrea Werncke, and Catharina, widow of

Johann Holstenn, and their brother, Johann Conradt, ibid., 442, 445. 78

“1516 Schöppe […] [died] 1529,” Lemmel; councilman 1502, died 1530, “Councillors of the Right Main

City of Gdańsk,” Miejski w Gdańsku, Kancelaria Prezydenta, Referat Multimedialny [City Hall of Danzig, Office of

the Presidenet, Multimedia Report.], line 360, http://www.en.gdanszczanie.gdansk.gda.pl/o_gdansku,6,15.html

(accessed March 13, 2012); Olszewska-Świetlik, 22. 79

Lemmel. 80

“Johann Conraht,” “Councillors,” line 427; Olszewska-Świetlik, 22. 81

“conseniorem”, ibid., 22. 82

“senior“, ibid., 22. 83

“sędzią” ibid., 22; “Richter”, Lemmel. 84

Theodor Hirsch, Das Kloster Oliva: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der westpreußischen Kunstbauten,

(Danzig: S. Anhuth, 1850), 11, http://books.google.com/books?id=ssgDAAAAcAAJ. 85

Gralath 204-205, calls this orphanage a “Weysenhause”; Schwarz: “Kinderhaus” 48

Foote 22

altar used by Protestants from 1557 until 1572, when the Catholics built their own church.86

It is known

that he confessed Lutheranism, which at this time did not have royal toleration,87

and the Conrad family

eventually listed among Calvinist patrician families.88

Johann Connert died in Danzig March 9, 1560 and was buried in the Church of the Holy Trinity.

He had three daughters and three sons, as well as three children who died in infancy.89

One of these sons

was, again, named Johann. The primary evidence for identifying this Johann Connert as the father of the

Anna born in 1552 are two epitaphs, besides the Connert family epitaph, that still hang in St. Maria’s

Basilica in Danzig: the epitaph for “Anna Loysen” and the Loytz family epitaph. Thanks to the invaluable

studies of the art and history of epitaphs in Danzig, the individuals memorialized and their families are

identified for a modern readership and the epitaphs dated and understood in their religious and social

context.90

86

Stanisław Bogdanowicz, “70. Epitafium Connertów” http://www.bazylikamariacka.pl/zwiedzanie/90-70-

epitafium-connertow (accessed Janurary 19, 2012); Katarzyna Cieślak, Epitafia obrazowe w gdańsku (xv-xviiw.)

(Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich [National Ossoliński Institute], 1993), 17; Stanisław Bogdanowicz ,

“Bazylika Mariacka,” http://www.bazylikamariacka.pl/historia-bazylika-mariacka-gdansk/opis-archikatedralna-

bazylika-mariacka (accessed January 19, 2012). 87

Cieślak 27. 88

Stekelenburg, Dick van. Michael Albinus “Dantiscanus” (1610 - 1653): Ein Fallstudie zum Danziger

Literaturbarock, Volume 74 of Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur. (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988).

http://books.google.com/books?id=ENp7zQtVjOEC. 89

Olszewska-Świetlik, 22 90

In 1993, Cieślak studied figurative epitaphs in Danzig from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century, cf.

note 86 above. In 2006 and 2007, Aleksandra Lipińska published her first studies of alabaster sculpture found in

central and eastern Europe that came from workshops in the southern parts of the Netherlands and Belgium.

Aleksandra Lipińska,“‘Ein tafell von Alabaster zu Antorff bestellen’: Southern Netherlandish Alabaster Sculpture in

Central Europe.” Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 32.4 (2006): 231-258.

http://www.jstor.org/stable/20355336 (accessed January 19, 2012) and Wewnętrzne światło:

Południowoniderlandzka rzeźba alabastrowa w europie środkowo-wschodniej (fragment) [ Internal light: South

Netherlandish alabaster sculpture in Central and Eastern Europe]. Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu

Wrocławskiego, 2007.

http://www.wuwr.com.pl/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_details&gid=233&Itemid=39&lang=en.

(accessed January 19, 2012). In 2009, Justyna Olszewska-Świetlik published her beautiful and fascinating scientific

analysis of the materials and techniques used in the epitaphs of St. Maria’s Basilica in Danzig: Technologia i

Technika Malarska Wybranych Nowożytnych Epitafiów z Bazyliki Mariackiej w Gdańsku. (Toruń: Wydawnictwo

Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, 2009). Finally, Lipińska has headed a public history and tourism

project for the city of Danzig exhibiting alabaster sculpture in all of the churches of the city. An absolutely brilliant

and informative website went online late in 2011, available in English or Polish, and containing new color photos of

the artifacts and brief historical and descriptive sketches for each: “The Alabaster Trail.” Matter of Light and Flesh:

Alabaster in the Netherlandish sculpture of the 16th and 17th Centuries. http://www.alabaster-wystawa.pl/trail.html.

(accessed February 26, 2012).

Foote 23

Discussions of the Loytz family epitaph agree that one of the daughters depicted in the panel

paintings is named Anna and was married to a Connert, and identified as the Anna Loytz who has her

own epitaph.91

The Loytz epitaph was constructed very shortly after the 1561 death of Michael Loytz.92

The epitaph for Anna Loytz was set up by her husband, councilor Johann Connert the Younger (d. 1579).

It was intended to be for the couple, since Anna’s inscription fills only one vertical half of the epitaph, but

Johann Connert had remarried by 1574 and had not bothered to do anything else with Anna’s memorial,

thus the identity of Anna’s husband is not indicated. 93

Anna Loytz died September 9, 1563, at the age of

29.94

Although the year of marriage is unknown, Anna Loytz, who married Johann Connert, would have

been 18 in 1552. Considering the custom of reusing first names within families, and even giving

daughters the same name as their mother, it is not unreasonable to conclude that this Johann and Anna

Loytz-Connert had a girl named Anna December 4, 1552.

If this whole process of identification rests only on the inscription and the book in which it is

found, the connection to the Loytz family relies solely on the claim of ownership by Simon Loytz

indicated on the title page. The book, now at the Elbing municipal library, has survived through the

accidents of history but retained its identification due to its role in the founding of a library for the

students of the Elbing Gymnasium. The background to how this particular book came to be in the

possession of the Elbing municipal library appears in a published manner first time in a series of articles

by an Elbing Gymnasium proffessor, Johann Merz, in 1841. Merz’s articles also contain the only

published list of actual titles of books from private libraries that became part of the Elbing Gymnasium

library holdings, although his lists give the titles of only a fraction of each private collection, and the titles

are heavily abbreviated, usually beyond the point of recognition by a modern reader. What may be the

91

Lipińska, “The Alabaster trail.” 92

Lipińska “Alabaster Trail” and Wewnętrzne światło20; Cieślak 93

Cieślak, 26, note 87. 94

Reinhold Curicken, Der Stadt Dantzig historische beschreibung. (Amsterdam und Dantzigk: Johan &

Gillis Jansson von Wacsberge, 1687), http://pbc.gda.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=795, 313 [image 351].

Foote 24

most complete list is the original record of benefactors kept from about 1580 to 1667,95

but it has not been

digitized and remains an unpublished manuscript.

