for justice, freedom & solidarity - aliran · 2017-09-07 · was swept in by the tsunami of 8...

Aliran Monthly : Vol.28(9)

PP3739/12/2008(007145) ISSN 0127 - 5127 RM4.00 2008:Vol.28No.9

For Justice, Freedom & SolidarityFor Justice, Freedom & SolidarityFor Justice, Freedom & SolidarityFor Justice, Freedom & SolidarityFor Justice, Freedom & Solidarity


t has taken us Malay-sians half a century towake up, stand up anddo what was right and

what was long overdue. For halfa century, it was amazing that wecould have voted in without abreak the only government wehave known since independencein spite of their corruption, theirarrogance, their incompetence,their lack of respect for the rule oflaw, their blatant disregard forjustice and human rights. It isamazing, isn’t it? But we did that!And we perpetuated this terriblesituation knowingly. This hasbeen depressing for me.

If any of you has ever looked backinto the AGM speeches I’ve madesince I was arm-twisted into be-coming President a number ofyears ago, you’d probably havenoticed that my speeches were fre-quently filled with consternation.

The reason for that was simple: Ihad to draw attention, over andover again, to the violations of civilliberties, the trampling of humanrights and the many differentkinds of abuses of power that hap-pened but which Aliran was com-mitted to opposing.

COVER STORY

Waking up after half a centuryWaking up after half a centuryWaking up after half a centuryWaking up after half a centuryWaking up after half a centuryWe can generate a new tsunami of progressive non-racistpolitics

by P Ramakrishnan

IIIII

AM vol.28(2)AM vol.28(2)AM vol.28(2)AM vol.28(2)AM vol.28(2) AM vol.28(3)AM vol.28(3)AM vol.28(3)AM vol.28(3)AM vol.28(3)



In our cover story, P Ramakrishnan recalls how Ma-laysians woke up on 8 March 2008 after half a cen-tury of slumber. He now urges them to generate anew tsunami of progressive non-racist politics andeliminate racial politics in the country.

There are worrying signs of another tsunami creep-ing up on us: a recession, which will hit the poor thehardest - especially after higher fuel prices earlierthis year and uncontrolled speculation had sent foodprices soaring. Aliran was one of the organisers of aforum looking into the Malaysian response to theglobal food price crisis. It was a unique event thatbrought together grassroots communities, activistsand academics. At the forum, Subramaniam Pillaydiscussed the reasons behind the higher prices andstressed that governments have the right to regulatemarkets to ensure food at reasonable prices for all.Jojo Fung looked at the dynamics and interactionduring the forum, at the end of which participantscame up with a final declaration.

Meanwhile, the global slowdown has already hitone factory in mainland Penang. Joethi Sahadevanlooks at the plight of the the retrenched workers ofNikko Electronics Bhd and wonders how they aregoing to live on the measly compensation they havereceived.

Is it not possible to create a more just society?Jeyakumar Devaraj pays tribute to one person whobelieved it is - the late Dr M Rajakumar. Anothertribute to this great man comes in the form of a poemwhich the late national literary laureate UsmanAwang composed in Malay – and which Dr WongSoak Koon has now translated to English to reach awider audience.

Someone else who has been pursuing the cause ofjustice is Marina Lee Abdullah, who has inspiredmany Malaysians, including ‘The Man With d VideoCam’.

C O N T E N T S

EDITOR'S NOTE

COVER STORYCOVER STORYCOVER STORYCOVER STORYCOVER STORY••••• Waking Up After Half A CenturyWaking Up After Half A CenturyWaking Up After Half A CenturyWaking Up After Half A CenturyWaking Up After Half A Century 22222

FEATURESFEATURESFEATURESFEATURESFEATURES••••• Act Of ShameAct Of ShameAct Of ShameAct Of ShameAct Of Shame 77777

••••• Nikko Workers Left Waiting...Nikko Workers Left Waiting...Nikko Workers Left Waiting...Nikko Workers Left Waiting...Nikko Workers Left Waiting...

For Godot!For Godot!For Godot!For Godot!For Godot! 88888

••••• Strength Of A WomanStrength Of A WomanStrength Of A WomanStrength Of A WomanStrength Of A Woman 1 01 01 01 01 0

••••• Islam, Democracy And ViolenceIslam, Democracy And ViolenceIslam, Democracy And ViolenceIslam, Democracy And ViolenceIslam, Democracy And Violence 1 21 21 21 21 2

••••• Food For ThoughtFood For ThoughtFood For ThoughtFood For ThoughtFood For Thought 1 91 91 91 91 9

••••• Global Food Crisis: A ReviewGlobal Food Crisis: A ReviewGlobal Food Crisis: A ReviewGlobal Food Crisis: A ReviewGlobal Food Crisis: A Review 2 22 22 22 22 2

••••• Food Forum Declaration 2008Food Forum Declaration 2008Food Forum Declaration 2008Food Forum Declaration 2008Food Forum Declaration 2008 2 62 62 62 62 6

••••• Use Your IllusionsUse Your IllusionsUse Your IllusionsUse Your IllusionsUse Your Illusions 3 03 03 03 03 0

••••• Committed To The CauseCommitted To The CauseCommitted To The CauseCommitted To The CauseCommitted To The Cause 4 04 04 04 04 0

REGULARSREGULARSREGULARSREGULARSREGULARS••••• LettersLettersLettersLettersLetters 3 43 43 43 43 4

OTHERSOTHERSOTHERSOTHERSOTHERS••••• A p p e a lA p p e a lA p p e a lA p p e a lA p p e a l 1 11 11 11 11 1

••••• Aliran T-Shirts On SaleAliran T-Shirts On SaleAliran T-Shirts On SaleAliran T-Shirts On SaleAliran T-Shirts On Sale 1 71 71 71 71 7

••••• Subscription FormSubscription FormSubscription FormSubscription FormSubscription Form 1 81 81 81 81 8

••••• Poem: SahabatkuPoem: SahabatkuPoem: SahabatkuPoem: SahabatkuPoem: Sahabatku 2 82 82 82 82 8

••••• Aliran AGMAliran AGMAliran AGMAliran AGMAliran AGM 3 93 93 93 93 9

ALIRANALIRANALIRANALIRANALIRAN is a Reform Movement dedicated to is a Reform Movement dedicated to is a Reform Movement dedicated to is a Reform Movement dedicated to is a Reform Movement dedicated toJustice, Freedom & Solidarity and listed on theJustice, Freedom & Solidarity and listed on theJustice, Freedom & Solidarity and listed on theJustice, Freedom & Solidarity and listed on theJustice, Freedom & Solidarity and listed on theroster of the Economic and Social Council of theroster of the Economic and Social Council of theroster of the Economic and Social Council of theroster of the Economic and Social Council of theroster of the Economic and Social Council of theUnited Nations. Founded in 1977, Aliran welcomesUnited Nations. Founded in 1977, Aliran welcomesUnited Nations. Founded in 1977, Aliran welcomesUnited Nations. Founded in 1977, Aliran welcomesUnited Nations. Founded in 1977, Aliran welcomesall Malaysians above 21 to be members. Contactall Malaysians above 21 to be members. Contactall Malaysians above 21 to be members. Contactall Malaysians above 21 to be members. Contactall Malaysians above 21 to be members. Contactthe Hon. Secretary or visit our webpage.the Hon. Secretary or visit our webpage.the Hon. Secretary or visit our webpage.the Hon. Secretary or visit our webpage.the Hon. Secretary or visit our webpage. Printed by Konway Industries Sdn. Bhd.

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I vaguely recall that I often had toexpress my regret that the flawsof our political system and the in-justices inflicted upon our societyhad not been satisfactorily re-dressed despite the earnest andnoble efforts of many concernedcitizens and committedorganisations.

Hence, you’d be happy to knowthat I don’t feel compelled to con-tinue on that dismal note this year!

Please don’t get me wrong. Theflaws, injustices and abuses suf-fered by our political system andour people have not suddenlyvanished. Indeed, as the ongoingvigils in Penang, KL and else-where to protest the indefensiblebut continuing use of the ISA haveshown, we have a long way to goand much to do before we can besatisfied with the conditions ofour society.

Still, we know we’ve madeprogress that we can cheer and beproud of.

I refer of course, to the transfor-mation of our political system thatwas swept in by the tsunami of 8March 2008, blown in by the per-fect storm that was the 12th Gen-eral Election.

We are politically savvy here; so,there’s no need for me to recountthe specific causes and the de-tailed results of that tidal wave,that storm, or what have you.

Suffice to mention that, on 8March, half our voters decidedthat ‘Enough was enough’ withthe old ways and discreditedforms of politics and maladmin-

istration. In fact, half the votersturned themselves into ‘storm-bringers’.

Against many obstacles andmany temptations, the votersbravely chose ‘Change’. They sin-cerely wanted a ‘MalaysianAgenda’. And they confidentlylooked to a ‘New Dawn’.

Saying all that, I’m not makingpropaganda in this little hall forany political party or any politi-cian. I’m only recapturing, brieflybut accurately, the sentiments andaspirations of the voters whopaved the way for PakatanRakyat’s historic gains in Parlia-ment, in Kuala Lumpur, and inKedah, Kelantan, Penang, Perakand Selangor.

We know that a lot of people havespoken and written about the tsu-nami as if it was something thathappened overnight.

No doubt, the scale of theOpposition’s triumph astonishedvery many people because it wentbeyond their calculations. Defi-

nitely, certain political conditionsand developments that arose be-tween 2006 and 2007 greatlyswelled the tide of oppositionistsentiment.

But, no, the tsunami didn’t hap-pen overnight. The historic ad-vance of 8 March was the outcomeof years and years of hard workand dedicated effort by countlesspeople.

Precisely because the tsunami ofvoter dissatisfaction was not abolt from the blue nor a flash in apan, certain quarters, vested inter-ests and powers-that-be have triedto sweep it back, if needs be, byfoul and unfair means.

Thus, in the eight months sincethe General Election, we’ve seenmany attempts to distort truthsabout our current political reali-ties, to hinder the administrationof the ‘Opposition states’, to re-press outspoken dissidents, andeven to provoke ill-will among

Attempts toroll back change

A transformation



different sections of the populace.

One outcome – and one’s temptedto say, one intention – has been todrive Malaysian politics towardsa brinkmanship that is as danger-ous as it is unethical.

Most of us realise that there’s beena growing incidence of an irre-sponsible politics that thrives oninsulting, baiting and provokingone’s opponents. Since 8 March,and especially since thePermatang Pauh by-election of 26August, quite a number of politi-cians have spoken and acted as ifthey can only realise their per-sonal and political aims by fling-ing insults, spreading lies andmaking threats.

So dishonest and desperate aresome politicians today that theyspread inter-ethnic hatred in thename of national unity, they sowdistrust in the name of social har-mony, and they threaten violenceand repression in the name of po-litical stability.

Those brands of politics can haveno place in Malaysia if we are to

progress meaningfully as a soci-ety and nation. As someone whowelcomed the post-8 March politi-cal opening, I’m much heartenedthat ordinary Malaysians havehad the courage, good sense anddecency to reject these and otherforms of political intimidationand manipulation.

But speaking as someone whohas witnessed long periods ofdirty politics and dirtier repres-sion, I’d urge us not to be compla-cent about the risks that attend thepost-tsunami transformation ofour nation.

Most of us remember 27 October1987 for the repression that wascode-named Operasi Lalang. Withso many people still detained un-der the ISA, let me emphasise thatit is entirely appropriate and rel-evant to remember 27 October1987 to this day.

But we need to remember this aswell: Between 1986 and 1987,UMNO suffered from a height-ened factionalism, MCA and

Don’ t be complacent

AM vol.6(2)AM vol.6(2)AM vol.6(2)AM vol.6(2)AM vol.6(2)


AM vol.6(6)AM vol.6(6)AM vol.6(6)AM vol.6(6)AM vol.6(6)AM vol.7(4)AM vol.7(4)AM vol.7(4)AM vol.7(4)AM vol.7(4)AM vol.7(2)AM vol.7(2)AM vol.7(2)AM vol.7(2)AM vol.7(2)


Gerakan smarted from defeat atthe 1986 General Election, andintra-BN disunity intensified asUMNO and its so-called Chinese-based partners played racial poli-tics to the hilt.

In the background of those con-flicts were the deep recession of1985–86, market meltdown, busi-ness failures, and rising unem-ployment that created tensionsand frustrations that were ma-nipulated to raise inter-ethnicconflict to dangerous levels.

There are lessons from October1987 that we must heed today, justeight months after the March tsu-nami.

We would be blind not to noticethat the broad political situationis quite unsettled. Simply think ofSodomy II, the detentions of RPK,Teresa Kok and Tan Hoon Cheng,the arrests and prosecution ofelected Opposition representa-tives, the banning of Hindraf, andrecent assaults on peaceful pro-testors.

Simply observe how UMNO isapproaching its March GeneralAssembly and party election withlurking factionalism. Prime Min-ister Dato’ Seri Abdullah AhmadBadawi has been forced into earlyretirement. But the remainingleaders’ high power stakes, nakedambitions and shifting align-ments threaten to destabiliseUMNO itself.

See, too, how the badly defeatedMCA, Gerakan and MIC strive toreinvent themselves withoutmuch success. They are like par-ties that can neither live with norlive without UMNO or its leader-ship or its dominance or its su-

Ramakrishnan deliveredRamakrishnan deliveredRamakrishnan deliveredRamakrishnan deliveredRamakrishnan deliveredthe above speech atthe above speech atthe above speech atthe above speech atthe above speech atAliran’s 32nd AnnualAliran’s 32nd AnnualAliran’s 32nd AnnualAliran’s 32nd AnnualAliran’s 32nd AnnualGeneral Meeting inGeneral Meeting inGeneral Meeting inGeneral Meeting inGeneral Meeting inPenang on 23 NovemberPenang on 23 NovemberPenang on 23 NovemberPenang on 23 NovemberPenang on 23 November2008.2008.2008.2008.2008.

premacy. Consequently, the rela-tions between UMNO and its so-called non-Malay-based compo-nent parties have become more ac-rimonious.

