formulating urban transport strategy: learning...
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FORMULATING URBAN TRANSPORT STRATEGY: LEARNING
FROM THE EXPERIENCE OF MUMBAI
Ramakrishna Nallathigaϕ
Abstract
Urban transport is increasingly becoming important in a country like India,
wherein urbanization levels are steadily increasing and the growth of urban areas is to
some extent being determined by the prevalence of good city transport. It is therefore
necessary for the cities to formulate urban transport strategies so that they can continue to
provide support to the rising levels of population. Here, we undertake a review of the
experience of such strategy by Mumbai city, one of the oldest and largest cities in India.
We undertake the scenario analysis and review the past studies first and then examine the
strategic options and their use in terms of both current practice and critical shortcomings
so that the learnings for other cities can be spelt out. From the review, it can laid down
that perhaps the best approach to city transport involves (a) using demand and traffic
management (b) integration of all major modes of transportation (c) establishing
appropriate institutional mechanisms (d) formulating policies that give priority to public
transport and ensure its improvement (e) strengthening transport infrastructure.
Key Words: urban transport strategy, demand management, transport infrastructure
and public transport ϕ Knowledge Manager (Infrastructure & Environment), Centre for Good Governance, Dr MCR HRD IOA Campus, Road No. 25, Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad 500 033, e-mail: [email protected]
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FORMULATING URBAN TRANSPORT STRATEGY: LEARNING
FROM THE EXPERIENCE OF MUMBAI
1. Introduction
Urban transport is increasingly becoming important in a country like India, when
the country is transforming from a predominantly rural to urban society with about 30 per
cent of its total population is now urban according to Census 2001. Although, there has
been a somewhat slow pace of urbanization at less than 3 per cent in the last decade when
compared to a steady growth rate of more than 3 per cent in the previous 3 decades, in
absolute terms the urban population continued to grow and accompanying such
urbanization is the rapid expansion of population in metropolitan cities (3i Network 2006).
According to Census 2001, the metropolitan population share in the total urban population
has reached a level of 39 per cent, bringing concerns about the challenges being faced and
necessitating better management of metropolitan cities in the critical areas of
infrastructure. Mumbai is one such important metropolitan city of the country with a long
history of development and transport.
Urban transport is an important component of urban infrastructure and the
development of which is vital to the growth of Indian economy (World Bank 2002). As
the growth of city is also critically dependent upon infrastructure, it is imperative that the
cities come out with strategies for improving the urban transport. However, full scale of
transport planning in metropolitan cities has been a very recent phenomenon and the
experiences of transport strategies have not been adequately presented in literature.
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Mumbai is a large metropolitan city with concentration of trade and business, therefore it
is also known as the commercial capital of the country. With a rapidly growing population
in the city and surrounding urban agglomerations, the transportation systems have to cater
to the transport needs within the city and between agglomerations and the city. Here,
Mumbai presents some good experiences of coping with demand in spite of some
shortcomings. This paper attempts to provide a review of the experience of Mumbai in
terms of the strategies it adopted over years which could act as some interesting cases
worth examining. It then identifies a broad framework for the strategic management of
urban transport in Mumbai.
2. The Scenario of Urban Transport in Mumbai
Mumbai, like other cities has three major modes of transport – rail based mass
transport, bus based mass transport and road transport. The geometry of Mumbai in the
form of peninsula has been influencing the laying down of its transport infrastructure
running North – South in two major transport corridors (rail and road) that were developed
by the British during colonial era (see figure 1), which still continue to be the major
connecting lines. The rail based transport is an important mode of transport that carries
about 6.2 million passengers every day and the buses of BEST carry about 4.6 million
passengers and together account for 88 per cent of the total passengers, a ratio which many
cities would love to attain, given the lag in developing the infrastructure in a planned way.
Not surprisingly, Mumbai’s share of 860 private vehicles per 1000 people is very low as
compared to many other smaller metro cities like Bangalore (1130), Hyderabad (887) and
Chennai (975). However, such high dependence on public transport is not devoid of
problems; it is reflected in over-crowded sub-urban trains that carry near about 4,000-
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5,000 people per train when compared to their design capacity of 1,800 to 2,200 persons.
Such crushing loads are a major problem that caused the sustained efforts to bring about
the Mumbai Urban Transport Project (MUTP-II) discussed later.
In terms of road transport, Bombay experiences a very high congestion particularly
on the connecting roads of the city through which the buses normally ply. The average
vehicle speeds are low at about less than 10 km per hour in the peak hours of traffic. Yet,
the difficult conditions in train travel force several individuals to choose personal modes
of transport and the road corridors connecting North-South have to some extent given
some encouragement to it, which has been criticised by W. S. Atkins Report (1994) that
“Bombay has become the worst example of restraint through congestion.” The city has,
indeed, been slowly strangling itself because of the unrestrained use of personalized
modes of transport, particularly in the suburbs, thanks to over-crowding of public transport
and its inability to respond to the challenges of ever-increasing traffic.