As with the epitaphs, thanks to Merz and subsequent historians, the identity of this book’s owner

and of his family is secure.96

According to Bauer, a Simon Loytz from Danzig is recorded as a patron of

the Gymnasium, and who left all his books to a nephew who later left them to the school.97

The books

were owned by two brothers, Simon and Stephan Loytz, illegitimate sons of a first Simon Loytz, who was

still active in the Danzig branch of the family business, mainly concerning Polish banking.98

Simon I lived

in Danzig in the house of his nephew Hans, where he raised Simon II and Stephan II and, according to

records, bought books for his sons’ education in 1567-70. 99

Simon II was a lawyer in Gdansk and

frequently charged with the management of cases at the Royal Upper Tribunal in Warsaw and died

childless in 1624 in possession of an estate-town called Petershagen near Danzig.100

The younger brother,

Stephan II, was town secretary for Elbing since 1592 and then Syndic, travelling to Warsaw and Cracau

for the town’s financial matters.101

According to Bauer, Simon II had the bigger collection of books, which were numbered.

However, several books bear the name of Simon Loytz, but in another hand, and these are all printed in

the first half of the sixteenth century or before, and so must have belonged to the father, Simon Loytz I.

When Stephan II died in 1617, leaving an infant son, his books were held by his brother Simon II, who

95

Joh. Aug. Merz, “Fortsetzung der Geschichte der Bibliothek des Gymnasiums, ” Zu der öffentlichen

Prüfung der Schüler des Gymnasiums zu Elbing […], (Elbing: Agathon Wernich, 1841),

http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=286, 9. 96

Paul Schwenke, Adressbuch der Deutschen Bibliotheken. Beiheft zum Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen,

(Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1893), 10, http://books.google.com/books?id=oREZAAAAYAAJ; Hanns Bauer, “Aus

dem ersten Jahrhundert des Elbinger Gymnasiums und seiner Bibliothek,” Königberger Beiträge: Festgabe zur

vierhundertjährigen Jubelfeier der Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek zu Königsberg Pr, (Königsberg: Gräfe &

Unzer, 1929); Jozef Lassota, “Zarys Dziejów Biblioteki Elbląskiej (1601-1945),” Rocznik Elbląski 1 (1961): 97-120;

Marzena Zacharska, Biblioteka Gówna Uniwersytetu Mikoaja Kopernika/Hauptbibliothek der Nikolaus-Kopernikus-

Universität, http://134.76.163.162/fabian?Nikolaus-Kopernikus-Universitaet (April 1990); Krystyna Podlaszewska,

“Prywatne biblioteki mieszczan elbląskich w XVI i w pierwszej polowie XVII wieku. [Private Libraries of Burghers

of Elbing in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Century],” Studia o bibliotekach i zbiorach polskich [Studies in

Polish Libraries and Collections], 5, (Toruń 1993): 47-69; Dutkiewicz; and Lewandowska. 97

Bauer 28-29, note 47. 98

ibid., 32. 99

ibid., 32, note 66. 100

ibid., 32. 101

ibid., 33.

Foote 25

apparently gave them numbers as well, but when Simon II died in 1624, the whole collection went to

Stephan II’s son, Heinrich, at which time the collection was inventoried. The collection numbering an

impressive 766 volumes of various sizes included 225 (32.3%): Bible commentaries, prayer books,

sermons, homilies, doctrinal and apologetic writings especially over the Eucharist, and the works of

Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, and the Jesuits Bellarmine and Scarga. Of 128 legal books (16.7%), half

concern Roman Law, 35 German and Polish Law, and 10 Canon Law. 67 (8.8%) were Classics and

philological, 63 (8.2%) works of history of many different nations, 49 (6.4%) medical, 48 (6.3%)

philosophical, and 33 (4.8%) mathematical, with the rest (15.5%) dealing with science, agronomy, and

architecture.102

Heinrich Loytz was admitted to the Elbing Gymnasium January 2, 1618, and then to the

University of Königsberg in 1628. He is recorded as a donor to the Gymnasium in a 1654-1665 record.

Bauer thinks the collection was donated in the 1660s and after Heinrich’s death. However, this donation

was only two-thirds of what was inventoried in 1624. 103

Lassota echoes Merz and Bauer, but adds that

Stephan II travelled to Warsaw, the capital only since 1596, during the dispute between the city of Elbing

and the Bishop of Warmia, Simon Rudnick, over who could claim the church of St. Nikolaus, the

evangelicals or the Catholics. While in Warsaw, Stephan II became acquainted with a prominent Jesuit

polemicist, Peter Skarga, some works of whom were given to Stephan. Lassota, writing in 1961, also says

that the 1624 inventory was still in existence. 104

Podlaszewska wrote a very helpful update of private libraries in Elbing from the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries in 1993. She accepts the information of Merz, Bauer, and Lassota, among others,

but provides some additional details. She was able to compare the 1624 inventory with the books that

could still be found, and this comparision maintained roughly the same ratio of subjects, except for the

almost complete lack of legal books, as well as most of the histories. She conjectures, apparently

assuming that Heinrich was alive at the time of the donation, that he may have been in such a profession,

102

ibid., 33-34. Podlaszewska provides the percentages, 50-51. 103

ibid., 33-34. 104

Lassota 105-106.

Foote 26

such as the law or city government, that he was using these, or, more reasonably, that the Gymnasium did

not take the law books because law was not taught there yet.105

Most informative are two facts. First, besides works of the Jesuit Skarga, some which polemicize

against the anti-trinitarian movement that blossomed in Poland, the collection actually included works

written by anti-trinitarians. Second, among a custom binding of geocentric astronomical works is a copy

of Joachim Rheticus’ 1540 Narratio Prima, the first publication of Nicolaus Copernicus’ heliocentric

theory.106

Ownership of all these books does not allow any conclusions about the mindset of the owners,

except for the fact that they have underlining and marginal notations, evidence of active reading.107

Apart from only a couple of early regional histories,108

the first stand-alone history of the Loytz

family appears in 1845. The author utilizes such early tidbits, and so has some loose strings and is

understandably incomplete.109

A shortened update appeared in 1884 in the extensive multi-volume

Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie,110

which was replaced by the Neue Deutsche Biographie, which had an

entry in 1987.111

The first known member of the family was Hans I, a citizen of Stettin since 1443, a member of

the town council around 1447, and traded in herring, of which Stetin was a major hub, until he died in

1449. He had a son Michael I (1438-1494) who was a councilman in 1473 and then one of the four

105

Podlaszewska 50. 106

ibid., 50. 107

ibid., 53. 108

For example, Paul Friedeborn, Das Ander Buch Der Stettinischen Geschichten/ Handlungen und

Verträgen/ welche sich von Hertzogs Bogislai Magni Hochseligen Absterben/ Biß Auff Hertzogs Johan Friedrichs/

Christmilder Gedächtnuß/ Todt unnd Leichbestettigunge/ innerhalb sieben und siebentzig Jahren allhie begeben und

zugetragen Alten Stettin (1613), http://dfg-viewer.de/v2/?set[mets]=http%3A%2F%2Fdigitale.bibliothek.uni-

halle.de%2Foai%2F%3Fverb%3DGetRecord%26metadataPrefix%3Dmets%26identifier%3D95669; Wilhelm

Böhmer, ed., Thomas Kantzow's Chronik von Pommern in niederdeutscher Mundart: sammt einer Auswahl aus den

übrigen ungedruckten Schriften desselben, (Stettin: Friedrich Heinrich Morin, 1835),

http://books.google.com/books?id=DPoRAAAAYAAJ. 109

Hermann Hering, “Die Loytzen,” Baltische Studien 11, no. ½ (1845): 80-92, http://digibib.ub.uni-

greifswald.de, (accessed December 30, 2011). The two most significant flaws are his statements that the exact goods

the family trading in is unknown, and that Hans Loitz, who left Stettin for Danzig in 1571, disappears from history;

87-88, 90-91. 110

Bülow, von, “Loytz, Stephan,“Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 19 (1884): 320-32,1

http://www.deutsche-biographie.de/pnd137853629.html?anchor=adb. 111

Hans Jaeger, “Loitz (Loytz),“ Neue Deutsche Biographie 15, Locherer - Maltza(h)n, (Berlin: 1987),

http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00016333/image_157, 141-142, (accessed April 12, 2012).