If that’s not enough, we find our-selves at the mercy of another tsu-nami. I mean the global financialcrisis that, originating in the USA,is rapidly turning into a globaleconomic crisis. We didn’t makethis tsunami but the damage thatcomes in its wake will not spareour shores.

Once again, therefore, we face animminent coming together of po-litical stresses and economic cri-ses. How do we meet that eventu-ality without imploding or ex-ploding?

I myself have no ready, do-it-your-self, solutions to offer. But I believethat Aliran, as a reputable andtrusted civil society organisation,has an important role to play. Justwhat role that should be shouldbecome part of our deliberationsat this AGM.

At the very least, however, Aliranshould have these messages andwarnings to deliver.

To the various political partiesand their politicians, we say,‘Play politics by all means, butdon’t think that the outdated poli-tics of race, personality, or ruth-less ambition will get you any-where when the economic tsu-nami hits with full force.’

To the representatives in Parlia-ment and the state legislative as-semblies, we say, ‘Continue yourantics and the theatrics if you

must, but you will be judged bywhether, how well and how hon-estly you can debate policy direc-tions, pass laws and oversee gov-ernment measures to save thepeople from massive suffering.’

To the Federal and the state gov-ernments, we say, ‘Persist withyour antagonisms if you must,but don’t cut your nose to spiteyour face. The people will judgeyou by whether, or how effec-tively you can set aside partisanconcerns and petty quarrels infavour of Federal-state coopera-tion to save and serve the na-tional interest.’

Will all or any of those politicalparties, politicians, representa-tives and governments heed suchmessages and warnings?

We don’t know yet. But we knowthat, as before, we must keep de-livering the messages and thewarnings, by ourselves and incooperation with NGOs and otherconcerned individuals.

We also know this much after 8March: if enough of us in civil so-ciety, and if enough of the ordi-nary Malaysians who voted forchange do so, we can generate anew tsunami of non-racist, non-hateful, and progressive senti-ments – to build a changed andbetter future for all Malaysians,now and in the future.

W a r n i n g s

q


or some 40 years I hadspent my life in the law— appearing and argu-ing before our judges

and finally for seven years as LordPresident, a post I had neverthought of attaining even in mywildest dream when I first enteredthe public service. Public confi-dence in an independent judi-ciary cannot be built up in a dayand my predecessors have forgenerations nurtured and built upa great reputation not only inSouth East Asia but throughoutthe Commonwealth.

Until recently, judicial appoint-ment was regarded as a greathonour and I took great care tomaintain and enhance the repu-tation of our Judiciary as Guard-ians of the Constitution, Uphold-ers of the Rule of Law, Protectorsof the Poor and Oppressed againstTyranny and Criminals. I valuedits reputation for integrity, abilityand courage to decide disputesimpartially, justly and withoutfear or favour.

To some extent I feel personallyresponsible for Tun Salleh Abas’misfortune, for it was I whobrought him into the Courts fromthe Attorney-General’s Chambersbecause of his superior qualifica-tions, great ability as a jurust, hisseniority in the service and aboveall, of his outstanding moral char-acter. None of these qualities canbe taken away from him by any

Tribunal, be it eveer so high. Wewatched helplessly as a provisionwritten into the Constitution byTunku Abdul Rahman, TunRazak, Tun Dr Ismail, tun TanSiew Sin, Tun Sambanthan andothers to secure theindependencd of the judiciary,was being diabolically used towreck it.

This full-scale book by Tun Sallehand Mr K Das (unlike the wit-nesses before the Tribunal whowere made to swear to tell the truthand nothing but the truth but sig-nificantly were not made to swearto tell the whole truth) for the firsttime reveals the whole truth andthe real reasons why the high dig-nitaries directly involved wantedTun Salleh out of the way at allcosts and the unfair devices andmeans used to achieve their pur-pose.

I was in Geneva when I first heardon the BBC World Service of TunSalleh’s suspension and you canimagine how flabbergasted I was.I never thought that what hap-pened in Idi Amin’s Ugandacould happen in Malaysia. Andwhen foreign friends in Europe,America and elsewhere ques-tioned me about it, for the firstfor the firstfor the firstfor the firstfor the firsttime in my life I was ashamed oftime in my life I was ashamed oftime in my life I was ashamed oftime in my life I was ashamed oftime in my life I was ashamed ofbeing Malaysian.being Malaysian.being Malaysian.being Malaysian.being Malaysian.

And when later I heard of theidentities of the Malaysian mem-bers of the Tribunal — none were

Salleh’s peers or betters and all butone who wore the same old schooltie as the Prime Minister — I knewat once that Tun Salleh’s fate wassealed, no matter how just his caseor what he said or did in defence.And so it was. With dazzlingspeed, he was out in three monthsin contrast to a humble clerk whocould not be fired in less thanthree years.

We, who see today’s ominouscampaign in the controlled mediaagainst the Bar, will remember thesimilar press campaign that pre-ceded the blows that destroyed theindependence of the judiciary.

May Allah protect our Judiciaryand the Bar, shower His blessingson all of us and punish and de-stroy the Wicked.

Source: AM Vol.9:11 (1989)

1988 JUDICIAL CRISIS

Act of ShameTun Mohd. Suffian on the sacking of Tun Salleh Abas, “For thefirst time in my life, I was ashamed of being Malaysian!”

FFFFF

Tun Mohd. Suffian madeTun Mohd. Suffian madeTun Mohd. Suffian madeTun Mohd. Suffian madeTun Mohd. Suffian madethe above speech whenthe above speech whenthe above speech whenthe above speech whenthe above speech whenlaunching MAY DAY FORlaunching MAY DAY FORlaunching MAY DAY FORlaunching MAY DAY FORlaunching MAY DAY FORJUSTICE by Tun SallehJUSTICE by Tun SallehJUSTICE by Tun SallehJUSTICE by Tun SallehJUSTICE by Tun SallehAbas and K Das on 15 Oc-Abas and K Das on 15 Oc-Abas and K Das on 15 Oc-Abas and K Das on 15 Oc-Abas and K Das on 15 Oc-tober 1989tober 1989tober 1989tober 1989tober 1989 .....

q


t was 4.30pm and therewas half an hour to gobefore the employees ofNikko Electronics Bhd in

Prai packed their bags and headedhome, just like any other day.Meanwhile, night -shift workerswere expected to check in for workto continue with the manufactur-ing of radio-controlled toys.

At that particular hour on 30 June2008, all workers at the factorypremises were suddenly in-structed to assemble at the confer-ence hall, a common location usedto make announcements. Workersincluding Thanaletchimi Siman-chalam, 35, an assistant supervi-sor, scurried curiously to the hall.

“I was apprehensive since the in-struction came at the eleventhhour,” narrated Thanaletchimiwhile wiping a tear from her eye.

The shocking news was then an-nounced by the company’s Man-

aging Director. The MD pro-nounced that the company hadbeen running at a loss in the lastthree years and it was impossibleto continue operations.

Before the announcement couldsink into the minds of the work-ers, who were in a state of disbe-

lief, most of whom had servedwith dedication for over 16 years,they were immediately escortedout. By then the police had arrivedto provide protection to the topbrass of Nikko.

Workers waiting to be ferried tothe factory for the night shift were

LABOUR

Nikko workers leftwaiting… for Godot!The saddest part is these victims have been left stranded withno support from anyone to alleviate their suffering

by Joethi Sahadevan

TTTTT

Thanaletchimi flanked by Krishnaveni Manikam (right) and RosemaryThanaletchimi flanked by Krishnaveni Manikam (right) and RosemaryThanaletchimi flanked by Krishnaveni Manikam (right) and RosemaryThanaletchimi flanked by Krishnaveni Manikam (right) and RosemaryThanaletchimi flanked by Krishnaveni Manikam (right) and RosemaryArokiam (left).Arokiam (left).Arokiam (left).Arokiam (left).Arokiam (left).

The 1,200 Malaysian and 400 foreign workers till todayhave received nothing and they do not know if they willever get their dues.


baffled as to why the regular vanshad not turned up to pick themup for work. Little did they knowthe fate that was awaiting them.

Thanaletchimi said the companyhad promised to repay the work-ers within two months after theconsolidation had taken place.“But till today we were only paidthe balance for annual leavewhich for some amounted to amere RM30,” she lamented.

In retrospect, the workers had en-dured many cuts in benefits sincethe company had not been per-forming well for several years.They had loyally accepted a wagethat had been stagnant for severalyears, without bonus payoutswhile medical benefit was justbasic. Promotions had also beenstalled - which the workers hadaccepted as part of their undi-vided support to Nikko in thehope that once the company flour-ishes it would take care of them.

All their hopes were dimmed asdarkness descended. What theyreceived in return for their loyaltyand dedication was a mockery.One worker from Parit Buntartravelled in a bus all the way toNikko only to receive an annualleave compensation of RM30!

The 1,200 Malaysian and 400 for-eign workers till today have re-ceived nothing and they do notknow if they will ever get theirdues. The MTUC is currently pro-viding assistance to the workersbut all hopes were dashed whenthe High Court announced thatuntil the company completes itswinding-up process, the talks oncompensation could not take

place.

Thanaletchimi is now employedbut she now has to contend witha much lower and inadequate sal-ary compared to her previous pay.Life was difficult before but nowit has become unbearable espe-cially as she has to raise two smallkids with her husband, whoworks as a lorry driver.

Her eyes misty with tears,Thanaletchimi added that she andher former colleagues are stillkeeping their uniforms, hopingthat all that had happened wasjust a bad dream and they wouldbe called back to work at Nikko –a scenario that is clearly unlikely.

Some of the workers are now goingthrough a rough patch and severalof them have fallen into arrears withtheir rent. Others are struggling tofork out money to pay up for theirchildren’s education.

The saddest part is these victimshave been left stranded with nosupport from the authorities toalleviate their suffering. Justicehas been denied to the innocentworkers who toiled togetherthrough good and bad times forNikko Electronics Bhd.

The workers are now in a con-fused state. They wonder if theirelected leaders are aware of theirplight and their needs and if thereas been any effort to settle what isdue to them.

Until then, they shall wait… wait-ing for Godot. Unlike SamuelBeckett’s play, where the wait wasfutile, let us keep our fingerscrossed that the factory workersof Nikko will not face a similardepressing fate.

Hopes dashed

“Have you many chil-dren?” the doctor asked.

“God has not been goodto me. Of sixteen born, onlynine are alive”, he answered.

“Does your wife work?”“No, she stays at home.”“I see. How does she

spend her days?”“Well, she gets up at four

in the morning, fetches wa-ter and wood, makes the fireand cooks breakfast. Thenshe goes to the river andwashes clothes. After thatshe goes to town to get cornground and buys what weneed in the market. Then shecooks the midday meal”.

“Do you come home atmidday?”

“No, no she brings themeal to me in the fields —about three kilometres fromhome”.

“And after that?”“Well she takes care of

hens and sheep. And, ofcourse, she looks after thechildren all day. Then sheprepares supper so that it isready when I come home.”

“Does she go to bed aftersupper?”

“No, I do. She has thingsto do around the house untilnine o’clock.”

“But you say your wifedoes not work?”

“No I told you she staysat home.”

WOMENAND WORK:MAN’S VIEWMAN’S VIEWMAN’S VIEWMAN’S VIEWMAN’S VIEW

q


ove is passionate and deep. It will driveyou to do crazy things for each other. Butloving a person is actually knowing all hisor her faults, knowing the good and the

bad and still choosing to be together – that is love.

Many of us do not have first-hand knowledge ofwhat married life entails. But I have thought longand hard about it. And I am ready for whatever itmay bring. After all, it brought me three wonderfulchildren.

Many of us should consider ourselves insanely luckyto have found the woman who fits beautifully inour life.

The saddest moment in a married life is when westart to take each other for granted. What morewhen the little bubbling cuties arrive year afteryear? Time is stretched unbearably with the un-ending chores and the circle of friends dwindlesto a miserable few. With the grace of God, we willlive to be grandparents but most of us will seetheir children leaving the nest to roost on theirown. This is when we have to learn to bear the

Strength of a womanTribute to Marina Lee Abdullah

by Man with d Video Cam

LLLLL

I want him homeI want him homeI want him homeI want him homeI want him home Marina is not aloneMarina is not aloneMarina is not aloneMarina is not aloneMarina is not alone

silence each day without hearing their voices.

Any woman is an inspiration to the heart and givesmeaning to all the things in life that are frequentlyleft unexplained. The strength of a woman lies deeplywithin her soul and it is in the depths of that soulthat pain and frustration are often-times hidden. Somen will have to salute women for their strength,their power, and the unique abilities that make themwhat they are. Marina Lee Abdullah is this breed ofa woman.

When the inevitable moment comes which makes itseem so hopeless and endless, just stretch out yourhand in the dark and you will feel your wife besideyou. Her warmth saturates the lonely air, unseenbut soothing. Then, lay your head between her bo-som and listen to the medley of her heartbeat vibrat-ing in your ears. It will be a whole new world to feelthe love of your woman roaming freely among themyriad stars of your imagination.

Man will never be alone even in the most tryingsituation because she is always there to stand byhim.

TRIBUTE

q


If every reader chips in, Aliran's financial woes can be resolved

Dear Fellow Malaysians:Dear Fellow Malaysians:Dear Fellow Malaysians:Dear Fellow Malaysians:Dear Fellow Malaysians:

or over 30 years,Aliran has been a bea-con for Malaysian so-ciety in many impor-

tant ways. Aliran provides arallying point for citizens andcivic organisations concernedwith freedom, justice and de-mocracy. Aliran defends civilliberties and human rights, andpromotes inter-ethnic and in-ter-religious respect. Morethan that, Aliran advances thecauses of marginalised commu-nities, disadvantaged groupsand persecuted individualswho are too often bereft of anyopportunity to speak for them-selves.

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AM vol.21(7)AM vol.21(7)AM vol.21(7)AM vol.21(7)AM vol.21(7)q


the largest Islamic country, is alsofaced with this question as minori-ties are coming under attack andtheir human rights are being vio-lated.

Of course it is not at all correctto say that Islam is incompatibleto democracy, I said in my talk.This myth is being spread by thesupporters of authoritarian re-gimes in the Islamic world.Kings, sheikhs and military dic-tators are spreading such ideas,and to them it doesn’t matter ifIslam gets a bad name in theprocess. I firmly refuted thismyth and maintained Islam doesnot come in the way of democ-racy; it is dictators and mon-archs who come in its way.