3. Review of Past Studies of Transport Strategy
Mumbai has a somewhat rich experience of the studies made to provide some strategic
directions and interventions to improve the state of urban transport. Some of the major
studies undertaken include:
⇒ The Wilbur Smith Plan (1962)
⇒ Regional Plan (1973)
⇒ Comprehensive Road Development Plan (1983)
⇒ Bombay Urban Transport Project (1984)
⇒ Traffic System Management Plan (1983)
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⇒ Comprehensive Transport Plan (1994)
We will briefly review the various studies and recommendations and reach to the point of
what is currently lacking in the current transportation system and propose the strategic
framework for better management of the city transport.
The Wilbur Smith Associates study to prepare road transport plan in 1962 was the first
transport plan for Greater Mumbai. It emphasized on laying down elaborate network of
freeways mainly for the private road transport, which was contended by the Government.
Yet, the freeway proposals find merit in today’s transport scenario of congested arterial
roads. Instead, the Traffic Management Cell of Govt of Maharashtra undertook a
complementary study of Mass Transportation augmentation possibilities that included
proposals for (1) augmenting the carrying capacity of the existing rail based transport
system (2) providing additional links to the surface system (3) provision of new rapid
transit system in the form of metro or monorail. These recommendations did find some
light with the ‘optimisation’ efforts of sub-urban railway network and
expansion/improvement of some of the major railway stations but the underground metro
proposal remained in the plan document.
The Regional Plan of 1973 prepared by the Bombay Regional Metropolitan Development
Authority (BMRDA) too a regional perspective of existing transport and laid down
proposals for inter-regional, intra-regional and intra-city transport projects. These were
primarily aimed at providing the connectivity between various points and laying down
new linkages that could lead to the development of new regional corridors e.g., rail linkage
from Kalyan/Diva to Vasai. Many of the connecting roads were developed but the rail
corridor was not developed to the fullest extent that would facilitate the growth.
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The Central Road Research Institute has prepared a comprehensive road transport plan in
1983 that provided a hierarchial network of roads in the form of (a) Eastern and Western
freeways (b) Mumbai mainland links in the form of Nava Sheva link and Thane Creek
bridge (d) Expressways and (d) Major Arterials. However, except some expressways lad
down in the western and eastern parts, many of the recommendations – particularly the
arterial ways in the city – did not find any light for the want of building-up of adequate
traffic demand in the course of time.
The World Bank has studied the potential for improving the public transport in Mumbai
and came up with a proposal to lend financial and technical assistance to improve it in
1978. This led to the formulation of Bombay Urban Transport Project (no, MUTP-I)
implemented during 1978-84. The project supported investments in improving the road
system, augmenting the bus fleet (700 buses including 235 double deckers), developing 3
bus depots and a workshop. It also made provision for building 11 bus shelters and
termini and lent support to traffic circulation improvement through 5 fly-overs, 2
pedestrian bridges and 3 tunnels. Modernisation and improvement works for signal
system at 77 junctions were also carried out and the municipal staff was given training.
Another expert committee headed Sri K G Paranjpe in 1983 has also looked the high
priority projects to be undertaken to improve the traffic scenario. It proposed short term
measures of improving the arterial linking roads and constructing link roads, foot-over-
bridges and level crossings at some important locations. It also proposed the immediate
measures in the form of traffic management schemes at some of the vital junctions and
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road improvements along some of the major roads, but not much had been done on ground
in terms of implementing these except some improvements at key junctions and roads.
The WS Atkins study of comprehensive transport study in 1994 was the last study of the
series, which was carried upon the advice of the World Bank. The study has first looked
at the structure of transport and forecasted the growth of population and vehicles based on
the observed growth rates of last three decades and arrived at the passenger trips under
various modes of transport. It observed that the share of public transport could fall from
the current 88 per cent in 1993 to 85 per cent in 2011 and the private and intermediate
transport could rise from 7 and 5 per cent to 9 and 6 six percent during the same period. It
suggested several measures and which still provide the direction to transport management
even after 12 years. The study sought an improvement in the road network – both to the
existing road network of highways and arterial roads and to the connecting links between
eastern and western parts of the city. It also recommended the use of inland waterways of
Mumbai and to improve the suburban rail services so as to enhance their transport
capacity. The proposals did not find their until the Mumbai Urban Transport Project
(MUPT-II) came into picture once again with the help of the World Bank.
4. Strategic Framework for Transport Management in Mumbai
The review of the past studies above provided the insights of the transport
strategies suggested by various studies in the past and the elements adopted. However,
many of these studies lacked a holistic perspective of the problem and did not give a
thinking to the strategic areas wherein they have to make most of the recommendations.