Foote 27

mayors from 1484 to his death. Michael I had a son, Hans II, who was a councilman in 1509, and mayor

as well from 1525 until his death in 1539. However, as an adherent to Catholicism, had to flee Stettin in

1532 and only able to return in 1534, thanks to business-based favorable connection with the dukes of

Pommerania.112

This Hans II established business relations from Holland to Denmark, adding trade in salt

to the established trade in herring and grain. This business was enormously expanded through his four

sons: Michael II, Simon I, Stephan I, and Hans III. Headquarterd in Stettin, this expansion reached to

Lüneburg, Leipzig, Frankfurt a.d. Oder, Breslau and Prague […and] Narwa (Narva, Estonia) […].

The grain business extended from the Baltic as far as southern France, mining interests existed in

the Harz Mountains, in Hungary, Poland, Sweden and probably also in England. In Denmark the

firm succeeded, that the whole commerce with Icelandic sulfur was conferred to them as a

monopoly.113

The Loytz family also operated officially as bankers and suppliers to the court of Joachim II,

Elector of Brandenburg, to the dukes Albrecht Hohenzolern and Jan Albrecht I of Mecklenburg,

Archbishop Wilhelm of Riga, and the king of Poland, Sigismund Augustus. 114

For most of these loans,

the Loytzes were able to charge ten to twelve per cent interest.115

Since 1532 the firm granted increasing amounts of loans to Elector Joachim II of Brandenburg.

They also entered into business ventures with him, but when a proposed joint purchase of 15,000 oxen in

Wallachia fell through, the angry Elector arrested Michael and Hans in 1546 and sequestered their

property. Hans was not released until 1549, after intervention by the Emperor. In a compromise with the

Loytzen, the Elector in 1551 acknowledged debts in the amount of 29,000 florins, which would be

satisfied through the relinquishing of beer-money. In 1561 the Loytzes issued a loan of 72,000 Talers,

most of which was for constructing and armoring the fortress of Spandau, and partly through the delivery

of powder, iron balls, and copper for guns. As war-suppliers for the Danish troops, they were active in the

Northern Wars.

112

Hering 85-87. 113

Jaeger 141. 114

Lipińska. Wewnętrzne światło, 537. 115

Hering 90.

Foote 28

Since about 1560 the Loytzen received a special privilege from Elector Joachim for the shipping

of salt on the Oder to Silesia and Lausitz, which came from the French Atlantic coast through the Sound

to Stettin and Danzig, yet this privilege was disputed by some cities and rival merchants. Emperor

Ferdinand I cut into the discussion as sovereign of Silesia in 1563 and realeased the Privilege from the

Loytzen, but bought their salt at higher than usual market prices bringing the Loytzes 18,000 Talers

without risk.

After around 1567, they Loytzen fell out of favor in King Frederick II of Denmark, who had

previously obtained loans from them. Soon, Elector Joachim disputed his debts and King Sigismund of

Poland refused the repayment of loans in the amount of more than 100,000 Talers.116

The King obtained

this loan in order to give it to the Pomeranian princes for the management of the war against the

Muscovites.117

In 1571, the new Elector of Brandenburg Johann Georg for the most part did not

acknowledge the debts to their fathers. In the spring of 1572, the Loytzes were bankrupt. The King’s debt

was valued at 20 Tons of gold, 2 Million Thaler according to Hering. One member of the Pomeranian

aristocracy alone lost 80, 000 Thalern.118

The oldest son, Michael (1501-1561), ran the affairs in Danzig, where, before 1530, he married

into the established merchant patrician family of Feldstedt. He commissioned the epitaph mentioned

above, which depicts his whole family, including his son Johannes. Around the age of twelve or thirteen,

through the nomination of Nicolaus Copernicus and efforts of his father and others, the Pope consented to

Johannes’ appointment as Coadjutor to Copernicus in the cathedral Chapter of Frauenburg. Johannes took

up this position May 7, 1543. On the 24th, Copernicus died, and Johannes took over his canonry.

119

116

ibid., 141. 117

Hering 90. 118

ibid. 91. 119

The documents and details of this matter are found in scholarly projects collecting, editing and

commenting on all the known original paraphernalia relating to Copernicus. The first authoritive German-language

is Prowe in the late nineteenth century. The Coadjutor process is in Leopold Prowe, Nicolaus Coppernicus. Erster

Band: das Leben. II. Theil 1512-1543. (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1883). However, Prowe was unable

to determine the parentage of Johannes Loitz/Lewsze. Another German-language project was put out In the late

twentieth century by Kühne et al. The Coajutor process is found in Andreas Kühne and Stefan Kirschner, eds.

Urkunden, Akten und Nachrichten vol. 2 of Nicolaus Copernicus: Gesamtausgabe. 6: Documenta Copernicana.

edited by Heribert M. and Menso Folkerts. (Berlin: Akadamie Verlag GmbH, 1996) ,

Foote 29

However, as evidenced by the epitaph depicts him in traditional armor rather than ecclesiastical garb, he

had resigned his office by the time of the painting and had married in 1562.120

Returning to the father, Michael became an alderman in 1539, and mayor in 1561, the same year

he died. Hering, writing in 1845, calls him “a zealous friend of the old church,”121

but Lipińska, in 2006,

identifies him as “a representative of a Gdansk Lutheran community.“122

Even though his father was a

strong defender of Catholicism in Stettin, the fact that Michael installed his family’s epitaph when

Protestants had control of St. Maria’s Basilica and it was never taken down or destroyed, suggests that he

was known as an anherent to the new teachings, where on the spectrum.

The second son, Simon, was born in 1503 and moved to Danzig like Michael. Here, like his

brother, he married a daughter of Reinhold Feldstedt in 1539, and had a daughter, Anna, who married

Hans von Werden, the son of a very prominent and influential merchant in Danzig, who was ennobled by

the King of Poland, was a close friend of Copernicus, Bishop Ferber, and supported the publication of

Rheticus’ presentation of Copernicus’ theories. His two illegitimate sons, Stephan II and Simon II, have

already been discussed at length. Kühne et al., give his death date in one place as 1561123

and another as

1567,124

but he is mentioned in records of 1569125

and 1574126

without any indication that he was

deceased, while other individuals in the records are explicitly described as such.