We should remember, I said, thatthe Qur’an does not provide anyconcept of state but a concept ofsociety. The Qur’an wants to es-tablish a just society, and whatother way could be better suitedto establish a just society than ademocratic society. Also theQur’an emphasises the equality ofall human beings and equal dig-nity for all despite different lan-guages, colours and race and na-tionality. How can this beachieved except through a demo-cratic society?

was invited last week toIndonesia for a series oflectures by Asia CallingInternational Radio to

speak on “Islam, democracy andnation state’. These days Indone-sian intellectuals are rocked withquestions we were faced with inthe early fifties in India. Also, allover the Islamic world the ques-tion is being asked: Is Islam com-patible with democracy and thenation state? In Indonesia too, thelargest Islamic country in theworld, radical Islamists haveraised this debate. The progres-sive Islamic thinkers there aretherefore seized with these ques-tions.

In a Asia Calling talk show,where a number of prominentpublic figures and diplomatswere present, these questionswere raised by many. Also I spokeat Wahid Institute, founded bythe former president of Indone-sia and leading scholar of IslamAbdur Rachman Wahid, on theexperiences of the Muslim minor-ity in secular India. Indonesia,though the largest Muslim coun-try in the world is still not an Is-lamic country but a PancasilaState. The doctrine of Pancasilawas adopted during presidentSukarno’s time.

But now Indonesia is under pres-sure to become an Islamic statewhere Shariah law would be theofficial law and religious minori-ties such as Christians and Bud-dhists and others would becomesecond-class citizens. Still, itseems, Indonesian people are re-sisting this demand and are hencekeen to know the experiences ofsecular countries such as India.Also what is the experience ofnation building in South Asia in-cluding Pakistan andBangladesh? I was also asked tospeak on the concept of humanrights in Islam as in a democraticcountry human rights have fun-damental importance. Indonesia,

DEMOCRACY

Islam, democracy and violenceIslam, democracy and violenceIslam, democracy and violenceIslam, democracy and violenceIslam, democracy and violenceIslam is compatible with democracy. It is rather the interestsof rulers of Muslim countries which are not compatible withdemocracy

by Asghar Ali Engineer

IIIII

AM21(9)AM21(9)AM21(9)AM21(9)AM21(9)


the institution of khilafah, what-ever way it came into existence,was after all more democraticthan monarchies or sheikhdomsand dictatorships, which have nosanction of any kind at all.

Also, in the case of electing a ca-liph, tribal experience of the timewas used, as the successor to atribal chief was elected by themembers of the tribe. There wasno concept of one-man one vote atthe time. In the institution of mod-ern democracy, ‘one man onevote’ is the tried and testedmethod for electing public repre-sentatives. New historical experi-ence has resulted in new methodsof election. There should be nohesitation in accepting and as-similating new experiences. Dur-ing the period of Khilafat, manyinstitutions were readily bor-rowed from the Roman andSassanid empires such as thepractice of keeping salary regis-ters for soldiers from Iran. Earlier,only the share in the loot was givento those taking part in the fight.

Another question which is raisedby Islamists is the imposition ofShariah law. They argue that in ademocracy, there are man-made(human made) laws and Shariahlaw is divine law, and this can-not be allowed in an Islamic stateas only Shariah law should beenforced. This is also an errone-ous concept. Shariah laws can bedivided into two categories:‘ibadat and mu’amalat (i.e. lawspertaining to salah, saum, haj etc.which are part of ‘ibadat).

Then the laws pertaining tomu’amalat which include rela-

Shariah lawsand democracy

Authoritarian societies negate allthese and hence are not democra-cies; but monarchies and dictator-ships are un-Islamic, not democ-racies. During medieval ages,concepts such as equal dignity,gender equality and human rightswere just non-existent, and hencemonarchies were quite acceptable.No longer. The modern society isemphatic about human equalitywithout any distinction, and hu-man rights and gender equalityare of great significance, andhence democracy is the only wayout for the Qur’anic concept of ajust society to be realised Somepeople, especially radical Islamicgroups, do argue that the only justgovernment could be through theinstitution of khilafah. Let me saythat the institution of khilafah hasnot been sanctioned by theQur’an. As pointed out above, theQur’an does not recommend anyform of government at all. The in-stitution of khilafa was the resultof an historical situation. It wasnot even a part of the Prophet’s(PBUH) Sunna.

That is why there were differencesamong Muslims about the ques-tion of succession. Even the mostprominent companions of theProphet (PBUH) were not sureabout the mode of succession ofthe successor. Shias maintain thatthe Prophet (PBUH) appointedhis cousin and son-in-law Ali tosucceed him. But only the sup-porters of Ahl-e-bait agreed withthis view and others gathered inSaqifa Banu Sa’ida to discuss thequestion of his successor. Theretoo there was no unanimity andafter la lot of suggestions and de-bate, Umar proposed the name of

Abu Bakr and did bay’ah on hishand and others followed.

Then, there was no unanimity inelecting the Caliph. Many said theKhalifah could be only from thetribe of Quraish of Mecca, andAnsar of Madina who were fromother tribes such as Khazraj andAus maintained that the caliphshould be from among them asthey had helped the Prophet(PBUH) in Madina. It was alsosuggested that two persons beelected one from Quraish and onefrom Ansars. But this viewpointwas also rejected and ultimatelyAbu Bakr of Quraish was elected.

Then it was said that there couldbe only one caliph at one time butthis concept also proved to be frag-ile as when the Abbasid defeatedUmayyads, one of Umayyad’sfamily fled to Spain and foundedanother empire there and at a timethere came into existence two ca-liphs and when the Buwahidscaptured power and the caliphbecame merely a nominal head,the caliphate turned into a sultan-ate. The institution of the Caliph-ate also lasted only for 30 yearsand Mu’awiyah captured powerwithout any sanction from Mus-lims as in the case of the first ca-liph, and what is more he nomi-nated his own son Yazid againstthe wishes of all Muslims andagainst the wishes of prominentcompanions of the Prophet manyof whom were then alive.

All this clearly shows that the in-stitution of khilafah was a tenta-tive historical construct, not theresult of any divine injunction ei-ther based on Qur’an or Sunnah.Thus it cannot be argued that theinstitution of khilafah be restoredand that is the only way out. Also,

D i c t a t o r s h i p su n - I s l a m i c


drafted by their parliament. TheMuslim ulama agreed to the abo-lition of the Islamic code andagreed to the enforcement of thecommon criminal code. Today, inthe modern world. many Muslimmajority countries have also takensimilar steps. Criminal punish-ments are largely contextual. Intribal Arab society, certain pun-ishments were thought to be moreeffective and hence they were rec-ommended. The main purposewas to prevent crime and nature,and the extent of punishment cancertainly change. Also, there isprovision for the tazir punishmentin Islam and the rulers did enforcetazir punishments. So it is not amatter of principle whether hududlaws are enforced or not. The mainthing is to curb crime.

Thus it would be seen that a secu-lar and democratic state is equallygood as long as it permits Mus-lims to practice their religion. It isalso important to note that the In-dian Ulama voluntarily opted fora secular state as opposed to anIslamic state in the form of Paki-stan in 1947 when India was di-vided. They vigorously opposedthe creation of a separate Muslimcountry and preferred to have asecular democratic and multi-re-ligious, multi-cultural country.And who knew Islam better thanthe Ulama of Darul UlumDeoband.

An Islamic state itself, as pointedout before, is a historical constructand not a Qur’anic concept andhence it is in no way obligatoryfor Muslims to set up an Islamicstate. Those who argue in favourof an Islamic state cannot produceany argument from the Qur’anand Sunna. In every country thereare certain forces who adopt

see this phenomenon. In SaudiArabia, only Wahabi Muslimsenjoy real freedom of religionThose who do not subscribe tothis doctrine are persecuted or donot enjoy freedom like Wahabis topractice their religion. Similarly,the Shias are persecuted in Sunni-majority states and Sunnis inShiah-majority states. In Iraq, aSunni minority dominated andpersecuted Shias and in Syria, theAlawi minority dominates overthe Sunni majority as it wieldspolitical power.

Real freedom of religion is possibleonly in a democratic state whereall enjoy equal rights irrespectiveof caste, creed and colour. Largenumbers of Muslims today live asminorities in secular democraticstates in various Asian, Africanand Western countries and enjoythe right to freely practise theirreligion. Thus it is not correct tomaintain that you need an Islamicstate to practise Islam freely.

Every democratic state permitsShariah laws pertaining to per-sonal laws covering marriage, di-vorce, property, and inheritance.In secular India too, Muslims arecompletely free to practise theselaws. Indian Muslims refuse anyreform to their laws and the statedoes not insist on that - though inmany Muslim countries theselaws have been reformed.

Now the question about criminallaws - whether it would be per-mitted in a secular democraticstate. The answer is certainly no.In India, the British abolished Is-lamic criminal laws in 19th cen-tury and enforced a criminal code

Hudud andd e m o c r a c y

tions between human beings andhuman beings. Laws aboutmu’amalat cannot be permanent.Of course no changes can be madeas far as Shariah laws concern-ing ‘ibadat are concerned, but asfor mu’amalat laws, these cannotbe permanent and Parliamentshould be empowered to makelaws in those respects. All mod-ern democracies allow people topursue their respective religionsand do not interfere in their reli-gious affairs. In all secular democ-racies also, the right to religion isa fundamental right.

Also, as far as ‘ibadat is concerned,it does not require enforcement byany state but its importance liesin its voluntary nature. ‘Ibadat per-tains to one’s heart and soul andreal ‘ibadat is that which is donemost sincerely and from the coreof one’s heart. It cannot be en-forced. And it will cease to be‘ibadat if it is enforced by a statemachinery. This is what theQur’an also maintains when itsays there is no compulsion inmatters of religion.

Thus no Islamic state is requiredeven to enforce provisions of theShariah. An Islamic state againwould mean the majority of Mus-lim sects who live in that countrywould enjoy real freedom andthose Muslims who belong toother sects would be persecuted.We see this right in the beginningof Islamic history. The Abbasidsinitially subscribed to the doc-trine of createdness of the Qur’anand all those who rejected thisdoctrine were severely persecuted.Even eminent Imams such as AbuHanifa were flogged for rejectingthis doctrine.

In modern Islamic states too we


majoritarian aggressive posturesand want their religion to be as-sociated with the affairs of thestate. In India, for example, a sec-tion of Hindus want India to be-come Hindu Rashtra (i.e. Hindunation) but secular Hindus resistthat demand.

In any religious state, all citi-zens of different religious per-suasions cannot enjoy equalrights - and no modern state canallow this. The very essence ofmodern polity is that all citizensirrespective of their religionshould enjoy equal rights.Maulana Maududi of Jamat-e-Islami of Pakistan had arguedthat no non-Muslim can becomehead of the state or prime minis-ter of Pakistan. He or she can-not even hold any key post inthe government. Sure, in secularstates as well no person fromminority religions will find iteasy to become head of the statebut theoretically it is not ruledout. In India, a Sikh, a non-Hindu, became a prime minis-ter and three Muslims could be-come president of the country.

Another objection raised by manyIslamists is that in secular demo-cratic states, human rights are sa-cred and the very concept of hu-man rights is un-Islamic. This isalso not in keeping with theQur’anic teachings. Firstly, mostof the Islamic countries with fewexceptions have signed the UNHuman Rights Declaration. Somecountries did not sign the decla-ration - their objection was thatone who renounces Islam cannotbe put to death as freedom of reli-gion is a fundamental principle

because Muslim states were sur-rounded by Christian states andthere was direct political - thoughnot religious - confrontation be-tween the two. Hence if someonerenounced Islam, there was genu-ine fear that he may help theChristian states. The crusadeswere well known from the 11th tothe 13th century. That period ofconfrontation between Muslimsand Christians was most intense.Thus, the death punishment forrenouncing Islam made senseduring that period. This contextmust be kept in mind - but in thelong run the Qur’anic doctrine offreedom of religion must be up-held.

As for other principles of humanrights, even the most orthodoxMuslim cannot object to them. Forexample, equality of all humanbeings is central to Qur’anicteachings too. Human dignity issacred in Islam as well. Genderequality is also clearly enunciatedin the Qur’an. Moreover, womanhas been given equal rights forcontracting marriage while hus-band and wife have been de-scribed as each other’s garment.

Human rightsand the Qur ’an

of human rights.

But as pointed out above, theQur’an itself upholds the right tofreedom of religion and theQur’an pronounced it well beforethe modern world realised its sig-nificance. It is very strange thatnow some Muslims are in contra-distinction to a Qur’anic prin-ciple, of which they should havebeen justly proud, and reject thedoctrine of freedom of religion asmodern, western and, hence, un-acceptable. The Shariah rule thatone who renounces Islam shouldbe given the death sentence ishighly controversial and there isno unanimity on this among Mus-lim jurists. Maulana AslamJairajpuri, for example, disagreeswith it and advances several ar-guments from the Qur’an and theSunna to show that the deathpunishment for renouncing Islamis not justified.

In fact, freedom and faith go to-gether. One cannot genuinely be-lieve in any religion unless one iscompletely free to accept or rejectit. If one is forced to accept a reli-gion, one cannot accept it withone’s heart and soul. One mayaccept it outwardly but in heartand soul may resent it. It is pre-cisely for this psychological rea-son that the Qur’an made the prin-ciple of freedom of religion so im-portant. The Shariah provision forthe death sentence was more forsedition than for renouncing reli-gion. It was feared that a Muslimliving in an Islamic state, if he orshe renounces Islam, may joinhands with the enemy and con-spire against the Islamic state. Thepunishment for sedition in muchof the world is death.

The fear of sedition was genuine

AM22(2)AM22(2)AM22(2)AM22(2)AM22(2)


All these are enshrined in the UNDeclaration of Human Rights.Muslim countries such as SaudiArabia which did not sign theDeclaration did not object to theseprovisions.

