[1]

Fortuna Redux in Early Imperial Coinage

Chelsea Perfect

Honors Thesis

Department of Classics

Dartmouth College

Primary Advisor: Prof. Roberta Stewart

Secondary Reader: Prof. Roger Ulrich

[2]

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements [3]

Abbreviations [4]

Introduction to Fortuna Redux and Numismatics [6]

Chapter One: Fortuna before Augustus [17]

Chapter Two: Fortuna on Republican Coinage [26]

Chapter Three: Cult of Fortuna Redux [36]

Chapter Four: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage from Augustus to Hadrian [55]

Chapter Five: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage from Lucius Verus to Septimius Severus [77]

Conclusion [98]

Appendix I: Summary of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage [101]

Appendix II: Republican Coins of Fortuna [102]

Appendix III: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux (Table) [104]

Appendix IV: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux (Images) [120]

Bibliography [148]

[3]

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the Classics Department for their support and academic insight. I

would specifically like to thank Professor Stewart for the hours and hours of time she has spent

helping me understand Fortuna Redux and numismatics. Her knowledge and help have been

integral to my thesis. She has kept me going these past months and has enabled me to complete

this thesis in only two terms. I would also like to thank my second reader, Professor Ulrich, for

his words of advice. Additionally, I want to offer my appreciation to Anna Leah Bernstein-

Simpson, who took on the task of being my thesis tutor so late in spring term. Her advice has

significantly improved my writing. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends who

have been unbelievably supportive these past months.

[4]

Abbreviations

Aug. Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus

RG Res Gestae

BMCRE

British Museum Catalog of Coins of the

Roman Empire

Catull. Gaius Valerius Catullus

Caes. Gaius Julius Caesar

B Afr. De Bello Africo

B Alex. De Bello Alexandrino

BC Commentarii de Bello Civili

BG Commentarii de Bello Gallico

Cic. Marcus Tullius Cicero

Acad. Academica

Amic. De amicitia

Att. Epistulae ad Atticum

Brut. Brutus

Clu. Pro Cluentio

Dom. De domo sua

Fam. Epistulae ad familiares

Har. De haruspicum responsis

Inv. Rhet. De inventione rhetorica

Leg. Man. Pro lege Manilia

Mil. Pro Milone

Phil. Orationes Philippicae

Pis. In Pisonem

Prov. Cons. De provinciis consularibus

Q Fr. De Oratore ad Quintum fratrem libri tres

Quinct. Pro Quinctio

Rab. Post. Pro Rabirio Postumo

Red. Pop. Post reditum ad populum

Red. Sen. Post reditum in senatu

Rhet. Her. Rhetorica ad Herennium

Sall. In Sallustium

Sen. Cato Maior de senectute

Sest. Pro Sestio

Verr. In Verrem

Dio Cass. Dio Cassius

Enn. Quintus Ennius

Fr. Fragmenta

Martial Marcus Valerius Martialis

Epi. Epigrammata

Naev. Gaius Naevius

Prae. Fabulae Praetextae

Nep. Cornelius Nepos

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Vitae Excellentium Imperatorum Vitae

Ag. Agesilaus

Dat. Datames

Di. Dion

Ep. Epaminondas

Plaut. Titus Maccius Plautus

Amph. Amphitruo

Bacch. Bacchides

Capt. Captivi

Cist. Cistellaria

Rud. Rudens

Stich. Stichus

Trin. Trinummus

Pliny Gaius Plinius Secundus

NH Naturalis Historia

Plut. Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus

De Fort. Rom. De fortuna Romanorum

Quae. Rom. Quaestiones Romanae

Vit. Vitae Parallelae

Caes. Caesar

Mar. Marius

Quin. Quad. Quintus Claudius Quadrigarius

Ann. Annales

RIC Roman Imperial Coinage

RRC Roman Republican Coinage

Sall. Gaius Sallustius Crispus

BJ Bellum Iugurthinum

SHA Scriptores Historiae Augustae

Had. Hadrian

Comm. Commodus

Suet. Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus

Vesp. Vespasian

Tac. Publius Cornelius Tacitus

Ann. Annales

Ter. Publius Terentius Afer

Haut. Heauton Timorumenos

Hec. Hecyra

Varro Marcus Terentius Varro

Rust. De re rustica

Vell. Gaius Velleius Paterculus

Vitr. Marcus Vitruvius Pollio

De arch. De architectura

[6]

Introduction to Fortuna Redux and Numismatics

Chapter 11 of Augustus’s Res Gestae was solely dedicated to the establishment of an altar

to Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE.1 This particular deity was one of 90 different expressions of the

Roman goddess Fortuna.2 Yet, the details of her altar’s inception mark Fortuna Redux out for

special attention. The Roman Senate not only dedicated an ara to the deity, but likewise

associated the goddess with the person of the emperor through the establishment of an annual

festival known as the Augustalia. Considering the fact that Augustus and the Senate placed

significant emphasis on the goddess’s altar, it is regrettable that there exists no complete study of

Fortuna Redux. Although previous scholars have examined numerous literary and archaeological

sources in their studies of the goddess’s cult, they have failed to look extensively at the

numismatic evidence for Fortuna Redux. Therefore, this study will expand upon the work of

earlier scholars by looking at the goddess’s appearance on imperial coinage during the first two

centuries CE in order to understand the evolution of the cult of Fortuna Redux during the early

Roman Empire.

Previous Studies of Fortuna Redux

Modern scholars have approached Fortuna Redux from a variety of perspectives;

consequently they have reached different conclusions about the significance of her cult. In 1981,

Iiro Kajanto published a comprehensive examination of Fortuna which included an extensive list

1 Aram Fortunae Reducis ante aedes Honoris et Virtutis ad portam Capenam pro reditu meo senatus consacravit, in

qua pontifices et virgines Vestales anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit eo die quo, consulibus Q. Lucretio et M.

Vinicio, in urbem ex Syria redieram, et diem Augustalia ex cognomine nostro appellavit. Res Gestae 11. 2 Kajanto (1981), 510-516; Arya (2002), 311.

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of the epithets for the goddess (including Redux).3 Only a few years later, Francesca De Caprariis

studied several monuments to Fortuna as well as the inscriptions and the literary sources

concerning the goddess (particularly Horace’s Ode I.35) in order to understand Augustus’s

relationship with Fortuna before the creation of the altar to Fortuna Redux.4 She predominately

focused on the cult of the Fortunae at Antium and concluded that the two Fortunae, who

protected the interests of Augustus in his war against Sextus Pompey between 37 BCE and 35

BCE, were precursors to Fortuna Redux. Subsequently, Kajanto used predominately imperial

inscriptions to study Fortuna Redux in 1988. He looked at the extent to which the cult permeated

Roman imperial as well as provincial society and he reached several important conclusions.5

Firstly, he surmised that the goddess both protected travelers and safeguarded a person’s general

wellbeing. Furthermore, although the goddess was originally invoked for the welfare of the

imperial family, inscriptions from the first and second century CE reveal that individuals could

appeal to the goddess for the protection of a variety of people, including one’s own friends and

family members. Over a decade later, Darius Arya published his doctoral dissertation on Fortuna

which primarily looked at the similarities between Fortuna and the cult of the Greek goddess

Tyche; however, he also examined her relationship with other Roman and non-Roman deities,

including the Lares, Tutela, Genius, Mars, Venus, and Roma. Arya also used literary works,

inscriptions, and architectural evidence in order to examine the topic from a predominately

archaeological perspective.6 Arya ultimately argued that the Roman cult of Fortuna Redux was

inextricably linked with the legitimization of imperial power. Furthermore, he claimed that the

goddess acted as a guarantor of dynastic succession. Thus, each of these scholars has examined

3 Kajanto (1981).

4 De Caprariis (1984).

5 Kajanto (1988).

6 Arya (2002).

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the problem of Fortuna Redux from a different perspective and they have ultimately reached

varying conclusions concerning the goddess’s cult.

However, although De Caprariis, Kajanto and Arya all used a number of archaeological

and literary sources to study Fortuna and Fortuna Redux, they failed to look extensively at two

important sources of evidence for her cult. Firstly, they did not examine the significance of the

word redux in Republican literature. Kajanto briefly looked at the word’s associations; however

his analysis was incomplete as he focused primarily on its syntax (e.g. active versus passive

meaning or divine versus human subjects) and omitted a thorough examination of the word’s

context in non-epigraphic texts. Most importantly, Kajanto did not focus on the Republican

history of the word but instead cited sources which postdated the creation of the altar of Fortuna

Redux, including Statius, Ovid, and Martial.7 Secondly, none of these scholars fully examined the

imperial coinage of the goddess. De Caprariis mentioned a few Republican coins of Fortuna in

order to show that competing politicians featured the goddess on their coinage. Kajanto used the

number of coins depicting Fortuna Redux in order to assess the popularity of her cult and Arya

primarily cited coins as evidence for the existence of various relationships between the goddess

and certain emperors. However, all three scholars failed to look systematically at the

development of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux on Roman coinage. Furthermore, none of these

studies examined the historical context surrounding the production of these coins. Thus, all three

scholars omitted a complete numismatic analysis of Fortuna Redux and a thorough examination

of the goddess’s epithet.

In contrast to these studies, my investigation of Fortuna Redux will include an analysis of

the Latin language and Roman coins. I will study the Republican use of the word redux so as to

better comprehend what the Senate, as well as Augustus, denoted in their choice of epithet. I will

7 Kajanto (1988), 36.

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then look at the evidence for Fortuna and Fortuna Redux on imperial coinage, beginning with

the creation of her altar in 19 BCE and continuing up until the death of Septimius Severus in 211

CE. My goal is to understand how emperors during the first two centuries CE represented the

goddess in their currency. I am particularly interested in how the goddess’s portrayal changed

over time as well as the historical context surrounding her appearance on coinage.

Coinage as a Medium of Communication

Roman coinage offered an ideal medium for communication in ancient Rome. Not only

were coins frequently produced but they also traveled over long distances and were handled by

members of all classes. The Roman military, which was the single highest expenditure for the

Empire, cost between 32 million and 100 million denarii annually.8 The Roman government

regularly issued currency in order to meet these costs. Moreover, they varied the designs of these

newly minted coins: between 31 BCE and 69 CE, the government annually produced at least 20

different imperial types.9 Coins were also mobile. During their lifetime, they had the potential to

spread throughout the empire. Furthermore, they occasionally remained in circulation for

decades.10

Finally, Roman coins would have been used by an economically diverse audience, as

emperors frequently produced a diverse set of denominations. While primarily the elites and the

military would have used the silver pieces, lower and middle classes would have handled bronze

coins (which Wallace-Hadrill refers to as the coins “for the masses”).11

Additionally, as Norena

concluded in his article, “Coins and Communication,” investigating the development of coin

design from the Republic up through the Empire, the designs would have likely been widely

8 Sutherland (1986), 93; Brunn (1999), 34.

9 Sutherland (1986), 87.

10 Norena (2011), 256.

11 Wallace-Hadrill (1981), 317 n. 82.

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understood by the general public.12

Early on, Roman coinage included iconography which was

recognizable to the Roman people as it often catered to their religious beliefs (Roma, Dioscuri,

Jupiter, Mercury, etc.). Norena charted the development of Republican iconography and

observed that moneyers in the late Republic increasingly focused on a wider range of communal

interests (including martial, civic, and architectural accomplishments).13

Norena also observed

that the designs often advertised historical events (e.g. triumphs, military campaigns, buildings

projects), already known to the general public as a result of other forms of media - namely

monuments and inscriptions (including the Res Gestae).14

Barbara Levick suggested in her

article, “Messages of the Roman Coinage: Types and Inscriptions,” that lower classes, in

particular, would have likely already heard of these events through the “official Gazette or from

hearsay.”15

Thus, most likely, coin designs were not used to communicate new information to the

general public but served instead to reinforce the contemporary political discourse. Furthermore,

over decades, many types repeatedly appeared on Roman coinage. This trend would have

increased the legibility of the designs. Additionally, Norena has argued that the “omnipresence of

public images” on other media forms would have resulted in much of populace being able to

understand the iconography.16

Thus Roman coinage presented an ideal medium for

communicating messages not only across wide expanses of space and extended periods of time,

but also to an economically diverse audience.

12

Norena (2011), 263. 13

Norena (2011), 262-263. 14

Norena (2011), 251-253, 261. 15

Levick (1999a), 50. 16

Norena (2011), 262.

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The Focus of this Study

My study of Fortuna Redux will focus on her depiction in imperial coinage; however, I

will also look more broadly at the cults of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux. I will first look at

Fortuna. I will briefly examine the goddess’s cult and iconography, as well as Fortuna’s

relationship with Roman politicians. I will also study the goddess’s representation on Republican

coinage. Having established a basic understanding of Fortuna, I will then examine Fortuna

Redux. I will discuss the goddess’s name and her altar as well as the history of her cult. Finally,

having established this context, I will examine Fortuna Redux’s depiction on imperial coinage.

My examination of the numismatic material will focus on both the iconography and the

chronology of the pieces. Ultimately, the purpose of this study is to understand the connotations

of Fortuna Redux’s appearance on Roman coinage during the first two centuries of the Roman

Empire.

This argument depends heavily on the assumption that the Roman government used its

currency in order to communicate intended messages. An examination of the writings of various

scholars reveals a range of opinions. Many numismatists, including Norena, Brunn, Newman,

Wallace-Hadrill, Levick, and Metcalf have argued that imperial coin designs not only served an

aesthetic and authoritative purpose but also contained directed messages.17

While Norena argued

against the idea of considering the pieces to be “aggressive[ly]” propagandistic tools on account

of the economic impracticality of minting pieces for the sole purpose of communicating political

messages, Newman and Brunn argued that coinage was in fact imperial propaganda.18

Brunn and

Newman each used different evidence in order to reach their seemingly similar conclusions about

the propagandistic nature of coin design. While Brunn more broadly examined the designs and

17

Norena (2011), 264-265; Brunn (1999), 26; Newman (1990), 63; Wallace-Hadrill (1981), 308; Levick (1999a),

44; Metcalf (1999), 15. 18

Norena (2011), 264.

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legends of Augustus, Newman looked specifically at the exchange of coins between Antony and

Octavian in the years leading up to Actium. Ultimately, although scholars have disagreed about

whether or not the Roman government used coinage as a tool of imperial propaganda, most

numismatists agree that Roman coinage at least conveyed some intended message.

Scholars also continue to debate the role of the emperor in design selection.19

For

instance, numismatist Wallace-Hadrill has argued that the emperor influenced design. He

contended in his article, “Image and Authority in the Coinage of Augustus,” that such coin

iconography was in fact indicative of the emperor’s self-image; however, he also argued against

the idea that the emperor directly dictated coin design.20

He observed that after 4 BCE, when the

moneyers’ names disappeared from the coins, the currency would have all appeared to have

come directly from the emperor himself.21

However, he contended that the emperor would have

had little direct say in the specific type selection. Rather this act would have been the

responsibility of the moneyers (tresviri monetales, a rationibus, or procurator monetae).22

In

contrast to Wallace-Hadrill, Levick has argued against imperial direction entirely. She has instead

claimed that coin designs reflected the attempts of contemporary moneyers to appeal to the

emperor by reflecting back to the emperor what he and his constituents saw or wanted to see.23

She emphasized both the logistics of the minting process and the panegyric nature of some

imperial literature.24

Thus, though scholars disagree about the varying level of influence the

emperor had in type selection, they do all agree that the types reflected and represented the

imperial personality.

19

Buttrey (1972); Brunn (1999); Norena (2001); Norena (2011). 20

Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 68; Levick (1999a), 44. 21

Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 68. 22

Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 67. 23

Levick (1999a), 44. 24

Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 67.

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It is impossible to know the emperor’s exact role in the design of imperial coinage;

however, the currency issues ultimately traced back to the imperial government and, by

extension, the emperor himself. William Metcalf observed in his study, “Coins as Primary

Evidence,” that coinage functioned as an “official document….which reflected decisions made

by and implemented by governments.”25

In the Imperial period, the Roman emperor was the face

of this government. Furthermore, with the disappearance of the moneyers’ names from the coins

in 4 CE, imperial coins, with their imperial portraits, appeared to represent only the emperor

himself or imperial policy.26

With his identity and authority so inextricably linked with these

coin pieces, it is likely that the emperor – even if only indirectly by his implementation of the

important governmental policies - had some role in the determination of coin types.

Considering his interest in the processes of coin production, it is likely that Augustus,

who oversaw the creation of Fortuna Redux, especially had a role in the selection process. The

emperor became directly involved in the production of Roman currency when he introduced

several new denominations (asses, quadrantes, sestertii, and dupondii) into circulation.27

Furthermore, if Newman’s discussion concerning the interplay in coin denominations is to be

believed, the emperor already had experience in the selection of coin designs as a result of his

political struggle against Antony.28

The emperor may have also been interested in provincial

coinage. Brunn has argued that Augustus was involved in the process of determining designs for

several provincial issues. He based his argument on the rise in Latin and imperial titles on

provincial coins as well as the appearance of similar messages within both the text of the Res

Gestae and on the designs of coins.29

Brunn used Augustus’s extensive traveling as well as the

25

Metcalf (1999), 3. 26

Wallace-Hadrill (1986), 68. 27

Brunn (1999), 26. 28

Newman (1990). 29

Brunn (1999), 28.

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similarities between these messages on the coins and Res Gestae to contend that Augustus

dictated the messages to be conveyed by such provincial coin designs.30

He also observed that

several different local bronzes contained similar iconography and legends.31

Thus, Augustus’s

interest in provincial and imperial coinage lends credence to the argument that this first emperor,

who would set the precedent for subsequent rulers, was involved in determining coin design.

Moreover, considering Augustus’s decision to revolutionize other aspects of Roman

society in an attempt to move away from the Roman Republic, it is likely that he also made use

of the medium of coinage. The emperor made significant changes to the architecture of the city,

as well as to the military practices and basic Roman political ceremonies. With his construction

of various buildings, including the Theater of Marcellus, the Temple of Mars Ultor, and the

Temple to Divine Julius, he overshadowed older important Republican structures within Rome.

Furthermore, when he denied M. Licinius Crassus the spolia opima, which were traditionally

awarded to a military general who had defeated an enemy leader in single combat, he redefined

an important part of Roman martial culture. Additionally, his choice to relocate the toga virilis

ceremony from the Capitoline Hill to the Forum Augustum changed a tradition quintessential for

every elite Roman male. Considering Augustus’s exertion of control over these various aspects of

Roman society, I have difficulty imagining that he would have overlooked over an opportunity to

exploit yet another medium. Instead, I believe that he understood the usefulness of coinage as a

vehicle for political and perhaps propagandistic messages across long distances. Following in the

path of Augustus, it is likely that many, if not all, of the subsequent emperors became aware of

these political possibilities and continued to exploit coin designs.

Although ancient coins are useful pieces of historical evidence, it is important to keep in

mind several caveats. As numismatist William Metcalf observed in his study of coins as a source

30

Brunn (1999), 28. 31

Brunn (1999), 30-31.

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of primary evidence, they can only directly provide a limited amount of information.32

Coin

issues can attest to details such as the existence of the minting die, the moneyer’s artistic skill,

the existence of certain politicians, the occurrence of some historical events, and the existence of

certain buildings. However, much of the other information gleaned from currency results from

interpretation. These details include the dates of the pieces and the identity of the moneyers.

Furthermore, for some imperial issues, particularly those during the reign of Hadrian, not enough

information is given in the legend in order to determine the exact date of the coin. In addition,

once produced, coins remained in circulation for an unknown amount of time; therefore, it is

unclear exactly how long their effects lasted. Most importantly, there is the danger of

misinterpreting the evidence.33

Considering the uncertainties in the classical community

regarding the role of the emperor in design selection, the intended audience of the coins, the

extent to which individuals incorporated messages in their coin issues, and the need for

interpretation in the understanding of some of these coin designs, it is possible to misread the

material. Additionally, as with any piece of historical evidence, there is also the chance of over-

interpretation. For my study, I will attempt to avoid overanalyzing the coin evidence by keeping

in mind the assumptions upon which I must base my examination.

Considering these caveats, several points should be kept in mind while reading this

investigation of imperial coins. Coins were mobile evidence and many pieces traveled far away

from their original minting site. Furthermore, the fact that the dates of production are based on

the legends of the coins means that they are not always specific. As mentioned earlier, this is

especially the case with the coins of Hadrian. Unfortunately, for these coins, I often cannot

pinpoint exact dates. Although rarely a problem, occasionally it can be difficult to understand the

historical context surrounding the production of these coins. For these coins, most notably those

32

Metcalf (1999), 6-7. 33

Metcalf (1999), 6-7.

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of Hadrian, I must make educated conjectures rather than definitive statements about their

historical contexts. Despite these uncertainties about the spread of the coins and the context of

their production, for the purpose of my examination, the chronology and historical contexts of

the coins are important to understanding the goddess’s associations and her iconography.

With these considerations in mind, I will begin my study by briefly looking at Fortuna

and end with my examination of Fortuna Redux’s coinage. Chapter One will focus on the cult of

Fortuna before the creation of Fortuna Redux. I will draw on previous scholarship as well as my

own individual research in order to look specifically at the goddess’s associations and

iconography as well as her relationship with Roman politicians. In Chapter Two, I will survey the

history of Fortuna on Roman coinage and the Republican connotations of her attributes. Both of

these chapters on Fortuna will provide for a better understanding of the public conception of

Fortuna before the creation of Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE. Chapter Three will examine the

overall cult of Fortuna Redux. I will consider the history of her epithet in Latin literature, the

conditions surrounding the creation of her altar in 19 BCE, and her cult traditions. This

discussion is aimed at establishing a basic understanding of the goddess before I look specifically

at the numismatic evidence. Finally, in Chapters Four and Five, I will look at the appearances of

Fortuna Redux in imperial coinage. I will discuss both the dates and designs of the coins. I will

also map their iconographical development and historical context. In my conclusion, I will draw

together all of these elements in order to argue that Roman emperors used the image of Fortuna

Redux on imperial coins to reference the goddess’s relationship with previous emperors so that

they might legitimize their imperial authority.

[17]

Chapter One: Fortuna before Augustus

Before Fortuna Redux, Roman society attempted to define Fortuna through the creation

of numerous specified cults. These cults were often characterized by the addition of an epithet.

Although each of these expressions linked Fortuna with various groups, peoples, events, and

places, the iconography of the goddess predominately connected her with abundance and

fertility. Meanwhile Roman politicians ranging from kings to military generals attempted to

adopt Fortuna as their patron. Some of these politicians illustrated their associations with the

goddess by constructing monuments; others became connected with the deity by means of

literary sources. As result of her associations with these prominent Roman politicians, Fortuna

became imbedded in both the Roman landscape and the Roman political scene in the years prior

the creation of Fortuna Redux.

When the Senate chose to dedicate an altar to Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE, the Romans

added yet another expression to an already multifaceted goddess. Fortuna, a goddess of “chance”

and “luck” may have her parallels in the religions of Etruria, with the goddess Nortia, and of

Greece, with the goddess Tyche; however, Fortuna herself first appeared in the Roman regal

period as a favorite goddess of King Servius Tullius.34

Subsequent politicians would also pay

homage to Fortuna and, by the time of Augustus, at least eighteen monuments to the different

expressions of the goddess had been constructed in the city of Rome alone.35

Kajanto’s study of

these structures, as well as many of her other epithets, which often focused on certain qualities of

the goddess, highlighted the diversity of her associations. Fortuna’s different epithets identified 34

For Nortia, see Fowler (2004), 171. For Tyche, see Arya (2002), 58. For Fortuna’s associations with Servius

Tullius, see Plut. De. Fort. Rom. 322C-333D and Plut. Quae. Rom. 74. 35

Fors Fortuna, aedes Fortuna, Fortuna Apotropaios, Fortuna Brevis, Fortuna Equestris, Fortuna Euelpis, Fortuna

Huiusce Diei, Fortuna Mala, Fortuna Obsequens, Fortuna Primigenia, Fortuna Privata, Fortuna Respiciens,

Fortuna Tulliana, Fortuna Virgo, Fortuna Virilis, Fortuna Publica Populi Romani Quiritium Primigenia,

Fortuna Publica Citerior. See Richardson (1992), 154-158.

[18]

her with groups (e.g. slaves, women, equestrians) and specific peoples (e.g. the Roman people)

as well as events (e.g. Fortuna “of this day”) and places (e.g. the Curia, the baths, the city of

Antium).36

Still other epithets acknowledged the complex personality of the goddess, including

her fickle nature.37

The establishment of cults to these various expressions of the goddess

associated Fortuna with different facets of Roman life in the years before the creation of the ara

Fortunae Reducis in 19 BCE. For instance, Servius Tullius’s temple to Fors Fortuna on the

banks of the Tiber River, as well as the shrine to Fortuna Felix and Fortuna Victrix at the port

city of Antium associated Fortuna with transportation (particularly sea travel).38

Additionally,

Servius Tullius’s temple to Fortuna in the Forum Boarium linked the goddess with commerce

and trade.39

In contrast, the cult of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste connected the goddess with

fertility and childbirth as well as the military.40

Thus, although the goddess Fortuna was

specifically connected with certain groups, people, places, and events in the years prior to 19

BCE, she was also more generally associated with abundance (biological and financial),

transportation, and military success.