Stephan (1507-1584), through his marriage to Beata von Dassel, a prominent family of Lüneburg,

acquired the extensive salt works of the Lüneburg salt pits.127

In 1542, Stephan was a baptism witness to

books.google.com/books?id=aEZrYxkjLkIC: 383 Nr. 244, 386 Nr. 246, 391 Nr. 248, 393 Nr. 250, etc.. English

readership is served by the work of Marian Biskup, ed., Regesta Copernicana : (calendar of Copernicus' papers).

(Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich,1973), http://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/plain-content?id=40242. 120

Kühne et al., Urkunden, 387. 121

Hering 89. 122

Lipińska, “‘Ein tafell von Alabaster zu Antorff bestellen’” 248, Lipińska. Wewnętrzne światło. 123

Kühne et al., Urkunden, Akten und Nachrichten 383. 124

Kühne et al., Briefe (Texte und Übersetzungen), 337. 125

Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz

http://www.gsta.pk.findbuch.net/php/main.php?ar_id=3676&action=rech, Signature: VII. HA,

Nichtmärkische Urkunden, Polen, 29, 1574 April 9.; VII. HA, Nichtmärkische Urkunden, Polen, 32, 1593. 126

Irena Sułkowska-Kurasiowa i Maria Woźniakowa, Inwentarz Metryki Koronnej: Księgi wpisów i

dekretów polskiej kancelarii królewskiej z lat 1447 – 1795, http://www.agad.archiwa.gov.pl/pomoce/MK_inw.xml,

1574.06.16, MK 113, 259-261v. [MRPS VI, nr 424]. 127

Jaeger 141.

Foote 30

Johnann Friederich, who would later be duke of Pommerania-Stettin.128

In the Polish Sejm held at Stettin

in 1570, he was the Royal Secretary, but when the family went bankrupt in 1572, he fled with his younger

brother Hans to their large estate of Tiegenhof, on the Tiege tributary between Danzig and Elbing.129

The youngest son, Hans III, ran the affairs that remained in Stettin. In 1542, he married Elisabeth,

a daughter of an old noble family, von der Osten. Their son, Hans IV, married Esther von Bayzen, of the

prominent family mentioned above. The remaining section of his house, the Loytzenhof, is still a

marvelous example of architecture from the era.130

In 1574, royal records still show many of the family names together: Ludwig and Georg von

Werden, sons of the late Johann von Werden, whose widow was a daughter of Simon I Loytz, Stephan II,

Johann II, and Johann III Loytz, 131

Reinhold Krakow, Johann Connert, Catherine Loytz (a sister to

Johannes Loytz, son of Michael)132

The inscription is a short and preparatory record. It notes the time and day of birth, the ruling

planet, and the constellations in which both the sun and moon appear. In order to produce a full horoscope

with all the significations interpreted, one had to complete a type of schematic which placed every

luminary in its place in the twelve ‘houses’ of the sky. Such a schema would look very much like that

drawn up for Nikolaus Copernicus around 1540, show in Figure 5.

Westman speaks of a “prognosticatory culture” in Reformation-era Europe, where “virtually

every major city and every prince in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries supported a forecasting

presence.”133

The financial and, especially, political and religious unease drove demand for astrological

insight among Europe’s ruling families as well as the Popes.134

The four Holy Roman Emperors from

Maximilian I (r. 1508-1530), Charles V (r. 1530-1556), Ferdinand I (r. 1558-1564) and Maximilian II (r.

128

Hering 89. 129

Jaeger 141. 130

von Bütow 320. 131

Irena Sułkowska-Kurasiowa i Maria Woźniakowa, Inwentarz Metryki Koronnej

Księgi wpisów i dekretów polskiej kancelarii królewskiej z lat 1447 – 1795,

http://www.agad.archiwa.gov.pl/pomoce/MK_inw.xml, 1574.06.16, MK 113, 259-261v. [MRPS VI, nr 424]. 132

ibid., 1574.06.16, MK 113, 261v-263. [MRPS VI, nr 425]. 133

Westman 63. 134

ibid..

Foote 31

1564-1576) all had court astrologers.135

The duke of Prussia and margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach,

Albrecht Hohenzollern (1490-1568) had Johann Carion (1499-1537) as his court astrologer, and

supported Joachim Camerarius, the first rector of the Gymnasium in Nuremberg, the translator of the first

two books of Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, who also cast horoscopes for duke Albrecht.136

Towards the end of

the sixteenth century, the Danish scholar Tycho Brahe presented horoscopes to the King as a part of

reciprocating his patron/client relationship. 137

Prognostication “was an authoritative resource of policy

making.138

Figure 5. Biskup,. number 22, between pages 193-194.

Astrology and the culture of prognostication did not avoid the theological debates of the

Reformation. One of the results of the humanistic interest in the knowledge of antiquity was that the same

135

Brosseder 566. 136

Westman 145. Reiner Reisinger has published a critical edition of Carion’s horoscope for an Albrecht

VI Scheurl, the son of a prominent citizen of Nuremburg and godson of Albrecht Dürer: Historische Horoskopie:

Das iudicium magnum des Johannes Carion für Albrecht Dürers Patenkind. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz

Verlag.1997) 137

See the authoritative English biography by John Robert Christianson On Tycho’s Island: Tycho Brahe,

Science, and Culture in the Sixteenth Century, (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 138

Westman 66.

Foote 32

birthplace of Lutheranism became the center of academic proponents of astrology.139

The most well-

known defender of astrology at Wittenburg was Phillip Melanchthon, the colleague of Martin Luther, who

himself was rather cynical of astrology’s predictive claims. In his more scientific works, Melanchthon

clearly adhered to the ancient conception of a celestial region whose movements affect the earthly region.

Melanchthon advocated investigation into the causes of such a relationship, to the point of using

horoscopes to apply the relationship “to the temperaments of man and the analysis of his potentials”.140

Whether practitioners were Catholic or Protestant, astrology in general faced the accusation of

diminishing man’s free will as well as God’s ultimate control.141

In response, Melanchthon and others

reaffirmed their adherence to this aspect of orthodoxy. Astrology can only reveal the inclinations of a

person, not predict what they will actually do142

and, at least publically, Protestant practitioners claimed

only to investigate “exceptional celestial phenomena” such as eclipses and comets, and their connection

to isolated events.143

Astrological foreknowledge were rationalized within Christianity by understanding

“Divine Providence as the guide of universal history,” who gives “natural signs of something concealed

[…] signs with a strictly referential nature” Paired with theology, the will and ordained order of this

Divine Providence, written in the “Book of Nature” as well as the “Book of Revelation,” could be more

strongly discerned, a concept apparently not expressed outside of Germany or the circles of Protestant

astrologers.144

Prognosticators during this time utilized texts such as Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, Firmicus

Maternus’s Astronomicon, and Johannes Schöner’s work De iudiciis nativitatum libri tres (1545).

Protestant practitioners applied a Protestant hermeneutics that emphasized the social circumstances

together with specific interpretations of important life events.145

Yet this did not apply to all Protestants,

139

Brosseder 558. 140

ibid., 563-564. 141

ibid., 573. 142

ibid., 564. 143

ibid., 570-571. 144

ibid. 575. Metheun 395. 145

Brosseder 567.