Those who argue that the imple-mentation of Shariah is an obli-gation for an Islamic state shouldunderstand that the Shariahevolved gradually and there wasa great deal of differences amongMuslim jurists on many issues.Thus, the Shariah, as one Islamicscholar Prof. Muhammad Mujeebmaintained, is a human approachto divine injunctions. That is anapt description of Shariah laws asevolved by many eminent juristsduring the first four centuries ofIslam.

The great Urdu poet Iqbal from theIndian sub-continent also main-tained that every generation ofMuslims should be entitled to re-think Shariah issues and in aMuslim-majority country, Parlia-ment will be the right forum to doso. He also maintained that ijtihadis the dynamic principle in Islamand ijtihad becomes necessary inchanged conditions in modernsociety. Thus, a democratic soci-ety with an elected parliamentwould be a better institutional ar-rangement for making the Shariahmore relevant to our contempo-rary world. Many new issues havearisen which need the use ofijtihad urgently.

And where Muslims are a minor-ity and live in a secular democraticstate, they should evolve theirown forums to bring about neces-sary changes. Today more Mus-

lims live in minority situationsthan in majority situations andhence they would have to evolvetheir own institutions to do ijtihadwith the cooperation of ulamaand modern scholars. No seculardemocratic state can stop themfrom attempting these creativechanges in their laws. All this hasto be done within the frameworkof Islam. No changes can bebrought outside this framework ifthey are to be accepted by Mus-lims at large.

To accept the democratic statewould be far more beneficial toMuslims and would enable Mus-lims to practise their religion faith-fully and fearlessly than in so-called Islamic states, where sec-tarianism and fundamentalismprevail. A democratic state is amuch better guarantee of genuinefreedom of religion than a statebased on any religion. This seemsto be contradictory but is in facttrue.

Thus, we must properly educatethe Muslim masses and preparethem for the acceptance of democ-racy in the Islamic world. Theyshould be made aware that thosewho oppose democracy in the

name of Islam are really servingcertain vested interests rather thanIslam. The Islamic world is stillreeling under the impact of feu-dal and medieval forces whoserve their own interests in thename of Islam. Islam is compat-ible with democracy. It is ratherthe interests of rulers of Muslimcountries which are not compat-ible with democracy.

Indonesia, I said in my lectures,has achieved democracy after along spell under dictatorship andit must be protected at any cost,and all religious minorities alsoshould be guaranteed full free-dom to follow their respective re-ligions. Tolerance of differences isan important principle of democ-racy, and due tolerance should beshown to all different religiousopinions too. It will not violateany Islamic principle at all.

Democracy beneficialto Muslims

“The Qur’an itself upholds the right tofreedom of religion and the Qur’anpronounced it well before the modernworld realised its significance. It is verystrange that now some Muslims are incontradistinction to a Qur’anic principleand reject the doctrine of freedom ofreligion as modern, western and, hence,unacceptable.”

Ashgar Ali Engineer is as-Ashgar Ali Engineer is as-Ashgar Ali Engineer is as-Ashgar Ali Engineer is as-Ashgar Ali Engineer is as-sociated with the Insti-sociated with the Insti-sociated with the Insti-sociated with the Insti-sociated with the Insti-tute of Islamic Studies intute of Islamic Studies intute of Islamic Studies intute of Islamic Studies intute of Islamic Studies inMumbai, IndiaMumbai, IndiaMumbai, IndiaMumbai, IndiaMumbai, India

Source: Islam and Mod-Source: Islam and Mod-Source: Islam and Mod-Source: Islam and Mod-Source: Islam and Mod-ern Age, September 2008ern Age, September 2008ern Age, September 2008ern Age, September 2008ern Age, September 2008

q


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he global food crisis fo-rum, held on 15 Novem-ber 2008, was aimed atcreating an occasion and

opportunity to listen to the voicesof the grassroots, as to what kindof impact the global-local foodprice crisis has had on their live-lihoods A related second aim wasto “funnel-up” their demands forsustainable livelihood and dig-nity to the authorities, in particu-lar, the Members of Parliamentwho were apparently sitting tillearly December 2008.

The forum was organised by agroup of concerned citizens in-

FOOD CRISIS

Food for thoughtAcademicians, NGO representative and grassrootscommunities came together to articulate a Malaysianresponse in the face of the global food price crisis

by Jojo M. Fung, SJ

TTTTTvolved with the grassroots, ‘un-der the flagship of Aliran’, sup-ported by the Food Coalition andthe Centre for Public Policies Stud-ies (CPPS), and funded by the UNCountry Team (UN-CT) for Malay-sia.

About 120 people participated inthe forum held in Shah’s Motel inPetaling Jaya. Many NGO repre-sentatives and concerned mem-bers of civil society were present.Most importantly, almost one halfof the participants came fromgrassroots groups such asKomuniti, Jaring, the InshoreFishermen’s Welfare Association

(Pifwa), Muafakat Warga Desafrom the north; Gabungan AsliSelatan from the south, SPNS,Jaringan Kampung Orang AsliSemanjung (JKOAS), and Jalalfrom BB. Several migrant workersand single parents who did notbelong to any particularorganisation were also present.The occasion was graced by threeparticipants from Pacos-Sabahand two from Panggan-Sarawak.

The forum comprised three cen-tral components:• a keynote address by Dr

Subramanian Pillay that of-fered a framework for under-


standing the current food pricecrisis;

• a session involving severalpeople from the grassrootswho spoke about how theyand their communities wereaffected by the food price cri-sis; and

• small group sessions involv-ing all the participants whodrew from their experiences aswell as the points raised in thefirst two parts of the forum todiscuss effective measures thatought to be taken to overcomethe problems. These groupsalso articulated the demandsthey sought from government.The major points from thesegroup sessions were then pre-sented to the entire assemblyof participants.

Following this, all participantsturned their attention towardsdrafting a final statement thatwould capture and highlight themajor issues raised as well as thedemands sought. AcademiciansKhoo Kay Jin, Francis Loh andSubramaniam made some criticalinput at this juncture whichhelped the assembly to sharpen

their focus.

Bahasa Malaysia was usedthroughout the forum, with occa-sional explanations in English, tofacilitate better communicationbetween the grassroots and theother participants.

Some of the participants appreci-ated the forum as a space for bring-ing the minorities of Malaysia to-gether in order to assert our demo-cratic rights to a discursive assem-bly and speech. It was all part ofthe the struggle for the fundamen-tal rights of all Malaysians, espe-cially the grassroots, to sustain-able livelihood and human dig-nity.

Others mentioned that it was agreat occasion for learning by lis-tening to what is happening at thegrassroots amidst such crises. Wecould learn how the marginalcommunities negotiate the impactof the current global crises, whatworks and fails, and how else tomaneuver one’s self to avoid the

onslaught of the failure of globalcapitalism.

Indeed, this failure of neo-liberalcapitalism has resulted in the glo-bal food, financial and ecologicalcrises which are indeed interre-lated. The few young intellectualsappreciated the “new” dynamicsin this forum simply because thegrassroots came together andvocalised their cries and concernsin the hope that the governmentwill heed their concerted de-mands, which the manyorganisations of civil society en-dorsed at the end of the one-dayforum.

I was enthused by the dynamicsof the forum. The interactive semi-nar was a rare and unique occa-sion in that it was participatoryand multicultural. The forum fa-cilitated mutual learning so thatacademicians and members ofmost of the city-based NGOs couldbe further enriched and informedby grassroots communities andenergised by their everydaystruggle and negotiation amidstthe different crises of our times.

S u s a h - r i d d e nn a r r a t i v e s


Their susah-ridden narrativesnot only “im-passionate” us to“funnel up” their concerns butalso empower us to work totranslate their concerns intopolicies that are pro-marginals.We need to come up with poli-cies that alleviate their burdenin the light of the global crisisof price hikes of the basic com-modities of life which constitutetheir fundamental right to sus-tenance.

In this passionate struggle insolidarity with the grassrootscommunities, the promotion ofsustainable livelihood and dig-nity for them becomes all themore pertinent. Livelihoodamongst the grassroots is onlysustainable when they live withthe fullest of human dignitywith their rights honoured. Whatare these rights? The right to nu-tritious sustenance for families,a sufficient budget for the edu-cation of children and to setaside for a rainy day, and arableland for the indigenous peoplesto cultivate and for producers togenerate sufficient revenue.

Jojo M Fung SJ, a Sabahan,Jojo M Fung SJ, a Sabahan,Jojo M Fung SJ, a Sabahan,Jojo M Fung SJ, a Sabahan,Jojo M Fung SJ, a Sabahan,is a Jesuit priest. He alsois a Jesuit priest. He alsois a Jesuit priest. He alsois a Jesuit priest. He alsois a Jesuit priest. He alsoholds a PhD in anthropol-holds a PhD in anthropol-holds a PhD in anthropol-holds a PhD in anthropol-holds a PhD in anthropol-ogy and has conductedogy and has conductedogy and has conductedogy and has conductedogy and has conductedmuch research among themuch research among themuch research among themuch research among themuch research among theOrang Asal. Among hisOrang Asal. Among hisOrang Asal. Among hisOrang Asal. Among hisOrang Asal. Among hispublications is his bookpublications is his bookpublications is his bookpublications is his bookpublications is his bookRipples on the Water: Be-Ripples on the Water: Be-Ripples on the Water: Be-Ripples on the Water: Be-Ripples on the Water: Be-lievers in the Orang Asli'slievers in the Orang Asli'slievers in the Orang Asli'slievers in the Orang Asli'slievers in the Orang Asli'sStruggle for a HomelandStruggle for a HomelandStruggle for a HomelandStruggle for a HomelandStruggle for a Homelandof Equal Citizensof Equal Citizensof Equal Citizensof Equal Citizensof Equal Citizens (2003). (2003). (2003). (2003). (2003).

On the whole, the forum provedto us that participatory andmulticultural discourses are nec-essary and should be ongoingwhenever global-local crises im-pact our lives and deprivegrassroots communities of sus-tainable livelihood and dignity asequal citizens of Malaysia.

In the aftermath of the forum onthe crisis of food price, a new teamwill be constituted to monitor theprocess of urging the MPs to bringup the demands of the forum intheir parliamentary sessions. Apress conference will be held on27 November 2008 at Parliament.The team hopes that some of theMPs will take the occasion to ar-ticulate the demands of thegrassroots. The monitoring teamwill continue to respond to themore urgent needs of thegrassroots in terms of capacity-building such as setting up coop-eratives and becoming more in-formed of the causes of the globalcrises.

The team will step up efforts toinitiate several community-basedfora in 2009 - in one Malay villageand three native villages where

the forum will be held in thelonghouse - in Sarawak. Thesewould involve the marginalisedand rural native and Malay com-munities, especially encouraginggreater participation of the womenin those communities. Special in-vitations to participate in one ofthe fora in Sarawak will also beextended to the native represen-tatives of Sabah. The voices of themarginal communities will be“funnelled-up” so that their fun-damental rights to arable land,sustainable livelihood and dig-nity will be respected by the rel-evant authorities and the stategovernments of Sarawak andSabah.

Passionate struggle

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ood prices have in-creased sharply in 2007and 2008. The prices ofmany staple items such

as rice, wheat flour, corn, cookingoil and milk powder have morethan doubled globally. Malaysiahas not escaped from this crisis.Prices here too have increasedsharply. In addition to the abovelist of items, in Malaysia, otherstaples such as vegetables, eggs,fish and meat have much higherprices than two years ago. Thoughrecently wholesale prices havecome down to some extent at theglobal level, we are not seeing thepositive impact of the reducedprices at the retail level here inMalaysia.

The price increase affects the poormore drastically as they spend agreater portion of their income onfood. Globally, chronic hungerand malnutrition has increasedsharply due to the food crisis. Atthe local level, not many Malay-sians face extreme hunger in spiteof the rise in food prices. However,on the margin, I am sure poorerMalaysians may be consumingless nutritious food, which mayresult in some degree of malnutri-tion.

In this paper, we will examine the

main causes for the in-crease in the price offood; at the end of thepaper, an outline ofsome possible remediesfor the food crisis willbe provided.

Usually, a rise in priceis an indication of ashortage of that par-ticular product. How-ever, in the case of food,there is sufficient foodglobally but there are regional/national shortages due todroughts and other weather prob-lems. In many cases, even withincountries there is enough food butthe poor are unable to have suffi-cient access to food due to higherprices. This is true in many devel-oping countries such as India andBrazil. The real crisis then is theaffordability of food and not thelack of food.

There are several reasons thathave been put forward to explain

the rise in food prices. Some haveshort-term effects while othershave long-term effects. There isalso much controversy over thedegree of importance of the vari-ous factors. The list given belowis not exhaustive and I am surereaders can come up with addi-tional factors.

(i) Bad weather conditions(i) Bad weather conditions(i) Bad weather conditions(i) Bad weather conditions(i) Bad weather conditions

A reason often given is that wehave unusually bad weather inmany parts of the world occurringat the same time in 2007 and 2008.For example, the agriculturallyimportant Murray-Darling riverbasin in Australia experienced

FOOD CRISIS

Global food crisis: A reviewGovernments must have the right to regulate marketsto ensure a sufficient supply of food at reasonable pricesfor everyone

by Subramaniam Pillay

FFFFF

Is there ap h y s i c a l

shortage off o o d ?

So why havefood prices

gone up so much?


one of its worst periods of droughtin 2007. Australia is normally thesecond largest exporter of wheatin the world after the USA. So pro-duction and exports of wheat (andrice also) suffered, causing someimpact on the price of these twostaple food items.

The severe cyclone in Bangladeshthat occurred in 2007 also cutdown the production of rice -which meant that country had toimport more rice than usual.China has had unusually severefloods, droughts and exception-ally cold winter this year whicheven disrupted the Chinese NewYear holidays.

Due to this decrease in the supplyof grains, world food stocks havedropped sharply sending a signalto the commodity markets to al-low prices to rise. However, thereare many other more importantreasons for the price rise.

(ii) Food crops for use as fuel(ii) Food crops for use as fuel(ii) Food crops for use as fuel(ii) Food crops for use as fuel(ii) Food crops for use as fuel

A World Bank research paper hasidentified the use of food cropssuch as corn (maize) and palm oilas bio-fuel as the main reason be-hind the rise in price of food. Thisstudy argued that 75 per cent ofthe price increase could be attrib-uted to this single cause. Accord-ing to many estimates, about 5 percent of grains is now diverted tothe production of bio-fuel glo-bally. In case you think 5 per centis not a lot, it amounts to about100 million tonnes of grains peryear.