However, Fortuna’s Republican iconography did not fully reflect this diversity of

associations; instead it focused on the goddess’s connection with fertility as well as her fickle

personality. The many different expressions of Fortuna featured only one main attribute in

sculpture: the cornucopia (“horn of plenty”). The goddess first appeared with the object in the

second century BCE.41

Found with agricultural deities such as Ceres, the cornucopia was

36

These various subcategories refer to: (1) groups: Fors Fortuna (slaves), Fortuna Muliebris (women), Fortuna

Equestris (equestrians); (2) people: Fortuna Populi Romani (“the Roman people”); (3) events: Fortuna Huiusce

Diei (“of this day”); (4) places: Curiae (“the Curia”), Balneorum (“the baths”), Antias (“Antium”). See Kajanto

(1981), 509-518. 37

Epithets such as Adiutrix, Conservatrix, Bona, Fortissima, and Felix showed her beneficial nature. Epithets such

as Brevis, Dubia, and Mala hinted at her fickleness. 38

Arya (2002), 66-67; Richardson (1992), 154-155. 39

Richardson (1992), 155. Fortuna’s ties to sea travel strengthened her relationship with commerce. 40

Arya (2002), 66-67. 41

Arya (2002), 72.

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predominately associated with fertility and agrarian abundance.42

Arya has also argued that the

cornucopia additionally connected Fortuna with shipping and commerce since such agrarian

resources needed safe transport to the city of Rome.43

Only literary sources mention the

goddess’s two other attributes – the globe and the wheel. Unlike the prosperous associations of

the cornucopia, these two objects indicated her capricious nature. For example, Pacuvius (220

BCE-130 BCE) wrote about the instability of the goddess whom he described as balancing atop a

globe (Fortunam insanam esse et caecam et brutam perhibent philosophi saxoque instare

globoso praedicant volubilei, “Philosophers allow that Fortuna is insane and blind and irrational

and they proclaim that she stands on a stone and a rolling globe”).44

Later, Cicero (106 BCE-43

BCE) mentioned the wheel of Fortuna (ne tum quidem fortunae rotam pertimescebat, “Then not

even was he afraid of the wheel of Fortuna”).45

In the minds of Classical Greeks, the wheel was

already associated with the cycle of life.46

Cicero’s description of the object’s ability to inspire

fear suggests that this connotation of temporality also existed in Rome during the first century

CE. Both of these literary attributes reinforced the goddess’s sporadically unstable nature already

indicated by several of her epithets, including Brevis, Dubia, and Mala.47

Thus in the period

leading up to the creation of the cult of Fortuna Redux, the iconography of Fortuna

predominately associated the deity with fertility and abundance; however, the goddess’s

attributes also reinforced the complicated nature of her personality, which could be generous but

occasionally fickle.

42

Kajanto (1981), 519; Arya (2002), 71. 43

Arya (2002), 73. 44

Warmington (1982b), 318; Arya (2002), 81. 45

Cic. Pis. 22. See Arya (2002), 85. 46

Arya (2002), 84. 47

Arya (2002), 154. For more epithets demonstrating her fickleness, see Kajanto (1981).

[20]

Patron of Roman Leaders

Fortuna also came to be connected with specific individuals before her association with

Augustus in 19 BCE. Her earliest involvement in Roman politics dates back to the regal period

and the reign of King Servius Tullius. According to Plutarch, the king considered the deity to be

responsible for his success.48

Furthermore, according to tradition, Servius Tullius dedicated at

least thirteen different shrines to the goddess within the city of Rome alone.49

Thus, by the end of

the regal period, the landscape of Rome already confirmed Fortuna’s relationship with at least

one Roman politician.

During the Republican period, several successful Romans decorated the city with shrines

to Fortuna. At least three of the temples were manubial – that is they were constructed by

successful military commanders and funded by war spoils. First, P. Sempronius Tudiatanus

vowed a temple to Fortuna Primigenia at the beginning of his battle in Croton against Hannibal

in 204 BCE.50

Ten years later, Q. Marcius Ralla dedicated Tudiatanus’s monument, which

ultimately stood on the Quirinal Hill as part of a three-temple complex (Tres Fortunae).51

Then,

in 180 BCE, Q. Fulvius Flaccus vowed a shrine to Fortuna Equestris while on a military

campaign in Spain. He eventually dedicated the temple in 173 BCE.52

Finally, in 101 BCE, Q.

Lutatius Catulus vowed a temple to Fortuna Huiusce Diei during the Battle of Vercellae.53

One

year later, he dedicated the building, which scholars now believe to be the modern day tholos-

shaped Temple B in the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina.54

All of these temples illustrate a

manubial, and thereby militaristic, tradition associated with the cult of the goddess Fortuna

48

Plut. Quae. Rom. 74. 49

Including Fors Fortuna, aedes Fortuna, Fortuna Apotropaios, Fortuna Brevis, Fortuna Euelpis, Fortuna

Obsequens, Fortuna Primigenia, Fortuna Privata, Fortuna Respiciens, Fortuna Tulliana, Fortuna Virgo, Fortuna

Virilis, and Fortuna Viscata. See Richardson (1992), 154-158. 50

Richardson (1992), 158. 51

Richardson (1992), 158. 52

Richardson (1992), 155. 53

Richardson (1992), 156. 54

Richardson (1992), 156.

[21]

during the Roman Republic. Yet, although nearly 23 monuments dedicated to Fortuna still

decorate the Roman landscape, these three shrines are the only extant monuments with manubial

origins. Furthermore, little is known about the context surrounding the creation of many of these

extant monuments. Therefore, Roman politicians before Augustus occasionally associated the

goddess Fortuna with military conquest through the construction of manubial shrines; however

the extent of her cult’s relationship with the manubial tradition is unclear.

Literary sources indicate that several Republican generals, beginning with Marius and

Sulla, likewise wished to associate their own military success with the patronage of the goddess

Fortuna. According to Cicero, the goddess played an important role in the success of M.

Claudius Marcellus (268-208 BCE) and P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus (236-183 BCE); however,

several literary sources identify Gaius Marius (157-86 BCE) as the first Republican leader to

adopt the goddess as his own personal patron.55

Yet, according to Plutarch, she soon jilted the

politician.56

Arya rightly suggests that Sulla, Marius’s rival, likewise claimed the goddess’s favor.

However, unlike Marius, who only attributed his success and subsequent downfall to the

attentions of Fortuna, Sulla claimed to have a personal relationship with the goddess. During his

life, the general not only took on the cognomen of Felix but also referred to himself as the son of

Fortuna.57

Consequently, by the beginning of the first century BCE, Fortuna had become

increasingly associated with the success of prominent military leaders as they began to adopt her

as their personal patron. 55

Cic. Leg Man. 47: Ego enim sic existimo: Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario, et ceteris magnis imperatoribus

non solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata atque exercitus esse

commissos; Varro, Marius de Fortuna (now lost); Cic. Marius (now lost); Sall. BJ 63.1: Per idem tempus

Vticae forte C. Mario per hostias dis supplicanti magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat: proinde quae

animo agitabat, fretus dis ageret, fortunam quam saepissime experiretur. See Arya (2002), 165, 197. 56

Plut. Mar. 45.5: νοσοῦντι φάσκων αὐτῷ. Γάιος δέ τις Πείσων, ἀνήρ ἱστορικὸς, ἱστορεῖ τὸν Μάριον ἀπὸ δείπνου

περιπατοῦντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐν λόγοις γενέσθαι περὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν πραγμάτων, ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενον: καὶ τὰς

ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα πολλάκις μεταβολὰς ἀφηγησάμενον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς ἔτι τῇ τύχῃ πιστεύειν

ἑαυτόν: ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοὺς παρόντας ἀσπασάμενον καὶ κατακλιθέντα συνεχῶς ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τελευτῆσαι. See Arya

(2002), 165. 57

Pliny NH 7.137: Felicis sibi cognomen adseruit L. Sulla; Plut. Sulla 6.8ff. See Arya (2002), 181. See Erkell

(1952), 88-92.

[22]

Subsequently, in the last decades of the Republic, Romans continued to connect Fortuna

with the success of leading generals. After Sulla’s retirement, L. Licinius Lucullus honored the

goddess by constructing a temple to Fortuna Bona Salutaris near his family villa.58

Likewise,

Gnaeus Pompey fostered a private relationship with Fortuna through the construction of a shrine

to Fortuna Strata in his domus rostrata in Carinae.59

Fellow officials also publicly associated

Fortuna with Pompey’s martial prowess. As early as 66 BCE, Cicero attributed the success of

Pompey’s military campaign in Asia to the favoritism of Fortuna Populi Romani (Cn. Pompeium

ad eas regiones Fortuna Populi Romani attulisset, “Fortuna Populi Romani carried Gnaeus

Pompey to those same regions”).60

Q. Sicinius’s coin issue from 49 BCE may have emphasized

this relationship between the general and the goddess. The denarius featured the head of

Fortuna, crowned with a diadem and surrounded by a legend reading FORT P R on the obverse

(App. II.2).61

The reverse featured a caduceus, palm branch and a wreath – three signs of military

victory. Arya has reasonably argued for a connection between the general and this appearance of

Fortuna Populi Romani. He not only contended that Sicinius was a “partisan of Pompey,” but

also cited Pompey’s previous association with Fortuna Populi Romani in the writings of Cicero

as further evidence for the coin’s connotations.62

The issue would have entered circulation in the

months following Caesar’s decision to cross the Rubicon and march on Rome. Thus, if the coin

did indeed refer to Pompey (which seems likely), then it probably served as an invocation to the

goddess for the protection of the general in his upcoming conflict with Caesar. However, there is

no indication that Pompey, himself, overtly fostered this relationship. Yet, though the general

himself never appears to have directly claimed the deity as his own personal patron, Cicero’s

58

Arya (2002), 189-190, 194. 59

Arya (2002), 201-202. 60

Cic. Leg. Man. 45. See Arya (2002), 196-197. 61

RRC 440/1. App. II.2 refers to Figure 2 in Appendix II. 62

Arya (2002), 197.

[23]

speech and Sicinius’s coin allude to a publicly acknowledged relationship between the goddess

Fortuna and the military success of Pompey.

As with Pompey, fellow Roman politicians associated Julius Caesar’s martial success

with the patronage of Fortuna. P. Sepullius Macer’s coin of 44 BCE presumably connected

Julius Caesar with the goddess. The denarius featured the bust of winged Victory on the obverse

while a standing Fortuna appeared on the reverse of the coin (App. II.3).63

The coin did not

mention Caesar by name; however, the issue did feature Victory alongside Fortuna only a few

months after Caesar’s successful military campaign against Pompey and the armies of the Roman

State. Furthermore, Macer was one of Caesar’s favorite moneyers.64

Both of these details suggest

that the coin did, in fact, refer to Julius Caesar. Thus, Macer’s coin most likely linked Fortuna to

Caesar’s military success on a coin which was minted to pay the armies. Literary sources also

acknowledged the general’s relationship with Fortuna. Velleius wrote after Caesar’s

assassination that the general followed Fortuna into Africa (Sequens fortunam suam Caesar

pervectus in Africam est, “Caesar following his Fortuna was carried into Africa”).65

Years later,

Plutarch told the presumably well-known story about Fortuna’s role in saving the Roman leader

from a storm.66

He described the goddess as the Καίσαρος τύχη (“the Tyche of Caesar”). These

writers postdated Caesar and thus a personalized Fortuna (that is a Fortuna Caesaris) may not

have actually existed during the dictator's life; however these passages further indicate that the

relationship between Caesar and Fortuna was publicly acknowledged, even years after the

leader’s death.

Although other Romans attested to Caesar’s connection with Fortuna, Julius Caesar

himself also actively encouraged the association. The general repeatedly discussed the power of

63

RRC 480/25. 64

Crawford (1974), 494. 65

Vell. 2.55.1. See Weinstock (1971), 117. 66

Plut. Caes. 38.5. See Weinstock (1971), 121.

[24]

the goddess in his writings concerning both the Gallic and Civil Wars.67

However, the goddess

was not only influential in his martial affairs, but, according to Caesar, she also showed a clear

preference for the general during his military campaigns. In a letter to Cicero, Caesar declared

himself favored by Fortuna (si non fortunae obsecutus videberis - omnia enim secundissima

nobis, adversissima illis accidisse videntur, “If you will not have been seen following Fortuna –

for all things most favorable seem to have happened to us [and] all things most adverse to

them”), and in the company of his soldiers, he credited the deity for his conquest of Italy

“without injury” (Habendam fortunae gratiam, quod Italiam sine aliquo vulnere cepissent,

“Thanks must be paid to Fortuna because [the troops] took Italy without any injury”).68

Thus,

Caesar himself also credited the goddess for her involvement in guaranteeing his military

success.

Therefore, before Augustus, Fortuna had become a goddess actively involved in the

Roman world. Her many expressions connected her with specific groups, locations and events.

Furthermore, her various cults associated the goddess with abundance, transportation, and

military success. According to tradition, Fortuna first became involved in Roman politics during

the regal period; nevertheless the goddess’s role as the personal patron of Roman leaders grew in

prominence during the last two centuries of the Republic, during which time various Republican

generals, including Sulla, Lucullus, Pompey, and Julius Caesar increasingly claimed the

patronage of the goddess in their military endeavors. By the time of Julius Caesar’s assassination

in 44 BCE, other fellow Roman citizens as well as generals themselves publicly acknowledged

67

Caes. BG 6.30.2: Multum cum in omnibus rebus tum in re militari potest fortuna; Caes. BG 6.30.4: Sic magnae

fuit fortunae omni militari instrumento, quod circum se habebat, erepto, raedis equisque comprehensis ipsum

effugere mortem; Caes. BG 4.26.5: Hoc unum ad pristinam fortunam Caesari defuit; Caes. BG 5.58.6:

Comprobat hominis consilium fortuna; Caes. BG 6.35.2: Hic quantum in bello fortuna possit et quantos adferat

casus cognosci potuit; Caes. BC 3.68.1: Sed fortuna, quae plurimum potest cum in reliquis rebus tum praecipue

in bello, parvis momentis magnas rerum commutationes efficit. According to Weinstock, even Cicero comments

of the frequency of Fortuna in the writings of Caesar: Cic. Prov. Cons. 35: Qui si Fortunae muneribus

amplissimis ornatus saepius eius deae periculum facere nollet. See Weinstock (1971), 115. 68

Cic. Att. 10.8B.1; Caes. BC 3.73.3. See Weinstock (1971), 115-116.

[25]

and encouraged Fortuna’s patronage of prominent military leaders. This association between the

goddess Fortuna and Republican generals would provide a precedent for the future relationship

between Fortuna Redux and the martial achievements of the emperor in the years that

immediately preceded the creation of her cult.

[26]

Chapter Two: Fortuna on Republican Coinage

Although Fortuna first appeared on the Roman landscape during the regal period, the

goddess only began to be featured on Roman coinage during the last few decades of the

Republic. Beginning in 69 BCE, Fortuna appeared on a nine Republican issues prior to 19 BCE

(App. II.1-9).69

Although the coin corpus is small, the depiction of Fortuna on these nine coins

established an iconographical precedent. The coins associated Fortuna with several different

aspects of the Roman world, including transportation and Roman militarism, previously

unacknowledged in the goddess’s iconography. Ultimately, Fortuna’s appearance on these

Republican issues would create a standard image of the goddess (standing and holding a

cornucopia and rudder) which would provide the model for Fortuna Redux in imperial coinage.

Fortuna appeared on both the obverse and reverse of Republican coins. Originally, her

bust was featured on the obverse of coins, identifiable by an accompanying legend (App. II.1-

2).70

Yet, beginning in 44 BCE, with P. Sepullius Macer’s quinarius, her depiction shifted to the

reverse (App. II.3).71

Although she would appear once more on an obverse in 41 BCE (App.

II.7), following Macer’s coin of 44 BCE, Fortuna almost exclusively decorated the reverse of

coins.72

This shift allowed for representations of the goddess, now standing and holding

attributes. Along with this shift in depiction came the removal of any legend identifying the

goddess. After 44 BCE, all Republican issues featuring the standing goddess omitted any

mention of her name, Fortuna (App. II.3-6, 8-9).73

Thus, in the years leading up Fortuna Redux’s

appearance on imperial coinage, recognition of Fortuna on the reverse of Roman coins must 69

RRC 405/2; RRC 440/1; RRC 480/25; RRC 494/4; RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33; RRC 513/1; RRC 516/1; RRC

525/1. 70

RIC 405/2; RRC 440/1. 71

RIC 480/25. 72

RRC 513/1 73

RRC 480/25; RRC 494/4; RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33; RRC 516/1; RRC 525/1.

[27]

have depended on an understanding of her iconography (particularly the cornucopia). Because of

this emphasis on the goddess’s attributes, this study of the goddess’s depiction on Republican

coinage will also attempt to understand the Republican connotations of her attributes in order to

better understand Fortuna’s associations before Augustus.

M. Plaetorius Cestianus’s denarius of 69 BCE, and again of 57 BCE, was the first Roman

coin to allude to Fortuna (App. II.1).74

The obverse, which appeared without a legend, featured

the draped bust of a female whose hair was pulled back in a bun. The reverse featured the upper

half of a young man holding a rectangular tablet labeled SORS. The words M PLAETORI CEST

S C ran along the top of the reverse. Without a legend or any distinguishing attributes, it is

difficult to identify the female figure on the obverse with certainty; however Crawford

recognizes the female head as that of Fortuna.75

This identification must have arisen from the

content of the reverse. The scene of a youth holding a panel labeled sors likely referred to the

oracular drawing of lots at the Sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste.76

If this

interpretation of M. Plaetorius Cestianus's coin is correct, then it is indeed the earliest depiction

of Fortuna on Roman coinage. Therefore, Fortuna’s earliest appearance in Roman coinage

overtly linked the goddess with the oracular power of Fortuna Primigenia; however, considering

Plaetorius’s relationship with the town of Praeneste, the moneyer may have instead used the

goddess in order to pay homage to his hometown.

Beginning in 49 BCE, Fortuna’s appearance on coinage became overtly associated with

Roman militarism. Q. Sicinius’s denarius was the first coin to identify the goddess by name

(App. II.2).77

The obverse featured a diademed female head accompanied by the label FORT P R.

74

RRC 405/2. 75

Crawford (1974), 415. 76

Klingshirn (2006), 144. Crawford agrees with this interpretation, elaborating that Plaetorius Cestianus lived in

Praeneste before being adopted by the Plaetorius family. See Crawford (1974), 418. 77

RRC 440/1.

[28]

The reverse depicted a caduceus crossed with a palm branch and a wreath hanging above. The

iconography of the reverse, which featured the palm branch and wreath, two signs of military

victory, immediately associated the Fortuna Populi Romani of the obverse with militarism.

Sicinius’s choice to depict the goddess, who was previously connected with the martial success

of Pompey, an associate of Sicinius, emphasized Fortuna’s military associations.78

Furthermore,

as mentioned in the previous chapter, the coin likely served to invoke the goddess’s protection in

Pompey’s (and Rome’s) upcoming conflict with Caesar. Consequently, Fortuna’s appearance on

Republican coinage may have anticipated a successful military campaign. Although Pompey was

killed the following year, Fortuna Populi Romani reappeared on an aureus of M. Arrius in 41

BCE, once again in connection with militarism (App. II.7).79

A diademed female, identified by

the legend F P R adorned the obverse, while the reverse featured a hasta pura, a type of spear,

flanked by a wreath and a phalerae, a piece of Roman armor. This coin followed Octavian and

Antony’s victory over the conspirators at Philippi in October of the previous year. Thus the

appearance of the goddess on Arrius’s coin may have commemorated the return of the victorious

generals. Consequently, with Sicinius’s issue of 69 BCE and Arrius’s coin of 41 BCE, the

presence of Fortuna on Republican coinage not only marked the beginning of a military

campaign, but may have also celebrated its successful conclusion.

Fortuna’s association with the goddess Victory on Republican coinage reinforced the

association between Fortuna and Roman militarism. The two deities first appeared together in 44

BCE on the quinarius of P. Sepullius Macer (App. II.3).80

The obverse of his coin featured the

draped and diademed bust of winged Victory. The reverse showed the goddess Fortuna, standing

and holding both a cornucopia and a rudder. Subsequent Republican issues reinforced this

78

See Chapter One. 79

RRC 513/1. 80

RRC 480/25.

[29]

connection between the two goddesses - in 42 BCE, C. Vibius Varus produced two denarii which

featured Fortuna and Victory together (App. II.5-6).81

The obverses of the denarii differed

slightly. One coin featured the bearded head of Marc Antony, while the other showed the head of

Octavian. However, both coins shared a reverse design: Fortuna standing and holding a

miniature statue of Victory in her right hand while her left arm cradled a cornucopia. Although

removed from the obverse, Victory remained associated with Fortuna on this coin produced two

years after Macer’s quinarius. However, Victory’s role had been diminished as Fortuna, now

holding Victory in her palm, had become the predominant force. Macer’s coin thus not only

connected Fortuna with Roman militarism but also suggested that the goddess was able to

guarantee military victory.

Meanwhile, Fortuna’s appearance with the caduceus on Sicinius’s coin also reinforced

the goddess’s association with transportation. Prior to its connection with Fortuna in 49 BCE, the

object was frequently featured on Republican coins. The type dates early, first appearing on a

coin from between 280 BCE and 276 BCE.82

The simple design of the piece featured the outside

of a scallop shell on the obverse while a caduceus decorated the reverse. The caduceus appeared

over forty times during the next two and a half centuries. Considering the fact that the object was

most commonly associated with Mercury, the caduceus unsurprisingly was featured with the god

on several different issues.83

According to myth, Mercury led souls to the underworld; thus the

repeated appearance of the caduceus with the god on Republican coinage associated the object

with guidance. However, the caduceus also appeared with a number of other gods, including

Venus, Minerva, Roma, Janus, Saturn, Hercules, Mars, the Dioscuri, Victory, Italia, and Honos

81

RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33. 82

RRC 14/5. 83

RRC 285/6; RRC 60/6; RRC 335/8b; RRC 348/6.

[30]

and Virtus.84

Yet other than Roma and the Dioscuri, who frequently featured on early Republican

coinage, as well as the god Mercury, the caduceus does not appear to be associated with any

deity in particular. Furthermore, an analysis of accompanying types reveals a similar distribution

of associations. Throughout the Republic, the caduceus appeared along with a number of

different objects (altar, bull, club, corn-ear, cornucopia, crown, cuirass, fasces, globe, hammer,

quadriga, palm, poppy heads, scales, scallop shell, sickle, spear, and trophy). However these

associations often occurred only once or twice.85

Only one item appeared with any sort of

frequency: the prow. The two objects were featured together on eleven coins.86

This appearance

of the caduceus with the prow associated the object with sea travel, and by extension,

transportation. Thus, the appearance of the caduceus alongside Fortuna in 49 BCE may have

reinforced the deity’s connection with transportation.

The appearance of the rudder, which was also associated with transportation on

Republican coinage, in the hands of goddess most likely reinforced Fortuna’s connection with

travel. Prior to its appearance with Fortuna on Macer's coin of 44 BCE, the rudder had only

been featured on ten different coins. Six of these pieces were contemporaneous, having been

issued between 206 BCE and 195 BCE.87

One of these coins featured a helmeted Roma on the

obverse while the reverse depicted the Dioscuri, mounted, with a rudder at their horses' feet.88

The other five issues appeared as a series.89

The rudder was not associated with any specific god

84

Venus: RRC 357/1a-b. Minerva: RRC 37/1c; RRC 60/4. Roma: RRC 60/1a; RRC 60/1c; RRC 60/7; RRC 108/1;

RRC 367/1-5. Janus: RRC 60/2. Saturn: RRC 60/3. Hercules: RRC 60/5; RRC 348/6. Mars: RRC 296/1a; RRC

335/3c. Dioscuri: RRC 60/1a; RRC 60/1c; RRC 108/1. Victory: RRC 367/1-5. Italia: RRC 405/1. Honos and

Virtus: RRC 403/1. 85

Altar: RRC 348/6. bull: RRC 37/1c. club: RRC 348/6. corn-ear: RRC 357/a-b. cornucopia: RRC 403/1. crown:

RRC 367/1-5. cuirass: RRC 335/3c. fasces: RRC 357/1a-b; RRC 403/1. globe: RRC 403/1. hammer: RRC

335/3c; RRC 335/8b. quadriga: RRC 366/1a-c; RRC 367/1-5. palm: RRC 366/1a-c. poppy heads: RRC 405/3a-

b. scales: RRC 366/1a-c. scallop shell: RRC 14/5; RRC 25/8. sickle: RRC 25/8. spear: RRC 335/3c. trophy:

RRC 335/3c. Neither these objects nor the caduceus appear to be control marks. 86

RRC 335/8b; RRC 348/6; RRC 357/1a-b; RRC 60/2-7; RRC 335/3c. 87

RRC 117A/1; RRC 117B/1-5. 88

RRC 117A/1. 89

RRC 117B/1-5.

[31]

in this set of issues. Instead, the obverse of the coins cycled through the heads of various deities

including Janus, Saturn, Minerva, Hercules, and Mercury. However, the reverse design, which

featured a bird and a rudder suspended above a prow, did establish a connection between the

rudder and the prow. The fact that the rudder was used in the steering of ships naturally

associated the object with travel. However, as with the caduceus, this repeated appearance of the

prow with the rudder reinforced the rudder’s connection with transportation (particularly sea

travel). As mentioned in Chapter One, Servius Tullius’s temple to Fors Fortuna in Rome as well

as the cult to Fortuna Felix and Fortuna Victrix at the port city of Antium already associated

Fortuna with transportation, particular sea travel. The appearance of Fortuna with the rudder on

Republican coinage would have only reinforced this connection with transportation.