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Therefore, like other Indian metro cities, Mumbai’s transport strategy has some
shortcomings, which primarily relate to the following areas (Nallathiga 2003a):
⇒ the focus on supply side interventions and improvements and little or no
attempts on the demand side
⇒ the lack of financing mechanisms to undertake improvements to road/rail
infrastructure and mass transportation projects
⇒ the lack of connectivity and circulation of traffic due to the lack of
development of circular and east-west linking roads,
⇒ the lack of proper integration of the various modes of transport, particularly the
planning of inter-modal transfer points, and that of transport and land use,
⇒ the institutional inadequacies in the form of multiple agencies dealing with the
same problem with little or no coordination.
We will now elaborate these areas further in terms of what is lacking and what should
have been the focus and cite a few examples.
The current perspective of dealing with urban transport from pure supply side
interventions, hitherto taken by transportation planners, has to change as it is a
management problem, rather than an engineering problem. Many large cities have
successfully undertaken the measures on both demand and supply sides to contain the
transport problems. Singapore, for example, has shown an exemplary way to deal with
urban transport through demand management measures (Nallathiga 2003b) (see Box
1). Therefore, some kind of curbs on the use of private modes of transport using some
form of restraint is required. It is here that there are several economic instruments
available for constraining the demand. Some of these include (Bombay First 2000):
⇒ vehicle parking charges
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⇒ road use charges
⇒ area licenses
⇒ auctioning of vehicle licenses
⇒ vehicle quota scheme
⇒ cordon pricing Scheme
⇒ vehicle license Fees
⇒ wheel tax in a revised form
⇒ payroll tax
⇒ congestion pricing
⇒ fuel or energy pricing (surcharge).
Box 1: TRANSPORT DEMAND MANAGEMENT IN SINGAPORE
Transport demand management is an essential approach taken by Singapore in dealing
with city transport. Road pricing is an important component of Singapore’s overall
transportation strategy started in Singapore in June 1975. While road capacity continues to
be increased judiciously to meet rising travel demand, the strategy also calls for greater
reliance on public transport usage and demand management. One aspect of demand
management is the restraint of vehicle ownership, either through the imposition of high
upfront ownership costs or restriction on the actual growth of the car population. The
former type includes the custom duties and vehicle registration fees, which amounted to
almost one-and-a-half times that of the car’s open market value, while the latter is
managed through a Vehicle Quota System. The other aspect of demand management is the
restraint of vehicle usage through the levy a charge on motorists based on the quantity,
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place or time of the use of their vehicles. Generally, the more one uses his car the more
one has to pay. The road pricing schemes, petrol tax, diesel duty, and parking charges are
measures in this category. One of the goals set out in the demand management strategy of
Singapore is to move away from relying predominantly on vehicle ownership costs, to one
of a better balance between it and usage costs. The resulting system would be a fairer and
more equitable one. Singapore's experiences with road pricing over the past years have
moved from the manual scheme to the current electronic one.
Manual Road Pricing
There were two manual road pricing schemes used in Singapore, namely the Area
Licensing Scheme (ALS) and the Road Pricing Scheme (RPS). The ALS was in place for
23 years before being replaced by an electronic version called the Electronic Road Pricing
System (ERP), while the RPS was implemented progressively on expressways from 1995
(and also subsequently replaced by the ERP in 1998). Basically, both schemes were based
on the need for paper licenses to be purchased prior to their passage through control points
set up on the roads. The ALS was first formulated and designed in 1973 under the
direction of a high level inter-ministerial committee, set up to recommend measures to
improve the transport situation then. This was followed with a 1-year public dialogue on
the details of the scheme and some modifications were made based on the feedback. The
scheme was projected as part of an overall package of measures and this, in some way,
helped it gained support from the public. The other measures also implemented at around
the same time included the raising of customs duties and imposition of a new tax
(Additional Registration Fee or ARF) on new motor vehicles in 1972, and the imposition
of a parking surcharge in 1975.
Area Licensing Scheme
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The ALS covered the more congested parts of the Central Business District (CBD),
designated as the Restricted Zone (RZ). To gain access into the RZ during the restriction
periods, non-exempt vehicles needed to purchase and display an ALS area licence. These
licences could be bought on a monthly basis or a daily basis, and are priced at 20 times the
daily rate. The monthly licences can be bought at post offices, while the daily ones can be
purchased at roadside sales booths located at the approach roads to the RZ, petrol stations,
post offices and convenience stores. For obvious traffic management reasons, these
licences were not sold at the control points of the RZ. The licences came in various shapes
for various classes of vehicles and were colour coded that varied from one month to
another, partly to deter fraud and for easy identification during restricted hours. They
observed whether vehicles displayed the valid licences on their windscreens, or on the
handle-bars in the case of motorcycles and scooters.