Many developed countries (e.g. theUSA and the European Union)heavily subsidise the growing offood crops to produce ethanolwhich can be blended with petrol

to fuel motor vehicles. The Ameri-can government has given mas-sive subsidies to farmers to pro-duce corn for the bio-fuel indus-try. The claim is that this makesAmerica less dependent on for-eign supplies of energy. However,the subsidy for corn has reducedthe land used for the productionof other food crops such as wheatand soya. So world prices of allthese crops have gone up sharply!This, in turn, has affected millionsof poor people all over the worldin terms of their ability to haveaccess to affordable food.

According to an Oxfam report inJune 2008, “rich countries spentup to $15 billion last year support-ing bio-fuels while blockingcheaper Brazilian ethanol, whichis far less damaging for globalfood security.”

However, rich countries are try-ing to blame the weather andother factors for the rise in price offood. According to a Wikipediaentry, “The German Chancellor,Angela Merkel said the rise in foodprices is due to poor agriculturalpolicies and changing eating hab-its in developing nations, not bio-fuels as some critics claim.” TheGuardian (4 July 2008) has re-ported, “President Bush haslinked higher food prices to higherdemand from India and China.”

The use of food crops for fuel isboth an economic and moral is-sue. For example, according to aWikipedia entry filling a tank of anaverage American car with bio-fuel is depriving a poor Africanperson of his or her annual sup-ply of maize (corn), which is amain staple food there! Some-thing is seriously wrong in termsof priorities here.

(iii) The changing diet in rapidly(iii) The changing diet in rapidly(iii) The changing diet in rapidly(iii) The changing diet in rapidly(iii) The changing diet in rapidlydeveloping countriesdeveloping countriesdeveloping countriesdeveloping countriesdeveloping countries

In rapidly growing developingcountries such as China, Indiaand Brazil, a large new middleclass is emerging. Though the vastmajority of the population in thesecountries remain poor, the growthof the middle class has been im-pressive due to the sheer size ofthe population of these countries.Their eating habits are changing.With increasing affluence, theyare consuming a bigger variety offood as well as substituting plant-based food with more meat anddairy products. For example, be-tween 1990 and 2005, per capitameat consumption increased by2.4 and 1.7 times in China andBrazil respectively. During this15-year period, consumption ofmilk in China increased by threetimes. Eating habits in emergingcountries are also influenced bythe rapid spread of Western fastfood chains such as McDonaldsand KFC.

The problem with this change isthat more grains are being used tofeed animals, which is not a veryefficient way of producing pro-teins. For example, it is reportedthat to produce 1 kg of chickenmeat, 3 kg of maize has to be usedwhile the amount of maize re-quired to produce 1 kg of pork andbeef is 5 kg and 8 kg respectively.These changes have a sustainedlong term impact on the demandfor food.

(iv) Speculation by commodity(iv) Speculation by commodity(iv) Speculation by commodity(iv) Speculation by commodity(iv) Speculation by commodityand hedge fundsand hedge fundsand hedge fundsand hedge fundsand hedge funds

Futures markets in agriculturalproducts have long been used byboth producers and food proces-sors to hedge against price insta-


bility. Though there have beenspeculative activities in the pastin these commodity markets, itwas limited. However, in the re-cent past, the low interest rate re-gime that was prevailing in theUSA has encouraged mutualfunds, hedge funds and even largepension funds to look for newplaces to invest to earn higher re-turns.

Many market participants be-lieved that there is going to be along-term increase in demand formost commodities due to therapid economic growth of largecountries such as India, China,and Brazil. There is some truth tothis argument of a super bull mar-ket in commodities. With this be-lief firmly intact in their minds,these funds began to investheavily in the futures marketswhich led to a sharp increase inthe prices of major food and non-food commodities. Thus it becamea self-fulfilling prophecy. As theprice rose, more of these fundsrushed into the market creating ahuge bubble. The prices of somemetals increased by more thanfive times in three years. At somepoint, the bubble had to burst asprice increases were unsustain-able given the actual demand andsupply of these products.

One of the first bubbles to breakwas in the wheat market. Afterreaching a peak of $13.50 a bushelin February 2008, the price of softred winter wheat on the ChicagoBoard of Trade (CBOT) is nowabout $5.30 per bushel. Accord-ing to a BBC report, farmers re-sponded to higher prices by plant-ing more of the crop, which is ex-pected to lead to a bumper har-vest this year and next. The Inter-national Grains Council has pro-

jected a record world wheat cropof 645 million tonnes in 2008/9.Other commodities also have hadsimilar downturns in the last fewmonths. Closer to home, we haveseen the dramatic drop in palmoil prices.

Thus, those who went in earlymade a lot of money in commod-ity speculation but those whojoined the game late lost a lot. Thesad thing is that these speculativeactivities have led to a sharp in-crease in food prices which hasvery little to do with real demandfor food. As we shall see later, therecent drop in wholesale prices infood commodities has not beenaccompanied by a reduction atthe level of the final consumer.

(v) Rise in price of crude petro-(v) Rise in price of crude petro-(v) Rise in price of crude petro-(v) Rise in price of crude petro-(v) Rise in price of crude petro-leumleumleumleumleum

Another important reason for theincrease in food prices is the hikein the price of crude petroleum.Because of this, the cost of produc-tion in the agriculture sector, es-pecially, the cost of producingfertilisers has increased sharply.The petroleum industry is the keysource of raw materials for pro-ducing the main type of fertilisers.An increase in the cost of petroland diesel has also led to in-creases in the cost of storing andtransporting food from producersto final consumers. It also has ledto increases in the cost of process-ing the food. Indirectly, the in-crease in petroleum price also en-couraged more switching of foodcrops for the production of etha-nol and bio-diesel. All these to-gether have had a substantial im-pact on food prices.

(vi) Impact of IMF/World Bank(vi) Impact of IMF/World Bank(vi) Impact of IMF/World Bank(vi) Impact of IMF/World Bank(vi) Impact of IMF/World Bankpolicies on supply of food in poorpolicies on supply of food in poorpolicies on supply of food in poorpolicies on supply of food in poorpolicies on supply of food in poor

countriescountriescountriescountriescountries

When a country faces a severe fi-nancial crisis and it does not havesufficient financial reserves tocope with it, then it is forced to goto the IMF for financial aid. Beforegranting loans to the country, theIMF will insist on the implemen-tation of a number of “free mar-ket” conditionalities one of whichis the removal of subsidies forfarmers in poor countries. This re-sults in lower production of foodcrops and in some countries andan increase in non-food cropssuch as cut flowers and fibrecrops. However, the poor in thosecountries cannot afford to buy thenow higher-priced food resultingin extensive hunger and malnu-trition. The irony is that the richcountries are still continuing tosubsidise their already well-to-dofarmers. This is a stark exampleof the hypocrisy and double stan-dards that poorer countries facein international economic rela-tionships.

(vii) Reduction in farmland acre-(vii) Reduction in farmland acre-(vii) Reduction in farmland acre-(vii) Reduction in farmland acre-(vii) Reduction in farmland acre-ageageageageage

Rapid urbanisation andindustrialisation has led to theconversion of fertile farmland inmany developing countries to beused for factories and housing. Alocal example is the conversion ofvegetable gardening land inTanjong Tokong in Penang Islandto luxury apartments. In addition,many countries face a loss of soilfertility due to pollution from in-dustrial activities, soil erosion andwater depletion. Thus, total out-put of food declines just when therising middle class tends to con-sume more food.

(ix) Lack of competition at the(ix) Lack of competition at the(ix) Lack of competition at the(ix) Lack of competition at the(ix) Lack of competition at the


middle level of the food chainmiddle level of the food chainmiddle level of the food chainmiddle level of the food chainmiddle level of the food chain

Another important reason for therise in food prices is the domina-tion of the agribusiness industryby some large multinational firms.For example, three companies(Archer Daniels Midland, Cargilland Bunge) control the world’sgrain trade! Monsanto has a 60per cent share in the world seedmarket! Nestle, General Foodsand Unilever dominate the down-stream market in food products.

With the market power they have,these firms are able to pass onmost if not all the increase in rawmaterial prices to the consumer.However, when raw materialprices drop, consumers do notbenefit as these firms pocket thedifference. They are able to do thisbecause there is no real competi-tion in the market place given theirmonopoly power. Lower foodprices means lower profits forthem, which they will resist! Theycan and do manipulate prices sothat they can earn higher profits.For example, both Nestle andUnilever announced higher prof-its for the third quarter of this year.The reason given was higher sell-ing prices of their products did notaffect the volume of sales and thusprofits increased handsomely.This is why with the recent dropin wholesale prices of commodi-ties, we do not see a decrease infood prices at the retail level. Forexample, coffee beans price isdown, but Nescafe price is stillhigh! So coffee farmers get less in-come, but Nestle earns higherprofit.

We need to discuss and come uppossible solutions to the food cri-

sis both at the global and locallevel. Here are some observationsto assist in this process..

(i) Bring down food prices(i) Bring down food prices(i) Bring down food prices(i) Bring down food prices(i) Bring down food prices

We can try to bring down the priceof food by• reducing the cost of production

through subsidies for agricul-tural inputs.

• reducing the market power ofglobal food companies.

• regulating commodity specu-lation.

• using other non-food crops onmarginal land for bio-fuel.

• Encouraging and educatingthe public to consume less re-source-intensive food~ by eating more soya and

dhal and less meat for pro-tein.

~ by eating less processedfood and substituting itwith more natural food.

(ii) Increase the purchasing(ii) Increase the purchasing(ii) Increase the purchasing(ii) Increase the purchasing(ii) Increase the purchasingpower of consumerspower of consumerspower of consumerspower of consumerspower of consumers

In the final analysis, a small coun-try such as Malaysia cannot beself-sufficient in food. Therefore,it is important that citizens havethe purchasing power to buyfood. We can• provide direct food aid to the

poor.• improve the human capital of

and provide opportunities forevery individual so that he orshe can be economically moreproductive, and thus earnenough.

• ensure more equitable eco-nomic growth so that there isless disparity in income;~ thus, even the less well off

in such societies will haveenough resources to buyfood.

~ we cannot have the trickle-down economic growthmodel that leaves substan-tial number of people inmany countries too poor toafford food for themselves.

(iii) Ensure that availability of(iii) Ensure that availability of(iii) Ensure that availability of(iii) Ensure that availability of(iii) Ensure that availability ofadequately nutritious food is aadequately nutritious food is aadequately nutritious food is aadequately nutritious food is aadequately nutritious food is abasic human rightbasic human rightbasic human rightbasic human rightbasic human right

Food cannot be treated like anyother commodity. It is one of themost basic needs for human ex-istence. It is the responsibility ofgovernments to ensure sufficientfood for everyone. Thus, govern-ments must have the right to regu-late the appropriate markets toensure a sufficient supply of foodat reasonable prices.

Based on the discussion above, wecan make the following conclu-sions:• The food crisis has been

caused by both structural andshort-term factors.

• The right to food is a basic hu-man right.

• The government has the im-portant responsibility of ensur-ing an adequate supply of nu-tritious food for all citizens.

• Governments should have theright to regulate the players inthe food industry.

• The public too must play a roleby reducing their consumptionof resource-intensive food.

So what can be done?

C o n c l u s i o n

Subra delivered the aboveSubra delivered the aboveSubra delivered the aboveSubra delivered the aboveSubra delivered the aboveas the keynote address atas the keynote address atas the keynote address atas the keynote address atas the keynote address atthe Global Food Crisis: Athe Global Food Crisis: Athe Global Food Crisis: Athe Global Food Crisis: Athe Global Food Crisis: AMalaysian Response Fo-Malaysian Response Fo-Malaysian Response Fo-Malaysian Response Fo-Malaysian Response Fo-rum.rum.rum.rum.rum.

q


e, the participants ofthe Joint Action Forumon Food Crisis-Aliran-CPPS Food Forum,

comprising grassroots groups,n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a lorganisations and concernedcitizens, themed “Global FoodCrisis: A Malaysian Response”,held in Petaling Jaya on 15 No-vember 2008, having sharedperspectives and feedback onthe issues relating to the subjectmatter and found the same to beempowering and beneficial stateas follows:

We recognise:

1 . That access to adequate sup-ply of food is the most basic ofhuman needs and rights. En-suring that people haveenough to eat is the moral dutyof governments, and also workto the overall interest of na-tional development.

2. That to achieve national foodsecurity, a country must be ableto grow sufficient food or havesufficient foreign exchange toenable it to import sufficientfood to augment its food pro-duction for its citizens.

3 . That the present global finan-cial crisis will have seriousimplications on the world foodcrisis. The Malaysian economyis no exception and the eco-nomic crisis will exacerbate thefood crisis already being facedin the country.

4. That rising food prices willhave tremendous adverse im-pact upon all levels in Malay-sian society, especially the ur-ban poor, rural and all mar-ginal communities. The com-munities most affected by thissituation are the farmers, fish-ing peoples, Orang Asal, plan-tation workers, migrant work-ers and others in low-incomegroups.

In light of these pressing realities,we believe that immediate stepsto address these problems must betaken.

We demand:

1 . That the government engagethe general public, especiallythe farmers, fisherman, OrangAsal and other affected com-munities in a consultative pro-cess to ensure that their voicesare heard and their opinionstaken into account. This is toensure their input in policy-making.

2. The government ensure thatthe current system of price con-trols on essential items is func-tioning effectively, especiallyin the rural areas so that theneedy are no longermarginalised. Information onthe prices of controlled goodsshould be disseminatedwidely and transparently.

3 . That the government intro-duce reasonable measures

FOOD FORUM

Food forum declaration 2008Food forum declaration 2008Food forum declaration 2008Food forum declaration 2008Food forum declaration 2008

WWWWW such as a coupon or rationcard system for the extremeneedy to help them tidethrough this challenging pe-riod, in addition to control-ling the prices of food. Fur-thermore, special attentionmust be given to childrenfrom indigent families.