The rudder’s appearance on Roman coinage also associated the object with military and

political authority. In 115/114 BCE, the rudder first appeared with the goddess Victory.90

The

obverse of the coin featured a helmeted Roma, while on the reverse, Victory rode in a biga

chariot. In her hands, the goddess held the reins of the biga and a palm branch decorated with a

ribbon. The rudder lay beneath the chariot. This appearance of the rudder alongside the goddess

Victory and the palm branch associated the object with military success. Carisius's denarii of 46

BCE reinforced the rudder’s relationship with military victory and additionally connected the

object with political authority.91

The obverse of the coin featured the helmeted head of Roma,

while the reverse depicted the rudder along with a cornucopia, standing atop a globe, and a

scepter. The whole reverse was surrounded by a wreath. Although the rudder was only featured

once with these objects (globe, scepter, and wreath), its appearance in conjunction with such

signs of military and political power suggests a connection between the rudder and political

90

RRC 289/1. 91

RRC 464/3a-c.

[32]

authority. Thus, Fortuna’s association with the rudder on Macer’s coin in 44 BCE may have

additionally connected the goddess with martial success and political influence.

Macer’s decision to feature a rudder in conjunction with Fortuna was copied by later

moneyers. Marc Antony’s aureus of 41 BCE was the first coin after Macer’s issue in 44 BCE to

feature Fortuna with the object (App. II.8).92

While the head of Antony adorned the coin’s

obverse, the reverse showed the goddess holding a cornucopia and rudder. A stork stood at the

goddess’s feet. The stork was an unusual object to feature alongside Fortuna because it was most

frequently associated with the goddess Pietas. The legend of the coin, PIETAS COS, creates

further confusion about Crawford’s decision to identify the woman as Fortuna.93

Arya has

suggested that the legend, which at first seems to identify the goddess, may instead refer to the

piety of Lucius Antony towards his brother Marc Antony.94

The presence of the legend COS,

which likely referred to Lucius Antonius’s political office (the consulship), strengthens this

interpretation of the reverse. Thus, the appearance of the stork with the figure of Fortuna on

Antony’s coin would have reinforced a sense of piety and would not have been an attribute of the

goddess. Likely in response to Antony’s aureus, Ti. Sempronius Gracchus also issued a coin of

Fortuna holding the rudder in 40 BCE (App. II.9).95

The coin featured the head of Octavian,

Antony’s co-ruler, on the obverse while Fortuna adorned the reverse. The design showed the

goddess standing and holding both a cornucopia and a rudder. This aureus, which was the third

coin to feature Fortuna with the rudder, would also be the last issue to depict the goddess before

the creation of the ara Fortunae Reducis in 19 BCE. This repeated appearance of Fortuna with

the rudder in late Republican coinage suggests that the object had become especially associated

with goddess in the last years leading up to the Roman Empire.

92

RRC 516/1. 93

Crawford (1974), 524. 94

Arya (2002), 211-212. 95

RRC 525/1.

[33]

Although Fortuna’s appearance on Republican coinage associated the goddess with new

attributes, including the caduceus and the rudder, Fortuna continued to appear with the

cornucopia. She appeared standing in six out of the nine Republican coins on which she was

featured.96

In each of these six coins, she held a cornucopia (App. II.3-6, 8-9).97

The cornucopia

first appeared on Roman coinage in 207 BCE. The object appeared on several issues from that

year but it was not featured with one deity in particular. Rather, the coins from 207 BCE

associated the cornucopia with a number of gods (e.g. Jupiter, Victory, Roma, the Dioscuri,

Janus, Saturn, Minerva, Italia, Hercules, and Mercury).98

In fact, in subsequent years, the

cornucopia would continue to appear with a variety of gods; moreover, the object was never

repeatedly shown with one particular deity. Out of the more than thirty coins featuring the

cornucopia in the years before Augustus, only five issues featured individuals physically holding

the horn.99

Three of these deities are distinguishable: Minerva, Italia, and Roma.100

The other

three individuals (a man crowning Roma, a man sitting in a curule chair, and an anguipede [a

mythological creature with a rooster head and snake-like legs]) are unidentifiable.101

In addition,

the Dioscuri, Roma, and Victory appeared beside, but not with, a cornucopia.102

Several coins

during this time also featured the object on the reverse while the obverse included the portraits of

varying deities (Roma, Mars, Hercules, Honos and Virtus, and Jupiter).103

However, since the

cornucopia did not repeatedly feature with any other particular deity, its frequent appearance in

96

The other three coins instead featured the head of Fortuna on the obverse. 97

RRC 480/25; RRC 494/4; RRC 494/32; RRC 494/33; RRC 516/1; RRC 525/1. 98

RRC 58/1; RRC 58/2; RRC 58/3-9. 99

RRC 296/1j; RRC 403/1; RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1; RRC 405/1a-b. 100

RRC 296/1j; RRC 403/1. 101

RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1; RRC 405/1a-b. 102

Dioscuri: RRC 58/2; RRC 157/1. Roma: RRC 218/1; RRC 329/1a-d. Victory: RRC 58/1; RRC 397/1; RRC

409/1. 103

Roma: RRC 157/1; RRC 464/3a-c. Mars: RRC 296/1j. Hercules: RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1. Honos and

Virtus: RRC 403/1. Jupiter: RRC 460/1-2.

[34]

conjunction with Fortuna on Republican coins suggests that on the Roman coinage the object

was uniquely associated with the goddess.

Although the cornucopia was frequently associated with fertility, its appearance

alongside several other objects on Republican coinage may have additionally connected the

object with other aspects of the Roman world. Although late Republican coinage showed

Fortuna with both the cornucopia and the rudder, in fact the two attributes did not feature on the

same coin until 46 BCE.104

However, beginning in 207 BCE, the cornucopia did appear with

another sign of maritime travel: the prow.105

Additionally, the cornucopia may have also been

connected with political and martial authority. The horn appeared multiple times with a signs of

power, including the curule chair, globe, scepter, crown, or a combination of these items.106

T.

Carisius's series of denarii from 46 BCE particularly associated the cornucopia with several

objects indicative of military and political authority. The coins featured the cornucopia atop a

globe and flanked by a scepter and a rudder while the entire reverse was bordered with a laurel

wreath.107

Thus, although the cornucopia carried connotations of fertility and abundance, its

association with Fortuna on Republican coinage may have also reinforced the goddess’s

connection with military success and additionally linked the deity with political power.

Therefore, several late Republican coins had featured Fortuna before the creation of

Fortuna Redux and the goddess’s subsequent appearance on imperial coinage. Fortuna was most

frequently shown standing and holding a number of objects. Her most popular attributes were the

cornucopia, which appeared on six coins of the goddess, and the rudder, which appeared on three

coins; however Fortuna was also featured with the caduceus, the hasta pura, the phalerae, the

104

RRC 464/3a-c. 105

RRC 58/3-9 106

Curule chair: RRC 397/1; RRC 460/1-2. globe: RRC 397/1; RRC 403/1; RRC 464/3a-c. scepter: RRC 296/1j;

RRC 329/1a-d; RRC 397/1; RRC 464/3a-c. crown: RRC 296/1j; RRC 329/1a-d. 107

RRC 464/3a-c.

[35]

palm-branch, the wreath, and the stork. Additionally, Fortuna also frequently appeared with the

goddess Victory. These objects associated the goddess with several aspects of the Roman world.

The cornucopia emphasized the goddess’s connection with prosperity, while both the caduceus

and rudder linked the goddess with transportation. However, the majority of her attributes

including the hasta pura, phalerae, palm-branch, and wreath, reinforced Fortuna’s association

with military success. Her appearance with Victory on Republican coinage emphasized this

relationship with Roman militarism in the years before the creation of Fortuna Redux. As I will

discuss later in Chapters Four and Five, some of these objects, namely the cornucopia and the

rudder, would also become attributes of Fortuna Redux.

[36]

Chapter Three: Cult of Fortuna Redux

Several details of Fortuna Redux’s cult were integral to shaping the goddess’s public

perception. While her epithet and the location of her altar immediately connected Fortuna Redux

with Roman militarism, the conditions surrounding the creation of the goddess’s altar may have

also associated Fortuna Redux with Augustus’s diplomacy in Parthia. Furthermore, while the

participation of the Vestal Virgins in the altar’s religious ceremonies perhaps associated the deity

with fertility, they were also an important step in the development of Augustus’s relationship

with the priestesses. Additionally, though most of the later imperial religious practices

surrounding the cult of Fortuna Redux reinforced the goddess’s ties with the person of the

emperor, they may have also emphasized Fortuna Redux’s involvement in military affairs.

Consequently, the cult of Fortuna Redux, independent of the goddess’s appearance on imperial

coinage, appears to have been predominately associated with safe travels, Roman militarism, and

the protection of the emperor.

Redux: A new epithet

Fortuna Redux’s epithet was new in 19 BCE; however, the word, redux and its verbal

equivalent, reduco -ere, had previously been featured in Republican literature.108

The adjectival

form appeared in Latin texts thirteen times before the writings of Livy, whereas the verbal form

appeared a total of 143 times.109

The earliest extant example of the adjectival form, redux,

appeared in a fragment of Gnaeus Naevius (c. 270-200 BCE). In a passage attributed to the

Clastidium, a play on M. Claudius Marcellus's successful campaign against the Gauls in 222

108

For an overview of Fortuna in the Roman Republic, see Chapters One and Two. 109

Livy wrote during Augustus’s reign. Therefore, his writings and any texts afterward cannot be considered in this

examination of the words’ usages prior to the time of Augustus.

[37]

BCE, Naevius used redux to modify an unspecified, but successful military campaign (prae. 1

Warmington):110

Vitulantes…vita insepulta laetus in patriam redux.111

The one returning to the fatherland, happy, with an unburied life.

Although the fragment exists without context, the adjective in this earliest usage conveyed a

concrete sense of a movement “into” a location. In this case, it is into the homeland (in patriam).

This phrase, in patriam, appeared in conjunction with the adjectival form in four other passages

before the time of Livy.112

The military context of this particular passage is further indicated by

the presence of the word vitulantes (“celebrating”), which was often associated with Roman

military victory.113

The adjectival form, redux, appeared eight times in the plays of Plautus (late 3rd

/early 2nd

century BCE) and was also featured in the writings of Terence (2nd

century BCE) and Cicero (1st

century BCE).114

Plautus, like Naevius, used prepositional phrases (in patriam, “into the

fatherland” and ad patrem, “to the father”) to convey a sense of physical movement.115

Prepositional phrases, however, were also used to convey a change in status. In Plautus, this

change in state was political and civic: individuals were led back ex servitute (“out of slavery”)

110

Goldberg (1995), 32. 111

Naev. Prae.1. See Warmington (1982b), 136-137. 112

Plaut. Capt. 43: reducemque faciet liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum

ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Trin. 823: quom suis med ex

locis in patriam suavissumam reducem faciunt; Ter. Haut. 398: mea Antiphila, tu nunc sola reducem me in

patriam facis. 113

Forsythe (1994), 322. 114

Plaut. Capt. 43: reducemque faciet liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 437: huius reducem facias

filium; Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse liberum in

patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 923: quom reducem tuo te patri reddiderunt; Plaut. Capt. 931: hunc reducem

in libertatem fecis; Plaut. Rud. 908-909: quom me ex suis locis pulchre ornatum expedivit templis reducem,

plurima praeda onustum; Plaut. Stich. Ar. 1.9: facete reduces ludunt; Plaut. Trin. 823: quom suis med ex locis

in patriam suavissumam reducem faciunt; Cic. Mil. 103.4: Quid me reducem esse voluistis? Ter. Hec. 852:

egon qui ab orco mortuom me reducem in lucem feceris sinam sine munere a me abire? 115

Plaut. Capt. 43: reducemque faciet liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum

ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse liberum in patriam ad patrem; Plaut. Trin. 823: quom suis med ex

locis in patriam suavissumam reducem faciunt.

[38]

and in libertatem (“into freedom”).116

The change in social status often included the physical

movement described earlier (in patriam, ad patrem).117

Cicero indicated a similar sense of

restoration without the use of prepositional phrases.118

Additionally, in one example, the

adjectival form was used to indicate a return to one's natural, biological state.119

Thus, overall,

the adjective seems to have referred to physical movement, especially in a military context.

The verbal form, reduco –ere, appeared 143 times in Latin texts before Augustus. It first

appeared in a fragment of Ennius, which exists without context but is believed to have been part

of the Iphigenia (fr. 392-393 Warmington):120

Eos reduci quam reliqui, devehi quam deseri malui.121

I preferred that they be led back rather than left behind, that they be carried away

rather than abandoned.

Contrasting with reliqui (“to leave behind”), the verbal form's original use referred to the

concrete movement of individuals. Warmington suggests that the passage occurred in a military

context, an interpretation supported by the presence of deseri (“to leave”).122

Furthermore,

although reliqui had a more general meaning, the Oxford Latin Dictionary also includes specific

definitions such as “to forsake,” “to abandon,” or “to desert the ranks.”123

The verb also conveyed a sense of physical movement in the absolute without the

accompaniment of prepositional phrases.124

However, prepositional phrases (including in, ex, ad,

116

“Ex servitute”: Plaut. Capt. 685-686: me meum erum captum ex servitute atque hostibus reducem fecisse

liberum in patriam ad patrem. “In libertatem”: Plaut. Capt. 931: hunc reducem in libertatem feci. 117

Even in the case of Cicero's passage. Although there are no prepositional phrases indicating a sense of

movement, the presence of the verbal form expellerentur suggests that movement is involved. 118

Cic. Mil. 103.4: Quid me reducem esse voluistis? 119

Ter. Hec. 852: egon qui ab orco mortuom me reducem in lucem feceris sinam sine munere a me abire? 120

Warmington (1982a), 366-367. 121

Enn. fr. 392-3. See Warmington (1982a), 366-367. 122

Warmington (1982a), 366-367. Although the verbal form is more general, the noun, desertor, is defined as “one

who abandons (his duty or sim., freq. in a mil. sense).” Glare (1985a); Glare (1985b). 123

Glare (1985c). 124

Enn. fr. 392; Plaut. Capt. Ar. 3; Plaut. Capt. 764; Varro, Rust. 1.4.5.9; Catull. 76.11; Quin. Quad. Ann. 76.3;

Quint. Quad. Ann. 81.6; Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.10; Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.8; Cic. Verr. 2.5.155.1; Cic. Phil. 2.10.3; Cic.

Phil. 3.30.11; Cic. Fam. 1.1.3.5; Cic. Fam. 1.1.3.10; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.10; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.10; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.11;

[39]

intra, a/ab) as well as the locative case could also be used in conjunction with the verbal form to

indicate movement.125

Unlike the adjective, the verb preferred the locative domum (“to home”)

and the phrase in castra (“into the camps”) over in patriam and ad patrem.126

Beginning with Plautus, the verbal form frequently referred to the physical movement of

military units. This usage continued up until the time of Julius Caesar, in whose writings the

Cic. Fam. 1.7.4.6; Cic. Fam. 1.7.4.16; Cic. Fam. 10.32.2.7; Cic. Fam. 12.1.1.16; Cic. Q Fr. 2.2.3.2; Cic. Q Fr.

2.2.3.4; Cic. Q Fr. 2.8.2.6; Cic. Red. Pop. 10.12; Cic. Red. Pop. 15.1; Cic. Dom. 52.5; Cic. Dom. 52.5; Cic.

Dom. 87.10; Cic. Dom. 87.15; Cic. Sest. 56.12; Cic. Sen. 63.3; Cic. Rhet. Her. 2.45.20; Cic. Rhet. Her. 2.45.23;

Cic. Sall. 17.4; Caes. BG 5.22.3.1; Caes. BG 7.68.1.2; Caes. BG 1.28.1.2; Caes. BG 6.29.2.2; Caes. BG 6.32.2.3;

Caes. BG 7.22.2.3; Caes. BG 7.24.5.4; Caes. BG 7.59.5.1; Caes. BC 2.28.4.3; Caes. B. 3.46.3.1; Caes. BC

3.46.3.1; Caes. B Afr. 70.7.4; Caes. B Afr. 75.2.2; B Alex. 33.3.1; B Alex. 60.3.4. 125

“in”: See notes 126 and 127; Varro Rust. 1.8.6.7: furcillas reducit hibernatum in tecta; Vitr. De arch.

10.16.8.4: Diognetus eam helepolim reduxit in urbem; Cic. Att. 4.6.2.10: Philoxeno ignosco qui reduci in

carcerem maluit; Caes. BG 4.38.1.2: Caesar…eis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos; Caes. BC

3.39.2.2: is naves nostras interiorem in portum post oppidum reduxit; Caes. BG 5.53.3.1: copiasque omnes in

Treveros reducit; Caes. BG 7.9.6.2: Vercingetorix rursus in Bituriges exercitum reducit. “ex”: See note 127;

Plaut. Capt. 1014: nam hunc ex Alide huc reduximus; Varro Rust. 1.13.3.5: Boves enim ex arvo aestate reducti

hic bibunt; Caes. BG 4.38.1.2: Caesar…eis legionibus quas ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos; Caes. BG

7.88.6.1: ex oppido caedem et fugam suorum desperata salute copias a munitionibus reducunt. “ad”: Varro

Rust. 2.2.15.7: matres... agnos, ad quos...reductae ad vesperum; Cic. Acad. 1.2.1: ad suam villam reduximus;

Cic. Quinct. 61.7: Alfenus...domum reducatur ad Quinctium; Cic. Clu. 59.5: ad subsellia reduceret; Caes. BG

1.53.8.2: M. Metius repertus et ad eum reductus est; Caes. BG 6.32.2.3: ad se ut reducerentur; Caes. BC

2.38.5.5: equites revertuntur captivosque ad eum reducunt; Caes. B Afr. 70.6.1: suos ad unum in castra

incolumis sauciis X factis reduxit. “intra”: See note 127. “a/ab”: Cic. Clu. 101.4: subscripsit reges a se in

gratiam esse reductos; Cic. Fam. 1.5b.2.2: a Pompeio reducatur; Caes. BG 7.88.6.1: copias a munitionibus

reducunt; Cic. Att. 9.14.2.8: ab illo patriae proditores de exsilio reductos esse; Caes. BG 5.26.4.1: desperata re

hostes suos ab oppugnatione reduxerunt; Caes. BG 7.51.4.2: Vercingetorix ab radicibus collis suos intra

munitiones reduxit; Caes. BG 7.72.2.2: reliquas omnes munitiones ab ea fossa pedes quadrigentos reduxit;

Caes. BC 1.42.4.1: longius ab infimo colle progressi copias in castra reducunt. Locative: See notes 126 and

128. 126

The prepositional phrase in patriam accompanies the verbal form twice, both of which appear in the writings of

Cicero: Cic. Red. Sen. 28.7: non reducti sumus in patriam; Cic. Rab. Post. 47.10: Possum excitare multos <in

patriam> reductos testis liberalitatis tuae. “domum”: Plaut. Amph. 208: se exercitum extemplo domum

reducturum; Plaut. Bacch. 1070-1071: atque urbe capta per dolum domum reduco integrum omnem exercitum;

Nep. Vitae Ep. 7.2.3: exercitum obsidione liberatum domum reduxit; Cic. Phil. 14.13.1: me…domum inde

reduxerit; Cic. Brut. 86.7: eum socii domum reduxissent; Cic. Quinct. 61.7: Alfenus…domum reducatur ad

Quinctium; Cic. Verr. 1.7.1: domum reducebatur e campo; Cic. Amic. 12.8: domum reductus ad vesperum est;

Cic. Fam. 7.5.1.5: beneficiis quam ornatissimum domum reducerem; Cic. Att. 1.16.5.5: abiens consulatu sum

domum reductus. “in castra”: Caes. BG 1.49.5.4: legiones…in castra maiora reduxit; Caes. BG 4.34.3.1: in

castra legiones reduxit; Caes. BG 1.50.5.1: copias Ariovistus multis et illatis et acceptis vulneribus in castra

reduxit; Caes. B Afr. 61.4.2: Scipio laetus in castra nocte copias reduxit; Caes. B Gall. 2.9.3.1: Caesar suos in

castra reduxit; Caes. BG 7.53.3.1: Vercingetorix…quattour reliquas in castra exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG

7.19.6.1: milites consulatus eodem die reducit in castra; Caes. BC 1.40.7.7: legiones reducit in castra; Caes. B

Afr. 73.4.5: reducit sub vesperum legiones in castra; Caes. B Civ. 1.42.4.1: longius ab infimo colle progressi

copias in castra reducunt; Caes. BC 2.35.5.2: Curio exercitum in castra reducit; Caes. BC 3.41.2.2: reducto in

castra exercitu; Caes. B Afr. 32.1.3: Scipio…reducit suas copias in castra; Caes. B Afr. 76.2.6: Scipio atque in

antiqua castra copias reducit; Caes. B. Afr. 42.2.1: reductis suis copiis in castra; Caes. B Afr. 52.1.2:

Caesar…copias in castra reduceret; Caes. B Afr. 70.7.4: Scipio…legiones…reducit in castra; Caes. B Afr.

70.6.1: omnis suos ad unum in castra incolumis sauciis X factis reduxit.

[40]

word appeared a total of 56 different times. Caesar, as well as earlier authors, described the units

returning in castra (18 times) but also less frequently in hiberna (“into the winter camps”), ex

urbe (“out of the city”), in oppidum (“into the town”), intra munitiones (“among the

fortifications”), ad mare (“to the sea”), intra fossam (“within the ditch”), in patriam (“into the

fatherland”), and in Italiam (“into Italy”).127

The locative, including domum, also appeared in the

military context but its appearance was not only limited to wartime affairs.128

Thus, Julius Caesar

established a strong, though not solely, military significance for the verb reduco -ere.

127

“exercitum”: Plaut. Amph. 208: se exercitum extemplo domum reducturum; Plaut. Bacch. 1070-1071: urbe

capta per dolum domum reduco integrum omnem exercitum; Nep. Vitae Ep. 7.2.3: exercitum obsidone

liberatum domum reduxit incolumem; Nep. Vitae Ag. 3.2.4: Ephesum hiematum exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG

1.50.2.2: Caesar…exercitum in castra reduxit; Caes. BG 3.29.3.2: Caesar exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG

7.53.3.1: Vercingetorix…in castra exercitum reduxit; Caes. BG 5.23.1.1: exercitum reducit ad mare; Caes. BG

6.29.2.2: reducto exercitu partem ultimam pontis; Caes. BG 6.44.1.2: exercitum Caesar duarum cohortium

damno Durocortorum Remorum reducit; Caes. BG 7.9.6.2: Vercingetorix rursus in Bituriges exercitum reducit;

Caes. BG 7.59.5.1: incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret; Caes. BC 2.35.5.2: Curio exercitum in castra

reducit; Caes. BC 2.35.6.4: exercitum in oppidum reducit; Caes. BC 3.41.2.2: reducto in castra exercitu; Caes.

B Afr. 61.2.2: Caesar dum exercitum intra munitiones suas reducere coepisset. “copias”: Quin. Quad. Ann.

81.6: Sulla...reduxit copias; Caes. BG 1.50.5.1: suas copias Ariovistus multis et illatis et acceptis vulneribus in

castra reduxit; Caes. BG 7.68.1.2: Vercingetorix copias…reduxit. protinusque Alesiam; Caes. BG 5.53.3.1:

copiasque omnes in Treveros reducit; Caes. BG 7.88.6.1: copias a munitionibus reducunt; Caes. BC 1.42.4.1:

longius ab infimo colle progressi copias in castra reducunt; Caes. BC 2.28.4.3: suas uterque copias reducit;

Caes. B Afr. 32.1.3: Scipio…reducit suas copias in castra; Caes. B Afr. 52.1.2: Caesar…copias in castra

reduceret; Caes. B Afr. 61.4.2: Scipio laetus in castra nocte copias reduxit; Caes. B Afr. 75.2.2:

Caesar…reducit copias; Caes. B Afr. 76.2.6: Scipio atque in antiqua castra copias reducit; B Alex. 60.3.4:

Marcellus…copias reducere coepit. “legiones”: Caes. BG 1.49.5.4: legiones...quattour reliquas in castra

maiora reduxit; Caes. BG 4.34.3.1: in castra legiones reduxit; Caes. BG 4.38.1.2: Caesar...eis legionibus quas

ex Britannia reduxerat in Morinos; Caes. BG 6.3.3.2: in hiberna legiones reduxit; Caes. BC 1.40.7.7: suas

uterque legiones reducit in castra; Caes. BC 1.41.6.2: Caesar intra hanc fossam legiones reducit; Caes. BC

3.46.3.1: Caesar…legionem reduci iussit; Caes. B Afr. 70.7.4: Scipio...legiones...reducit in castra; Caes. B Afr.

73.4.5: reducit sub vesperum legiones in castra; B Alex. 33.3.1: Legiones ibi veterana sexta secum reducta

ceteras reliquit. “in castra”: see note 126. “in hiberna”: Caes. BG 6.3.3.2: in hiberna legiones reduxit. “ex

urbe”: Caes. BC 1.12.2.2: Thermus cohortes ex urbe reducit. “in oppidum”: Caes. BC 2.35.6.4: exercitum in

oppidum reducit. .“intra munitiones”: Caes. BG 7.51.4.2: Vercingetorix ab radicibus collis suos intra

munitiones reduxit. “ad mare”: Caes. BG 5.23.1.1: exercitum reducit ad mare. “intra fossam”: Caes. BC

1.41.6.2: Caesar intra hanc fossam legiones reducit. “in patriam”: Cic. Red. Sen. 28.7: non reducti sumus in

patriam. “in Italiam”: Caes. BC 3.18.4.6: in Italiam, ex qua profectus sum, reductus existimabor. 128

“domum”: See note 126. Other instances of the locative: Nep. Vitae Di. 3.2.2: Philistum historicum Syracusas

reduxit; Nep. Vitae Ag. 3.2.4: Ephesum hiematum exercitum reduxit; Cic. Dom. 52.5: exsules Byzantium

reducerentur; Cic. Sest. 56.12: reducti exsules Byzantium; Caes. BG 6.29.2.2: reducto exercitu partem ultimam

pontis; Caes. BG 7.59.5.1: incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret; Caes. BG 7.68.1.2: Vercingetorix

copias...reduxit protinusque Alesiam.