Operating Hours
The ALS started in 1975 with the restricted hours of 7.30am - 9.30am daily, except on
Sundays and public holidays. The restriction period was then extended to cover the
evening peak hours of 4.30pm to 7.00pm on weekdays. In 1994, more fundamental
changes were made keep restriction hours to cover the inter-peak period of 10.15am -
4.30pm on weekdays and the post-peak period of 10.15am - 3.00pm on Saturdays. When
the ALS started in 1975, taxis, public transport buses, goods vehicles, motorcycles, and
passenger cars carrying three or more passengers (excluding the driver) were exempted
from the scheme. Carpooling was allowed under the scheme to optimise vehicle usage and
to counter the charge that the scheme favoured only the rich. Special car-pool pick-up
points were set up to regulate the queuing up by passengers and cars, mostly next to bus-
stops and at fringe car parks. But, the exemption on taxis and car-pools were abolished.
Road pricing charges
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The licence fees had been revised upwards over the years to cater for inflation and to
check the gradual upward creep in the number of restricted vehicles entering the RZ.
Starting at $3 per day for a licence for cars in 1975, this had crept up to $5 per day in
1980. By 1994, there were two levels of fees for licences – the one that permits usage
throughout the day, and the one that were applicable for use during the inter-peak period
only. The ALS fees for use during the inter-peak period were pegged at two-thirds of those
that were applicable for the whole day. For cars, the daily licence fees were $3 and $2
respectively. Hence, there were two categories of licences, known as “whole-day licences”
and "part-day licences".
Initial Impact
The initial drop in traffic entering the RZ was 44%, but it crept up to a 31 % drop by 1988.
This was despite the growth by a third in employment in the city and by 77% in vehicle
population during the same period. The drop in traffic was caused by the decanting of
motorists whose destinations were not the city itself but had merely been using the city
roads as a bypass, as well as by those who changed their journey start time to avoid paying
the ALS fees. There was little evidence to suggest that motorists had transferred to public
transport in significant quantities. Based on feedback from road users prior to the ALS
implementation in 1975, a park-and- ride scheme was also implemented to cushion the
impact on motorists. Thirteen fringe car parks were established around the periphery of the
RZ where motorists could park their cars for a low fixed fee and took a shuttle bus into the
RZ at a flat fare. The shuttle services were later modified to also serve nearby areas due to
poor usage of the fringe car parks.
Road Pricing Scheme
The other manual road pricing scheme in Singapore was known as the Road Pricing
Scheme (RPS). This was designed for use on expressways and was first implemented on 1
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June 95. Meant as a pilot scheme to introduce the idea of road pricing at other congested
points outside the RZ, the RPS required motorists who passed through the two gantries, to
display a different category of licences, although ALS licences valid for the day or month
were also acceptable. Starting with two control points operating for 2 hours during the
morning peak period, this was subsequently extended to three other locations before its
replacement with the electronic version.
Limitations of Manual Road Pricing
Being manual schemes, both the ALS and RPS had certain limitations. They were labour
intensive. The enforcement job was tiring. Human enforcement by visual means was prone
to error leading occasionally to wrongful summonses being issued. Under the manual
system, a licence offered a vehicle unlimited number of entries to the RZ or passage
through the ALS/RPS control points. Although it was not legally transferable between
vehicles, it was tempting for such action to have taken place. With the shortcomings of the
manual road pricing schemes, the search for a more efficient technology began in earnest
in the early 1990s. Technology for an electronic road pricing system was emerging at that
time, and after several years of discussions and prototype testing with potential suppliers, a
contract for the installation of a Dedicated Short-Range Communication (DSRC)
electronic road pricing system was awarded in 1995.
Electronic Road Pricing
The ERP system has three major group of components. The first centred around the IU
and the stored-value smart-card. While the IU were produced specifically for the ERP
system, the smart-cards were marketed by a consortium of local banks for multiple uses.
Different IUs were produced for different classes of vehicles, with each type distinguished
by different colours. The second group of components comprises those installed at the on-
site ERP gantries. These include the antennae, the vehicle detectors and the enforcement
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camera system. All these are linked to a controller at each of the site. Data collected is
transmitted back to the Control Centre continuously through leased telephone lines. The
third group of components is at the Control Centre, and includes various servers,
monitoring systems as well as a master-clock to ensure that the timing at all the ERP
gantries are synchronised. All the financial transactions are processed here, before being
sent to the banks for settlement. In addition, violation images are processed at the Control
Centre, and letters are printed and sent out from here to all the offenders.