Foote 33

some of whom did not even think astrology should be practiced.146

Above all, however, all agreed that

prayer was the most pious and most effective response to warnings or fears, since God was not bound by

the celestial chain of causality.147

The mention of “the Practica of the year” in the inscription refers to a uniquely German product

of printed prognostication culture. From the last quarter of the fifteenth century, a type of publication

called a Volkskalender offered guidance for what work to do in each month, the effects of the seven

planets, the four temperaments, the zodiac, guides for blood-letting, and the unlucky days of the year.148

At the end of each month section, these publications included the more familiar aspects of horoscopes:

“the physiognomy, character, and fate of a child according to the planet in ascendancy at the time of

birth.”149

As with other types of popular literature at this time, the Volkskalender was purchased by

members of the upper middle class professions that would have some disposable income, as well as the

upper and noble classes, who could also afford to purchase the more extravagant publications150

Evidence

of Volkskalender ownership survives for manuscripts circulating mostly among “the wealthy and

educated classes, a spectrum comprising medical doctors, lawyers, apothecaries, notaries, town clerks,

veterinarians, and merchants, but also among members of the aristocracy and the clergy.”151

By the

beginning of the sixteenth century, the Volkskalender was being replaced in popularity by the Practica.

Practicas were shorter works, from two to rarely twenty-four leaves, with a generally pessimistic tone,

predicting eclipses and comets that signaled distasters or deaths of prominent people, but also providing

the costs and availability of various goods.152

The first instances of astrology practiced according to

Copernicus’ heliocentric theory are also the first instances of Copernicus’ name and ideas in German-

146

Metheun 396. 147

ibid., 400. 148

Brevart 313-314. 149

ibid., 317. 150

ibid., 336. The upper middle class included “craftsmen, merchants, barber-surgeons and operators of

bathhouses.” 151

ibid. 338. 152

ibid., 340.

Foote 34

language print: the first was Andreas Aurifaber’s Practica of 1541, printed in Danzig where the first

publication of Copernicus’ theories had been printed the year before, followed by a Practica of 1546 by

Ahilles Gasser, and one in 1549 by Joachim Heller.153

The ordinary prognosticator of the first half of the sixteenth century would have owned texts such

as “the recently printed Tetrabiblos and the Centiloquium, Aristotle’s Physics and Meterology, perhaps

Avicenna’s Canon, a table of new and full moons, and the works of medieval Arabic and Jewish writers,”

while the updated calculations of Regiomontanus were definitely used, but were not cited as often as the

traditional classics of antiquity.154

However, a common selection of sources was still applied differently

by different people and in different geographies.155

While these texts served academics and scholars,

popular society was drawn to Joahannes Lichtenberger’s 1488 Prognosticatio in Latino which blended

apocalypticism and eschatology with prognostication156

The last issue to address is what kind of meaning the witnesses of the birth and the composer of

the horoscope would have given to the astrological context of the girl’s birth. The process of drawing up a

complete horoscope requires many different texts and many mathematical calculations. However,

following the practice of prognosticators of the time, a cursory attempt here will utilize the Tetrabilbos in

order to present some probable interpretations of what little information the inscription contains.157

Saturn is the ruling planet of the year. “It is Saturn's quality chiefly to cool and, moderately, to

dry, probably because he is furthest removed both from the sun's heat and the moist exhalations about the

earth.“158

Jupiter, Venus, and the moon were beneficial, “because of their tempered nature and because

they abound in the hot and the moist,” while Saturn, ecessively cold, and Mars, excessively dry, are

153

Green “First Copernican” 157. Aurifaber’s Practica is digitally available: http://bvbm1.bib-

bvb.de/view/action/nmets.do?DOCCHOICE=172587.xml&dvs=1335920266110~810&locale=en_US&search_term

s=&adjacency=&VIEWER_URL=/view/action/nmets.do?&DELIVERY_RULE_ID=25&usePid1=true&usePid2=tr

ue . 154

Westman 63. 155

ibid., 65. 156

ibid., 67-68. 157

W. G. Wadell, ed. and trans., Manetho and Ptolemy Tetrabiblos, vol. 350 of the Loeb Classical Library,

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964.) http://archive.org/details/manethowithengli00maneuoft, 1-466 [303-

790 of digital document]. 158

ibid., 36-37.

Foote 35

maleficent.159

Saturn’s helper is Jupiter. “Jupiter has a temperate active force because his movement takes

place between the cooling influence of Saturn and the burning power of Mars. He both heats and

humidifies; and because his heating power is the greater by reason of the underlying spheres, he produces

fertilizing winds.”160

The inscription mentions Saturn, Jupiter, the sun, and the moon. Depending on the

necessary calculations, the life-span of the father is long if “Jupiter or Venus is in anyaspect whatever to

the sun and to Saturn, or if Saturn himself is in an harmonious aspect to the sun, either conjunction,

sextile, or trine, both being in power.”161

The Tetrabiblos clearly presents its doctrine of celestial influence on birth:

For the child at birth and his bodily form take on many additional attributes which he did not

have before, when he was in the womb, those very ones indeed which belong to human nature

alone; and even if it seems that the ambient at the time of birth contributes nothing toward his

quality, at least his very coming forth into the light under the appropriate conformation of the

heavens contributes, since nature, after the child is perfectly formed, gives the impulse to its birth

under a configuration of similar type to that which governed the child's formation in detail in the

first place. Accordingly one may with good reason believe that the position of the stars at the time

of birth is significant of things of this sort, not, however, for the reason that it is causative in the

full sense, but that of necessity and by nature it has potentially very similar causative power.162

225-227.

Saturn as ruler means that it is rising from the horizon. In such a configuration, children born

under him will appear “dark-skinned, robust, black-haired, curly-haired, hairy-chested, with eyes of

moderate size, of middling stature, and in temperament having an excess of the moist and cold.163

Ptolemy includes Sagittarius as one of the four “bicorporeal” signs.164

“The bicorporeal signs make souls

complex, changeable, hard to apprehend, light, unstable, fickle, amorous, versatile, fond of music, lazy,

easily acquisitive, prone to change their minds.”165

The planets also influence personality, and Saturn,

“allied with Jupiter in the way described, again in dignified positions, makes his subjects good, respectful

159

ibid., 39. 160

ibid., 37. 161

ibid., 213-215. 162

ibid., 225-227. 163

ibid., 309. 164

ibid., 67. 165

ibid., 335.

Foote 36

to elders, sedate, noble-minded, helpful, critical, fond of possessions, magnanimous, generous, of good

intentions, lovers of their friends, gentle, wise, patient, philosophical.” 166

A more modern source provides a more clarified conclusion, as it considers both the sun being in

Sagittarius and the moon in Cancer:

This is by no means a harmonious combination, fire and water not being agreeable combinations,

and many mistakes are apt to be made in life through the sympathetic impulsiveness of the

individuality which is easily expressed through the personal, emotional, psychic and imaginative

characteristics of Cancer. It gives intuition and confers the gift of prophecy and true dreaming,

but inclines toward sensation. 167

Perhaps this is what the family expected of the life of Anna Connert, born December 4, 1552, in

the year of Saturn, assisted by Jupiter, with the sun in Sagittarius and the moon in Cancer. Without a

complete horoscope and interpretation by someone in their circle, this can never be known. What is

known is that Anna Connert was born into a family that had familial and business relations with the

nobility and royalty of the region. The immediate families mingled with both Catholics and Protestants

well after the Reformation had set in in Royal Prussia and Poland. Most people at this time accepted some

form of validity to celestial influence on earthly things. There are still many details of the lives of these

families that could have been included, but this study sought to bring in enough sorted out information,

present proofs for various conclusions, and try to give an adequate picture of what kind of event had been

recorded in the first pages of a Bible, and who the actors were.