[41]

Reduco -ere also conveyed a sense of physical movement in non-military situations. For

instance, Varro used the verb to describe the migration of animal life.129

In contrast, Plautus and

Cicero used the verb to indicate the concrete movement of exiles, fugitives and captives, where

the word also carried a sense of restoration to a prior state.130

Similarly, one passage of the

Rhetorica ad Herennium described the returning exsules (“exiles”) as vi eiectos (“having been

ejected by force”).131

For these individuals, like those in the writings of Plautus and in other

works of Cicero, the verb carried a sense of restoration to a prior state. This sense of restitution

was strengthened by the appositional placement of the verb restituo -ere (“to restore”) in select

passages.132

Beginning with Cornelius Nepos, the verb reduco -ere also referred to the leading back of

individuals into seats of power. The effect was often achieved with the help of prepositional

phrases indicating movement towards an abstract idea (ad officium, “into office,” in rem

publicam, “into the state,” in civitatem “into citizenship,” in senatum, “into the Senate,” or in

regnum, “into power”).133

In some cases, an inanimate subject communicated an understanding

of political restitution.134

In other instances, the restorative understanding of the verb was

129

Varro Rust. 1.8.6.7: dominus...furcillas reducit hibernatum in tecta; Varro Rust. 1.13.3.5: Boves...ex arvo

aestate reducti; Varro Rust. 2 .2.15.7: matres...agnos ad quos...reductae ad vesperum. 130

“exsules”: Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.10: exsules reducantur; Cic. Fam.10.32.2.7: exsules reduxit; Cic. Sall. 17.4:

exsules reduxit in senatum; Cic. Dom. 52.5: exsules Byzantium reducerentur; Cic. Sest. 56.12: reducti exsules

Byzantium; Cic. Fam.12.1.1.16: exsules reducuntur. “de exilio”: Cic. Phil. 2.9.12: tibi per me liceat quendam

de exilio reducere. “de exsilio”: Cic. Phil. 1.24.1: De exsilio reducti a mortuo; Cic. Att. 9.14.2.8: ab illo

patriae proditores de exsilio reductos esse. “fugitavum”: Plaut. Capt. Ar. 8: is reduxit captum, et fugitivum

simul. “captum”: Plaut. Capt. Ar. 8: is reduxit captum, et fugitivum simul. “captivos”: Caes. BC 2.38.5.5:

equites revertuntur captivosque ad eum reducunt. 131

Cic. Rhet. Her. 2.45.23: nam non exules, sed vi eiectos se reducere aiebat. 132

Cic. Verr. 2.5.12.8: damnati in integrum restituantur, vincti solvantur, exsules reducantur; Cic. Prov. Cons.

23.8: me meus in rem publicam animus pristinus ac perennis cum C. Caesare reducit, reconciliat, restituit in

gratiam. 133

“ad officium”: Nep. Vitae Dat. 2.3.5: sine armis propinquum ad officium reduceret; Cic. Verr. 2.2.98.8:

potuit…ratio ad officium sanitatemque reducere. “in rem publicam”: Cic. Prov. Cons. 23.8: me meus in rem

publicam animus pristinus ac perennis cum C. Caesare reducit. “in civitatem”: Cic. Red. Pop. 18.12: me in

civitatem res publica ipsa reduxit. Cic. Sest. 84.7: rerum capitalium condemnatos in liberas civitates per

legatos nostros reduceret. “in regnum”: Caes. BC 3.110.6.3: Ptolomaeum patrem in regnum reduxerant. “in

senatum”: Cic. Sall. 17.4: in senatum per quaesturam est reductus. 134

Cic. Prov. Cons. 25.9: reduxit ordo amplissimus et ordo is.

[42]

communicated by the official title of the object. This situation was most common in the context

of returning/restoring a regem.135

The verb could also indicate the restoration of a prior familial

relationship (uxorem, “wife”) or the restoration of a financial status.136

The occasional presence

of the verb revoco -are strengthened this less concrete understanding of the verbal form.137

Reduco -ere occasionally occurred in conjunction with the adjective incolumis (6 times)

and suggested a sense of safety.138

Both Cornelius Nepos and Julius Caesar used the adjective in

military contexts. However, although Caesar communicated a feeling of security through the

movement of the military units towards safe locations (in castra or domum), Varro used the

combination of reduco and incolumis (“unharmed”) to describe the expulsion of illness and a

return to health. Cicero communicated a feeling of security similar to that of Caesar but without

the help of the adjective when he wrote about being led back ad salutem (“to safety”).139

Additionally, although the verbal form alone did not convey a sense of safety, the context of

many passages indicated that reduco often communicated a return to a safer situation.140

Cicero, writing in the mid-first century was the first extant author to use an extended

meaning of the verb. He communicated this non-concrete use of the word by pairing the

preposition in with an accompanying abstract noun (gratiam, “grace,” memoriam, “memory,”

pristinam concordiam, “former harmony”).141

While it is important to note its existence, this

135

“regem”: Cic. Rab. Post. 19.2: regem reduceret; Cic. Fam. 1.7.4.6: ne quis omnino regem reduceret; Cic. Fam.

1.1.3.5: regem reducas; Cic. Fam. 1.2.1.10: tres legati regem reducerent. 136

“uxorem”: Nep. Vitae Di. 6.2.2: uxorem reduxisset. Finances: Plaut. Cist. 559: ego te reduco et revoco ad

summas ditias. 137

Plaut. Cist. 559: ego te reduco et revoco ad summas ditias; Nep. Vitae Di. 6.2.2: uxorem reduxisset...vellet

revocare ad virtutem; Cic. Phil. 3.30.11: ad lucrum praedamque revocaverit...exules reduxerit. 138

Varro Rust. 1.4.5.9: suos comites ac familiam incolumes reduxit; Nep. Vitae Ep. 7.2.3: exercitum obsidione

liberatum domum reduxit incolumem; Caes. BG 5.22.3.1: suos incolumes reduxerunt; Caes. BG 7.59.5.1:

incolumem exercitum Agedincum reduceret; Caes. BG 2.35.5.2: exercitum...reducit suis omnibus

praeter...incolumibus; Caes. B Afr. 70.6.1: omnis suos ad unum in castra incolumis sauciis X factis reduxit. 139

Cic. Red. Pop. 15.6: consulari medicina ad salutem reduceret. 140

This connotation of safety was later adopted by inscriptions to Fortuna Redux. She was frequently evoked pro

salute et reditu. See Kajanto (1988), 39, 42. 141

“in gratiam”: Cic. Prov. Cons. 25.8: me cum illo in gratiam reducat; Cic. Rab. Post. 19.5-20.1: me si ante Cn.

Pompei auctoritas in gratiam non reduxisset; Cic. Clu. 101.4: subscripsit reges a se in gratiam esse reductos.

[43]

non-concrete use of the word only appeared five times prior to Livy. Instead, the verb reduco

more frequently referred to the physical movement of bodies and, in some cases, the movement’s

impact on the status of an individual.

Thus, in the years prior to the creation of Fortuna Redux, the adjective redux and verb

reduco-ere were associated with movement and restoration. Both the adjective and the verb first

appeared in a military context. Although they would occasionally refer to social and political

restoration as well as the movement of non-military peoples, the two words most frequently

appeared in martial contexts, particularly with regards to military units. Under Caesar, reduco

especially communicated a sense of safety as the troops returned in castra or domum. Thus in the

years immediately preceding Augustus, redux and reduco connoted a safe return in both military

and political contexts; however its usage predominately tended towards militaristic associations.

The Creation of Fortuna Redux’s Altar

In addition to selecting an epithet for the goddess, the Senate also dedicated an altar to

Fortuna Redux in 19 BCE. The Res Gestae summarized the altar’s creation, including its

location and its immediate historical context:

Aram Fortunae Reducis ante aedes Honoris et Virtutis ad portam Capenam pro

reditu meo senatus consacravit, in qua pontifices et virgines Vestales

anniversarium sacrificium facere iussit eo die quo, consulibus Q. Lucretio et M.

Vinicio, in urbem ex Syria redieram, et diem Augustalia ex cognomine nostro

appellavit.142

The Senate consecrated an altar of Fortuna Redux before the temple of Honos and

Virtus at the Porta Capena for my return, at which [place] the [Senate] ordered

that the pontifices and the Vestal Virgins make yearly sacrifices on that very day

on which, during the consulship of Quintus Lucretius and Marcus Vinicius, I had

“in memoriam”: Cic. Inv. Rhet. 1.98.14: id...difficilius est...reducere in memoriam. “pristinam concordiam”:

Cic. Att. 8.15a.1.3: Caesarem et Pompeium perfidia hominum distractos rursus in pristinam concordiam

reducas. 142

Res Gestae 11.

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arrived in the city from Syria and the [Senate] called the day Augustalia from our

name.

According to the text, the Senate dedicated the altar to the goddess in the consulship of Quintus

Lucretius and Marcus Vinicius at the Porta Capena in honor of Augustus’s return. The location of

the altar immediately connected Fortuna Redux with the emperor’s return from the East. Placed

before the Porta Capena, the shrine sat near the southern city gate which allowed entry into

Rome. The road which led up to the gate extended in the opposite direction towards the port of

Antium, where Augustus had originally landed after returning from the East.143

The historical context surrounding the altar’s establishment reinforced this association

between the goddess and Augustus’s eastern travels. According to the Res Gestae, the altar

commemorated Augustus’s safe return from Syria, where he had traveled after finishing talks in

Parthia. Only a year earlier, Augustus had ventured to the Eastern Empire in order to negotiate

the return of the military standards which had been previously lost by M. Licinius Crassus in 53

BCE. Crassus’s contemporaries, including Pompey and Lucullus, had been wary of Parthia and

thus had avoided direct confrontation with the Empire.144

However, Crassus, set on annexing the

Parthian kingdom as a Roman province and, perhaps confident after his successful suppression

of the slave revolt in 71 BCE, ignored their protests and led the campaign against the Eastern

Empire.145

The result was disastrous: he was defeated at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BCE.

Furthermore, by the end of the war, he had not only lost 30,000 of his 40,000 troops, but also the

Roman military standards.146

The defeat was especially upsetting as the Roman army had been

previously successful in Spain, Gaul, the Balkans, Greece, Carthage, Armenia and Pontus.147

143

Horace’s Ode I.35 indicates that Augustus used the port city of Antium during his travels abroad. 144

Farrokh (2007), 135. 145

Farrokh (2007), 135-136. 146

Farrokh (2007), 140. 147

Farrokh (2007), 140.

[45]

Additionally, the Romans had outnumbered the enemy 3-to-1.148

Thus, Crassus’s loss had been

surprising and most likely disheartening for the Roman people and the Roman government.

The conquest of Parthia continued to be a military objective throughout the first century

BCE. In 50 BCE, Julius Caesar collected troops for a campaign to recover the standards, but he

ultimately abandoned his plans.149

In 44 BCE, he began to plot another invasion; however he was

assassinated before he could carry it out.150

Then, in 38 BCE, Marc Antony attempted to invade

Parthia; however, he soon met with defeat after a two year long campaign.151

Subsequently, in 20

BCE, after his predecessor’s many failed attempts to invade Parthia, Augustus resorted to

diplomacy in order to regain the lost standards. He offered to return Farhad IV’s son, who had

been captured in 31 BCE, in exchange for both the previously captured Roman prisoners and

Crassus’s stolen standards.152

After over thirty years of failed military attempts to regain the lost

standards, Augustus proved successful, using diplomacy before returning to Rome in 19 BCE.

However, although Augustus recovered the Roman standards through diplomatic

negotiations, the Roman Senate celebrated their return as if it were a military victory by vowing

a commemorative arch in 19 BCE.153

The arch depicted “defeated” Parthians and showed them

both giving back the Roman standards and running in retreat.154

However, Augustus never

celebrated an actual triumph, although he was voted one by the Senate.155

Instead, he only

allowed a commemorative arch. The construction of a monument and the establishment a festival

148

Farrokh (2007), 136, 140. 149

Caes. BG 8.54: Fit deinde senatus consultum, ut ad bellum Parthicum legio una a Cn. Pompeio, altera a C.

Caesare mitteretur; neque obscure duae legiones uni detrahuntur. See Weinstock (1971), 130. 150

Weinstock (1971), 130; Dio 43.51.1: Καὶ αἱ μέν ὥσπερ ἅμα πρότερον καθῃρέθησαν, οὕτω καὶ τότε ἃμα

ἀνεβιώσκοντο καὶ ἔμελλον καὶ αὖθτις ἀνθήσειν, πράττοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα ἐπιθυμία τε πᾶσι τοῖς ‘Ρωμαίοις

ὁμοίως ἑσῆλθε τιμωρῆσαι τῷ τε Κράσσω καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ φθαπεῖσι, καὶ ἐλπὶς τότε, εἴπερ ποτέ, τοὺς Πάρθους

καταστρέψεσθαι. 151

Farrokh (2007), 144-146. Pelling (2000), 32. Antony would capture Armenia in 34 BCE and planned for another

Parthian invasion in 33 BCE. See Pelling (2000), 40, 48. 152

Farrokh (2007), 146. 153

Dio Cass. 54.8.1-3. 154

Zanker (1990), 187. 155

Zanker (1990), 186.

[46]

rather than a celebration of an actual triumph for the return of the victorious emperor or imperial

family member may have been unusual at the time, but it would soon become characteristic of

Augustan domestic policy. Only three triumphs were celebrated between 19 BCE and 14 CE: one

by L. Cornelius Balbus in 19 BCE for his military success in Africa, one by Tiberius in 7 BCE

for his victory in Germany and another one in 12 CE by Tiberius for his military success in

Pannonia and Dalmatia.156

Furthermore, Augustus refused another of Tiberius’s triumphs in 12

BCE for his success in the Balkans.157

Likewise, Agrippa had the option of celebrating a triumph

in 19 BCE for his victory in Spain, but he turned it down.158

Instead, the government frequently

held games to celebrate the return of an imperial family member from a military front, such as in

8 BCE, when votive games were held in honor of Augustus’s return from Gaul.159

Thus, although

Augustus never celebrated a triumph for his return of the Parthian standards, the Senate’s

dedication of a commemorative arch in 19 BCE still would have most likely portrayed

Augustus’s act of diplomacy as a symbolic conquest of the Eastern Empire.

Imperial coinage further advertised the restoration of the Parthian standards as a military

victory. Like the commemorative arch, Roman coins also repeatedly featured the depiction of the

defeated Parthian, who was often shown kneeling.160

Similar imagery appeared in other media at

the time, including on the statue of Augustus at the Prima Porta. The cuirass of the statue, which

was likely created in the years following 19 BCE, showed a Parthian man returning Crassus’s

standards to a Roman soldier.161

Coins during and after 19 BCE further advertised the defeat of

the Parthians as military in nature by repeatedly showing the placement of Roman standards

156

Lott (1996), 265 n. 17; Eck (2003), 61-62; Levick (1999b), 63. 157

Levick (1999b), 31-35. 158

Lacey (1996), 46, 159

Eck (1984), 138-139; Lott (1996), 265 n. 17; Lacey (1996), 50. 160

Zanker (1990), 187; RIC1 315, p. 64. 161

Zanker (1990), 188.

[47]

inside the Temple of Mars Ultor.162

Yet another issue from 19 BCE alluded to a military victory

of Augustus. The reverse of this aureus of Q. Rustius showed a flying Victory, carrying a shield

labeled S C and placing it atop a rectangular block (possibly a cippus).163

The legend of the

reverse, CAESARI AVGVSTO, suggests that the design depicted the clipeus virtutis, an

honorary shield which was voted by the Roman Senate (S C or Senatus Consultum, “The Senate

having decreed”) for Augustus (CAESARI AVGUSTO, “For Caesar Augustus”) and which was

frequently shown with the goddess Victory.164

Another coin from the same year, which featured a

shield labeled CL V, or CL(ipeus) V(irtutis), placed between Roman standards with the legend

SIGNIS RECEPTIS suggests that this military victory was indeed Augustus’s restoration of the

Parthian standards.165

Thus, imperial coinage during the years following 19 BCE further

advertised Augustus’s diplomatic restoration of the Parthian standards, which act accompanied

the creation of the altar to Fortuna Redux, as a military victory.

Fortuna Redux’s association with Roman militarism was further emphasized by her

altar’s location in front of the Temples of Honos and Virtus. This area outside the Porta Capena

already carried militaristic associations. Originally, Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus constructed a

Temple to Honos in 234 BCE after his campaign against the Ligurians.166

M. Claudius Marcellus

subsequently vowed the temple in 222 BCE after he won the spolia opima in the Battle of

Clastidium and then dedicated it in 208 BCE to both Honos and Virtus, after his campaign in

Syracuse.167

The Senate’s decision to construct an altar to Fortuna Redux on this site which was

already rich with manubial tradition would have emphasized the goddess’s connection with

162

Zanker (1990), 186; RIC 69b, p. 47; RIC1 105b, p. 48. 163

RIC1 321, p. 64. 164

Zanker (1990), 97. 165

Zanker (1990), 96; RIC1 85a, p. 47. 166

Platner (1929), 258-259. 167

Platner (1929), 258-259.

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military victory. Moreover, Augustus’s choice to include this detail about the altar’s location in

Chapter 11 of the Res Gestae would have additionally reinforced these militaristic associations.

The altar itself seems to have been simple in design. Since nothing remains today from its

original structure, the only information that scholars have about its physical appearance stems

from its representation on Rustius’s coin minted between 19 BCE and 4 BCE (App. IV.1).168

According to the coin, the altar was rectangular in shape. It rested atop a short rectangular base.

On the front of the altar at its outside edges were two elements. Their curled shape suggests that

they may have been acanthus leaves. In the center of the altar, the inscription FOR RE identified

the structure as the altar of Fortuna Redux. Atop the altar at its edges rested two rectangular

blocks also decorated with a curl-like design. Thus, the altar of Fortuna Redux seems to have

been relatively simple; however, as Rustius’s coin provides the only evidence for the appearance

of the altar, it is difficult to say, for certain, what the monument actually looked like.

Cult of Fortuna Redux: The Augustalia and the Vestal Virgins

The Res Gestae not only described the dedication of the altar, which was the earliest

evidence for the goddess’s cult and traditions, but also outlined its rites, which included a

festival. In addition to vowing a shrine to the goddess, the Roman Senate decreed that the day of

the altar’s consecration, October 12th

, be celebrated annually as the Augustalia (diem Augustalia

ex cognomine nostro appellavit, “[The Senate] called the day Augustalia from our name”).169

This name marked out the festival for special attention. Firstly, it overtly tied Fortuna Redux to

the person of the emperor. Furthermore, the festival was the first known holiday to be named

after a “historical human being.”170

In fact, it was the first capital-lettered holiday to be added to

168

RIC1 322, p. 65. 169

Arya (2002), 311-312. 170

Feeney (2007), 185.

[49]

the Roman calendar following its original creation.171

Consequently, the festivities celebrating

the altar would have publicly and annually advertised the importance of the goddess who was

inextricably tied with the emperor.

The Res Gestae also outlined another aspect of the goddess’s cult: the involvement of the

pontifices and the Vestals in the annual Augustalia rites. The Vestal Virgins already had

numerous other religious responsibilities. Their foremost duty was to tend to the sacred flame of

Vesta. The fire represented the life of the Roman state; thus, as protectors of this flame, the

Virgins served as protectors of the Roman community.172

This association with the safety of the

state also resulted from the Vestals’ role as guardians of the Palladium, a sacred statue carried by

Aeneas to Italy from Troy. The priestesses also prepared the mola salsa, a “meal” which was

necessary for performing sacrifices throughout the year.173

As the makers of the mola salsa, the

Vestal Virgins indirectly had a role in every public sacrifice in Rome. Amanda Staples observed

that the Virgins’ involvement in all three of these areas (the maintenance of the sacred fire, the

guarding of the Palladium, and the production of the mola salsa) continuously reinforced the ties

between the Vestals and the state of Rome. Cicero best articulated the relationship in his work De

Haruspicum Responsis: quod fit per virgines Vestalis, fit pro populo Romano (“that which is

done through the Vestal Virgins, is done for the Roman people”).174

However, considering the

fact that the mola salsa was required for every public sacrifice within the city of Rome, the

priestesses’ involvement in the rites of Fortuna Redux was not exceptional; instead, the Vestals

were connected with most, if not all, Roman cults. Thus, although the attention of the Vestals

emphasized Fortuna Redux’s role in promoting the prosperity of the Roman state, this

association was not unique to the goddess.

171

Feeney (2007), 185; Taylor (1952), 140. 172

Beard (1998), 52. 173

Staples (1998), 154. 174

Cic. Har. 17.37. See Wildfang (2006), 31.

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In addition to these three major duties, the priestesses were also involved in several

public ceremonies throughout the year. Although they occasionally participated in various

processions, including several military triumphs, most of their public rites focused on

purification and fertility.175

In February, the Virgins attended the Parentatio (ceremony which

worshiped the deceased), the Lupercalia (ceremony which used the mola salsa), and the

Fornacalia (ceremony in honor of Fornax, the goddess of ovens). In March, on the Kalends, the

Virgins renewed the sacred flame of Vesta and cleaned the aedes Vestae.176

During April, two

major ceremonies took place: the Fordicidia and the Parilia. During the Fordicidia, pontifices

sacrificed pregnant cows while their unborn fetuses were removed from the womb and reduced

to ashes by the chief Vestal.177

The Vestals then mixed the ashes with the blood of the October

Horse during the Parilia, a ceremony celebrating the founding of Rome.178

On May 1st, the

Vestal Virgins took part in the ceremonies honoring the Bona Dea, and from May 7th

until the

15th

, they collected the first ears of spelt to use in their mola salsa.179

One of the Vestals’ oddest

duties, which occurred around this time, involved their casting the Argei (straw figures) off of the

Pons Suplicius into the Tiber River.180

Then, during the Vestalia, which occurred during the

month of June, the Vestals ritually cleaned the temple of Vesta whose innermost chamber (penus)

was also open to women during this time.181

The priestesses also attended to the rites of the

Consualia (a ceremony in honor of Consus, the protective spirit of the harvest), which occurred

on August 21st, and the Ops Consivia (a celebration in honor of Ops, a goddess of abundance and

175

Wildfang (2006), 100; Worsfold (1934), 25-26; Staples (1998), 150. For a table of the religious ceremonies

involving the Vestal Virgins, see Worsfold (1934), 28-29 and Rohde (1936), 107-110. For a study of how these

rites related to purification and fertility, see Wildfang (2006), 22-33. 176

Wildfang (2006), 22. 177

Wildfang (2006), 24. 178

Balsdon (1962), 237; Worsfold (1934), 44. 179

Worsfold (1934), 28; Wildfang (2006), 31-32. 180

Wildfang (2006), 27. 181

Wildfang (2006), 48.

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harvest) on the 25th.182

During September, the Virgins were involved in a ceremony to Jupiter

while in October, the Vestals presided over the ceremony of the October Horse (which involved

the sacrifice of a horse and the collection of its blood to be used later in the Parilia).183

Finally,

in December, additional celebrations in honor of the Bona Dea took place.184

Thus, the Vestals

celebrated a variety of deities (Fornax, Vesta, Bona Dea, Consus, Ops, and Jupiter) further

suggesting that the Vestal Virgins’ participation in the rites of Fortuna Redux was not particularly

noteworthy; however their involvement did link the goddess with a number of other deities

essential to the prosperity of the state at the same time that it connected Fortuna Redux with

fertility and purification.

The cult of Fortuna Redux offers the first extant example of the government directly

promoting the relationship between Augustus and the Vestals. It is important to note that though

the Vestals’ involvement in the Augustalia was an important step in the development of their

relationship with Augustus, modern texts focusing on the college of the Vestals have frequently

omitted its mention. Staples, Wildfang, and Worsfold all overlooked the Augustalia in their

discussion of Augustus’s affiliation with the priestesses.185

A public relationship between the

emperor and the Vestals first began in 31 BCE when the Vestals led the procession which greeted

Augustus upon his victorious return from the Battle of Actium. As mentioned earlier, the college

was frequently involved in triumphal processions; however the placement of the priestesses at

the front of the group was unusual.186

The Roman Senate and Augustus would subsequently

foster this association through the creation of an altar to Fortuna Redux and the establishment of

the Augustalia. In fact, it would set the precedent for Augustus and the Roman Senate’s

182

Wildfang (2006), 57; Rohde (1936), 108. 183

Wildfang (2006), 58. 184

Worsfold (1934), 29. 185

Balsdon (1962); Staples (1998); Takács (2008); Wildfang (2006); Worsfold (1934). 186

Wildfang (2006), 100-101.

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subsequent actions. According to the Res Gestae, the Senate also designated the priestesses for

the rites of the Ara Pacis in 13 BCE. Furthermore, the interior altar frieze of the altar featured the

Vestals participating in the sacrificial ceremony and consequently visually solidified their place

in Augustan cult for eternity. After Augustus became Pontifex Maximus in 12 BCE, he built a

new temple to Vesta alongside his palace atop the Palatine Hill and also extended the privileges

of the priestesses.187

The Vestals received special seating at gladiator matches, were escorted by

lictors, were granted the rights of the ius trium liberorum, which were usually only given to

married citizens who had borne three children, or freedman who had borne four children, and

ultimately gained the privilege of safeguarding Augustus’s will.188

Thus, the Vestals’ involvement

in the rites of Fortuna Redux was one, often forgotten, step in the imperial government’s attempt

to link the Vestal Virgins with the imperial household.

The Cult of Fortuna Redux after Augustus

The cult of Fortuna Redux and the Augustalia continued even after Augustus’s death.