Implementation of ERP
The ERP system is designed to be simple to use. Indeed, all that it required of the user is to
insert the smart-card into the IU, whereby a diagnostic check is automatically done to
ensure that both the IU and the smart-card are in working condition. Should there be a
problem with either the IU or the smart-card, the user will be alerted so that remedial
action can be taken. The IU is also designed to have a low balance indicator, whereby the
user will be alerted should the cash balance in the smart-card falls below a pre-defined
amount. When the vehicle passes through the ERP gantry, the appropriate ERP charge is
deducted from the smart-card. There is a short beep, signifying a successful transaction,
and the remaining cash balance in the smart-card is displayed momentarily. Should there
be insufficient cash in the smart-card or should there be no smart-card in the IU, the
enforcement cameras in the gantry will take a picture of the rear of the vehicle. Similarly,
should the vehicle has no IU installed in it, the enforcement cameras will also take a
picture of the offending vehicle. The picture is sent back to the control centre, where the
vehicles’ registration numbers are automatically read using an OCR technique. The
owners of the vehicles are then issued with letters to ask for payments. For cases of
insufficient cash balance or no smart-card in the IU, an administrative charge of S$10 plus
the outstanding ERP charge is imposed. If this payment is not made within the prescribed
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28-day period, a summons will follow. This carries a penalty of S$70. For cases where
vehicles pass through the ERP gantry with no IU, summonses are issued immediately. The
penalty is also $70. Failure to pay the penalty can result in the offender being called up to
appear in the Courts.
Impact of ERP
Traffic volume into the CBD had reduced by about 10-15% during the ERP operation
hours, as compared to the ALS scheme. This was in spite of the road pricing charge being
lower at between S$0.50 to S$2.50; the charge for the ALS was S$3.00 for peak periods
and S$2.00 for the inter-peak period. The major difference is that the ERP charge is
applicable for each passing, while the ALS charge allowed multiple entries for that day.
Hence, the ERP had influenced particularly the behaviour of those who made multiple
trips into the CBD – and this was estimated to be about 23% of trips that entered the CBD
during the ALS days. Many of these multiple trip-makers cut down their number of trips,
e.g. office workers no longer use their cars to attend mid-day meetings or lunches – more
relied on the public transport system instead.
Advantage of ERP over MRP
The ERP system allowed more frequent changes to be made to the road pricing charges, so
that it can better optimise road usage. A research effort with a local university established
speed-flow curves for 2 different types of roads – those in the CBD and expressways. The
intent of ERP is to optimise road usage, i.e. flows should be near the maximum possible.
When speed goes above the upper threshold, too few vehicles are deemed to be using the
roads and hence, the road space available is not being optimally used. Hence, the road
pricing charge can be reduced to allow more vehicles to use the roads. Conversely, if the
speed falls below the lower threshold, too many vehicles are on the roads and this is a
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signal that the road pricing charge can be increased. Other considerations do come in when
deciding on the final road pricing charge, e.g. the effect of traffic diverting to other roads.
Conclusion
Road pricing in Singapore has been effective in managing congestion on roads in the CBD
since its inception in 1975, and in recent years on expressways and other major roads
outside the CBD. Technology had helped to make the expansion of the original road
pricing scheme possible; and the authorities are still keeping tab on new developments in
road pricing technology to further enhance the present ERP system
Source: Keong (2002)
Although several studies have suggested some or other kind of ‘tactical’ improvements
to city roads and traffic management, these might yield little effect and they are not
able to make any ground for the want of finances to undertake the same. Given the
paucity of funds for such micro-interventions, large funding support can only come
from external agencies in the case of projects with wider impacts, such as those that
undertake upgrading and augmenting of two existing forms of mass transportation.
This is exactly what has been chosen as right strategy by the World Bank in its funding
of the MUTP – II (Some more details are provided in Table 1). Here, it may be worth
examining the features of the MUTP – II which is provided in the Box 2.
Box 2: MUMBAI URBAN TRANSPORTATION PROJECT (MUTP)
BACKGROUND
The Bombay Urban Transportation Project (BUTP) was conceived to bring about
improvements in public transport system way back in late seventies. It was implemented
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during 1977-84 by the Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority (MMRDA,
then known as BMRDA) with an active funding support of the World Bank. The BUTP
had several project components which essentially aimed at traffic and demand
management through major improvements in road and railway infrastructure. The project
had an outlay of Rs 6,433 crores, of which Rs 4,250 crores were invested by the World
Bank, while the remaining by Indian Railways.
Evidently, the contribution of BUTP was found to be inadequate - thanks to ever
expanding transportation needs of the city. For example, the suburban trains with nine car
rakes carry nearly 5,000 passengers during peak hours against the actual capacity of 2,600,
resulting in a crammed condition. Also, an increase in private vehicle ownership has led
to road congestion and chaotic traffic. In fact, road congestion has lowered bus speeds to
10-12 km per hour; the actual operating speeds are even lower in some cases. These
conditions necessitated conceptualization of MUTP as a follow-up of the BUTP. The
“Comprehensive Transport Strategy (CTS)”, prepared by W S Atkins for MMRDA in
1994, formed a good background to MUTP. It examined three major transportation
strategies and came to the conclusion that public transport with demand management is a
better strategy. Indeed, the World Bank had welcomed MUTP way back in 1985.