166

ibid., 341. 167

Alan Leo, Astrology for All, to Which is Added a Complete System of Predictive Astrology for Advanced

Students, (Londong: L.N. Fowler & Co. , 1899), 92, http://books.google.com/books?id=8CwSAAAAYAA.

Foote 37

Appendix 1

LOITZ (LOYTZ, LOITZE, LEITZE, LEUSSE, LEWSZE, LOITSCH, LOISS, LEUSS, LOYSS,

LOYTZEN) FAMILY

Various personal genealogy websites have the three prominent generations of this family, but

they all get their information essentially from the entries for the the family in the Allgemeine Deutsche

Biographie and Neue Deutsche Biographie. These biographical entries have also served as a starting

point, supplemented considerably, however, by the other items listed in the first section of the

Bibliography “Loytz, Connert, Moller: Family, Activities and Social Network.”

Besides clarifying the identities of the those who bore the small pool of reused given names, the

tree gives some indication of the social status of most of the marriages becauseeach family name that is

preceded by ‘von’ was in fact noble, and thus examples of the the now-common stereotype that assumes

‘von’ means nobility.

Again, note Simon I Loytz’s nephew Johann and his connection with Coppernicus, the wives of

Simon I and Michael were daughters of Reinhold Feldstete and thus nieces of Coppernicus, and Michael’s

daughter Anna was married to Johann Connert and bore the daughter recorded in the inscription.

* = born

∞ = married

+ = died

Rtsh. = Rathsherr = Town Councilman

Bgm. = Bürgermeister = Mayor

Kfm. = Kaufmann = Merchant

Schöp. = Schöppe = Juror

woi. = woivode

Stet. = Stettin

Dzg. = Danzig

LOYTZ FAMILY TREE

Cordula

Feldstedt

*1507

+1547

Daughter of

Reinhold F.

Christina

Feldstete

*1515

+1541

Daughter of

Reinhold F.

Simon

*1503

+1561

∞1539

Michael

(II)

*2/15/1501

+2/6/1561

Kfm.Stet.

Schöp.Dzg.

Johannes

*c. 1530

7.5.1543 Koadj. von

Coppernicus

left by 1561

∞ 8. 2. 1562

+

Stephan (II)

*1507

Rtsh.Stet.,

∞1557/60 Beata

von Dassel (*1529 +1568)

1570, Royal

Secr. at Sejm in

Stett.

1572 to

Tiegenhof

+1584,

Zeisgendorf

1 daughter,

Beata.

Hans(I)Loytz

1433 nach Stet.

1447 Rtsh.

+1449,Stet.

Michael(I)Loytz

*1438

1473 Rtsh.

1484-94 Bgm.Stet.

+1494

Hans(II)Loytz

1509 Rtsh.

1525-39 Bgm.Stet.

+1539

Anna

Gliencke/Glincke

*

+

Cäcilie

*

+

∞ by 1537 David

Braunschweig

Bgm.Stet.

+1498, Kolberg

Wwe.Hogenholz,

(Loitz’s Boss)

+1531

Jakob

Rosow

Moritz Glincke

Stettin

Bgm. 1519-45

Anna

*

∞ Marten

von Tessen

Hans(IV)

*

+1616,

Rundewiese

Hans (III)

*1510

Rtsh. Stet.

+1573/7, Dzg.

Stephan([IV)

*

+?1629

Rundewiese

Stephen (II)

1595, Elbing town

clerk

+4/10/1617

Simon (II)

lawyer in Dazig

+ 8/16/1624

?

illegitimate

Hans(IV)

*

oo 1567 Esther von

Baisen/Bayzen

+1579, Tiegenhof

Elisabeth

von der

Osten

* c.1527/8

∞1542

Anna

* 1534

+ 9 Sept 1563

∞ Johann

Connert III

(+ 1579)

Anna

∞ 1560 Hans

von Werden

Heinrich

2. Jan. 1618, 7th Klasse,Gymnasium

of Elbing

1628, University of Königsberg

Foote 39

APPENDIX 2

CONNERT/CONRAD FAMILY TREE

Georg

Mollner

*?1500

+1551

10 children

Tin merchant

in Dzg.

∞2

1529

Catharina

Feldstedt

*21.2.1505/6,Dzg

+21.9.1571,Dzg

4 children from 1st

marriage

Reinhold

Mollner

*?1530

1564 Schöppe

1573 Rtsh.

1577 Bgm. Dzg.

+May 15.1585

buried 14.12.1585 in

Danzig-Marien, Stein 21

Anna Conrad

*?1535

+28.1.1582

Cordula

Mollner

∞16.9.1554

9 Children

Johann *?1420

Merchant in Danzig. 1456 Schöppe. 1458 part owner of

Schönfeld estate.

+1462 in Danzig

Johann Conrad *?1455 Danzig

Burgher in Old City of Danzig. 1495, taxes for a house am

Schüsseldamm.

Andreas Conrad *?1475

Danzig

1492 Student in Leipzig.

Johann Conrad *?1493

Kaufmann in Danzig. 1531 Schöppe,

1540 Ratsherr, 1544 Richter, 1546

Hospital administrator. Bought mill in

Glettkau near Oliva. Built an iron

foundry ("Conradshammer"), Privileg

1540.

9.3.1560, buried in Danzig-Marien

Stein 251

Gertrud Huxer

*1508

buried 10.5.1550 in

Danzig, Marienkirche. Wichert v.Holten

*?1485

Danzig

Anna

v.Holten

*?1530

Winhold

Conrad

Walter

v.Holten

*1556

Rtsh.Dzg.

Walter

v.Holten

*?1520

Ship owner

/shipping

agent

Dzg.

Catharina

Mollner

*?1565

∞ 14.2.1557

in Danzig

Margarete v.Besten

*?1490

Barbara

Stutte

*1521

∞ etwa

?1525/1530)

Johann

+ 1579

∞ Anna Loitz,

daughter of

Michael Loitz

Foote 40

APPENDIX 3

MOLLER/MOLNER FAMILY TREE

Reynolt Feldstedt

*?1467/8

+24.11.1529/31

Rtsh. Dzg.

∞ 12 Jan

1503/4,

Thorn

Tidemann

*1523,Dzg

+1553,Krakau

Cordula v. Allen

*Apr.21.1480,Thorn

+1531,Dzg

NIECE OF NICOLAUS COPPERNICUS

Georg

MOLLNER *?1500

+1551

10 children

Tin merchant

in Dzg. ∞2

1529

Catharina

*2/21/1505/6, Dzg.

+9/21/1571, Dzg.

4 children from 1st

marriage

Reinhold

MOLLNER

*?1530

1564 Schöppe

1573 Rtsh.

1577 Bgm. Dzg.

+May 15.1585

buried

14.12.1585 in

Danzig-Marien,

Stein 21 Anna

Conrad

*?1535

+28.1.1582

Sister to Johann

Connert III

Cordula

MOLLNER

∞16.9.1554

9 Children

∞ 14.2.1557

in Danzig

Cordula

*1507

+1547 Michael (II)

Loytz

*2/15/1501

+2/6/1561

Kfm.Stet.

Schöp.Dzg.