Originally only a festival, during Augustus’s lifetime, in 11 BCE, games began to feature as a

part of the celebration.189

Soon after Augustus’s death in 14 CE, the games became an annual

practice, funded by the tribunes.190

Furthermore, Claudius oversaw the expansion of the holiday

from merely a day-long festivity on October 12th

to a ten day long festival celebrated between

October 3rd

and 12th

. The games, which then became known as the Ludi divi Augusti et Fortunae

Reducis (“The Games of Divine Augustus and Fortuna Redux”), continued to feature in the

celebration; however little is known about the actual activities involved in these festivities.191

187

Wildfang (2006), 101. 188

Wildfang (2006), 101-102. 189

Weinstock (1957), 146 n. 18. 190

Tac. Ann. 1.15: inter quae tribuni plebei petivere ut proprio sumptu ederent ludos qui de nomine Augusti fastis

additi Augustales vocarentur. See Boyce (1942), 133. 191

Arya (2002), 312; Long (1992), 486; Arnold (1960), 246 n. 18.

[53]

Romans continued to hold the annual festival for centuries following Augustus’s death in 14 CE:

the holiday’s appearance on a calendar from 354 CE indicates that the festivities continued until

at least the mid-fourth century CE.192

Consequently, for centuries following the Senate’s original

creation of the altar of Fortuna Redux, the goddess remained publicly associated with the divine

Augustus through the annual celebration of the Augustalia.

The cult activities of the Arval Brethren strengthened this relationship between Fortuna

Redux and the imperial person as the college frequently invoked the goddess for the protection of

certain emperors during their travels. The Arval Brethren was most closely associated with the

goddess Dia; however the location of Dia’s sacred grove (the site of one of the college’s

ceremonies) next to the temple of Fors Fortuna, also loosely associated the Brethren with the

goddess Fortuna.193

Starting with Vespasian, the Brethren also began to perform dedications to

Fortuna Redux for the safe returns of several emperors, including Vespasian, Trajan, Domitian,

and Caracalla, from their travels abroad.194

Consequently the rituals of the Arval Brethren

publicly reinforced Fortuna Redux’s association with imperial travel.

The Arval Brethren’s dedications may have also connected the goddess with Roman

militarism. The Brethren’s reference to victory (Fortunae, Victoriae reduci, “to Fortuna and

Victory Redux” and ob salutem victoriamque Germanicam, “on account of their safety and their

German victory”) in a few of their invocations to Fortuna Redux suggests that these imperial

travels were related to military campaigns.195

Furthermore, at least one emperor paid homage to

Fortuna Redux’s association with Roman militarism by constructing a manubial shrine. In 93

192

Levin (1982), 433. 193

Scheid (2005), 513-514. 194

Vespasian: ob diem quo urbem ingressus est Vespasianus Augustus…Fortunae reduc[i vaccam]. See Henzen

(1874), 86. Trajan: eum reducem facias. See Kajanto (1988), 39. Domitian: pro salute et reditu

Domitiani…Fortunae, Victoriae reduci. See Henzen (1874), 122. Caracalla: ob salutem victoriamque

Germanicam Antonini Severi f.…Fortunae reduci b(ovem) f(eminam) a(uratam). See Henzen (1874), 86. 195

Domitian: pro salute et reditu Domitiani…Fortunae, Victoriae reduci. See Henzen (1874), 122. Caracalla: ob

salutem victoriamque Germanicam Antonini Severi f.…Fortunae reduci b(ovem) f(eminam) a(uratam). See

Henzen (1874), 86.

[54]

CE, Domitian dedicated a temple to the goddess upon his return from a campaign against the

Sarmatians in Germania.196

Consequently, Fortuna Redux’s militaristic connotations, begun

under Augustus, were publicly reinforced by both religious figures and subsequent emperors.

Fortuna Redux’s cult repeatedly associated the goddess with the military prowess. Her

epithet, Redux, immediately connected her with the safe return of Roman troops from campaigns

abroad. At the same time, location of the goddess’s altar reinforced this association with Roman

militarism. Meanwhile, the participation of the Vestal Virgins in the rites of Fortuna Redux was

an important step in the development of Augustus’s relationship with the Vestal college. After

Augustus, the imperial government continued to worship the goddess. Both the rituals of the

Arval Brethren and Domitian’s manubial temple in 93 CE emphasized the goddess’s patronage

of the emperor as well as her role in both travel and martial affairs. However, one source of

historical evidence remains unexamined: imperial coinage. The next two chapters will look at the

iconography of Fortuna Redux on Roman coinage and will trace its development during the first

two centuries of the Roman Empire.

196

Martial, Epi. 8.65. See Jones (1992), 87.

[55]

Chapter Four: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage

from Augustus to Hadrian

Fortuna Redux was originally referenced on Roman coinage soon after the creation of her

altar in 19 BCE. Seventy years later, Vespasian became the first emperor to feature the figural

representation of the goddess. Consequently, Vespasian’s depiction of the goddess first defined

her iconography on imperial coinage and set a precedent for subsequent emperors. Vespasian

first featured Fortuna Redux during his war in Judaea and continued to show the goddess in the

years that followed. His son, Titus, likewise showed the goddess on his coins that circulated soon

after his triumphal celebration in 71 CE. Trajan, who was the first emperor to show Fortuna

Redux seated, exclusively featured the goddess on his coinage during his war in Parthia. In

contrast, Hadrian appears to have developed the goddess’s non-militaristic connotations. By the

end of Hadrian’s reign, Fortuna Redux’s appearance on imperial coinage carried a number of

associations, both militaristic and non-militaristic; however, Roman militarism would be a

constant theme that the early emperors explored and either exploited or suppressed, depending

on their own individual needs. For the purposes of this study of Fortuna Redux, I will look

specifically at the extensive coin collection of the British Museum.

Augustus

Fortuna Redux first appeared on a denarius of Q. Rustius minted between 19 BCE and 4

BCE. The obverse showed the jugate heads of the Fortunae at Antium (Fortuna Felix and

Fortuna Victrix) with the legend Q RVSTIVS FORTVNAE / ANTIAT (App. IV.1).197

The

197

RIC1 322, p. 65.

[56]

reverse featured a rectangular altar labeled FOR RE, while the legend CAESARI AVGVSTO /

EX S C also decorated the coin. The depiction of governmental monuments was typical of

Augustan coinage, for example, the Temple of Jupiter Tonans and the Temple of Mars Ultor on

the coinage of 19 BCE.198

Although this practice was not unusual, the appearance of Fortuna

Redux’s altar on Rustius’s coin would have reminded the viewer of the conditions surrounding its

creation. Consequently, the coin may have acted as a visual reminder of the goddess’s militaristic

associations, already indicated by both the contemporaneous vote of a commemorative arch and

the location of the altar in front of the Temples of Honos and Virtus. The coin of Fortuna Redux

also reinforced Augustus’s reception of senatorial honors. The connection was already apparent

in the original dedication of the altar which was voted by the Roman Senate for the return of the

emperor. The dedicatory inscription on the coin, CAESARI AVGVSTO EX S C (“For Caesar

Augustus from the vote of the Senate”) would have reminded the viewer of these honors. Finally,

this first coin of Fortuna Redux reinforced the goddess’s association with Augustus’s travels in

the East. The appearance of the Fortunae of Antium on the obverse of the coin provided a visual

connection between Fortuna Redux and the port city of Antium where Augustus would have

landed upon his return from Syria in 19 BCE. Thus Augustus’s one and only coin of Fortuna

Redux not only connected the goddess with Roman militarism and imperial travels, but also

advertised Augustus’s senatorial honors.

Vespasian

Vespasian was the next emperor after Augustus to depict Fortuna Redux on his coinage

and the first emperor to feature the goddess in her figural form; consequently, he contributed

significantly to her iconography by setting the precedent for later emperors. Between 69 CE and

198

Jupiter Tonans: BMCRE1 362, p. 64. Mars Ultor: BMCRE1 315, p. 58.

[57]

79 CE, he featured the goddess on a total of thirteen coins. On each of his coins, Vespasian’s

laureate or radiate head adorned the obverse, while the goddess featured on the reverse.

In early 70 CE, less than a year after he gained imperial power, and amidst his travels

home, Vespasian oversaw the production of five coins of Fortuna Redux with slightly varied

iconography. All of them were modeled off of earlier numismatic depictions of the goddess. One

sestertius, minted in Rome, showed Fortuna Redux, standing left and holding a cornucopia and a

rudder, which rested upon a globe (App. IV.3) (Fig. 1a).199

The legend, FORTVNAE REDVCI,

which identified the goddess, wrapped around the outside of the coin. Although the design

referenced a recent coin of Vespasian’s rival, Galba, which showed Fortuna Augusta standing

left and holding both a cornucopia and rudder while the legend FORTVNA AVG wrapped along

the outside (Fig. 1b), this design also had Republican origins.200

The first numismatic depiction

of Fortuna in 44 BCE by Julius Caesar’s moneyer, P. Sepullius Macer, likewise showed the

goddess standing left and holding a cornucopia and rudder with the legend P SEPVLLIVS

199

RIC2.1 33, p. 61. 200

RIC1 127, p. 238; RIC1 128, p. 239.

a. b. c.

Figure 1: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (70 CE). b. Aureus of Galba

featuring Fortuna Augusta (69 CE). c. Quinarius of Macer featuring Fortuna (44 BCE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fort

una&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2)

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215886&partid=1&searchText=galba+fortuna&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

c.Crawford (1974), LVII

[58]

MACER running along the edge of the reverse (App. II.3) (Fig. 1c).201

Fortuna subsequently

appeared in a similar fashion on the coinage of both Marc Antony (41 BCE) and Octavian Caesar

(40 BCE) (App. II.8-9).202

Vespasian’s political background allowed for this inclusion of older

iconography in his imperial coinage. During his stint in the college of the viriviginti, the future

emperor likely held the position of triumvir monetalis.203

While serving as a moneyer in this

office, he would have gained an extensive knowledge of both Republican as well as earlier

imperial coin design. Furthermore, as T. V. Buttrey showed in his study of Vespasian’s

iconography, the emperor frequently recycled Republican designs on his own coinage.204

Thus, it

is just as likely that Vespasian’s depiction of Fortuna Redux was inspired by Julius Caesar’s

quinarius of 44 BCE. Therefore, by recycling the iconography of his predecessor, Galba, who

likewise may have been drawn upon an earlier design of Julius Caesar, and by incorporating an

Augustan epithet, Vespasian associated himself with both Julius Caesar and Emperor Augustus

through the adoption of their patron deity.

Although Vespasian referenced Republican depictions of Fortuna in his designs of

Fortuna Redux, the emperor also introduced the globe to the goddess’s iconography. The sphere,

which appeared below the rudder on Vespasian’s sestertius, was unprecedented in numismatic

depictions of Fortuna. Pacuvius’s writings from the second century BCE described Fortuna’s

precarious position as balanced atop a globe; however, this appearance of the globe on

Vespasian’s coinage below Fortuna Redux’s rudder suggests control, rather than instability.205

Similar imagery had been seen in the coinage of Galba who showed Roma Victrix facing left

with a globe under her right foot (Fig. 2b).206

Galba also circulated a coin of a female figure

201

RRC 480/25. 202

RRC 516/1; RRC 525/1. 203

Buttrey (1972), 108. 204

Buttrey (1972), 101. 205

See Chapter One for a discussion of Pacuvius’s writing. 206

BMCRE1 185-189, p. 341.

[59]

(labeled SALVS GEN HVMANI) who faced left with her foot atop a globe as she sacrificed

over an altar (Fig. 2c).207

Both of these coins, which most likely influenced Vespasian’s coinage

of Fortuna Redux, associated the globe with power, rather than instability.

Vespasian’s substitution of the prow for Fortuna’s typical rudder on his coins of Fortuna

Redux also reinforced the goddess’s link with transportation. Four of Vespasian’s coins from 70

CE (one as, one denarius, and two aurei), which were minted in Rome, Lugdunum, and Tarraco,

showed Fortuna Redux standing left and holding both a cornucopia and a prow (App. IV.2, 4-

6).208

This depiction of the goddess, facing left with the cornucopia, again mimicked earlier

designs of Fortuna. Though the prow had never before appeared in the goddess’s iconography,

Republican temples to Fortuna alongside the Tiber River and in the Forum Boarium, as well as

the presence of the rudder amongst the attributes of Fortuna, already established an association

between the goddess and sea travel. Thus, Vespasian’s substitution of the prow for the rudder

would have simply applied this connection specifically to the cult of Fortuna Redux.

Consequently, Vespasian’s coinage from 70 CE repeatedly reinforced the goddess’s connection 207

BMCRE1 38, p. 399. 208

RIC2.1 19, p. 60; RIC2.1 1104, p. 139; RIC2.1 1305, p. 152; RIC2.1 1337, p. 152.

a. b. c.

Figure 2: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (70 CE). b. Aureus of Galba

featuring Roma Victrix (68 CE). c. Aureus of Galba featuring a female figure performing a

sacrifice.

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortu

na&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2)

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215971&partid=1&searchText=185+roma+galba&fr

omADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215977&partid=1&searchText=38+salus+galba&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[60]

with sea travel. Considering that the emperor was abroad at the time, Vespasian’s coins of

Fortuna Redux, which emphasized her role in travel, would have publicly promoted the new

emperor’s safe return home to Rome.

Vespasian’s use of earlier iconography, which emphasized the power of the goddess and

her role in sea travel, thus appears to have been an attempt to legitimize his position as emperor.

In 70 CE, Vespasian traveled back to Rome after spending the last three years leading a military

campaign in Judaea. During that time, Emperor Nero committed suicide and several individuals

attempted to lay claim to the throne. Yet, throughout 69 CE, each leader, from Galba to Otho to

Vitellius, was assassinated until Vespasian alone remained emperor. Vespasian finally entered

Rome in mid-70 CE. However, although the Roman Senate had openly acknowledged Vespasian

as imperator and the emperor had an expansive knowledge of the Roman world through his

various military travels, his imperial position was precarious. Firstly, he had no blood ties to

Nero but had only gained his position through civil war. Although his rivals in 69 CE likewise

could not boast an imperial pedigree, they had come from an elite class. In contrast, Vespasian’s

father had been a provincial money-lender.209

Moreover, Vespasian himself was far away from

Rome at the time that he was declared imperator by his legions. Therefore, Vespasian’s adoption

of Fortuna Redux, who protected Emperor Augustus during his travels to Rome from the East,

would have supported his claim to the imperial office. Vespasian’s decision to include

Republican and civil war iconography indicates that the emperor was also attempting to embrace

the Fortuna of both his recent rivals and even earlier rulers, including Julius Caesar himself.

Moreover, by adopting and altering this earlier iconography, Vespasian not only adopted Fortuna

but also redefined the goddess as his own personal patron. Therefore, Vespasian’s coinage of

209

Suet. Vesp. 1.2-4. See Levick (1999c), 4.

[61]

Fortuna Redux not only established a connection between himself and the goddess, but also may

have legitimized his position as imperator through the incorporation of earlier iconography.

In 71 CE, following his triumph over Judaea, Vespasian issued eight new coins of Fortuna Redux

which likewise recycled older iconography. A few of the coins simply repeated designs from the

previous year. These issues included two sestertii, minted in Rome, which featured the goddess

standing left and holding a rudder on a globe and a cornucopia, as well as an aureus, minted in

Lugdunum, of Fortuna Redux holding a prow and a cornucopia (App. IV.9-10, 12).210

However,

Vespasian also introduced a new design in 71 CE. The aureus, produced in Lugdunum, featured

the goddess standing and holding both a caduceus and a sphere (App. IV.13).211

Neither the

caduceus nor the sphere was unprecedented in the iconography of Fortuna and Fortuna Redux.

The caduceus had previously appeared in a Republican coin of Fortuna (App. II.2), while

Vespasian had already shown Fortuna Redux with the globe (App. IV.3).212

However, though

previously associated with Fortuna, the caduceus was new to the iconography of Fortuna Redux.

210

RIC2.1 157, p. 71; RIC2.1 158, p. 71; RIC2.1 1110, p. 139. 211

RIC2.1 1111, p. 139. 212

Republican: RRC 440/1. Vespasian: RIC2.1 33, p. 61.

a. b. c. Figure 3: a. Aureus of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (71 CE). b. Denarius of Galba

featuring Pax Augusti (68 CE). c. Denarius of Galba featuring Roma Renascens (68 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215783&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+f

ortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201722&partid=1&searchText=320+pax&fromA

DBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1213296&partid=1&searchText=27+roma+galba&f

romADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[62]

In contrast, though the globe had been shown with Fortuna Redux on earlier Vespasianic

coinage, it only previously appeared below the rudder of the goddess, and not in her hand. In

fact, the aureus of 71 CE may have been modeled after earlier coins issued by Vespasian’s rivals.

The caduceus was reminiscent of Galba’s coin minted in Rome featuring Pax Augusti, which

showed the goddess standing left and holding both a caduceus and a branch (Fig. 3b).213

Galba

had also released a coin of Roma Renascens which depicted the goddess facing left and holding a

sphere with a winged Victory balanced atop (Fig. 3c).214

However, this connection is perhaps

tenuous as the stances of Vespasian and Galba’s goddesses differ (Fig. 3a-c). Furthermore, no

Victory appeared atop the globe of Vespasian’s Fortuna Redux. Nevertheless, the emperor’s

inclusion of the sphere in the palm of Fortuna Redux reinforced the power of the goddess, who

Vespasian continued to redefine as his own personal patron through the adoption and adaptation

of earlier iconography.

Vespasian’s coins of Fortuna Redux in 71 CE also associated the goddess with military

victory following the emperor’s triumph over Judaea. Three of his sestertii, which were all

minted in Rome, featured the goddess standing left and cradling a cornucopia in one arm while

her other hand held both a rudder on a globe and a branch (App. IV.7-8, 11) (Fig. 4a).215

The

branch was featured frequently in Roman coinage, particularly in the coinage of Vespasian’s

predecessors. For instance, Galba’s coin of Concordia showed the goddess standing left holding

a cornucopia and branch (Fig. 4b).216

Additionally, Vitellius’s coin of Pax Augusti likewise

featured the goddess standing left and holding both a cornucopia and a branch (Fig. 4c).217

However, though the branch appeared in the iconography of peace (Pax), it also carried a

213

RIC2.1 320, p. 247. 214

BMCRE2.1 27-28, p. 313. 215

RIC2.1 75, p. 65; RIC2.1 76, p. 65; RIC2.1 230, p. 75. 216

BMCRE1 216-225, p. 347-348. 217

RIC1 139, p. 275.

[63]

connotation of military victory. Consequently, its incorporation into the iconography of Fortuna

Redux visually connected the goddess with martial success. Thus, Vespasian’s coinage of 71 CE

reflected the emperor’s continued effort to recycle the iconography of his rivals; ultimately,

Vespasian seems to have wished to emphasize the relationship between his patron goddess,

Fortuna Redux, and Roman military victory following his own military triumph over Judaea that

same year.

Vespasian would continue to emphasize the goddess’s militaristic associations in his

subsequent issues of Fortuna Redux. Although Vespasian and his son Titus held a triumph in 71

CE, the Jewish War would continue until 73 CE. During this time, Vespasian produced three

more coins of Fortuna Redux in Rome and Lugdunum (two dupondii in 72 CE and a sestertius in

73 CE) (App. IV.15-17).218

All three of the coins featured the same reverse type: Fortuna Redux

standing and holding a branch, a rudder on a globe, and a cornucopia. This iconography was not

new. Though the coins did contain militaristic imagery (the branch), Vespasian did not visually

expand upon the goddess’s associations with military success in his issues from 72 CE and 73

CE. However, the timing of his coinage did reinforce the goddess’s militaristic connotations as

218

RIC2.1 1187, p. 144; RIC2.1 1188, p. 144; RIC2.1 573, p. 101.

a. b. c.

Figure 4: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (71 CE). b. Aureus of Galba

featuring Concordia (68 CE). c. Sestertius of Vitellius featuring Pax Augusti (69CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201239&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortu

na&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215962&partid=1&searchText=216+Concordia&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201580&partid=1&searchText=vitellius+139&fromA

DBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[64]

Vespasian halted the production of his coinage featuring Fortuna Redux in 73 CE, after the war

in Judaea had officially ended. In fact, Vespasian only resumed the production of the goddess

between 77 CE and 78 CE when Gn. Julius Agricola began his campaign in Britain. During this

first year of the campaign, Vespasian issued three more coins of the goddess (two dupondii and

one sestertius), which were minted in either Rome or Lugdunum (App. IV.18-20).219

Again, the

iconography remained unchanged from earlier coins but featured the goddess standing and

holding a branch, a rudder on the globe, and a cornucopia. The fact that Vespasian appears to

have only concerned himself with the goddess during times of war suggests that he ultimately

associated Fortuna Redux almost exclusively with Roman militarism.

Overall, Vespasian’s coinage of Fortuna Redux from 69-79 CE repeatedly strengthened

the emperor’s political authority. Originally, the emperor used the goddess’s iconography in

order to adopt the deity as his patron during his return to Rome. Recycling Republican and

Augustan types as well as the designs of his rivals, Vespasian redefined Fortuna Redux in order

to fit his own political circumstances. In 70 CE, this association between Vespasian and the

goddess strengthened the emperor’s legitimacy following the Civil War of 69 CE. In 71 CE, after

Vespasian’s and Titus’s triumphal celebration in Rome, the goddess’s connotations of safe

transport were overshadowed by Vespasian’s emphasis on her ability to guarantee military

victory. Again during this time, Vespasian adapted the earlier designs of his rivals and Augustus.

Subsequently, between 72 CE and 73 CE, as well as between 77 CE and 78 CE, the emperor’s

depictions of Fortuna Redux remained focused on the goddess’s connection with military

victory. This association would have repeatedly legitimized Vespasian’s right to imperial power

by emphasizing the emperor’s relationship with the militaristic goddess who had previously

watched over Republican generals and the Emperor Augustus.

219

RIC2.1 991, p. 131; RIC2.1 1215, p. 146; RIC2.1 1217, p. 146.

[65]

Titus

Only two coins featured Fortuna Redux and Titus. Titus’s sestertii, minted in Rome in 72

CE and 73 CE, featured the same iconography as his father’s coins from that same year: Fortuna

Redux standing and holding a branch, a rudder on a globe, and a cornucopia (App. IV.21-22).220

The parallel iconography seemingly linked the two men with almost identical designs (Fig. 5a-

b). Furthermore, Titus’s coin of 73 CE, like that of his father, featured the title CENS. This

legend thus publicly reinforced the relationship between the two men as it advertised the fact

that, in 73 CE, Vespasian and Titus received the office of censor, which had been empty since

Emperor Claudius, and jointly held the position for the following eighteen months.221

Vespasian,

as both emperor and as Titus’s father, was most likely responsible for these decisions. By

circulating these two sestertii clearly modeled after his own coinage, Vespasian would have

marked out Titus as his imperial heir. The timing of the issues, which were produced almost

immediately following Titus’s triumphal celebration, further highlighted the military associations

of the goddess.

220

RIC2.1 421, p. 87; RIC2.1 606, p. 103. 221

Levick (1999c), 171.

a.

b.

Figure 5: a. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna Redux (73 CE). b. Sestertius of Titus

featuring Fortuna Redux (73 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201377&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fort

una&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201364&partid=1&searchText=titus+fortuna+coin

&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[66]

Trajan

Starting with Trajan’s issues of 112 CE, Fortuna Redux began to appear seated on

imperial coinage; however, this change in iconography did not affect the goddess’s associations.

The coins (two dupondii, three sestertii, seven denarii and two aurei), which were minted in

Rome, appeared consistently between 112 CE and 117 CE and all featured similar iconography:

the laureate or radiate head of Trajan on the obverse while the reverse featured Fortuna Redux

seated and holding a rudder and a cornucopia (App. IV.23-35) (Fig. 6a).222

The legend FORT

RED, which identified the goddess, frequently appeared in the exergue. Although a seated

Fortuna Redux was unprecedented on imperial coinage, Trajan’s predecessor, Nerva, had

previously shown Fortuna seated (Fig. 6b).223

Furthermore, this arrangement was not unique to

Fortuna Redux: Trajan showed a number of other deities in seated positions including Pax, Vesta,

and Victory.224

In contrast, the repeated placement of the identifying legend in the exergue did

222

RIC2 627, p. 288; RIC2 628, p. 288; RIC2 254, p. 262; RIC2 308, p. 265; RIC2 315, p. 266; RIC2 316, p. 266;

RIC2 317, p. 266; RIC2 318, p. 267; RIC2 319, p. 267; RIC2 321, p. 267; RIC2 629, p. 288; RIC2 652, p. 290;

RIC2 653, p. 290. 223

RIC2 5, p. 223; RIC2 62, p. 277; RIC2 17, p. 224; RIC2 85, p. 228. 224

Pax: BMCRE3 733, p. 152. Vesta: BMCRE3 63, p. 39. Victory: BMCRE3 441-443, p. 92.

a.

b.

Figure 6: a. Aureus of Trajan featuring Fortuna Redux (112-117 CE). b. Aureus of Nerva

featuring Fortuna Populi Romani (97 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215531&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215651&partid=1&searchText=nerva+fortuna+17&

fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[67]

differ from Nerva’s earlier designs; yet, this layout was not unusual for Trajan, who filled the

borders of both his obverse and reverse with imperial titles. Moreover, Trajan frequently moved

the identifying legend to the exergue on his coins which featured seated deities, such as on his

coin of Pax.225

Consequently, this change in iconography does not appear to have had any impact

of the associations of the goddess but instead seems to have been evidence of a wider trend in

Trajan’s coinage.