STRUCTURE OF MUTP
The main project components are (see ANNEXURE for further details of projects):
Rail Transport Component
- Capacity optimization and enhancement;
- Setting up new corridors along the existing corridors; and
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- Purchase of rolling stock
Road Transport Component
- Traffic management e.g., area traffic control, bus priority and rail station area transport
integration;
- Infrastructure e.g., roads and ROBs; and
- Equipment e.g., fleet replacement
Resettlement and Rehabilitation
- Land acquisition
- Construction and/or purchase of transit and permanent dwelling units; and
- Resettlement & Rehabilitation (R&R) assistance
The total cost of the project has been estimated at about Rs 4546 crores. It comprises of
the following components underneath.
Component Cost (Rs in crores) % share of Total Cost
Railways 3031 67
Roadways 827 18
Resettlement & Rehabilitation 466 10
Incremental Operating costs & Taxes 181 4
Miscellaneous (PPF, Front end Fee) 40 1
The World Bank support to this project is Rs 2591 crores (57% of total cost) and the
remaining amount through counterpart funds (43% of total cost). Indian Railways and
Government of Maharashtra will share counterpart funds for railways and R & R. Also,
MCGM, BEST and MSRDC will provide their own counterpart funds for roadways.
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FEATURES OF MUTP
The MUTP has several components which improve the existing rail and roadway
transport systems significantly.
It has an important component of resettlement and rehabilitation of about 19,000
project affected households (or 77,000 persons).
Land acquisition may not turn out to be a major problem since the need for private
land acquisition is very limited; a major part of it is planned to be procured through the
transfer of development rights (TDR).
No requirement of any major environmental clearance due to the fact that project
alignment does not violate any major environmental laws, excepting few works that
fall under the coastal regulation zone (CRZ).
Some significant environmental benefits are expected from the proposed
environmental management plans.
Public health and other benefits arising from avoiding of congestion and associated
gaseous emissions are also substantial.
Most importantly, the execution of the project will enhance the capacity of public
transport significantly. This is roughly estimated to be anywhere between 25 and 30 per
cent. This provides a breathing time for Mumbai’s complex and acute transport problem.
Once again, the need will be felt to formulate an alternative strategy.
Source: Author (2003)
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One of the major shortcomings of transport management practice over the last few
decades has been the inadequate attention paid to the connectivity and circulation of
traffic. The city managers have always been bogged down to improving the old roads
running North – South whose results have been little effective due to narrow roads,
little room for expansion and increasing congestion. By focusing the efforts on such
‘micro’ or ‘tactical’ improvements, the planners and managers have missed the
opportunity to overcome them through ‘strategic’ options. Eastern and western
freeways have long been suggested as the relieving roads for the traffic but are yet to
find a place on the city map. The Atkins Study emphasized on the east-west linkages
in the form of Jogeswari-Vikhroli link road and Santacruz-Chembur link road – which
are now undertaken within MUTP-II. However, some other strategic linkages are yet
to take place and these include: Vasai-Diva rail link, Bandra-Kurla sub-urban rail link,
Andheri-Kurla metro link, and Mumbai Trans-harbour link between Nava Sheva and
Sewri. All of them provide strategic connectivity and provide room for a better
circulation of traffic within the city as well as the region (Dalvi 2003).
Mega cities like Mumbai cannot have dependency on one mode of traffic, rather
multimodal transport is quite common in several cities. However, it is the integration
of these modes and the logistics that matters most (Balakrishnan 2003). With the
suburban trains running on major rail corridors, the bus services can play the role of
providing short distance services as well as feeder vehicles that reach to the major
railway stations. Similarly, intermediate public transport can act primarily as feeder
and disperse vehicles providing such services. Both these mechanisms are already
there and serve to a good extent, but their efficiency is curtailed by poor design and
layout of the inter-modal transfer points and therefore they are often sources of traffic
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jams. A correction is required through designing of efficient station complexes with
multiple floors for providing transfer and also through creating a good ambience as
well as amenities especially at the points where inter-city/ inter-state services are
accessed. To some extent this has been covered under the Station Area Traffic
Improvement Schemes at some of the major railway stations under the MUTP. Also,
besides the improvements at inter-modal transfer points, modal options have to be
increased. While underground metro is a good option, it has been ruled out for the
huge capital costs of the project and its unlikely recovery of even maintenance costs.
However, an over ground metro connection between Andheri and Ghatkopar has been
discussed for quite some time and it might soon find the light1. Another alternative
mode is the Passenger Water Transport between Mumbai and Navi Mumbai, which
provides much of the ease of passenger goods traffic flow between Mumbai and its
satellite city Navi Mumbai. The western free way can also come sea route from
Bandra to Nariman Point and the eastern free way can start from here to Sewri and
extend upto Chembur, thereby providing crucial circular route that can allow fast
movement of traffic between various points. Moreover, besides using the transport
modes effectively, the transport planning has to be integrated with land use planning.