Johannes L.

*c. 1530

7.5.1543

Assitant to

Coppernicus

left by 1561

∞ 8. 2. 1562

+

Anna L.

* 1534

+ 9 Sept 1563

∞ Johann

Connert III

(+ 1579)

6th Child

Cordula

Klefelt

*24.1.1568

∞Hans Feldstet

5 Kinder

Georg Klefelt

*1/23/1522

Elb.

Dr. of Canon

& Civil Law

1558

Bgm.Dzg.

Christina

*1515

+1541 Simon Loytz

*1503

+1561

∞1539

Stephen (II) L.

1595, Elbing town

clerk

+4/10/1617

Simon (II)

L.lawyer in

Dazig

+ 8/16/1624

?

illegitimate

Anna L.

∞ 1560

Hans von

Werden

Heinrich L.

2. Jan. 1618, 7th Klasse,Gymnasium

of Elbing

1628, University of Königsberg

Margaretha

v. Tessen

(Daughter of

Anna Loytz &

Marten v.

Tessen)

∞

Foote 41

Supplement to Moller/Mollner Family

Some data is included here to show that not all individuals with this surname can be assigned to a certain family. [UNFINISHED]

[NI1657] 180. Mollner (Moller), Thomas * um 1490, + Danzig 1558 lt. Westpr -Kartei; (Bruder Georg war 1532 Schöppe, 36. Ratsh. in

Danzig, + ebd. 1541) oo Elbing (?) vor 1519

Hanserecesse von 1477-1530, Volume 2, Dietrich Schäfer, ed. Lübeck: Duncker & Humblot, 1883.

http://books.google.com/books?id=6_MOAAAAYAAJ.

Molner, Hans, hansischer Kfm. zu London, Bürger zu Danzig,

[…] Heinrich, Danziger Schiffer,

[…] Jodokus, Bürger zu Danzig,

[…] Kleys, Bürger zu Danzig,

[…] Mathias, Bürger zu Danzig [669]

Foote 42

APPENDIX 4

Von Baysen, Bażeński Family

Johann

* ca. 1390;

† 9. November 1459

in Marienburg

Peter von Baysen

Bażeński

Gabriel *

† 15.6.1474

woj. elbl. 1454;

woj. chełm. 1455-74;

gov. Prus. diet

Sander [Alexander]

*

† um 1484

Stibor * ? † 1480)

Royal woi.1454-55; woi. Elbing 1456-67;

woi. Marienburg 1467-80; gov. Prus. diet

1459-80; Starost elbląski, Sztum, Tolkmicki

Georg/Jerzy * 1469 † 02.1546

1503-12 Chamberlain Marienburg

1512-46 Woi. Marienburg

Starost Gniewski, Kiszporski, Międzyłęski,

Nowski, Skarszewski, Sobowidzki, Sztum,

Tolkmicki

Johann *? † 1480

Prussian chamberlain 1467-78, Castellan

of Elbląg 1478-80, starost Papowski,

Skarszewski, Tolkmicki

Nicholas † 27/03/1503

1478-80 Castellan of Gdansk, 1481-1503

Woi. Marienb., Starost Kiszporski,

Skarszewski, Sztum

Johan

*

† 11.1548

1532-46, Chamberlain of

Malbork,

ca. 1546 Castellan Gdansk

1546-48 Castellan Elbląski,

Starost Gniewski, Skarszewski

5

3

2

-

4

6

,

t

h

e

c

∞

Dorothy von

Mortangen

[Dorota de

Mortęska]

Georg/Jerzy

1503 chamberlain

1511 woi. Marienburg

starosta gniewkowski

1521, sobowidzki

Nicholaus von

Zehmen

[Mikołaj Czema]

Teutonic Knight

† after 1502

5

3

2

-

4

6

,

t

h

e

c

h

a

m

b

e

r

l

a

i

n

∞

Dorota

Jana Loisius

[Lojsena]

[Jan Loitz]

Estera

(Esther)

∞ 1570

Fabian Czema

* ca. 1500

† 03.1580

chamberlain of Pommerania

1531,Marienb. 1546, Kulm

1547, Castellan Dzg. 1549,

woi.pomorski 1556, malborski

1565,starosta starogardzki,

tucholski, grudzki

Achacy Czema

* ca. 1485

† 24.05.1565 Konigsberg

chamberlain of Pommerania 1517,

Castellan of Dzg.1531, Woi.

Marienb. 1546, starosta

starogardzki, starosta kiszporski,

człuchowski, sztumski,

gniewkowski

Foote 43

Appendix 5

von Wejher, Waier, Weier, Weyher Family

Margarete von

Weiher Joachim von

Zitzewitz

*ca. 1505

+ 9 Apr 1563

Martin von Weiher

[Marcin z Łeby]

* 1517

+ 8 Juni 1556

- Bishop of Cammin/ Kamień 1549-1556

Barbara

Nikolaus von Weiher

*

+ > 1528

starostą książęcym w Słupsk; judge and governor of

the royal property in Slupsk

Sophia von

Ramel

[Ramlówną,

Rahmel]

1 ∞ 2 ∞

Reinhold von

Krockow

* 1538

+ 1599

Ernst * ca. 1517

+ 1598

1564 Royal Colonel,

Starost Puck, nowski,

sobowidzki,

nowodworski

1 ∞

1562

Elisabeth Loitz

+ 1563

Franciszek

*16th

+16th (young)

Royal Courtier

Ludwik

Courtier & Royal Captain 1608, Treasurer of Prussian

Lands, Steward Malbork 1612, Chamberlain of Kulm

1613, starosta człuchowski, kościerzyński,

nowodworski, tczewski

+1616

Jan/Hans

* 1580

+ 1626

Chamberlain of Kulm 1605,

Castellan Elbing 1613, Wowoide

Marienb. 1615, Kulm 1618,

Starost pucki, sobowidzki,

radzyński, człuchowski

Melchior

* ca. 1574

+ 1643

Treasurer of Prussian lands,

Steward of Malbork 1616-24,

Castellan Elbing 1618,

Voivode Chełm 1626, Starost

Człuchowski, kowalewski,

nowodworski, tczewski,

wałecki, kościerzyński

Zofia

* XVI w.

+ po 1631

Dymitr

* ca. 1578

+ 1628

Econom of

Marienb. 1618,

Castellan of Dzg.

1626, starosta

kościerzyński,

lignowski

Anna (Ludwika)

Mortęska

*16th

+ after 1605

2nd son, Nicolaus

Woiwode of Marienburg

1641-3

APPENDIX 6

Ex Libris Simonis Loyzii

In the absence of a published list of the known titles from the private library of Simon Loytz, I

have compiled the titles that have been mentioned in various publications in order to develop the most

complete indication possible of the nature of literature owned. [UNFINISHED]

HIERONYMUS S.168

97 Commentaria in Bibliam. - Praec. Vita s. Hieronymi. Ed. Bernardinus Gadolus. Venezia, Io. et

Greg. de Gregoriis, I) 1497, II) 25 VIII 1498.

Prow.: 1. Jacobus [Schultz] [XVI/XVII w.]