4. That the government’s planfor the agricultural sector asstated in the 9th MalaysiaPlan must be enforced. Em-phasis must be placed on thefood production sector, inparticular the small and me-dium enterprise producers, toensure some autonomy infood production so that ourcountry is less vulnerable tothe vagaries of the globalmarket.

5 . The Orang Asli Reserve landin Peninsular Malaysia aswell as the Native CustomaryRights (NCR) land of Sabahand Sarawak be gazettedand strictly enforced as theirability to fulfil their basicfood needs is increasinglybeing threatened by develop-ment.

6. The government further pro-mote all sectors that are in-volved in food production andengage this group in policy-making.

Participants of the Food Forum15 November 2008

Kuala Lumpur


Party (PAP).

When Rajakumar returned toMalaya as a doctor he became in-volved in the Socialist Front (acoalition of the Party Rakyat Ma-laya and the Labour Party) whichwas then a potent force in Ma-layan politics with AhmadBoestamam as the OppositionLeader in Parliament and goodrepresentation in Local Councils(at that time elected) in manytowns and new villages in thewest coast of Malaya. He joinedthe Labour Party and in the mid-1960s was the defacto leader ofthe party as its Assistant Secre-tary General because the rest ofleadership had been detainedunder the ISA. It was a very diffi-cult period. “We stopped nomi-nating chairpersons for ourbranches in KL because the Spe-cial Branch would pick them upwithin a week,” he once remarkedto me. It wasn’t long beforeRajakumar was himself picked upby the SB and detained under theISA from 1966 to 1969.

When he emerged from ISA deten-tion, the political situation hadchanged drastically. Massive,sustained and often brutal repres-sion which saw several thousandleaders and supporters of the So-cialist Front detained under theISA in the 1960s led to disillusion-ment with the electoral process.Some comrades took the decisionto join the underground, othersopted to lie low. The Labour Partydisintegrated and disappearedfrom the political arena. PartiRakyat soldiered on only to see alarge numbers of its activists andleaders detained under the ISA

following the Baling demonstra-tions in 1974.

In this very difficult period for theMalaysian Left, Rajakumar im-mersed himself in MMA activities.He spearheaded the MMA reviewof the Malaysian health care sys-tem, which was carried out in thelate 1970s. This comprehensive re-port emphasises the concepts ofsocial solidarity and health for allirrespective of social class andgeographical location. This ap-proach has remained the formalposition of the MMA until today.He set up the Malaysian chapterof “Physicians Against NuclearWar” as a section within theMMA, together with Dr RonnieMcCoy, a close associate, wholater became the president of theinternational federation, the par-ent body. Rajakumar also workedto improve the standard of Gen-eral Practice in Malaysia and wasinstrumental in the setting up ofthe Academy of General Practitio-ners which now runs courses forGPs all over the country.

I last met Sdr Rajakumar threemonths ago. After several falsestarts, we finally met for lunch.Though he was then still recuper-ating from a bad bout of pneumo-nia, he was as enthusiastic as ever.“After 40 years we finally have avoice in Parliament.... You havean important role in showing thatour ideas are still relevant.... Donot neglect grassroots work. Youmust keep meeting the ordinarypeople so that you can speak forthem... Build the party. A goodcadre is worth his weight in gold.”

I told him of my intention to pub-

lish a book comprising papersand essays that I had written forvarious seminars and PSM con-gresses over the past 6 years, andasked him if he could write theforeword. He said he would behappy to do so, and I later sent acopy of the intended book to him.I do not think he had the time topen that foreword.

The task of ending colonialismand of reconstructing countrieson the basis of justice, democracyand solidarity has yet to be com-pleted. We have achieved formalpolitical independence but re-main economically subservient tothe Imperial Centre, slavishly de-pendent on FDI to the extent weare prepared to impoverish ourown workers! We have grown oureconomy but the divide betweenthe very rich and the bottom 60per cent of the population is get-ting wider, and this is manifestingitself in a rash of social ills from“Mat Rempitism” to child abuse.Despite 51 years of independence,we have made very little progresstowards building inter-racial un-derstanding and solidarity.

As we embark on the complextasks that lie ahead, we can takeheart and derive inspiration fromthe example and sacrifices ofRajakumar and the thousands ofother Malaysians who remainedtrue to their principles in very try-ing times, who believed that a so-ciety based on justice and solidar-ity is possible, and who did notever “bend their knee before theinsolence of power and wealth”!

Farewell Sdr Rajakumar. We willcontinue with the work of flesh-ing out the vision of a better soci-ety that we share!

COMMITTED TO THE CAUSE Continued from page 40

Difficult period Inspiring example

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Menemuimu ketika remaja duluKetika kemarahan rakyat bermulaDi kota raya yang memancarkan suara-suara baruAku mengenali sekumpulan generasi mahasiswaDalam keghairahan menggengam idealismeMenolongku memperteguh keyakinanPersahabatan dan persamaan rakyatImpian mewujudkan satu dunia baru.

Lama masa berlaluPengalaman dan usia mengajar kitaBetapa ideal mimpi alam remajaMemetik bintang-bintang di cakerawalaDengan jari dan puisiDengan buku dan teoriTanpa membakar tanganTanpa menghaguskan badan.

(Kini pun masih kutemui lagi Orang-orang muda yang setengah berani Sesekali datang membisikkan impianUntuk membakar bintang menjolok bulan:Aku macam memutar kembali Pita rakaman silam.)

SahabatkuSuatu bangsa merdeka yang kita impikanTerasa jauh dari kenyataanKemarahanku menjadi kepedihanBila kita dipisah-pisahkanJarak itu semakin berjauhanAku dapat gelaran ‘bumiputera’ dan kau bukan.

SahabatkuSahabatkuSahabatkuSahabatkuSahabatku(Kepada Dr M K Rajakumar) (for Dr M K Rajakumar)

Meeting you in youthWhen the people’s anger beginsIn cities which resound with new voicesI knew a generation of undergraduatesPassionately holding onto idealismHelping me to strengthen confidenceFriendship and equality among the peopleThe dream of creating a new world

Time has run onExperience and age teach usHow ideal that youthful dreamTo gather stars from the universeWith delicacy and poetryWith books and theoriesWithout burning our handsWithout immolating the body.

(Now I encounter againYoung folk not quite as braveComing to whisper their dreamsOf burning stars, of shaking the moonI seem to replayThe tape of times past.)

My friendThe one free race we dream ofSeems so distant from realityMy anger turns to sorrowWhen they drive a wedge between usThe distance growsI get the title “bumiputra” and not you.

My FriendMy FriendMy FriendMy FriendMy Friend


ii

Di klinikmu masih kutemui keramahanKetika jantungku hampir dilumpuhkanEngkaulah pertama mendengar degupannyaMenyukat tekanan darah di salur nadiMelihat paru-paru tuaku kehitaman bersawangAsap rokok yang sangat kau benci.

Percayakah?Aku dapat pula mendengar detak jantungmuDetak jantung yang duluKehidupan baru untuk masyarakat baruImpian satu bangsa merdekaKebenaran dan keadilan yang samaSebagaimana pesan nenek moyang: ‘Hati kuman sama dicicah Hati gajah sama dilapah’.

Bilakah kita dapat memadamkanPerbezaan keturunan yang kian membakar kitaDan membiarkan curahan minyak yang kianmenyalaOleh mereka yang sering bermuka dua?

Bilakah kita dapat mempertaruhkan nasibanak-anak kita yang tak berdosadan generasi akan datang keturunan kitaoleh mereka yang mementingkan laba dan kuasa?

Bilakah kita dapat menimbusi jurang perbezaaankemiskinan dan kelaparan dengan kekayaanberlebihanAntara dua golongan dan darjat masyarakatSuatu janji dari erti kemerdekaan rakyat?

Bilakah semua warga negara mendapat haklayanan dan keadilan yang samaDikenal dengan satu rupa nama:Bangsa Malaysia?

ii

In your clinic I still find goodwillWhen my heart almost stoppedYou were the first to hear its beatListening to blood coursing in the arterySeeing my old lungs riddled with blackness Smoke from the cigarettes you so hate.

Do you believe?I too can hear your heartbeatThe heartbeat of times pastNew life for a new societyThe dream of a liberated raceOf the same truth and justiceAs ancestral wisdom advises: ‘Hati kuman sama dicicah Hati gajah sama dilapah’.

When can we extinguishThe ethnic differences which continue to maddenusHow long allow the flames to be stokedBy those who are constantly two-faced?

How long hand over the fateof our children without sinand the generations to come, our heirs,to those who covet profit and power?

When can we erase the differencesBetween the starving poor and the exceedinglyrichBetween two social groups and stationsThe promise to the people of what merdeka means?

When can all citizens enjoy rightsTo the same justice, the same treatmentAnd be known as one race:Bangsa Malaysia?

Usman Awang, National Laureate 1979, wrote this poem for his dear friend whoUsman Awang, National Laureate 1979, wrote this poem for his dear friend whoUsman Awang, National Laureate 1979, wrote this poem for his dear friend whoUsman Awang, National Laureate 1979, wrote this poem for his dear friend whoUsman Awang, National Laureate 1979, wrote this poem for his dear friend whowas detained under the ISA in the 1960s.was detained under the ISA in the 1960s.was detained under the ISA in the 1960s.was detained under the ISA in the 1960s.was detained under the ISA in the 1960s.

The English translation of this poem is by Wong Soak Koon.The English translation of this poem is by Wong Soak Koon.The English translation of this poem is by Wong Soak Koon.The English translation of this poem is by Wong Soak Koon.The English translation of this poem is by Wong Soak Koon.

( It is near impossible to translate this proverb. It means that we should share in( It is near impossible to translate this proverb. It means that we should share in( It is near impossible to translate this proverb. It means that we should share in( It is near impossible to translate this proverb. It means that we should share in( It is near impossible to translate this proverb. It means that we should share inall gains, however small or large. In brief, we should practice just equity )all gains, however small or large. In brief, we should practice just equity )all gains, however small or large. In brief, we should practice just equity )all gains, however small or large. In brief, we should practice just equity )all gains, however small or large. In brief, we should practice just equity )

*****

*****


oam Chomsky called forpeople to vote for Obama‘without illusions’.

I fully share Chomsky’s doubtsabout the real consequences ofObama’s victory: from a prag-matic perspective, it is quite pos-sible that Obama will make onlysome minor improvements, turn-ing out to be ‘Bush with a humanface’. He will pursue the samebasic policies in a more attractiveway and thus effectivelystrengthen the US hegemony,damaged by the catastrophe of theBush years.

There is nonetheless somethingdeeply wrong with this reaction –a key dimension is missing fromit. Obama’s victory is not just an-other shift in the eternal parlia-mentary struggle for a majority,with all the pragmatic calcula-tions and manipulations that in-volves. It is a sign of somethingmore. This is why an Americanfriend of mine, a hardened leftistwith no illusions, cried when thenews came of Obama’s victory.Whatever our doubts, for thatmoment each of us was free andparticipating in the universal free-dom of humanity.

In The Contest of Faculties, Kantasked a simple but difficult ques-

tion: is there true progress in his-tory? (He meant ethical progress,not just material development.) Heconcluded that progress cannotbe proven, but we can discernsigns which indicate thatprogress is possible. The FrenchRevolution was such a sign, point-ing towards the possibility of free-dom: the previously unthinkablehappened, a whole people fear-lessly asserted their freedom andequality. For Kant, even more im-portant than the – often bloody –

reality of what went on on thestreets of Paris was the enthusi-asm that the events in France gaverise to in the eyes of sympatheticobservers all around Europe andin places as far away as Haiti,where it triggered another world-historical event: the first revolt byblack slaves. Arguably the mostsublime moment of the FrenchRevolution occurred when the del-egation from Haiti, led byToussaint l’Ouverture, visitedParis and were enthusiastically

INTERNATIONAL

Use your illusionsNothing was decided with Obama’s victory, but it widens ourfreedom and thereby the scope of our decisions

by Slavoj ÎiÏek

NNNNN


received at the Popular Assemblyas equals among equals.

Obama’s victory is a sign of his-tory in the triple Kantian sense ofsignum rememorativum, demon-strativum, prognosticum. A sign inwhich the memory of the longpast of slavery and the strugglefor its abolition reverberates; anevent which now demonstrates achange; a hope for future achieve-ments. The scepticism displayedbehind closed doors even by manyworried progressives – what if, inthe privacy of the voting booth, thepublicly disavowed racism willre-emerge? - was proved wrong.One of the interesting thingsabout Henry Kissinger, the ulti-mate cynical Realpolitiker, is howutterly wrong most of his predic-tions were. When news reachedthe West of the 1991 anti-Gorbachev military coup, for ex-ample, Kissinger immediately ac-cepted the new regime as a fact. Itcollapsed ignominiously threedays later. The paradigmatic cynictells you confidentially: ‘But don’tyou see that it is all really aboutmoney/power/sex, that profes-sions of principle or value are justempty phrases which count fornothing?’ What the cynics don’tsee is their own naivety, thenaivety of their cynical wisdomwhich ignores the power of illu-sions.

The reason Obama’s victory gen-erated such enthusiasm is notonly that, against all odds, it re-ally happened: it demonstrated thepossibility of such a thing hap-pening. The same goes for allgreat historical ruptures – thinkof the fall of the Berlin Wall. Al-though we all knew about the rot-ten inefficiency of the Communistregimes, we didn’t really believe

that they would disintegrate – likeKissinger, we were all victims ofcynical pragmatism. Obama’s vic-tory was clearly predictable for atleast two weeks before the elec-tion, but it was still experiencedas a surprise.

The true battle begins now, afterthe victory: the battle for what thisvictory will effectively mean, es-pecially within the context of twoother more ominous events: 9/11and the current financial melt-down, an instance of history re-peating itself, the first time as trag-edy, the second as comedy. Presi-dent Bush’s addresses to theAmerican people after 9/11 andthe financial meltdown soundlike two versions of the samespeech. Both times, he evoked thethreat to the American way of lifeand the need for fast and decisiveaction. Both times, he called for thepartial suspension of Americanvalues (guarantees to individualfreedom, market capitalism) tosave those very values. Wheredoes this similarity come from?