Zoning of manufacturing and services production in the suburbs and the hinterland of
Navi Mumbai would also bring in some rapid changes to the current traffic flow and
bring about some relief. However, the connectivities mentioned above have to be in
place for this to work out.
An important area of concern is the institutional mechanisms and their adequacy. The
city transport function is fragmented between various tiers of government – local, state
1 It is argued by few others that a technology like sky bus can prove to be cost-effective in this context but it was not taken for the want of tested technology that is operational elsewhere (Badami and Koppikar 2004)
Ramakrishna Nallathiga
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and central – and the para-statal agencies leaving little scope for a concerted effort to
improve the city transport. This shortcoming came to the light in the implementation
of MUTP itself. As the project involved making use of existing institutions listed
below, the Mumbai Rail Vikas Corporation (MRVC) was established as a 50:50 joint
venture of Indian Railways and Government of Maharashtra, which is a significant
initiative in right direction. Therefore, such coordination mechanisms need to be
dovetailed for city transport. One of the mechanisms proposed is the creation of
‘Unified Metropolitan Transport Authority (UMTA)’ for undertaking the whole range
of functions and overcoming the fragmentation menace.
Organization Functions
MMRDA-PMU Overall coordination and monitoring of the project;
Implementation of R &R activities for rail and road transport
MRVC Implementation of rail projects
MCGM Construction of ROBs, traffic management, environmental
monitoring
MSRDC Roadway construction
BEST Procurement of environment and passenger friendly buses
MCGB for Traffic
Police
Area Traffic Control System
Moreover, the organizational capacities need to improved through induction of right
people with required skill set and operational knowledge. It has been recommended by
W.S. Atkins study that a reorganization of Traffic Department within the Municipal
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23
Corporation was required. This includes departments of Highway Planning, Traffic
Planning, Parking Control, Traffic Signals and Traffic Data and Survey. It is proposed
that each department should have well qualified Engineers, Planners and Economists.
This is already being included in the World Bank aided MUTP as the formation of a
Traffic Management Unit (TMU) within the BMC. The formation of the TMU to a
large extent can do away with the problems so far associated with the plethora of
organizations handling the city’s transport.
5. Summary and Outlook
It may be noted that the Mumbai city not only has a strong history of evolution but also an
experience of continuous study of the city growth and traffic and transport issues.
However, the review clearly laid down that not all of these studies were very
comprehensive and therefore sometimes focused on some narrow ‘tactical’ improvements,
which did not lead to any major improvements. It is also found that the best approach to
resolving the transportation problems of Mumbai lies in demand and traffic Management
before engineering, and essential integration of all transportation modes. Moreover,
institutional mechanisms have to be strengthened and priority to improve public transport
and transport infrastructure has to be laid down.
Here, we can also discuss the findings of another non-official study by Bombay First
(2000) that synthesized the findings of previous studies. It found that given the
complexity of city’s transport problem, the key solution lies in the demand management of
private transport accompanied by an augmentation of public transport and the
development of alternative modes of transport. It has also partially addressed the
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24
financing mechanism and outlined the broad organizational structure for implementation.
The key summary points of the report are as follows (Nallathiga 2003a):
First, emphasis on discouraging the use of private vehicles through either policy
restraint or fiscal restraint and encouraging the use of mass transportation,
especially during peak hours. Illustratively, the proposed restraints include: (i)
streamlining road-based mass transportation, (ii) imposing curbs on entry to and
parking in CBD (Island City), (iii) restrictions on traffic maneuverings and truck
operations, (iv) removing hindrances to traffic movement, and (v) traffic
engineering measures.
Second, several improvement measures are proposed under road and rail based
transport to enhance the potential of existing North-South transportation corridor
and provide East-West linkages.
Third, since the inter-modal transfer points are critical points causing congestion, it
identified the need for their designing such that the delays are reduced to the
minimum, and passenger transfers take place efficiently, as far as possible within
the terminal area itself. This implies the need for integration of all mass
transportation modes and intermediate public transport modes such as shared taxis
and contract carriages.
Fourth, it identified that introducing a third form of mass transportation - Passenger
Water Transport (PWT) - will ease the pressure on land based transport. Mumbai
is blessed with an abundance of this natural resource that can provide cheap and
environment-friendly transport, and it is time the city exploited this to its
advantage.
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Fifth, the need for integration of all these mass transportation modes so that they
function as an Integrated Metropolitan Transport System, complementing and
supporting each other, rather than running in competition. This integration can be
provided by the road based bus services, which can provide the short-haul feeder
services from the terminals of rail and water to the final destinations in the CBD
and residential areas, thereby also providing the East-West connectivity.