2. No 3 Ex Libris Simonis Loytzij [XVI/XVII w.]

3. Elb. Gymn. Bibl. [seal/stamp]; [sygn.] R.2

4. Tor. U - depozyt

IACOBUS DE VORAGINE169

102 Legenda aurea. Koln, Io. Koelhoff, 1479. 2° .

Prow.: 1. [Szymon Loitz] N° 43 [record erased, poorly legible]

2. Elb. Gymn. Bibl. [seal/stamp]; [sygn.] R.5

3. Tor. U - depozyt

IOSEPHUS FLAVIUS170

122 De antiquitate Iudaica; De bello Iudaico, Lat. Trad. Rufinus Aquileiensis. Ed. Ludovicus

Cendrata. Verona, Petr. Maufer, 25 XII 1480. 2° .

Provenance the same as number 148 .

ORIGENES171

148 Contra Celsum libri VIII (KaTa Ki'\aov), Lat. Trad. Christophorus Persona. Roma, Ge.

Herolt, 1 I 1481. 2° + 4° .

Prow.: 1. M. Andreas Vuelsius [?] [XVI w.]

2. N° 15 Ex libris Simonis Loytzij

3. Elb. Gymn. Bibl. [seal/stamp]; [sygn.] F.2

4. Tor. U - depozyt .

Pseudo-SENECA LUCIUS ANNAEUS172

189 De quattuor virtutibus cardinalibus, cum commento, Lat.-Germ. Leipzig, Melch. Lotter,

[14]99.4° .

Prow.: 1. A. P. C

2. Simon Loiz Nr 69

3. [Elbląg - Biblioteka Gimnazjalna] - [sygn.] A.9: Miscell.1

4. Tor. U - depozyt

168

Maria Strutyńska, Katalog Inkunabułów Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej W Toruniu. (Toruń: 1995), 89.

http://kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/docmetadata?id=27533. 169

ibid., 91. 170

ibid., 102. 171

ibid., 116. 172

ibid., 137.

Foote 45

Alodia Kawecka-Gryczowa.

ego : dzieje i bibliografia

: Droz, 1974.

Socinus Faustus

67. De lesu Christo Servatore ... [po-apw* 1 X] 1501. 1°.

DE | IESU CHRISTO | SERVATORE, | HOC EST, | Cur & qua ratione IESUSS CHRISTUS |

noster seruator sit, | FAUSTI SOCINI SENENSIS | Disputatio.| Quam annos ab hine circiter decem &

septem scripsit, respondent IACO-|BO COVETO PARISIENSI, Euangelico, ut vocant, Ministro; cu-|ius

scriptum ordine, suis locis, per parten digestum, in ea habetur. | ... | Nunc primum edita. | ... | Typis Alexii

Rodecii, | ANNO M.D.XCIV. |

i. Toruń BU2: Pol.6.11.230. I. Exl. Bog. Radziwilla 1671; Pol.7.II.869 adl. 1. Ex libris Simonis

Loyssii [XVII].

[307]

[De Statu primi hominis ante lapsum disputatio. Quam Faustus Socinus Senensis per scripta

habuit cum Franciso Puccio Florentino, anno 1578. In qua habetur Responsio, ad Defensonem Francisci

Puccii suorom argumentorum De immortalitate hominis & omnium rerum ante lapsum. (Tu winietka). 1.

Oor. 15. 22. Sicut Adam omnes moriuntur, ita in Christo omnes vivificabuntur. 2. Tim. 1. 10. Christus

destruxit mortem, illuminavit autem vitam & incorruptionem per Evangelium. Racoviae, Typis

Sternacianis, Anno MDCX (1610). w 4ce, k. 6 nlb.,

http://www.kat.umk.pl/staredruki/karty/0026/Se-St_2970.jpg

I. Toruń BU": Pol. 7.IT.393 adl. 1. Bibliotheea 1620 [Królewiec.]; Pol. 7.IL20C2. 1. Ex libris

Simonis Loissii [Elbląg XVII].

From the list of Merz173

:,

Achill. Tat. lat. a L. Ann. Coccejo. Bas. 1554. 8. :

ACHILLES TATIUS. Achillis Statii Alexandrini De Clitophontis & Leucippes amorib. libri 8. /

e Graecis Latini facti a L. Annibale Cruceio. Basileae, per Ioannem Hervagium, 1554.

Ambros. opp. (Bas. 1492) T. 1:

Operum sancti Ambrosii pars prima, Basileae : Amerbach: 1492

Comment. Bened. Aretii in omn. N, T. libr, Morg. & Laus. 1577 — 83. 8

Commentarii Benedictus Aretii in omnes Novi Testamenti libros. Lausannæ ; Morgiis, 1577

Beroald. Phil, oration. cet. Par. 1513. 4. —

Orationes, Prælectiones, Præfationes et quædam Mythicæ historiæ, Item Plusculæ Angeli

Politiani : Hermolai Barbari atq[ue] una Iasonis Maini ... oratorio. Philippus Beroaldus. Parrhis : in edibus

Ascens, 1513

Bibl, V. Ar N. T, gr. Bas. 1545. Fol. und —

This is the book that bears the inscription.

173

Merz, Joh. Aug. “Fortsetzung der Geschichte der Bibliothek des Gymnasiums.“ Zu der öffentlichen

Prüfung der Schüler des Gymnasiums zu Elbing […] (Elbing : Agathon Wernich, 1841),

http://dlibra.bibliotekaelblaska.pl/dlibra/doccontent?id=286 (accessed February 1, 2012).

Foote 46

lat. cur. Hieron. Venet. 1479. Fol. —

probably: Biblia latina. Venetiis, opera Nicolai Jenson Gallici. 1479. fol.

Boeth. opp. Ven. 1491. 2. Fol. —

Cato M. de r. rustic lib., M. Ter. Varron. lib. 3. Bas. Hervag. 1535. 4. —

Cyrilli opp. Bas. 1528. Fol. 1 — 3. (Jod. Clichtov.) Elucidator, eccles. Par. 1516. Fol. —

Euclid. elem. a Bon. Zamberto lat. don. Bas. 1558. Fol, —

Id. gr. & lat. p. C. Dasypod. Argentor. 1571. 8. —

Fulgentius F. P, Mytholog. libr. 3 Bas. 1543. 8. —

Geyler J. v. K. Navicula specul. fatuor. ab J. Othero coli. Strasb. 1511. 4. —

Glareanus H, de Geogr. Frib. 1551. 4. —

Horat. Q. Fl. opp. Dionys. Lamb. in eund. comment. Frcf. 1577. Fol. —

Majorag. M. Ant. oratt, & praefat. Ven. 1582. 4. —

Martial. Val. c. 2 comment. Ven, 1503. Fol. —

Oppian. de venat. libr. 4. -Lugd. B. 1597. 8. —

Origenes c. Gels. Rom. 1481. Fol. —

Orpheus Argonaut. Bas. 1523. 4. —

Quintiliani Institut. Ven. 1541. 8. —

Seneca de 4 virtutib. Lyptzk. p. Meiert. Lotter. 1499. 4. —

Sil. Ital. c. interpr. P. Marsi. Ven. 1483. Fol. —

Statius C. Pap. sylv. Ven. 1498. Fol. —

Varro M, Ter. libr. 24. de 1. 1. Rom. 1577. 8. Par. 1581. 8- —

Vitruv. M. p. Jocund. castigat. fact. Ven. 1511. Fol. —

Hygin. aur. op. hist. ed. J. Lamb. Par. 1514. 4.

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