In contrast to Trajan’s iconography, the chronology of his issues featuring Fortuna Redux

associated the deity with Roman militarism. All of Trajan’s coins date to the years of his Parthian

military campaign from 113 CE until his death in 117 CE. However, although Trajan featured

Fortuna on his coinage as early as 98 CE, he failed to introduce issues of Fortuna Redux during

his Dacian campaign from 101-102 CE and 105-106 CE. Instead, he waited until his war against

Parthia in 113 CE. This pattern suggests that Trajan may have connected the goddess with

eastern travels. The altar of Fortuna Redux as well as the Augustalia would have served as

constant reminders of the goddess’s association with Augustus’s diplomacy in Parthia. Trajan’s

coins, which were first produced at the beginning of the Parthian conflict in 113 CE, may have

attempted to replicate this association between Fortuna Redux and the emperor’s eastern travels

as well as the goddess’s connection with Roman militarism.

Although the appearance of Fortuna Redux on Trajan’s coins, which were produced in

Rome and began to circulate as soon as the emperor disembarked from the city, may have

expressed a concern for the emperor’s safe return after the military conflict, her appearance may

have also legitimized the emperor’s lofty campaign against one of Rome’s strongest rivals. This

usage of the goddess agreed with the connotations of her epithet, redux, which, in Republican

225

BMCRE3 479, p. 97.

[68]

literature, often referred to the safe return of military units.226

However, the appearance of

Fortuna Redux on Trajan’s coinage may have also linked the emperor’s war against Parthia with

Augustus’s prior eastern dealings in order to justify his questionable military campaign. Unlike

his Dacian Wars, which were prompted by repeated tribal invasions, Trajan’s motives for his war

in Parthia remain unclear.227

Publicly, he claimed that the campaign was a response to King

Osroes’s appointment of a Parthian to the throne of Armenia.228

Furthermore, he also may have

had an economic interest in going to war as Parthia oversaw a section of the trade routes bringing

goods from China and India to Rome.229

Yet, privately Trajan appears to have harbored

megalomaniacal reasons for waging a war against the eastern power. Writing nearly a century

later, Dio Cassius ascribed the campaign to Trajan’s desire to emulate Alexander the Great.230

Although Trajan’s exact motives are still unclear, classical historian Graham Webster suggested

in his book, The Roman Imperial Army, that “the Parthian campaigns impressed his

contemporaries, but in the sobering light of historical reassessment, they appear grandiose and

without serious justification.”231

Likewise, Julian Bennet observed that “no strategic need

[could] be discerned for a war with Parthia at this time” as no contemporary literary sources

identified any threats made by the Parthian Empire.232

Instead, Bennet has suggested that Trajan

began to mobilize for war prior to King Osroes slight in 113 CE, as he appointed Hadrian to the

military position of generalissimo in Syria in 111 CE.233

Additionally, Trajan filled his coins with

militaristic themes beginning in 111 CE and continued in 112/113 CE, around the same time that

226

See Chapter Three for a discussion of redux and reduco -ere. 227

Griffin (2000), 126. 228

Nero and the Parthian King Tiridates had previously agreed in 63 CE that the Roman government must approve

of future appointments to the position of Armenian king. 229

Farrokh (2007), 159. 230

Dio Cass. 68.30: μαθὼν δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Τραϊανὸς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι (καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖσε ἦλθε κατά τε τὴν φήμην, ἧς οὐδὲν

ἄξιον εἶδεν ὅ τι μὴ χώματα καὶ λίθους καὶ ἐρείπια, καὶ διὰ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ᾧ καὶ ἐνήγισεν ἐν τῷ οἰκήματι ἐν ᾧ

ἐτετελευτήκει). See Griffin (2000), 125-126. 231

Webster (1969), 76. 232

Bennet (2001), 189. 233

Bennet (2001), 189-190.

[69]

he began to mint coins of Fortuna Redux, before his departure for Parthia in the Fall of 113

CE.234

Therefore, though Trajan may have featured Fortuna Redux on his imperial coinage in

order to encourage his safe return from his campaigns, the emperor likely also produced these

coins of the goddess in order to promote his shaky imperial campaign against Rome’s most

power rival. By identifying Fortuna Redux, the goddess who had previously watched over

Augustus during his travels to Parthia, as his own personal patron during the foreign war, Trajan

thus advertised his potential for martial success against the Eastern Empire.

Hadrian

Though Hadrian would eventually redefine Fortuna Redux in order to fit his own foreign

policy, his earliest issues of the goddess mimicked the coins of his predecessor. The emperor

oversaw the minting of twenty-four coins showing the goddess between 117 CE and 138 CE. Six

of these coins (one dupondius, two sestertii, two denarii, and one aureus) were minted in Rome

and can be dated to 117 CE, Hadrian’s first year in power (App. IV.36-41).235

The iconography

replicated that of Trajan’s issues: Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a cornucopia and a

rudder (Fig. 7a-b). Moreover, he repeatedly included Trajan’s name and recent title of Parthicus.

This legend was not unique to his coinage of Fortuna Redux but appeared on most of his issues

from this time.236

However, its appearance on Hadrian’s coinage reflected a clear attempt on the

part of the emperor to connect himself with his predecessor. This practice continued in 118 CE,

during which time Hadrian again produced coins of Fortuna Redux which mimicked those of

Trajan (App. IV.54-57).237

The coins included his predecessor’s name; however, unlike his issues

234

Bennet (2001), 189-191. 235

RIC2 10, p. 340; RIC2 15, p. 340; RIC2 18, p. 341; BMCRE3 1105, p. 398; BMCRE3 1113, p. 400; BMCRE3

1116, p. 400. 236

Mattingly (1936), cxiii. 237

RIC2 41, p. 345; RIC2 41a, p. 345; RIC2 41c, p. 345; Strack (Hadrian) 515.

[70]

of the previous year, they omitted Trajan’s title of Parthicus. Yet, despite this lack of title in 118

CE, Fortuna Redux’s iconography and legends on Hadrian’s coinage during his first two years as

emperor reflected the emperor’s desire to overtly connect himself with his predecessor.

Hadrian’s attempt to establish himself as Trajan’s heir was most likely the result of their

different foreign policies. Hadrian broke with his predecessor’s expansionism and predominantly

sought to consolidate borders during his time as emperor. He started in 117 CE by negotiating

with Parthia and ceding several of Trajan’s hard-won lands.238

He would continue to secure

Roman borders until his death in 138 CE. This policy was seemingly unpopular at the time.

Roman historian Anthony Everitt explained that while the withdrawal was “evidence of

Hadrian’s clear-sightedness and political courage…[it] deeply angered many senior

personalities” who missed the militarism of Trajan.239

In fact, Hadrian appears to have

acknowledged the unpopularity of his diplomatic decision by quoting Cato the Censor in defense

of his foreign policy:

238

Farrokh (2007), 162. 239

Everitt (2009), 174.

a. b.

Figure 7: a. Aureus of Hadrian featuring Fortuna Redux (117 CE). b. Denarius of Trajan

featuring Fortuna Redux (112-117 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215488&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi

n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=13

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211794&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

[71]

Quare omnia trans Eufraten ac Tigrim reliquit exemplo, ut dicebat, Catonis, qui

Macedonas liberos pronuntiavit, quia tueri non poterant.240

Therefore he leaves behind all across the Euphrates and the Tigris, citing the

precedent of Cato, who declared the Macedonians [to be] free since they, [the

Romans], were not able to watch over them.

It is worth noting that the majority of Hadrian’s coins were silver; thus their messages would

have been primarily communicated to the Roman army. However, Rome’s upper class - that is

the segment of the Roman population which, as Everitt observed, displayed the most

dissatisfaction with Hadrian’s changes to Rome’s foreign policy – would have also likely seen

these denarii. Considering this discontent, it is therefore unsurprising that Hadrian issued coins,

like those of Fortuna Redux, which reinforced his connection with Trajan and consequently

legitimized his right to imperial power.

Although Hadrian’s earliest coins of Fortuna Redux connected the emperor with his

militaristic predecessor, his coinage also demilitarized the goddess who had previously been

associated with Roman military victory on the coins of past emperors. Hadrian’s coinage during

his first two years in power was characterized by a slew of imperial virtues such as Concordia,

Iustitia, Pax, Pietas, Felicitas, and Salus.241

However, there was a notable absence of symbols

characteristic of the Roman military. These coins especially contrasted with his later issues

which featured a variety of militaristic deities, including Minerva, Virtus, Janus, Roma, and most

notably, Victory.242

By counting Fortuna Redux amongst the list of non-militaristic gods in 117-

118 CE, Hadrian thus categorized the goddess as a peace-time virtue and consequently

disassociated the deity from her militaristic connotations on Roman coinage.

240

SHA Had. 5.3; Everitt (2009), 173. 241

Concordia: BMCRE3 9, p. 237. Justitia: BMCRE3 11, p. 238. Pax: BMCRE3 13, p. 238. Pietas: BMCRE3 15,

p. 238. Felicitas: BMCRE3 64, p. 248. Salus: BMCRE3 84, p. 250. 242

Minerva: BMCRE3 116, p. 256. Virtus: BMCRE3 110, p. 255. Janus: BMCRE3 100, p. 254. Roma: BMCRE3

147, p. 259. Victory: BMCRE3 229, p. 268.

[72]

Hadrian would continue to demilitarize the goddess on his undated coinage between 117

CE and 138 CE. Several of Hadrian’s coins of Fortuna Redux (one as, one dupondius, four

sestertii, three dupondii or asses, and six denarii), which were minted in Rome, cannot be dated

due to the ambiguous nature of the legend.243

Another two coins can only be attributed to the

years between 128 CE and 138 CE (two denarii).244

Most of the designs repeated Trajan’s earlier

depictions of the goddess as Hadrian continued to feature Fortuna Redux seated and holding both

a rudder and a cornucopia (App. IV.45-48, 53).245

In addition, he occasionally included a sphere

below the rudder of the goddess (App. IV.42, 49, 52, 58-59).246

However, Hadrian also

introduced a new design. On four of his coins, the emperor shook hands with Fortuna Redux,

who faced left and held a cornucopia (Fig. 8a).247

On three issues, the goddess appeared standing

243

BMCRE3 270, p. 273; BMCRE3 652, p. 323; BMCRE3 634, p. 321; BMCRE3 648, p. 322; BMCRE3 633, p.

321; BMCRE3 1225, p. 420; Strack (Hadrian) 570; Strack (Hadrian) 628; Strack (Hadrian) 646; Strack (Hadrian)

648; Strack (Hadrian) 829; Strack (Hadrian) 830. 244

Strack (Hadrian) 197; Strack (Hadrian) 341. 245

BMCRE3 648, p. 322; BMCRE3 633, p. 321; BMCRE3 1225, p. 420; Strack (Hadrian) 570; Strack (Hadrian)

830. 246

BMCRE3 270, p. 273; Strack (Hadrian) 628; Strack (Hadrian) 829; Strack (Hadrian) 197; Strack (Hadrian) 341. 247

BMCRE3 652, p. 323; BMCRE3 634, p. 321; Strack (Hadrian) 646; Strack (Hadrian) 648.

a.

b.

Figure 8: a. Sestertius of Hadrian featuring emperor and Fortuna Redux (117-138 CE). b.

Denarius of Hadrian featuring emperor and Roma (128-138 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi

n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+co

in&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

[73]

(App. IV.43-44, 50), while on one coin, the goddess was seated (App. IV.51). On two coins,

Hadrian held a scroll in his hand (App. IV.50-51). This design was not unusual for Hadrian

who also showed himself interacting with Trajan, Jupiter, Roma, and Felicitas.248

In fact, these

reverses of Fortuna Redux were very similar to Hadrian’s coins of Roma, which showed the

goddess standing and greeting the emperor (Fig. 8b).249

The legends for these coins identify the

scene as that of an adventus (ADVENTVS AVG). Thus these issues showed Roma, standing

right and welcoming Hadrian back from his travels. Hadrian also showed Roma seated, facing

right, and greeting the emperor.250

The legend of Hadrian’s coin featuring the seated Roma does

not directly identify the scene as that of an adventus; however the coins appear to have been

modeled after earlier issues of Trajan. Hadrian’s predecessor also circulated coins which showed

the emperor interacting with deities. Unlike Hadrian, who showed himself on scale with Fortuna

Redux (Fig. 9a), Trajan frequently depicted himself dwarfed by the gods, such as on his coin of

248

Trajan: BMCRE3 1-4, p. 236. Jupiter: BMCRE3 242, p. 269. Roma: BMCRE3 376, p. 287. Felicitas:

BMCRE3 613-617, p. 319. 249

BMCRE3 582, p. 315. 250

BMCRE3 580, p. 315.

a.

b.

Figure 9: a. Sestertius of Hadrian featuring emperor and Fortuna Redux (117-138 CE). b.

Aureus of Trajan featuring emperor and Jupiter (112-117 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi

n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215562&partid=1&searchText=trajan+jupiter&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[74]

Jupiter (Fig. 9b).251

Trajan, like Hadrian, also produced a coin which showed a seated Roma,

facing right and welcoming a returning Trajan.252

However, though it is tempting to interpret the

unusual reverse designs of Fortuna Redux as likewise showing adventus scenes, there is one

significant difference between the coins of Roma and Fortuna Redux which prevents this

reading: while Roma on the adventus coins of Trajan and Hadrian faced right, Fortuna Redux

looked left (Fig. 8a-b). This difference in orientation suggests that the goddess was not

welcoming the emperor home, but instead sending the emperor off in a profectio.253

By depicting

the goddess in this fashion, Hadrian thus disassociated the deity from her previous connection

with the safe return of the emperor from military campaigns and instead showed her watching

over the emperor throughout all of his travels abroad. Considering the fact that most of Hadrian’s

travels were non-military in nature, this design of Fortuna Redux would have demilitarized the

goddess and instead adapted her to Hadrian’s non-militaristic imperial policy.

Therefore, through his many imperial issues of Fortuna Redux, Hadrian adopted the

militaristic patron of Trajan and redefined her in an attempt to create his own personal

association with the goddess. His earliest coins connected Hadrian with Trajan while also linking

Fortuna Redux with non-militaristic imperial virtues. Hadrian continued to demilitarize the

goddess with the production of profectio pieces. By disassociating the goddess with militaristic

travel, Hadrian adopted Fortuna Redux to fit his own seemingly unpopular foreign policy and

consequently justify his own imperial authority.

251

RIC2 250, p. 261. 252

BMCRE 757, p. 159. 253

Metcalf (2012) likewise used Hadrian’s orientation on reverse designs in order to determine whether the scene

could be considered an adventus or a profectio.

[75]

Conclusion

After her first reference on the coinage of Rustius in 19 BCE, Fortuna Redux would

repeatedly appear in imperial coinage between 19 BCE and 138 CE. Augustus’s lone coin of the

goddess’s altar reinforced the deity’s association with militarism, eastern travels, and senatorial

honors. Vespasian was the next emperor to reference the goddess on his coinage. Unlike

Augustus, Vespasian showed Fortuna Redux standing. Consequently, Vespasian became the first

individual to establish Fortuna Redux’s attributes on imperial coinage. Drawing from both

Republican and imperial designs while also emphasizing the goddess’s link with Roman

militarism, the emperor attempted to adopt and adapt the patron goddess of his predecessors

following the Civil War of 69 CE. During this time, he also featured his son Titus alongside the

goddess. The coins which mimicked his own contemporaneous issues, attempted to identify Titus

as his future heir at the same time that they advertised Titus’s militarism. Trajan would also

reinforce Fortuna Redux’s militaristic connotations on his coinage. His decision to limit her

appearance to the time around his Parthian campaign may have also linked her with the East. In

contrast, Hadrian’s coinage adapted the goddess to his non-militaristic foreign policy. Thus, by

138 CE, Fortuna Redux on imperial coinage carried several connotations: while she was

frequently employed as goddess of safe travels, her appearance on Roman imperial coinage was

frequently linked with Roman militarism. Augustus also used the goddess’s altar to emphasize

his reception of senatorial honors. Beginning with Vespasian and continuing until Hadrian, each

ruler who featured the goddess on his coins played upon both her iconography and her

connotations in the coinage of his predecessors. By either highlighting or suppressing these

earlier connotations, Roman emperors from Vespasian to Trajan frequently attempted to use

Fortuna Redux’s appearance on their own coinage in order to associate themselves both with

[76]

their predecessors and with the Roman value of militarism and consequently legitimize their own

individual imperial authority.

[77]

Chapter Five: Fortuna Redux on Imperial Coinage

from Lucius Verus to Septimius Severus

Fortuna Redux continued to appear on imperial coinage between the reigns of Lucius

Verus and Septimius Severus. First, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius, whose designs did not

expand on the goddess’s earlier iconography, showed Fortuna Redux during their campaigns in

Parthia and against the Marcomanni. Afterward, Commodus who only contributed the wheel to

the goddess’s list of attributes, featured Fortuna Redux on his coinage, most likely in the context

of military travels. Then, between 193 CE and 197 CE, Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger

significantly developed the goddess’s iconography. The two men frequently recycled both recent

and distant iconography while also incorporating new designs in their diverse coinage of Fortuna

Redux. Consequently, they seemingly adopted and redefined the goddess in the context of their

own civil wars. Clodius Albinus would likewise feature Fortuna Redux on his coins between

193-197 CE; however, unlike Severus or Niger, he contributed little to her iconography and

instead mimicked Commodus’s designs. As in the previous chapter, I will base my following

study of Fortuna Redux on the coin collections of the British Museum.

Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius

Lucius Verus was the first emperor after Hadrian to feature Fortuna Redux on his

coinage; however unlike Hadrian, his coins highlighted the goddess’s militaristic associations.

The emperor began his production of coins featuring Fortuna Redux immediately after coming to

power in 161 CE. From 161-162 CE until 164-165 CE, he issued fourteen base metal coins of

[78]

Fortuna Redux (seven asses, one dupondius, and six sestertii) (App. IV.64-77).254

The

iconography for all of these coins, which were minted in Rome, was similar to that of Trajan and

Hadrian: Fortuna Redux seated and holding a rudder (with or without a globe) and a cornucopia

(Fig. 10a, c, d). The earliest base metal issues lined up with Lucius Verus’s campaign in Parthia.

When war with the Eastern Empire broke out in 161 CE, Lucius Verus traveled the Parthian front

while Marcus Aurelius remained in Rome. In general, Verus’s coins minted in Rome from this

time displayed military themes: profectio coins advertised his departure for the East; adlocutio

pieces featured the emperor addressing Roman soldiers who held military standards; other coins

depicted the Roman fleet decorated with the military standards.255

Thus, militarism appears to

have been a consistent theme in his coinage around the time of his earliest issues of Fortuna

Redux. The emperor continued to produce coinage of the goddess until the end of the Parthian

War in 165 CE. Afterward, Lucius Verus halted production of the goddess’s coins for three years.

During this time from 165 CE and 167 CE, the emperor resided in Rome. Then in 167-168 CE,

at the beginning of his campaign against the Marcomanni, Lucius Verus again began to produce

coinage of Fortuna Redux and he continued to feature the goddess on his coinage until he died in

169 CE. Between 167 CE and 169 CE, he produced four coins of the goddess (two sestertii and

two denarii), all minted in Rome (App. IV.78-81).256

Unlike 161-162 CE, his coinage during the

early years of the Marcomanni campaign did not reflect specifically militaristic themes; however,

the fact that he began production of Fortuna Redux as soon as he departed for the northern war

suggests that the emperor associated the goddess with Roman militarism.

254

RIC3 1317, p. 318; RIC3 1341, p. 320; RIC3 1342, p. 320; RIC3 1343, p. 320; RIC3 1345, p. 320; RIC3 1346, p.

320; RIC3 1347, p. 320; RIC3 1350, p. 320; RIC3 1351, p. 320; RIC3 1352, p. 320; RIC3 1354, p. 320; RIC3

1412, p. 325; RIC3 1413, p. 325; RIC3 1414, p. 325. 255

Profectio: RIC3 1321-1323, p. 319. Adlocutio: BMCRE4 1071A, p. 556. Fleet: RIC3 1325-1335, p. 320. 256

RIC3 586, p. 261; RIC3 1476, p. 330; RIC3 596, p. 261; RIC3 1483, p. 331.

[79]

Marcus Aurelius featured the goddess on four of his coins minted in Rome between 167-

168 CE and 169-170 CE (three denarii and one sestertius) (App. IV.60-63).257

His coin

iconography mimicked that of Lucius Verus: Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a rudder

and a cornucopia (Fig. 10a-b). Furthermore, Marcus Aurelius also incorporated Lucius Verus’s

titles (Parthicus and Armeniacus) on his own coinage (ARM and PARTH MAX). This practice

of featuring Verus’s titles was not unique to Aurelius’s issues of Fortuna Redux, but was instead

indicative of a larger trend which occurred throughout their time as co-emperors. In fact,

between 167 CE and Lucius Verus’s death in 169 CE, their coinage in general featured similar if

257

RIC3 185, p. 228; RIC3 957, p. 289; RIC3 205, p. 229; RIC3 220, p. 230.

a.

b.

c.

d.

Figure 10: a. Sestertius of Lucius Verus featuring Fortuna Redux (168-169 CE). b. Sestertius of

Marcus Aurelius featuring Fortuna Redux (167-168 CE). c. Aureus of Hadrian featuring Fortuna

Redux (117 CE). d. Denarius of Trajan featuring Fortuna Redux (112-117 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197563&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo

rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197585&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo

rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215488&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coi

n&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=13

d.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211794&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fro

mADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

[80]

not identical iconography.258

Like Lucius Verus, Marcus Aurelius’s depictions of Fortuna Redux

drew upon the coinage of both the militaristic Trajan and the non-militaristic Hadrian. It is worth

noting that neither ruler adopted Hadrian’s demilitarized profectio scene, but instead featured

Hadrian’s re-use of Trajan’s design (Fig. 10a-d). The timing of Marcus Aurelius’s coins also

associated Fortuna Redux with Roman militarism – specifically Marcus Aurelius’s departure for

the northern front (App. IV.60-61).259

Although Lucius Verus died soon afterwards in 169 CE,

Marcus Aurelius continued to issue coins featuring Fortuna Redux in 169-170 CE (App.

IV.63).260

The omission of Verus’s titles (Parthicus and Armeniacus) from the legends of this last

issue indicates that the coin postdated Verus’s death.261

Consequently, Fortuna Redux’s

appearance on Marcus Aurelius’s coinage was not specifically linked with Lucius Verus. Instead,

considering the dates of these coins, it seems that Marcus Aurelius adopted the goddess as his

own patron in the war against the Marcomanni.

Both emperors appear to have connected the goddess with travel as each emperor only

featured the goddess on his coinage when he was at the war front. Though Lucius Verus showed

the goddess on his coins as soon as he departed for the East in 161-162 CE (App. IV.64), Marcus

Aurelius refrained from releasing any coins of the goddess during this time.262

This difference in

issues was particularly notable as the two emperors frequently issued identical coinage.263

Marcus Aurelius’s decision not to release a coin of Fortuna Redux while he remained in Rome,

despite the Roman Empire’s involvement in a major foreign war, suggests that he associated the

goddess, not with military prowess, but instead with a safe return from campaigns abroad. This

understanding of Fortuna Redux agrees with the goddess’s epithet. Lucius Verus appears to have

258

Mattingly (1940), cxxii-cxxiii. 259

RIC3 185, p. 228; RIC3 957, p. 289. 260

RIC3 220, p. 230. 261

Mattingly (1940), cx. 262

RIC3 1317, p. 318. 263

Mattingly (1940), cx, cxiii-cxiv, cxv-cxxii, cxxxiv-cxxxvii.

[81]

had a similar conception of the goddess. When he returned in 165 CE, he halted production of

her coinage. However, he continued to produce militaristic designs. For example, between 165

CE and 167 CE, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius issued coins which showed Parthia

subdued.264

Their coins also celebrated their victory over the Eastern Empire, for instance, their

aureus from 165-166 CE, minted in Rome, showed Victory carrying a shield labeled VIC

PAR.265

Nevertheless, the two emperors omitted Fortuna Redux from their coinage until they

departed for the Marcomanni front. Thus, it seems that the two emperors inextricably associated

the goddess with travel.

Considering the emperors’ lack of attention to the goddess during their stints in Rome as

well as the omission of overtly militaristic iconography on their designs of Fortuna Redux, it is

perhaps tempting to dismiss their coins of the goddess as merely indicative of travel in general,

rather than militaristic travel. In looking at the chronology of their coinage, it is in fact difficult

to understand Marcus Aurelius’s and Lucius Verus’s exact purposes in issuing these coins of the

goddess since foreign travel for both emperors was inextricably linked with war. Furthermore,

although it is possible to glean the goddess’s militaristic associations from the iconography of

Lucius Verus’s other coins at the time, the connotations of her iconography on the coins of

Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus are confusing as the designs mimicked the coins of both the

non-militaristic Hadrian and the militaristic Trajan (Fig. 10a-d). Yet, the omission of Hadrian’s

profectio reverse design from their collection of Fortuna Redux coins does suggest that they

associated the goddess with more than merely travel, in general. Furthermore, an examination of

other historical evidence suggests that the emperors did in fact link Fortuna Redux with Roman

militarism. In 166 CE, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus credited Fortuna Redux for their

military victory in the East by celebrating their Parthian triumph on October 12th

, the date of the

264

BMCRE4 412-414, p. 442. 265

BMCRE4 430, p. 444.

[82]

Augustalia.266

Therefore, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius seem to have reinforced the

goddess’s militaristic connotations by specifically focusing on her role in guaranteeing the

emperor’s safe (and perhaps victorious) return from military campaigns.