The fall of the Berlin Wall on 9November 1989 marked the begin-ning of the ‘happy 1990s’. Accord-ing to Francis Fukuyama, liberaldemocracy had, in principle, won.The era is generally seen as hav-ing come to an end on 9/11. How-ever, it seems that the utopia hadto die twice: the collapse of the lib-eral-democratic political utopiaon 9/11 did not affect the eco-nomic utopia of global marketcapitalism, which has now cometo an end.

The financial meltdown has madeit impossible to ignore the blatant

irrationality of global capitalism.In the fight against Aids, hunger,lack of water or global warming,we may recognise the urgency ofthe problem, but there is alwaystime to reflect, to postpone deci-sions.

The main conclusion of the meet-ing of world leaders in Bali to talkabout climate change, hailed as asuccess, was that they would meetagain in two years to continue thetalks. But with the financial melt-down, the urgency was uncondi-tional; a sum beyond imaginationwas immediately found. Savingendangered species, saving theplanet from global warming, find-ing a cure for Aids, saving thestarving children . . . All that canwait a bit, but ‘Save the banks!’ isan unconditional imperativewhich demands and gets imme-diate action. The panic was abso-lute. A transnational and non-partisan unity was immediatelyestablished, all grudges amongworld leaders momentarily forgot-ten in order to avert the catastro-phe. (Incidentally, what the much-praised ‘bi-partisanship’ effec-tively means is that democraticprocedures were de facto sus-pended.) The sublimely enormoussum of money was spent not forsome clear ‘real’ task, but in orderto ‘restore confidence’ in the mar-kets – i.e. for reasons of belief. Dowe need any more proof that Capi-tal is the Real of our lives, the Realwhose demands are more abso-lute than even the most pressingdemands of our social and natu-ral reality?

Compare the $700 billion spent onstabilising the banking system bythe US alone to the $22 billionpledged by richer nations to helppoorer nations cope with the food

C o n t r a s t i n gr e a c t i o n s


crisis, of which only $2.2 billionhas been made available. Theblame for the food crisis cannotbe put on the usual suspects ofcorruption, inefficiency or state in-terventionism. Even Bill Clintonhas acknowledged that ‘we allblew it, including me,’ by treatingfood crops as commodities insteadof a vital right of the world’s poor.Clinton was very clear in blam-ing not individual states or gov-ernments, but the long-term West-ern policy imposed by the US andEuropean Union and enacted bythe World Bank, the IMF andother international institutions.African and Asian countries werepressured into dropping govern-ment subsidies for farmers, open-ing up the way for the best land tobe used for more lucrative exportcrops. The result of such ‘struc-tural adjustments’ was the inte-gration of local agriculture into theglobal economy: crops were ex-ported, farmers were thrown offtheir land and pushed into sweat-shops, and poorer countries hadto rely more and more on importedfood. In this way, they are kept inpostcolonial dependence, vulner-able to market fluctuations – soar-ing grain prices (caused in partby the use of crops for biofuels)have meant starvation in countriesfrom Haiti to Ethiopia.

Clinton is right to say that ‘food isnot a commodity like others. Weshould go back to a policy of maxi-mum food self-sufficiency. It iscrazy for us to think we can de-velop countries around the worldwithout increasing their ability tofeed themselves.’ There are at leasttwo things to add here.

First, developed Western coun-tries have taken great care to main-tain their own food self-sufficiency

through financial support fortheir farmers (farm subsidies ac-count for almost half of the entireEU budget). Second, the list ofthings which are not ‘commodi-ties like others’ is much longer:apart from food (and defence, asall patriots are aware), there arewater, energy, the environment,culture, education, health – whowill make decisions about these,if they cannot be left to the mar-ket? It is here that the question ofCommunism has to be raisedagain.

The cover story in Time magazineon 5 June 2006 was ‘The Deadli-est War in the World’ - a detailedaccount of the political violencethat has killed four million peoplein Congo over the last decade.None of the usual humanitarianuproar followed, just a couple ofreaders’ letters.

Time picked the wrong victim: itshould have stuck to Muslimwomen or Tibetan monks. Thedeath of a Palestinian child, notto mention an Israeli or an Ameri-can, is worth thousands more col-umn inches than the death of anameless Congolese. Why? On 30October, Associated Press re-ported that Laurent Nkunda, therebel general besieging Congo’seastern provincial capital Goma,has said he wants direct talks withthe government about his objec-tions to a billion-dollar deal giv-ing China access to the country’svast mineral riches in exchangefor a railway and highway. Neo-colonialist problems aside, thisdeal poses a vital threat to the in-terests of local warlords, since itwould create the infrastructuralbase for the Democratic Republic

of Congo as a functioning unitedstate.

In 2001, a UN investigation intothe illegal exploitation of naturalresources in Congo found that theconflict in the country is mainlyabout access to, control of andtrade in five key minerals: coltan,diamonds, copper, cobalt andgold. According to this investiga-tion, the exploitation of Congo’snatural resources by local war-lords and foreign armies was ‘sys-tematic and systemic’. Rwanda’sarmy made at least $250 millionin 18 months by selling coltan,which is used in cellphones andlaptops. The report concludedthat the permanent civil war anddisintegration of Congo ‘has cre-ated a “win-win” situation for allbelligerents. The only loser in thishuge business venture is the Con-golese people’. Beneath the façadeof ethnic warfare, we thus discernthe contours of global capitalism.

Among the greatest exploiters areRwandan Tutsis, the victims of thegenocide 14 years ago. Earlier thisyear, the Rwandan governmentpublished documents that dem-onstrated the Mitterrandadministration’s complicity in thegenocide: France supported theHutu plan for the takeover, evensupplying them with arms, in or-der to regain influence at the ex-pense of the anglophone Tutsis.France’s outright dismissal of theaccusations as totally unfoundedwas, to say the least, itself un-founded. Bringing Mitterrand tothe Hague tribunal, even posthu-mously, would cross a fateful line,for the first time bringing to trial aleading Western politician whopretended to act as a protector offreedom, democracy and humanrights.

Congo and Rwanda


There has been in recent weeksan extraordinary mobilisationof the ruling ideology to combatthe threats to the current order.The French neoliberal econo-mist Guy Sorman, for example,recently said in an interview inArgentina that ‘this crisis willbe short enough’. By saying this,Sorman is fulfilling the basicideological demand with regardto the financial meltdown:renormalise the situation. As heputs it elsewhere, ‘this ceaselessreplacement of the old with thenew driven by technical innova-tion and entrepreneurialism, it-self encouraged by good eco-nomic policies, brings prosper-ity, though those displaced bythe process, who find their jobsmade redundant, can under-standably object to it.’ (Thisrenormalisation coexists withits opposite: the panic raised bythe authorities in order to makethe public ready to accept theproposed – obviously unjust –solution as inevitable.) Sormanadmits that the market is full ofirrational behaviour, but isquick to add that ‘it would bepreposterous to use behavioraleconomics to justify restoringexcessive state regulations.

After all, the state is no more ra-tional than the individual, and itsactions can have enormously de-structive consequences.’ He goeson:An essential task of democraticgovernments and opinion makerswhen confronting economiccycles and political pressure is tosecure and protect the system thathas served humanity so well, andnot to change it for the worse on

the pretext of its imperfection. Still,this lesson is doubtless one of thehardest to translate into languagethat public opinion will accept.The best of all possible economicsystems is indeed imperfect. What-ever the truths uncovered by eco-nomic science, the free market isfinally only the reflection of hu-man nature, itself hardly perfect-ible.

Rarely was the function of ideol-ogy described in clearer terms: todefend the existing system againstany serious critique, legitimisingit as a direct expression of humannature.

It is unlikely that the financialmeltdown of 2008 will function asa blessing in disguise, the awak-ening from a dream, the soberingreminder that we live in the real-ity of global capitalism. It all de-pends on how it will besymbolised, on what ideologicalinterpretation or story will imposeitself and determine the generalperception of the crisis. When thenormal run of things is traumati-cally interrupted, the field is openfor a ‘discursive’ ideological com-petition. In Germany in the late1920s, Hitler won the competitionto determine which narrativewould explain the reasons for thecrisis of the Weimar Republic andthe way out of it; in France in 1940Maréchal Pétain’s narrative wonin the contest to find the reasonsfor the French defeat. Conse-quently, to put it in old-fashionedMarxist terms, the main task of theruling ideology in the present cri-sis is to impose a narrative thatwill not put the blame for the melt-down on the global capitalist sys-tem as such, but on its deviationssuch as lax regulation and corrup-tion of big financial institutions.

Against this tendency, one shouldinsist on the key question: which‘flaw’ of the system as such opensup the possibility for such crisesand collapses? The first thing tobear in mind here is that the ori-gin of the crisis is a ‘benevolent’one: after the dotcom bubble burstin 2001, the decision reachedacross party lines was to facilitatereal estate investments in order tokeep the economy going and pre-vent recession; today’s meltdownis the price for the US havingavoided a recession seven yearsago.

The danger is thus that the pre-dominant narrative of the melt-down won’t be the one thatawakes us from a dream, but theone that will enable us to con-tinue to dream. And it is herethat we should start to worry:not only about the economicconsequences of the meltdown,but about the obvious tempta-tion to reinvigorate the ‘war onterror’ and US interventionismin order to keep the economyrunning. Nothing was decidedwith Obama’s victory, but itwidens our freedom and therebythe scope of our decisions. Nomatter what happens, it will re-main a sign of hope in our oth-erwise dark times, a sign that thelast word does not belong to re-alistic cynics, from the left or theright.

M o b i l i s i n gthe ruling ideology

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When the NEP was first intro-duced in 1970, our GDP was atpar with Singapore, Hong Kong,Taiwan and South Korea. Today,after 38 years under the BarisanNational Government, our GDPlags far behind theseneighbouring countries althoughthey have far less natural re-sources than us.

If we do not wake up to make somechanges we will soon be a third-class nation instead of becominga fully developed nation which isour vision.

Every Malaysian, especially ourpoliticians, should look aheadand plan for the future. In the lastgeneral elections and in thePermatang Pauh by-election inAugust, the electorate have shownthat they are not willing to stag-nate and have the rest of the worldpass us by. The new governmentsof Kedah, Kelantan, Penang,

Perak and Selangor are the out-come of the people’s ability to seizethe opportunity to bring aboutchange. This momentous popu-lar decision is already having apositive outcome in terms of thestandards of governance andleadership of these key states.

In Perak where I live, I know forsure that the state government istransparent. When everything isopen, they cannot practisecronyism, nepotism and corrup-tion. The past practice of givingout billions of ringgit in contractse.g. all the concessions for high-ways, water and power supplies,without open tenders has ruinedour economy. You do not see thissort of practice in Singapore orother advanced countries. That iswhy Singapore is classified as oneof the best managed nations in theworld. Why don’t we govern ourcountry based on best practicessuch as these?

If all Malaysians vote with theireyes open in the next election, it ishighly likely that the oppositionwill gain enough seats in Parlia-ment to change the current gov-ernment. In fact all forward look-

ing politicians can foresee the fu-ture. As it is, except for the UmnoMPs, all other MPs of BN compo-nent parties have practically nosay in the government. TheseBarisan MPs who have beenmarginalised must ask themselveswhy they should remain as partof an authoritarian governmentand suffer this indignity. ManyMalaysians including me need tobe reassured that Umno leaderswill not continue to draw theirkeris to show their ‘supremacy’.We also need to be reassured thatthe next Umno Prime Minister -whoever he is - will come downhard on any Umno leader whobelittles fellow non-Malay citi-zens by trying to classify them asimmigrants with less rights in thecountry.

Koon Yew Yin

I beg to differ with the positiontaken by a columnist in The Staron 30 October.

As he stated, when a social con-tract, in its conventional sense isbroken, the aggrieved citizens canresort to ‘civil disobedience’.

In spirit and in form, the socialcontract, so uniquely Malaysian,has been violated. The reasonsare:

”Equality of treatment for all racesin the service of the Federationwas guaranteed.” The currentstate Education Directors, the VCsof public universities, and princi-pals of teacher training institutesas examples of inequality. It is rep-resentative of all government de-partments and ministries.

What is the futurefor all Malaysians?

Understanding theSocial Contract


• Education as a tool for socialengineering was an added fea-ture of this social contract af-ter the implementation of theNEP in 1970. I have no argu-ments with the spirit of thispolicy but its implementationmust not be considered sacro-sanct. I have no statistics asnone had been released butdon’t we all have anecdotalevidence of the rich and politi-cally well-connected beinggiven scholarships whetherlocally or overseas? So, are weto avoid ‘unnecessary friction’by accepting the status quo?

• ‘Clear provisions were addedthat existing non-Malay rightswill not be extinguished in or-der to create quotas forMalays’. So, what is the givingof 10 per cent discount acrossthe board for bumiputra buy-ers of houses to be consideredas? Then, there is the 30 percent quota of shares in listedcompanies for bumiputras.Surely bumiputra buyers ofluxury houses and condomini-ums cannot be classified asneedy. Re-adjustment and re-interpretation needs to be car-ried out. But everything seemsto be classified as part of thesacrosanct social contract now.

• ‘... freedom to all religious com-munities to pursue their faithsin peace and harmony.’ It is asad reflection of the state of re-ligion but the fact is that monksand temple workers are re-quired from countries such asThailand, India, Sri Lanka andMyanmar. So why does thegovernment impose restric-tions on them? No, I do notthink asking hard questionslike these will cause unneces-

sary friction.

• ‘...special weighting for ruralconstituencies’ was and is stillnecessary for electoral pur-poses. But I am sure the origi-nal authors did not have inmind the gerry-meandering ofthe constituencies such that 1rural voter can equal 25 urbanvoters!

My point is that times havechanged and there are aspects ofthe social contract that need to berevisited, especially those areasthat have been implemented in-correctly. In another 1,000 years,will we descendants of migrantworkers still not be allowed toquestion this so-called social con-tract?

It is absolutely unfair that an In-donesian migrant be grantedbumiputra status after four yearsof being here while citizens (whohave been here even before inde-pendence) are still, for all intentsand purposes, second-class citi-zens. The baggage of the colonialpast should NOT be burdened onthe present generation. After 51years of independence, it is time

to start thinking of a Malaysianrace.