Last, it proposed upgradation of N. M. Joshi Marg/ Senapati Bapat Marg to an
arterial road for developing an additional transport corridor. This will provide the
following travel corridors in the North-South direction: (i) 4 corridors of road
transport, (ii) 5 corridors of rail transport, (iii) 2 corridors of water transport, and
(iv) one Trans-Harbour PWT route.
These are essential lines of improvement of transport that run in line with the framework
laid down earlier. However, the core of transport management lies in the development of
a strategy that lays down the priorities, direction, organization, finances and institutional
arrangements. These elements of transport strategy were already discussed earlier and they
hold the key for future development of the city and its transport scenario. Moreover, much
depends on the MUTP project, which is expected to change the face of mass public
transport. MMRDA also proposed to undertake the Mumbai Urban Infrastructure Project
(MUIP) to de-congest some of the major road corridors in the city and suburbs, which will
then become another important intervention. The emergence of metro, water transport,
free ways, trans-harbour link and east-west linkages should all hold a promise for better
transport and so do the changes in the course of land use and economic growth.
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References:
3i Network (2006), India Infrastructure Report 2006, Oxford University Press, New Delhi
Badami, S. and Koppikar, S. (2004): ‘Commuting in Mumbai 2008, Room for Optimism’,
Economic and Political Weekly of India April 3-8: 1458-1460
Balakrishnan, B. C. (2003), ‘Urban Transportation in Mumbai: The Need for an Integrated
Hierarchy of Mass Transportation Systems’, The CITY, Volume II, No. 1, pp 23-28.
Bombay First (2000): ‘Comprehensive Transport Strategy for Mumbai’, A Synthesis
Report of the Study Commissioned by Bombay First, Mumbai
Dalvi, M Q (2003), ‘Some Reflections on Transport Problems in Mumbai’, The CITY,
Volume II, No. 1, pp 7-17.
Keong, Chin K. (2002), ‘Road Pricing: Singapore’s Experience’, Paper prepared for
IMPRINT EUROPE Network third seminar on “Implementing Reform on Transport
Pricing: Constraints and Solutions: learning from best practice” held at Brussels, 23rd -
24th October 2002
MMRDA (1978): Regional Development Plan for the Mumbai Metropolitan Region,
Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority, Mumbai
Nallathiga, R. (2003a), ‘Comprehensive Transport Strategy for Mumbai – A Summary of
Recommendations’, The CITY, Volume II, No. 1, pp 34-36.
Nallathiga, R. (2003b), ‘Best Practices in Transport Planning and Management – Case
Study of Singapore’, The CITY, Volume II, No. 1, pp 47-48
Nallathiga, R. (2006), ‘Envisioning a Comprehensive Transport Strategy for Mumbai’,
Indian Journal of Transport Management Volume 30, No. 2:, pp 153-177
Ramakrishna Nallathiga
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The World Bank (2002), India’s Transport Sector: Challenges Ahead, The World Bank,
Washington DC.
W S Atkin’s Study (1994), “Comprehensive Transport Plan for Bombay Metropolitan
Region”, Project Report prepared by W S Atkins International
Wilbur Smith Study (1962), “Planning of Road system for Mumbai Metropolitan Region”,
Project report prepared by Wilbur Smith Associates International
Figure 1: Mumbai and its transport network
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Table 1: Salient Features of MUTP Project
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Project Components Main Physical Works
Rail Transport
Improve capacity and performance of
the suburban railway system
Procurement of new rolling stock
Upgrading of existing rolling stock
Increasing track capacity
Improving signaling, electrical and
telecommunication systems
Institutional strengthening for a better
management
Optimization of suburban railway
services
Quadrupling of lines between Borivali
and Virar
Provision of 5th and 6th line between
Kurla and Thane
Provision of 5th line between Mahim-
Santacruz and Borivali
Conversion of DC to AC
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Road Transport
Strengthen the capacity of the MCGM
for traffic management, policy and
regulation
Support specific investments in traffic
signals and management, east-west
connecting roads and rail grade
separations
Improving the service delivery of BEST
Improving systems for developing
transport strategies and policies
Jogeshwari-Vikhroli Link Road,
including two flyovers not included in
MUTP
Santacruz-Chembur Link Road
RoBs at Jogeshwari South, Jogeshwari
North and Vikhroli
Pedestrian sub-ways, footpaths and other
pedestrian facilities
Station Area Traffic Improvement
Schemes (SATIS)
Bus procurement
Resettlement and Rehabilitation
Construction of about 19,000 dwelling
units to resettle project affected persons,
including 6,000 transit houses
Land acquisition for civil works
Reconstruction of some of the basic
civic amenities
Compensation payment for economic
losses
Financing of the consultancies for
baseline surveys
Preparation of resettlement
implementation plans
NGO support for implementation
Training of staff/NGOs
Source: Prepared by Author based on the information provided by MMRDA (2002)