Commodus

Like his predecessors, Commodus appears to have associated Fortuna Redux with

imperial travel and Roman militarism; however, considering the relative absence of historical

information regarding his reign, it is difficult to ascertain his intentions in including the goddess

on his imperial coinage. Commodus first featured Fortuna Redux on a sestertius minted in Rome

in 179-180 CE (App. IV.82).267

The emperor replicated Lucius Verus’s and Marcus Aurelius’s

earlier depictions of the goddess with one minor addition: the wheel (Fig. 11a-c). Commodus’s

sestertius showed Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a rudder and a cornucopia while a

wheel rested against her chair. Cicero had previously associated Fortuna with the wheel.268

266

Gilliam (1961), 229 n. 16. 267

RIC3 295, p. 401. 268

See Chapter One.

a.

b.

c.

Figure 11: a. Sestertius of Lucius Verus featuring Fortuna Redux (168-169 CE). b. Sestertius of

Marcus Aurelius featuring Fortuna Redux (167-168 CE). c. Denarius of Commodus featuring

Fortuna Redux (184-185 CE)

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197563&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo

rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197585&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fo

rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1208985&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+commodus

&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

[83]

Furthermore, Marcus Aurelius had already included the wheel in his numismatic depictions of

Fortuna.269

Moreover, the wheel may have already been featured on reliefs from the Roman

Temple of Fortuna Redux, though the exact dates of these sculptures (whether Hadrianic or

Aurelian) remains disputed.270

However, the attribute was new to the numismatic iconography of

Fortuna Redux in the coinage of Commodus. Once indicative of Fortuna’s instability in the

writings of Cicero, the wheel, now situated against the seat of Fortuna Redux, appears to become

associated with travel in the iconography of Commodus’s father, Marcus Aurelius.271

The wheel

continued to feature in Commodus’s later issues of the goddess. Though the emperor omitted

Fortuna Redux from his coins between 180 CE and 184 CE, he began to reissue coins in Rome

featuring the goddess in 184 CE (App. IV.83).272

During the next four years he would produce

five coins of Fortuna Redux (one as, one dupondius, two sestertii, and one denarius) (App.

IV.84-88).273

The coins stopped in 188 CE when a new expression of Fortuna, Fortuna Felix,

began to appear on Commodus’s coins. The goddess’s epithet directly associated her with the

emperor as Commodus had taken on the title of Felix in 184 CE.274

However, her iconography

linked her with travel as Commodus’s coins repeatedly showed the goddess standing left and

holding both a caduceus and a cornucopia while her right foot rested on a ship’s prow.275

The

emperor’s substitution of this new goddess, so directly connected with transportation, for

Fortuna Redux likely reinforced Fortuna Redux’s association with travel already indicated by the

addition of the wheel to her iconography.

269

RIC3 343, p.240; RIC3 344, p.240; RIC3 402, p.244; RIC3 409, p.245. 270

Arya (2002), 326. 271

Cic. Pis. 22: ne tum quidem fortunae rotam pertimescebat. Marcus Aurelius features the wheel with his

personification of a road (via) on the arch of Marcus Aurelius. See Arya (2002), 303. 272

RIC3 111, p. 378. 273

RIC3 131, p. 380; RIC3 469, p. 420; RIC3 477, p. 421; RIC3 513, p. 425; RIC3 521, p. 426. 274

Mattingly (1940), cli, clix. 275

BMCRE4 622, p. 819; BMCRE4 700, p. 838.

[84]

The substitution of Fortuna Felix for Fortuna Redux may have also indicated

Commodus’s desire to separate himself from his father, Marcus Aurelius. In 191 CE, only a few

years after the emperor introduced Fortuna Felix into his coins, Commodus dropped the names

“Marcus” and “Antoninus,” which he adopted in 180 CE and which linked him with his father,

instead preferring his earlier name of Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus.276

He appears to have

rather preferred to associate himself with Hercules (appellatus est etiam Romanus Hercules, “He

was even called the Roman Hercules” and έαυτῷ δὲ ἄλλας τε παμπόλλους ἐπωνυμίας καὶ τὴν

Ἡρακλέους ἀπήνεγκε, “He gave to himself many other names, especially Hercules”).277

Although Commodus’s adoption of Fortuna Felix preceded his change of name, the emperor’s

preference for Fortuna Felix, whose epithet directly linked the goddess with Commodus, over

Fortuna Redux, who had been associated with Marcus Aurelius in imperial coinage, may have

served a similar purpose of separating Commodus from his father. Consequently, it appears that

nearly two centuries after the establishment of the Augustalia, Fortuna Redux continued to be

strongly linked with the personhood of the emperor.

Commodus’s coins may have also reinforced Fortuna Redux’s association with Roman

militarism. The emperor produced his first issue of the goddess in 179-180 CE during his travels

back to Rome from the Marcomanni front (App. IV.82).278

Between 181 CE and 183 CE, the

emperor’s coins featured militaristic deities such as Mars, Roma, and Pax, but no Fortuna

Redux.279

However, the reverse designs in the years between 181 CE and 183 CE never showed

the emperor at military fronts or interacting with the Roman troops. Instead the emperor was

shown sacrificing, celebrating his previous victory against the Marcomanni, or dispensing money

276

Birley (2000), 191. 277

SHA 7.5; Dio 73.15.2. See Birley (2000), 191. 278

RIC3 295, p. 401. 279

Mars: BMCRE4 76, p. 701. Roma: BMCRE4 79, p. 701; BMCRE4 104, p. 706. Pax: BMCRE4 86, p. 702.

[85]

with the goddess Liberalitas.280

In contrast, starting in 184-185 CE, the same year that

Commodus began to circulate coins of Fortuna Redux in Rome, the emperor also started to

produce coins that, in general, suggested he had traveled to Roman military fronts. An aureus

minted in Rome in 184-185 CE showed the emperor dressed in military gear and addressing

soldiers from a raised platform.281

The soldiers carried military standards and the legend of the

coins read FID EXERC in the exergue. The emperor continued to mint similar coins until 186-

187 CE.282

Commodus’s actions during these few years following the betrayal and subsequent

execution of the military leader, Perennis in 184 CE, are unclear. However, these coins suggest

that Commodus may have been traveling to guarantee the army’s support. If so, Commodus most

likely featured Fortuna Redux on his coinage in order to advertise his trip abroad to the military

camps and express a desire for his safe return.

Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus

The civil wars that marked the years from 193-197 CE were characterized by an

explosion of new iconography. Of the five emperors from those years, only Septimius Severus,

Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus would feature Fortuna Redux on their coinage. Septimius

Severus’s coin designs were especially experimental. Therefore, it is difficult to discuss, in depth,

the changes to Fortuna Redux’s iconography during this time. However, I will survey the overall

trends in the evolution of her iconography between 193 CE and 211 CE as well as the historical

context of her coins in order to understand how emperors used her appearance on imperial

coinage at the end of the second century CE.

280

Sacrificing: BMCRE4 466, p. 774. Celebrating: BMCRE4 518, p. 787. Dispensing money: BMCRE4 453, p.

772. 281

BMCRE4 160, p. 718. 282

BMCRE4 557, p. 805; BMCRE4 221, p. 729.

[86]

193-194 CE

Both Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger experimented with Fortuna Redux’s

iconography. Between 193 CE and 194 CE, Septimius Severus produced twenty-five coins

featuring the goddess while Pescennius Niger issued four. Both circulated coins (minted in

Antiochia ad Orontem for Niger and Cappadocia, the Eastern Roman Empire, and Alexandria for

Severus) which repeated the standard design of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus: Fortuna

Redux seated and holding a rudder (with or without a globe) and a cornucopia (App. IV.89, 100,

104-105, 110, 115-117).283

Like some of Aurelius’s and Verus’s coins, the identifying legend ran

along the border of the reverse. Although the obverse of one of these coins featured the head of

Julia Domna, Septimius Severus’s wife (App. IV.104), this design was not unusual as Julia

Domna repeatedly appeared on the coinage of Severus.284

Though some of these coins mimicked

those of their predecessors, most of Severus’s and Niger’s

coin designs differed significantly from recent iconography of Fortuna Redux. Not only did their

coins copy designs from the previous century, but they also used different elements of the

goddess’s iconography in order to create entirely new designs. Some of this iconography

reinforced the goddess’s association with military victory. Furthermore, the two men additionally

incorporated attributes in their coinage of 193-194 CE which identified Fortuna Redux with

other popular deities.

Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger repeated designs and recycled elements from

the coinage of earlier emperors in their own issues of Fortuna Redux from 193-194 CE. Six of

Septimius Severus’s coins, which were minted in the Eastern Roman Empire, Antiochia ad

Orontem, and Cappadocia, showed Fortuna Redux standing and holding both a rudder and a

283

RIC4 23, p. 26; RIC4, p. 138 note 1; RIC4, 626, p. 176; RIC4 350, p. 135; RIC4 451, p. 152; RIC4 378a, p. 142;

RIC4 379, p. 142; RIC4 381, p. 142. 284

RIC4 626, p. 176.

[87]

cornucopia (App. IV.102, 106-107, 112-114) (Fig. 12a).285

This design was originally on a

Caesarean coin of Fortuna (Fig. 12b) but had also appeared on coins of Fortuna minted by

Galba, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus as

well as on the more recent coins of Pertinax and Didius Julianus (Fig. 12d).286

However, though

it had frequently appeared in depictions of Fortuna, the design only featured with Fortuna Redux

on the coinage of Vespasian and his son Titus (App. IV.15, 21) (Fig. 12c).287

The two men also

created new reverse designs by recycling older iconography. For instance, Pescennius Niger

adapted Vespasianic iconography for two of his issues of Fortuna Redux, minted in Caesarea

285

BMCRE5 318, p. 82; RIC4 448, p. 152; RIC4 448b, p. 152; RIC4 376b, p. 142; RIC4 377, p. 142; RIC4 378, p.

142. 286

Caesar: RRC 480/25. Galba: RIC1 127, p. 238. Domitian: RIC2.1 141, p. 275. Nerva: RIC2 42, p. 226.

Trajan: RIC2 442, p. 276. Hadrian: Strack (Hadrian) 112. Antoninus Pius: RIC3 49, p. 31.Marcus Aurelius:

RIC3 215, p. 230. Commodus: RIC3 388, p. 412. Pertinax: RIC4 2, p. 7. Didius Julianus: RIC4 15, p. 17. 287

RIC2.1 1187, p. 144; RIC2.1 421, p. 87.

a.

b.

c.

d.

Figure 12: a. Aureus of Septimius Severus featuring Fortuna Redux (193 CE). b. Quinarius of

Macer (Julius Caesar) featuring Fortuna (44 BCE). c. Sestertius of Vespasian featuring Fortuna

Redux (70 CE). d. Aureus of Didius Julianus featuring Fortuna (193 CE).

a.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214741&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+septimius+s

everus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=11

b.Crawford (1974), LVII

c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fort

una&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2

d.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214781&partid=1&searchText=Didius+Julianus+Fo

rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[88]

Mazaca and Antiochia ad Orontem, which showed the goddess standing left and holding a

caduceus and a cornucopia (App. IV.90-91).288

Although the cornucopia appeared in the

majority Vespasian’s coins of Fortuna Redux, it did not feature in the aureus which showed the

goddess standing and holding a caduceus (App. IV.13).289

Some of these hybrid designs

specifically reinforced the goddess’s association with Roman power and militarism. One of

Severus’s denarii from 194 CE, minted in Cappadocia, showed the goddess standing and holding

both a branch and a cornucopia (App. IV.121) (Fig. 13a), while another denarius, also minted in

Cappadocia, featured the goddess seated and likewise holding both the branch and cornucopia

(App. IV.122).290

The design was unique although it drew upon elements from earlier depictions

of the goddess. The standing Fortuna Redux may have been an adaptation of Vespasian’s design

which likewise showed the goddess standing left and holding a branch and a cornucopia as well

as a rudder on a globe (App. IV.16) (Fig. 13a, c).291

This interpretation is strengthened by the fact

that Septimius Severus’s other coins of Fortuna Redux appear to have been inspired by

288

RIC4 28, p. 27; RIC4 28b, p. 27. 289

RIC2.1 1111, p. 139. 290

RIC4 385a, p. 142; RIC4 386, p. 143. 291

RIC2.1 1188, p. 144.

a.

b.

c.

Figure 13: a. Denarius of Septimius Severus featuring Fortuna Redux (194 CE and later). b.

Denarius of Hadrian featuring Fortuna Redux (117-138 CE). c. Dupondius of Vespasian

featuring Fortuna Redux (77-78 CE).

a.http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/i.html

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211112&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+c

oin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1 c.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201115&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fo

rtuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[89]

Vespasianic issues. In contrast, the coin of the goddess seated instead appears to have been

influenced by the designs of multiple emperors. While the branch of the goddess most likely

originates in Vespasian’s coinage, the goddess’s seated position can be seen in the coins of

emperors ranging from Trajan to Septimius Severus (Fig. 13b). Two of Severus’s coins, minted

in Antiochia ad Orontem and Cappadocia, showed the goddess holding a cornucopia and scepter

(App. IV.108, 124).292

The scepter had already appeared in earlier issues of Fortuna, including

those of Nerva, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius.293

Furthermore, Severus’s immediate

predecessors had also shown the scepter on their coins. Pertinax and Didius Julianus featured it

alongside Janus, Mens, Laetitia, Roma, and Juno.294

Although some of these coins carried

militaristic connotations, these associations were not consistent. Additionally, like his

predecessors, Severus had also featured the object in conjunction with several gods during this

time, such as Roma and Jupiter.295

The scenes on these reverses were predominately militaristic

as both Roma and Jupiter held Victory alongside their scepter. Thus, it seems that the

introduction of this new attribute to the iconography of Fortuna Redux may have reinforced her

militaristic associations. Consequently, both Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger appear to

have adopted and adapted the goddess’s iconography on the coinage of their predecessors, which

occasionally, though not always, emphasized Fortuna Redux’s connection with Roman

militarism.

The two men may have mimicked the iconography of earlier emperors, including

Vespasian, on account of the civil war between 193-195 CE. Like Vespasian, both Septimius

Severus and Pescennius Niger, stationed thousands of miles away from Rome, were involved in

292

RIC4 449, p. 152; RIC4 388, p. 143. 293

Nerva: RIC2 5, p. 223; RIC2 62, p. 227; RIC2 17, p. 224; RIC2 85, p. 228; RIC2 42, p. 226. Antoninus Pius:

RIC3 467b, p. 87. Marcus Aurelius: RIC3 467b, p. 87. 294

Janus: BMCRE5 2, p. 1. Mens: BMCRE5 4, p. 2. Laetitia: BMCRE5 6, p. 2. Roma: BMCRE5 31, p.6. Juno:

BMCRE5 10, p. 13. 295

Roma: BMCRE5 33, p. 87. Jupiter: BMCRE5 431, p. 108; BMCRE5 67, p. 31; BMCRE5 68, p. 31; BMCRE5

369, p. 94.

[90]

a civil conflict for the imperial position. Consequently, the two men may have repeated earlier

iconography of Fortuna Redux so as to associate themselves with Vespasian; by connecting

themselves with the emperor who likewise may have used the goddess in order to legitimize his

authority following the Civil War of 69 CE, Niger and Severus would have thus justified their

own right to imperial power.

Both Severus and Niger also introduced new attributes to Fortuna Redux’s repertoire.

Some of these objects connected the goddess with other Roman deities. In 194 CE, Niger

circulated a denarius, minted in Antiochia ad Orontem, which showed Fortuna Redux standing

and holding both corn-ears and a cornucopia (App. IV.92).296

While similar iconography had

been seen on Nerva’s coins of Fortuna, the attribute was new to the coinage of Fortuna Redux

and predominately associated her with the goddess Ceres.297

Septimius Severus’s denarius,

minted in Cappadocia, which featured the goddess seated and holding a poppy, corn-ears, and

cornucopia, reinforced this connection between the two goddesses (App. IV.123).298

Furthermore, Septimius Severus’s two coins, which were minted in the Eastern Roman Empire

and Antiochia ad Orontem, and which showed the goddess standing and holding a cornucopia in

each hand, emphasized this association between Fortuna Redux and fertility (App. IV.103,

109).299

In contrast, Severus’s three denarii, which were minted in Antiochia ad Orontem and

Cappadocia and featured Fortuna Redux standing and holding a long-palm and cornucopia,

linked the goddess with the deity Hilaritas (App. IV.111, 118-119).300

Severus’s also seems to

have associated Fortuna Redux with the goddess Pietas in at least two of his coins minted in

Cappadocia and Antiochia ad Orontem. The denarii showed Fortuna Redux facing left and

296

RIC4 29, p. 27. 297

RIC2 5, p. 223; RIC2 62, p. 227; RIC2 17, p. 224; RIC2 85, p. 228; RIC2 42, p. 226. 298

RIC4 387, p. 143. 299

RIC4 623, p. 176; RIC4 449a, p. 152. 300

RIC4 453, p. 152; RIC4 383, p. 142; RIC4 384, p. 142.

[91]

sacrificing over a lighted altar with a patera in hand (App. IV.101, 120).301

The reasoning behind

Niger’s and Severus’s decision to incorporate these attributes of other deities into the

iconography of Fortuna Redux is unclear; however these designs most likely reflected the rivals’

desires to redefine the goddess.

Around this time, Clodius Albinus, Septimius Severus’s ally, and most likely heir-

designate, also began to circulate several issues of the goddess while he was stationed in

Britain.302

Between 194 CE and 195 CE, he produced six coins featuring Fortuna Redux (one

dupondius or as, three sestertii, one denarius, one aureus).303

All six issues, which were minted

in Rome, repeated Commodus’s iconography: Fortuna Redux seated and holding both a rudder

301

RIC4, p. 138, note 5; RIC4 385, p.143. 302

Dio Cass. 74.14.3-15.2. See Campbell (2000), 3. 303

RIC4 5b, p. 44; RIC4 5c, p. 44; RIC4 53a, p. 52; RIC4 53b, p. 52; RIC4 53c, p. 52; RIC4 59a, p. 53.

a.

b.

c.

d.

Figure 14: a. Sestertius of Clodius Albinus featuring Fortuna Redux (194-195 CE). b. Denarius

of Commodus featuring Fortuna Redux (184-185 CE). c. Denarius of Septimius Severus

featuring Fortuna Redux (194 CE). d. Denarius of Pescennius Niger featuring Fortuna Redux

(194 CE).

a.http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=383869

b.http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_image.aspx?objectId=1208985&partId=1&searchText=fortuna+commodus

&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&numPages=10&currentPage=4&asset_id=666167

c.http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0453v.jpg

d.http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=233136

[92]

on a globe and a cornucopia while a wheel rested against her seat (App. IV.93-98) (Fig. 14a-b).

These coins were most likely a response to the 193 CE issues of Septimius Severus. In fact, most

of Albinus’s coins from 194 CE depicted deities who had previously appeared on the coinage of

his ally, Severus, including Aesculapius, Felicitas, Minerva Pacifera, and Saeculum

Frugiferum.304

Although Albinus’s iconography differed from that of Severus (Fig. 14a, c), this

inconsistency most likely resulted from the physical distance between their respective minting

sites: that is between Clodius Albinus’s production sites in Rome as compared to Septimius

Severus’s in Alexandria, Antiochia ad Orontem, Cappadocia, and the Eastern Roman Empire.

Produced in Rome, Albinus’s coinage would have likely adopted the most recent examples of the

goddess: those of Commodus. Thus, though Albinus’s iconography did not agree with that of

Septimius Severus, his decision to feature Fortuna Redux on his coinage from 194-195 CE most

likely reflected an attempt to connect himself with the emperor.

Thus, in 193-194 CE, Fortuna Redux was repeatedly used by Septimius Severus and

Pescennius Niger in order to justify their individual right to imperial power. Both men referenced

earlier coinage in their own issues as a means of connecting themselves with previous emperors.

In particular, they repeatedly recycled and adapted several designs of Vespasian, who, like both

of them, rose to power as the result of a civil war. Moreover, Septimius Severus, in particular,

emphasized Fortuna Redux’s connotations of power and militarism. They also attempted to

redefine the goddess with the addition of new attributes. At the same time that Septimius Severus

and Pescennius Niger circulated these diverse coins of the goddess, Clodius Albinus, stationed in

Britain, issued several coins of Fortuna Redux which copied the designs of his predecessor,

Commodus. Although his reasons for producing such coinage still remain unclear, he may have

been attempting to emphasize his relationship with Septimius Severus through his issues of

304

Mattingly (1950), lxxxix.

[93]

Fortuna Redux. As a result of these repeated appearances of the goddess on imperial coinage

between 193 CE and 194 CE, Septimius Severus, and by extension, Clodius Albinus, emerged

from the civil war in 194 CE publicly associated with Fortuna Redux; not only had they adopted

the militaristic goddess, already connected with their imperial predecessors, but they had also

redefined Fortuna Redux as their own personal patron through the adaptation of her iconography.

195-197 CE

Between 195-197 CE, both Clodius Albinus and Septimius Severus, now at odds,

continued to feature Fortuna Redux on their coinage; however, while Albinus’s interest in the

goddess soon dropped off, Septimius Severus repeatedly reinforced his relationship with the

deity until the end of the civil war in 197 CE. Albinus only featured the goddess on one of his

coins after 195 CE. The issue, which depicted Fortuna Redux seated with a rudder on globe and

cornucopia marked a change from Albinus’s earlier coins (App. IV.99).305

The as, minted in

Lugdunum, now featured Albinus’s new title of Augustus. Although he would continue to

produce coins for another year, this issue would be the emperor’s only coin of the goddess after

he broke his short alliance with Septimius Severus in 195 CE. Considering the fact that Albinus

may have previously featured the goddess on his coinage in an attempt to connect himself with

Severus, Albinus’s lone coin of Fortuna Redux in 196-197 CE suggests that he may have

recognized the goddess as the patron of Severus.

In contrast to Albinus who circulated only one coin of Fortuna Redux during his war with

Septimius Severus, Severus repeatedly fostered a public relationship between himself and the

goddess on his imperial coinage. Between 195 CE and 197 CE, Severus circulated ten new coins

of the goddess. These issues recycled older Severan iconography. Three of the coins, minted in

305

RIC4 64, p. 53.

[94]

Rome and Antiochia ad Orontem, showed the goddess seated and holding both a rudder (with or

without a globe) and cornucopia (App. IV.126, 131-132).306

Four of his coins minted in Rome

also featured the wheel against the seat of the goddess (App. IV.125, 127-128, 134).307

One issue,

minted in Antiochia ad Orontem, showed the goddess standing and holding two cornucopiae

(App. IV.130).308

Yet another coin, minted in Antiochia ad Orontem, repeated Vespasian’s

iconography by depicting the goddess standing and holding both the cornucopia and the rudder

(App. IV.129).309

Using a minting site in Antiochia ad Orontem, Severus also reproduced his

denarius of Fortuna Redux standing and sacrificing over an altar with a patera (App. IV.133).310

Consequently, Severus’s issues during his conflict with Clodius Albinus continued to recycle

earlier iconography in an attempt to associate Severus with Fortuna Redux, who had likewise

supported his imperial predecessors.

198-211 CE

Although Septimius Severus traveled extensively and became involved in several foreign

wars during the remainder of his reign, he only featured Fortuna Redux on four coins after the

conclusion of his war with Clodius Albinus. One coin, which showed the goddess seated and

holding both a rudder and cornucopia while a wheel rested against her seat, was produced in

Rome sometime between 201 CE and 210 CE (App. IV.135).311

An aureus from 203 CE, also

minted in Rome, featured Septimius Severus sacrificing with a patera over a tripod while

Fortuna Redux sat in front, holding both a rudder and cornucopia with a wheel lying against her

306

RIC4 470, p. 155; RIC4 478, p. 155; RIC4 479, p. 155. 307

RIC4 78c, p. 100; RIC4 78a, p. 100; RIC4 78b, p. 100; RIC4 720, p. 189. 308

RIC4 477a, p. 155. 309

RIC4 477, p. 155. 310

RIC4 479b, p. 156. 311

RIC4 264a, p. 124.

[95]

throne (App. IV.136) (Fig. 15a).312

Though the overall design seems unprecedented on Roman

coinage, a similar design can be seen in the coinage of Hadrian. In his adventus series, Hadrian

showed himself standing right while a variety of figures faced left and sacrificed over an altar

with a patera.313

However, the emperor may not have been inspired by this earlier coin of

Hadrian: the depiction of the provincial figures sacrificing on Hadrian’s coins contrasts with the

scene on Severus’s coin which showed the emperor himself performing the sacrifice. Instead,

Severus may have drawn from several different issues as the individual elements of the reverse

had appeared on previous coinage. Beginning with Trajan, Roman emperors had repeatedly

shown themselves interacting with gods. In addition, Commodus had also appeared standing and

sacrificing on the reverse design of numerous coins.314

Furthermore, in 194 CE, Septimius

Severus would depict himself standing and holding a patera while sacrificing over a tripod with

the legend PIETAT AUG (Fig. 15b).315

The emphasis on piety in Septimius Severus’s earlier

scenes of sacrifice suggests that this later depiction of Severus performing a sacrifice before a

seated Fortuna Redux was intended visually to reinforce the connection between the goddess and

312

RIC4 188, p. 116. 313

Mattingly (1936), 487-496. 314

BMCRE4 441, p. 416; BMCRE4 472, p. 775; BMCRE4 566, p. 801. 315

BMCRE4 387, p. 97.

a.

b.

Figure 15: a. Aureus of Septimius Severus featuring the emperor and Fortuna Redux (203 CE).

b. Denarius of Septimius Severus featuring emperor (194-195 CE).

a.RIC v.4, plate 6, 13

b.http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=56&pos=116

[96]

the emperor. Then, in 211 CE, Severus’s two final coins of Fortuna Redux entered circulation in

Rome. Both showed the goddess seated and holding both a rudder on a globe and a cornucopia

with a wheel against her seat (App. IV.137-138).316

However, though Severus appeared on the

obverse of the coins, the emperor was either deathly ill or had already passed away by the time

these coins entered circulation. Thus is it is possible that he never even authorized their issue.