Loyal Malaysian

For years, I have been looking andobserving people from the eye ofmy camera. Each individual hasa story to tell from what is in theirminds projected onto their faces.The questions people ask andeven the silent ones do not makemuch difference because what isimportant comes from what canbe deciphered.

How important it is to me to knowabout virtuous people is beyondwords especially those who havethe humility. It is the trait profilesbulging in my archive that I haveto share unreservedly. The reasonfor my picking this man is that hebelieves in values such as loveand justice for the people.

People, I am talking about HarisIbrahim.

I saw him weep for joy when RajaPetra emerged a free man in theShah Alam High Court. I saw himwith the people in the candlelightvigils. I saw him trying hard tohelp people fight for the rightcause. He is a selfless gentleman!

Somone I look up to


We should not leave him alonebut join hands even at the mosttrying times we are going through.

On behalf of all who share thecommon truth, we salute you sir,for who you are and what you are.God bless.

Man with d video cam

Sure, I’am a selfish citizen whohas lived in this country for 50years now. I am only a second gen-eration Chinese born here. Howand where I was brought up hasbeen no different from the major-ity of middleclass families in KL.

My teenage years in national-typeschools were spent with amongyouths of all races. Getting to-gether was peaceful and fun.There was generally little to com-plain about in our communitythen. No one ever told me that I’mless privileged.

As I came out to the world of em-ployment in the early 1980s, I sawand experienced different sets ofraces in different sectors. Sud-denly, I noticed the many govern-ment deparments that employmainly Malays and forms had tobe filled in Bahasa Melayu. In pri-vate banks, you needed to fillforms in English. The FRU andpolice were lopsided in terms ofrace. Where had all the Chineseand Indians gone?

I wondered, but I moved on.

As we entered the 1990s, I noticedsomething happening to commonleisure sports such as badmintonand football. There were fewer and

fewer Chinese and Indians butmore and more Malays. Some-thing was happening, but I sup-pose it was part of evolution afterall. Everyone has choices as towhat they like to do. Forget aboutany government jobs; it wasmonopolised; forget about evencertain national sports. I was notinterested in looking for trouble orquarrelling over small stuff. Andso, I just moved on..

After getting married, I had myfirst shocking experience when Ilooked at the prices of houses.Why do I have to pay more thanthe Malays? We get the same sal-ary for the same job and we livedunder the same challenging con-dition as far as basic food anddrinks are concerned. Yes, by nowI had learned about the markeddifferences in races in terms ofbusiness dealings. No choice, andso, I continue to move on….

Now, after more than 40 years,things would have got from badto worse. I started looking aroundmyself. My word! All these years,I thought I was part of the smallfew minority who had to endurewith patience under all circum-

stances and challenges but per-haps others may fare better than I.Needless to say, they were not. AsI see more of others and less of me,I notice our communities are suf-fering more and more. Parentshave to contend with escalatingcosts and they take on more thanone job. And so, I move on, askingmore questions.

It was only around the time of thetsumani election on 8 March 2008,this year that I suddenly awokefrom 48 years of slumber! Eureka!My eyes and ears are suddenlyopen. I dig more, read more, re-search more, see more people, in-terview more people and hencelearn and understand more.

And now, I stop moving on - afterlearning, what is happening to mycountry. You know why? I ammoving downhill now, takingwhatever sins and challenges thatthis government has to offer.

Politics has never been my inter-est simply because I trusted andthought politicians were verywise. I thought they were big-hearted caring and responsibilepeople. I thought they were re-sponsible for the welfare of all theraces in Malaysia. I thought theywere supposed to provide protec-tion for the common rakyat. Aboveall, they were there to serve therakyat. Today, the reverse may betrue. Allow me to list them..

• In the US, you need to be richto be in politics, here you be-come a politician to becomerich.

• The rakyat and police have toserve the politicians accordingto their wishes and obey ‘selfcustomised” laws fit only forgovernment politicians.

I t ’ s n o n e o fmy business


• Many politicians are not trust-worthy; they lie, they cheat,they oppress those who speak;they ISAed anyone without evi-dence; some may even fabri-cate evidence.

• The culprits responsible forunrest and disunity are usu-ally the people in authority.

• Most of our politicians lack re-spective knowledge in theirportfolios and departments,have low professionalism andexhibit crass behaviour in Par-liament.

• They bulldoze or instill threatsand warnings to the opposi-tion.

• Many have never been jailedfor all their law-breaking ac-tions. And they get away withit. There is no price tag on anyof their mistake. It’s free!

• The rakyat continues to pay fortheir wrongdoings. They areISA-ed, fined and jailed.

Serious questions have to be askedon a daily basis on the manner ourgovernment especially BN partiesoperate. I’m a law-abiding citizenwho pays his taxes, who payswhatever the government hasthrown at me. I have no qualmsbut now the government de-mands that I surrender my basicright to speak. To see oppositionpeople (those acting as a checkand balance) being arrested justto shut them up, is something Icannot stomach.

None of out rakyat’s lives ischeap. Who is going to pay for themistakes and misdeeds that thegovernment has created? The poorwill certainly have to bear more;how much more?

I, as a citizen, demand a clean andan effective Government.

I, as a citizen, demand my right tospeak freely without fear

I, as a citizen, demand respectfultreatment from all police staff for Ipay their salaries.

I, as a citizen, demand that allGovernment staff serve us, not theother way round.

All this should be none of mybusiness, but my government hasforced me to think otherwise.

Make no mistake, if the govern-ment cannot change, we willchange the government! 2011 isnot far off.

Patient Citizen

Politics does matter in our every-day life. Some folks pick this upnaturally; others acquire it alongthe way and yet people like me areoblivious to it all. For too longnow, I have left it all to the partythat claims to represent the minor-ity ‘Chinese’ in this country butnot anymore! My father andbrothers who faithfully votedthese people to look after us todayfeel ‘short changed’.

As a concerned citizen like every-one else regardless of race, I dotake time to reflect on how wellthe nation has progressed. Whilemy comment today focuses on theChinese community, I trust othersare also doing the same with theirrespective parties as well.

My observation and experienceswith our Chinese community isworrying. It is not something thatsuddenly sprouts but it’s a peren-

nial concern. Let’s try and asnwerthese few simple questions.

• Who sells pirated CDs, DVD,or any entertainment soft-ware? – Chinese

• Who sells mobile phonesmore than anyone else? – Chi-nese

• Who’s running ‘Ah Long’ ser-vices more than anyone else?– Chinese

• Who pays more fines on smallillegitimate businesses? - Chi-nese

Listen, these are the alternativesour young children are exposedto if for whatever reasons they donot continue higher educations.It’s not something that every Chi-nese is terribly proud of. I remem-ber vividly on one occasion whatour ex-PM said while addressingquestions from Umno about theChinese being dominant in busi-ness: “Apa you susah? (To theUmnoputras), as long as the gov-ernment can find ways to fine ortax them, we are okay.” – Not ex-actly in these words but the mes-sage was clear.

What can I do? What can we do?

MCA – Are theyrelevant today?


What can the Chinese do? Whatcan the MCA do? – Nothing!

I do not claim to be the people’schoice or the voice of the Chinese,but I do listen and feel the pulse ofits bloodstream in families includ-ing my own. What has the MCAdone for the Chinese at large?Other than ‘whispering’ in par-liament, nothing concrete hasever materialised. And even if itdoes, it’s long overdue. One doesnot have to be a scientist orequipped with any political back-ground to see how relevant theMCA is today.

A case in point, just look at anynewspaper headlines nowa-days. What do you see in MCAwith colour photos too? Whatthey are doing and exhibitinghave nothing to do with Chineserakyat’s plight or the everydayconcerns of the Chinese buthave Everything to do with theirown political image, status, andpropagandas. A selfish lotoblivious of rakyat’s needs interms of standing up for for Chi-nese community at large. MCAlives in a different world, other-wise how would they not seewhat the Chinese challenges aretoday.

Today, I stand up and declare thatI’m ashamed of MCA! And I willhave nothing to do with this party.My only hope is that other Chi-nese are not hoodwinked by thisparty as my father had been sinceindependence. Today, MCA is ir-relevant – period.

You already know who I am. Oneof those who did not vote forMCA.

Anti-MCA citizen

In Malaysia, we are truly blessedalthough we are not the onlycountry that allows different reli-gions to be practised freely. Theonly difference is,while other coun-tries sees it as aminimum require-ment in a trulydemocratic countrytoday, only Malay-sia boasts about it.It’s actually no bigdeal in any democ-racy.

Similarly, aroundthe world today,many non-Muslimcountries have beautiful mosquesand Muslims are free to practisetheir faith too. In today’sglobalised world, countries thatpractise a single religion are in-creasingly a rarity unless peopleare willing to “shoulder thecause” - and it’s not pretty. Weknow which countries are likethat, don’t we?

Given the fact, most “established’legitimate religions today havealways shared several principlesthat are universal:They teach peaceThey teach loveThey denounced all forms of cor-ruptionThey denounce murder

These are just a few of the mainprinciples. Needless to say thereare many more. Shouldn’t we con-centrate on these few teachingsfirst?

In Malaysia, there are people who

This thingcalled religion

( M a l a y s i a n - s t y l e )

are still in denial over this oldquestion. Is Malaysia a ‘single re-ligion’ country or is it a multi-reli-gious country? It’s easy to answerbut very difficult to demonstrate.Currently, Malaysia is desperatelytrying to govern using the one-re-ligion approach among a multi-

religious popula-tion. Will it work?Can it work? Is iteven worth trying?The most costlyprice one has topay is being “inde-cisive”; worse,some are taking allthis as some formof experiment orlaboratory test atthe expense of therakyat of Malaysiaand humankind.

The Number One rule for any ex-isting multi-religious or multi-ra-cial country that is democratic isthis:

Everyone is encouraged to prac-tise their respective divine revela-tion as closely as possible. (Somechoose to become God’s stand in;that’s when all hell breaks loose.)

Any religion can have as manydoctrines, creeds, fatwa (or what-have-you) as they like, as long asthey do not apply to other races orreligion, let alone result in warn-ings, threats, police reports andarrests of those of other faiths.

Sadly, everyday we hear somenews involving religious issues.It’s utterly shameful and childish– and costly in terms of economicas well as our humanity. This na-tion continues to search for its soul.

Mirror Man


liran president PRamakrishnan, in amessage today aimed atpolitical parties and

their politicians, said they could“play politics, by all means”; buthe warned them not to think thatthe outdated politics of race, per-sonality or ruthless ambitionwould get them anywhere whenthe economic tsunami hits withfull force.

To the elected representatives ofParliament and state legislativeassemblies, he commented, “Con-tinue your antics and theatrics ifyou must, but you will be judgedby how well and how honestlyyou can debate policy directions,pass laws and oversee govern-ment measures to save the peoplefrom massive suffering.”

To the federal and state govern-

ALIRAN AGM

Brace for economic tsunami,Brace for economic tsunami,Brace for economic tsunami,Brace for economic tsunami,Brace for economic tsunami,shed outdated politics, urgesshed outdated politics, urgesshed outdated politics, urgesshed outdated politics, urgesshed outdated politics, urgesAliran PresidentAliran PresidentAliran PresidentAliran PresidentAliran President

AAAAAments, he cautioned, “Persistwith your antagonisms if youmust; the people will judge youby whether or how effectively youcan set aside partisan concernsand petty quarrels in favour offederal-state cooperation to servethe rakyat’s interests.”

Ramakrishnan made these com-ments at Aliran’s 32nd annualgeneral meeting held in Penangtoday. The AGM also unani-mously resolved to call upon thegovernment of Malaysia to abro-gate the Internal Security Act andthereby restore justice and estab-lish the rule of law. The AGM alsourged all Malaysians to rally to-gether to oppose the ISA and otheroppressive laws.

Ramakrishnan was re-elected aspresident of the social reformgroup, along with Dr Francis Loh

as honorary secretary, Dr MustafaKamal Anuar as honorary assis-tant secretary, and Anil Netto ashonorary treasurer.

The new executive committeecomprises:

• Dr Prema Devaraj• Leena Mohan• Dr Andrew Aeria• Dr Khoo Boo Teik• Dr Subramaniam Pillay• Dr Soon Chuan Yean• Andrew Wong• Amiruddin Ahmad• Ch’ng Teng Liang• Raphael Surin• Sarajun Hoda Abd HassanOng Eu Soon was elected as hon-orary auditor.

Dr Francis LohHon Secretary

23 November 2008


first met Sdr DrRajakumar in 1979 as amember of a group ofmedical students who

met up with him for a discussion.He was then the President of theMalaysian Medical Association(MMA). What struck me then washis energy and enthusiasm. Hechallenged us to visit rural areasto understand the problems facedby the ordinary people living inkampungs. “How can you begood doctors if you do not under-stand the background and theproblems of the rural people?” heasked us. “A good doctor must bean advocate for the poor!”

At that time I did not know of hisprevious history of struggle andsacrifice – given the almost com-plete blackout of the struggle of theradical nationalists and socialistsin our local media and historybooks. It was only much later thatI learnt that he had been the edi-tor of “Fajar”, a radical studentnewsletter produced by the Social-ist Club of University Malaya(based in Singapore then). Fajarargued strongly for the eviction ofthe British colonialists and full In-dependence for Malaya andSingapore. That was in 1953. Thefollowing year, Rajakumar andhis group were charged with se-dition, arrested and put on trial.The "Fajar Eight" was acquittedand the trial brought them into thepublic eye. Also gaining public-

TRIBUTE

Committed to the causeThe late Dr Rajakumar believed that a society based onjustice and solidarity is possible

by Dr Jeyakumar Devaraj

IIIII

ity and political mileage was LeeKuan Yew, who assisted Queen'sCounsel, D.N. Pritt, on the defenceteam. Lee Kuan Yew had origi-nally volunteered to represent the"Fajar Eight", but when D.N. Prittoffered his services pro bono, Leefell into the role of assistant. As a Continued on page 27Continued on page 27Continued on page 27Continued on page 27Continued on page 27

result of the contact made in thecourse of the trial, Rajakumar andsome of the Socialist Club mem-bers became involved in discus-sions with Lee Kuan Yew on theformation of the People's Action

for justice, freedom & solidarity - aliran · 2017-09-07 · was swept in by the tsunami of 8...

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