Although it is unclear if Severus minted all four of these later issues, the infrequency of coins

featuring Fortuna Redux during this latter half of Septimius Severus’s reign suggests that he

primarily used the goddess’s appearance on imperial coinage to legitimize his claim to imperial

power during civil struggles.

Conclusion

Emperors after Hadrian continued to adopt and adapt their predecessor’s iconography on

their own coins of Fortuna Redux. Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius, as well as Commodus,

appeared to have been inspired by the iconography of Trajan and Hadrian. Unlike many of their

predecessors, their coinage of Fortuna Redux does not appear to have had any strong political

connotations. Instead, Lucius Verus, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus all incorporated Hadrian’s

understanding of the goddess as a patron of travel while also including the goddess’s militaristic

associations in the issues of Trajan. Consequently, under the three emperors, Fortuna Redux’s

appearance on imperial coinage came to be associated with the safe return of the emperor from

military business. In contrast, Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus, seem

to have repeatedly associated themselves with Fortuna Redux in order to legitimize their political

authority (Table 1). While Clodius Albinus used the goddess’s appearance on coinage to link

himself with Septimius Severus, Severus and Niger attempted to adopt Fortuna Redux, the

316

RIC4 246, p. 122; RIC4 810, p. 201.

[97]

protective yet militaristic goddess of their predecessors, by incorporating her iconography from

the coinage of previous emperors. They also appear to have redefined the goddess and

consequently claimed her as their own patron through the introduction of new iconography.

Ultimately, Septimius Severus appears to have seen little use for the goddess after he obtained

sole power over the Empire and consequently halted his production of her coinage. Thus, by the

end of Septimius Severus’s reign, Fortuna Redux was not only inextricably linked with Roman

militarism in general but was likewise associated with the military success of previous leaders.

Consequently, her appearance on Roman coinage was frequently, though not always, used by

emperors who wished to legitimize their own right to imperial power through the adoption of

their predecessors’ patron.

.

Septimius Severus Pescennius Niger Clodius Albinus

193-194 CE 25 4 6

195-197 CE 10 0 1

198-211 CE 4 0 0

Table 1: Summary of Fortuna Redux’s appearance on the coins of Septimius Severus,

Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus. 193-194 CE covers the civil war between Septimius

Severus and Pescennius Niger while 195-197 CE covers the civil war between Septimius

Severus and Clodius Albinus.

[98]

Conclusion

My examination of the coin evidence from the first two centuries CE for Fortuna Redux

reveals that the goddess’s appearance on imperial coinage was directly associated with

militarism. Unsurprisingly, the goddess Fortuna was already connected with the Roman military

before the creation of the altar to Fortuna Redux, and had at least three manubial temples in the

city of Rome alone. Late republican coin iconography solidified the relationship between

Fortuna and the army. Not only was she featured in conjunction with the goddess Victory, but

several of her attributes (wreath, hasta pura, phalerae) directly linked her with martial victory.

Furthermore, a study of the history of her attributes on Republican coinage reveals that her

cornucopia may have additionally connected the goddess with the success of the military.

Literary and numismatic sources also recognized the goddess’s patronage in the careers of

several Republican politicians (Marcellus, Scipio, Marius, Sulla, Pompey, and Julius Caesar).

Fortuna’s increasingly public role in the political and military successes of several Republican

generals during the last years of the Republic, as well as her iconography in Republican coinage,

provided a precedent for the personal involvement of Fortuna Redux in the foreign affairs of

Augustus in 19 BCE.

The Senate’s choice of epithet for the Augustan cult of Fortuna Redux as well as the

location of the goddess’s altar further developed Fortuna’s associations with Roman militarism.

Redux, and its verbal equivalent, reduco -ere, frequently occurred in martial contexts. Although

the words were not solely used to describe military activities, they predominately appeared in

conjunction with the movement of military units. The Augustan creation of the altar to the

goddess, Fortuna Redux, may have drawn on the epithet’s association with the troops’ safe return

[99]

to camp or their homeland in order to connect the goddess with Roman militarism. At this same

time, the location of the goddess’s altar in front of the manubial Temples of Honos and Virtus

reinforced this militaristic association.

Augustus’s earliest coin of Fortuna Redux predominately advertised the emperor’s

senatorial honors, though the appearance of the goddess’s altar may have also reminded the

viewer of the goddess’s connection with Roman militarism. In contrast, Augustus’s successors

would focus primarily on the goddess’s association with the Roman military and sought either to

highlight or suppress her militaristic connotations. Vespasian was the first emperor to feature the

figure of the goddess on his coinage. His issues emphasized the goddess’s role in guaranteeing

both safe travels and military victory in an attempt to legitimize his right to imperial power after

the Civil War of 69 CE. Vespasian also used the Fortuna Redux both to identify Titus as his

future heir and to justify his choice of successor by highlighting Titus’s military prowess.

Though Domitian would omit the goddess from his coinage, Trajan subsequently included

Fortuna Redux on his coins beginning in 117 CE. The emperor, who now featured the goddess

seated, used her appearance on his coinage in an attempt to adopt the militaristic patron of

Augustus, Vespasian, and Titus, so that he might justify his own lofty war against Parthia as well

as guarantee a safe return home. Hadrian, whose foreign policy, unlike that of his predecessor,

focused on securing the Roman borders, used the image of Fortuna Redux but recast the goddess

as his own personal patron of travel. As a result of these numerous different uses of the goddess’s

appearance on imperial coinage between 19 BCE and 138 CE, Fortuna Redux came to be

defined by her association with both travel and military success; different emperors during this

time would repeatedly exploit these connotations in order to legitimize their own imperial

authority and imperial policies.

[100]

After Hadrian, emperors continued to feature Fortuna Redux on their coinage. Marcus

Aurelius and Lucius Verus both used the goddess in order to advertise their campaigns abroad;

however, their coinage appears to have emphasized their safe return from the military front, like

Trajan, rather than celebrate their military victories, as with Vespasian. Commodus reinforced

this association between the goddess and militaristic travel in his own coinage. Then, during the

two civil wars that followed Commodus’s death, Fortuna Redux’s appearance on coinage once

again carried political connotations as Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger recycled older

attributes while also adding new iconography to the goddess’s repertoire. Ultimately, the two

men appeared to have used the goddess’s connections with previous emperors in order to justify

their right to the imperial office. Consequently, though Fortuna Redux was occasionally

associated with safe travels, emperors during the first two centuries CE predominately

highlighted or suppressed the goddess’s militaristic associations on their coinage. Moreover,

Roman emperors frequently played upon earlier iconography in order to associate themselves

with Roman values. By connecting themselves with their predecessors and with Roman

militarism, emperors thus frequently used Fortuna Redux’s appearance on imperial coinage in

order to legitimize their own imperial authority.

[101]

Appendix I: Summary of Fortuna and Fortuna

Redux on Imperial Coinage 317

Emperor Dates of Reign Fortuna Redux Augusta

Augustus 27 BCE – 14 CE 2 1 0

Tiberius 14 – 37 CE 0 0 0

Caligula 37 – 41 CE 1 0 0

Claudius 41 – 54 CE 0 0 0

Nero 54 – 68 CE 0 0 0

Galba 68 – 69 CE 1 0 1

Otho 69 CE 0 0 0

Vitellius 69 CE 0 0 0

Vespasian 69 – 79 CE 0 19 3

Titus 79 – 81 CE 2 2 0

Domitian 81 – 96 CE 0 0 19

Nerva 96 – 98 CE 5 0 10

Trajan 98 – 117 CE 10 13 1

Hadrian 117 – 138 CE 10 24 6

Antoninus Pius 138 – 161 CE 39 0 2

Marcus Aurelius 161 – 180 CE 11 4 0

Lucius Verus 161 – 169 CE 0 18 0

Commodus 177 – 192 CE 20 7 0

Pertinax 193 CE 2 0 0

Didius Julianus 193 CE 5 0 0

Pescennius Niger 193 – 194 CE 0 4 0

Clodius Albinus 196 – 197 CE 1 7 0

Septimius Severus 193 – 211 CE 16 39 3

317

The table reveals several trends in the imperial coinage of Fortuna. After Augustus, Fortuna and Fortuna Redux

disappeared from imperial coinage until the Civil War in 69 CE. Beginning with Galba and Vespasian, Fortuna

and Fortuna Redux were repeatedly, though not ubiquitously, featured on imperial coinage until Septimius

Severus. Antoninus Pius, followed by Commodus and Septimius Severus, most frequently depicted Fortuna. In

contrast, Septimius Severus, followed by Hadrian, Vespasian, and Lucius Verus most frequently featured

Fortuna Redux. The table also shows that Fortuna Augusta only began to feature on Roman coinage with Galba.

Though she would repeatedly appear on the coins of subsequent emperors, she disappeared from imperial

coinage after Antoninus Pius until Septimius Severus. Septimius Severus would only feature the goddess on a

few of his coins. Overall, Fortuna Augusta appeared less frequently on imperial coinage than Fortuna or

Fortuna Redux.

[102]

Appendix II: Republican Coins of Fortuna

Figure 1: Denarius of Marcus Plaetorius Cestianus. 69 BCE.

Crawford RRC 405/2

Obverse: Female draped.

Reverse: Boy holding plate labeled SORS. M PLAETORI

CEST S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se

arch_object_details.aspx?currentpage=1&fromadbc=ad&toadbc=ad&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&partid=1&searchtex

t=405%2f2&objectid=3078221&numpages=10

Figure 2: Denarius of Quintus Sicinius. 49 BCE. Crawford RRC

440/1

Obverse: Diademed Fortuna. FORT P R

Reverse: Palm branch tied with fillet and crossed with

caduceus. Wreath above. III VIR / Q SICINIVS

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se

arch_object_details.aspx?currentpage=1&fromadbc=ad&toadbc=ad&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&partid=1&searchtex

t=440%2f1&objectid=1146747&numpages=10

Figure 3: Quinarius of Publius Sepullius Macer. 44 BCE. Crawford

RRC 480/25

Obverse: Bust of winged Victory.

Reverse: Fortuna standing holding rudder and cornucopia.

P SEPVLLIVS MACER

Source: Crawford (1974), LVII

Figure 4: Aureus of Publius Clodius. 42 BCE. Crawford RRC 494/4

Obverse: Bareheaded Lepidus. M LEPIDVS III VIR R P C

Reverse: Woman standing with scepter and cornucopia

while cuirass at her feet. P CLODIVS M F IIII VIR A P F

Source: Crawford (1974), LVIII

Figure 5: Denarius of Gaius Vibius Varus. 42 BCE. Crawford RRC

494/32

Obverse: Bearded head of Marc Antony.

Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding both cornucopia and

a winged Victory in hand. C VIBIVS VARVS

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se

arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=1144164&partid=1&searchText=varus+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch

%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[103]

Figure 6: Denarius of Gaius Vibius Varus. 42 BCE. Crawford RRC

494/33

Obverse: Head of Octavian.

Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding both cornucopia and

a winged Victory in hand. C VIBIVS VARVS

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=3080974&partid=1&searchText=varus+

fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch

%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 7: Aureus of Marcus Arrius. 41 BCE. Crawford RRC 513/1

Obverse: Draped and diademed bust of Fortuna Populi

Romani. F P R M ARRIVS SECVNDVS.

Reverse: Central hasta pura flanked by wreath and

phalerae.

Source: Crawford (1974), LXII

Figure 8: Aureus of Marc Antony. 41 BCE. Crawford RRC 516/1

Obverse: Bare head of Marc Antony. ANT AVG IMP III V

R P C

Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a stork at her feet. PIETAS COS

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se

arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=1193400&partid=1&searchText=fortuna

+aureus+stork&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fr

esearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 9: Aureus of Tiberius Sempronius Graccus. 40 BCE or later.

Crawford RRC 525/1

Obverse: Head of Octavian. DIVI IVLI F

Reverse: Fortuna standing and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TI SEMPRON GRACCVS IIII VIR Q D

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/se

arch_object_details.aspx?objectid=3072038&partid=1&searchText=525%2f1&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fs

earch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

[104]

Appendix III: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

AUGUSTUS 19-4

BCE Rome Denarius

Jugate heads of

Fortuna Victrix

(helmeted) and

Felix (holding

patera). Q

RVSTIVS

FORTVNAE /

ANTIAT

Altar labeled FOR RE.

CAESARI AVGVSTO

EX S C

RIC1 322, p. 65

VESPASIAN 70 CE Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG

Fortuna Redux

standing with prow

and holding

cornucopia. COS

ITER FORT RED

RIC2.1 19, p. 60

70 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG P M T P

P P COS II DES

III

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder on globe and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 33, p. 61

70 CE Lugdunum Aureus

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG TR P

Fortuna Redux

standing with prow

and cornucopia. COS

ITER FORT RED

RIC2.1 1104, p.

139

70 CE Tarraco Aureus

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG

Fortuna Redux

standing with prow

and cornucopia. COS

ITER FORT RED

RIC2.1 1305, p.

152

70 CE Tarraco As

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG P M TR

P

Fortuna Redux

standing with prow

and cornucopia. IMP

V P P COS II DESIG

III FORT RED

RIC2.1 1337, p.

154

71 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG P M T P

P P COS III

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 75, p. 65

71 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG P M T P

P P COS III

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 76, p. 65

[105]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

71 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESPASIAN

AVG P M TR P

P P COS III

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder on globe and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 157, p. 71

71 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESPASIAN

AVG P M TR P

P P COS III

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder on globe and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 158, p. 71

71 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESPAS AVG

P M TR P P P

COS III

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 230, p. 75

71 CE Lugdunum Aureus

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG TR P

Fortuna Redux

standing with prow

and holding

cornucopia. COS III

FORT RED

RIC2.1 1110, p.

139

71 CE Lugdunum Aureus

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANV

S AVG TR P

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

sphere and caduceus.

COS III FORT RED

RIC2.1 1111, p.

139

71 CE Lugdunum Dupondius

Radiate head of

Vespasian. IMP

CAES

VESPASIAN

AVG COS III

Victory flying with

SPQR shield.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 1153, p.

142

72 CE Lugdunum Dupondius

Radiate head of

Vespasian. IMP

CAESAR

VESPASIAN

AVG COS IIII

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 1187, p.

144

72 CE Lugdunum Dupondius

Radiate head of

Vespasian. IMP

CAESAR

VESPASIAN

AVG COS IIII

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 1188, p.

144

73 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESP AVG P

M T P P P COS

IIII CENS

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 573, p. 101

[106]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

77-78

CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESPASIAN

AVG P M TR P

P P COS VIII

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 991, p. 131

77-78

CE Lugdunum Dupondius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESPASIAN

AVG COS VIII

P P

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder on globe and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 1215, p.

146

77-78

CE Lugdunum Dupondius

Laureate head

of Vespasian.

IMP CAES

VESPASIAN

AVG COS VIII

P P

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 1217, p.

146

TITUS 72 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Titus. T

CAES

VESPASIAN

IMP PON TR

POT COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 421, p. 87

73 CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Titus. T

CAESAR VESP

IMP PON TR

POT COS II

CENS

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch, rudder on

globe, and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2.1 606, p. 103

TRAJAN

112-

114

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAS NERVAE

TRAIANO

AVG GERM

DAC P M TR P

COS VI P P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2 627, p. 288

112-

114

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES

NERVAE

TRAIANO

AVG GERM

DAC P M TR P

COS VI P P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2 628, p. 288

112-

117

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

TRAIANO

AVG GERM

DAC P M TR P

COS VI P P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. S P Q R

OPTIMO PRINCIPI /

FORT RED

RIC2 254, p. 262

112-

117

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG

GERM DAC P

M TR P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. COS VI P

P S P Q R / FORT

RED

RIC2 308, p. 265

[107]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

112-

117

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIAN

OPTIM AVG

GERM DAC

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

PARTHICO P M TR P

COS VI S P Q R /

FORT RED

RIC2 315, p. 266

112-

117

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIAN

OPTIM AVG

GERM DAC

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

PARTHICO P M TR P

COS VI P P S P Q R /

FORT RED

RIC2 316, p. 266

112-

117

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIAN

OPTIM AVG

GERM DAC

PARTHICO

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS VI P P S P Q R /

FORT RED

RIC2 317, p. 266

112-

117

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG

GERM DAC

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS VI P P S P Q R /

FORT RED

RIC2 318, p. 267

112-

117

CE

Rome (1) Denarius and (2)

Aureus

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG

GERM DAC

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS VI P P S P Q R

FORT RED

RIC2 319, p. 267

112-

117

CE

Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG

GER DAC

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS VI P P S P Q R /

FORT RED

RIC2 321, p. 267

112-

117

CE

Rome Dupondius

Radiate head of

Trajan. IMP

CAES

NERVAE

TRAIANO

AVG GERM

DAC P M TR P

COS VI P P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

RIC2 629, p. 288

115-

116?

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG

GER DAC P M

TR P COS VI P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

SENATVS

POPVLVSQVE

ROMANVS / FORT

RED / S C

RIC2 652, p. 290

[108]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

115-

116

CE

Rome Dupondius

Radiate head of

Trajan. IMP

CAES NER

TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG

GER DAC P M

TR P COS VI P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

SENATVS

POPVLVSQVE

ROMANVS / FORT

RED / S C

RIC2 653, p. 290

HADRIAN 117

CE Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAES TRAIAN

HADRIANO

AVG DIVI

TRA

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PARTH F

DIVI NER NEP P M

TR P COS / FORT

RED

RIC2 10, p. 340

117

CE Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAES TRAIAN

HADRIANO

AVG DIVI

TRA PART F

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. DIVI

NER NEP P M TR P

COS / FORT RED

RIC2 15, p. 340

117

CE Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS DES II / FORT

RED

RIC2 18, p. 341

117

CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAES DIVI

TRAIAN AVG

F TRAIAN

HADRIAN

OPT AVG GER

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. DAC

PARTHICO P M TR P

COS P P / FORT RED

BMCRE3 1105, p.

398

117

CE Rome

(1) Dupondius and

(2) Sestertius

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAES DIVI

TRA PARTH F

DIVI NER NEP

TRAIANO

HADRIANO

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PONT

MAX TR POT COS /

S C / FORT RED

BMCRE3 1113, p.

400

117

CE Rome Dupondius

Radiate head of

Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIANVS

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PONT

MAX TR POT COS

DES II / S C / FORT

RED

BMCRE3 1116, p.

400

117-

138

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

P M TR P COS IIII /

FORT RED

BMCRE3 270, p.

273

[109]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

117-

138

CE

Rome Denarius

Bareheaded

Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVG COS III P

P

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia while

shaking hands with

Hadrian. FORTVNAE

REDVCI

BMCRE3 652, p.

323

117-

138

CE

Rome Denarius

Bareheaded

Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVG COS III P

P

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia while

shaking hands with

Hadrian. FORT

REDVCI

BMCRE3 634, p.

321

117-

138

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVG COS III P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

BMCRE3 648, p.

322

117-

138

CE

Rome Denarius

Bareheaded

Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVG COS III P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

REDVCI

BMCRE3 633, p.

321

117-

138

CE

Rome Dupondius

Radiate head of

Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG P M TR P

COS IIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

BMCRE3 1225, p.

420

117-

138

CE

Rome As

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS III / FORT RED /

S C

Strack (Hadrian)

570

117-

138

CE

Rome (1) Dupondius and

(2) Sestertius

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

S C / FORT RED /

COS III

Strack (Hadrian)

628

117-

138

CE

Rome

(1) Denarius, (2)

Dupondius or As,

and (3) Sestertius

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVG COS IIII

P P

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia while

greeting Hadrian who

holds a scroll. S C /

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Strack (Hadrian)

646

117-

138

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVG COS III P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding

cornucopia while

greeting Hadrian who

holds a scroll.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

/ S C

Strack (Hadrian)

648

[110]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

117-

138

CE

Rome (1) Dupondius or As

and (2) Sestertius

Bareheaded

Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

COS III P P / S C /

FORT RED

Strack (Hadrian)

829

117-

138

CE

Rome Dupondius or As

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. COS II P

P / S C / FORTVNAE

REDVCI

Strack (Hadrian)

830

118

CE Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P TR P

COS DES II / FORT

RED

RIC2 41, p. 345

118

CE Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS II / FORT RED

RIC2 41a, p. 345

118

CE Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P

COS II / FORT RED

RIC2 41c, p. 345

118

CE Rome

(1) Dupondius and

(2) Sestertius

Radiate head of

Hadrian. IMP

CAESAR

TRAIANVS

HADRIANVS

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PONT

MAX TR POT COS II

/ S C / FORT RED

Strack (Hadrian)

515

128-

132

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS P

P

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder

(with and without a

globe) and cornucopia.

COS III / FORT RED

Strack (Hadrian)

197

128-

138

CE

Rome Denarius

Bareheaded

Hadrian.

HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

COS IIII P P / FORT

RED

Strack (Hadrian)

341

MARCUS

AURELIUS

167-

168

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Marcus

Aurelius.

ANTONINVS

AVG ARM

PARTH MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR P XXII IMP

V / COS IIII

RIC3 185, p. 228

[111]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

167-

168

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Marcus

Aurelius. M

ANTONINVS

AVG ARM

PARTH MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT

XXII IMP V COS IIII

/ S C / FORT RED

RIC3 957, p. 289

168-

169

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Marcus

Aurelius.

ANTONINVS

AVG ARM

PARTH MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR P XXIII IMP

V / COS IIII

RIC3 205, p. 229

169-

170

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Marcus

Aurelius. M

ANTONINVS

AVG TR P

XXIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED COS IIII

RIC3 220, p. 230

LUCIUS

VERUS

161-

162

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

TR POT II COS II / S

C / FORT RED

RIC3 1317, p. 318

162-

163

CE

Rome Dupondius

Radiate head of

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

FORT RED TR POT

IIII / S C / COS II

RIC3 1341, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

TR POT IIII COS II /

S C / FORT RED

RIC3 1342, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT

IIII COS II / S C /

FORT RED

RIC3 1343, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT

IIII COS II / S C /

FORT RED

RIC3 1345, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. IMP

CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

TR POT IIII COS II /

S C / FORT RED

RIC3 1346, p. 320

[112]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

162-

163

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. IMP

CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT

IIII COS II / S C /

FORT RED

RIC3 1347, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome As

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR POT IIII / S

C / COS II

RIC3 1350, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome As

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus.

IMP CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR POT IIII / S

C / COS II

RIC3 1351, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome As

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. IMP

CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR POT IIII / S

C / COS II

RIC3 1352, p. 320

162-

163

CE

Rome As

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. IMP

CAES L

AVREL

VERVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR POT IIII / S

C / COS II

RIC3 1354, p. 320

164-

165

CE

Rome As

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARMENIACVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

FORT RED TR P V

IMP II COS II / S C

RIC3 1412, p. 325

164-

165

CE

Rome As

Bareheaded

Lucius Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARMENIACVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR P V IMP II

COS II / S C

RIC3 1413, p. 325

164-

165

CE

Rome As

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARMENIACVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR P V IMP II

COS II / S C

RIC3 1414, p. 325

167-

168

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARM PARTH

MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR P VIII IMP V

/ COS IIII

RIC3 586, p. 261

[113]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

167-

168

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARM PARTH

MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT

VIII IMP V COS IIII /

S C / FORT RED

RIC3 1476, p. 330

168-

169

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARM PARTH

MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

RED TR P VIIII IMP

V

RIC3 596, p. 261

168-

169

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Lucius

Verus. L

VERVS AVG

ARM PARTH

MAX

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT

VIIII IMP V COS IIII

/ S C / FORT RED

RIC3 1483, p. 331

COMMODUS

179-

180

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Commodus.

L AVREL

COMMODVS

AVG TR P V

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel below seat.

FORT RED IMP IIII

COS II P P / S C

RIC3 295, p. 401

184-

185

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Commodus.

M COMM ANT

P FEL AVG

BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel below seat. P M

TR P X IMP VII COS

IIII P P / FOR RED

RIC3 111, p. 378

186

CE Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Commodus.

M COMM ANT

P FEL AVG

BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel below seat. P

TR P XI IMP VII COS

V P P / FOR RED

RIC3 131, p. 380

186

CE Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Commodus.

M

COMMODVS

ANT P FELIX

AVG BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. P M TR P XI

IMP VII COS V P P /

S C / FOR RED

RIC3 469, p. 420

186

CE Rome Dupondius

Radiate head of

Commodus.

COMM ANT P

FELIX AVG

BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. P M TR P XI

IMP VII COS V P P /

S C / FOR RED

RIC3 477, p. 421

187-

188

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Commodus.

M

COMMODVS

ANT P FELIX

AVG BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel below seat. P M

TR P XIIII IMP VIIII

COS V P P / S C /

FOR RED

RIC3 513, p. 425

[114]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

187-

188

CE

Rome As

Laureate head

of Commodus.

M COMM ANT

P FELIX AVG

BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel below seat. P M

TR P XIII IMP VII

COS V P P / S C /

FOR RED

RIC3 521, p. 426

PESCENNIUS

NIGER

193-

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Pescennius

Niger. IMP

CAES C PESC

NIGER IVS

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE RED

RIC4 23, p. 26

193-

194

CE

Caesarea

Mazaca Denarius

Laureate head

of Pescennius

Niger. PESCE

NIGER IVST

AVG

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

caduceus and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 28, p. 27

193-

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Pescennius

Niger. IMP

CAES C PESC

NIGER IVS

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

caduceus and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 28b, p. 27

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Pescennius

Niger. IMP

CAES C PESC

NIGER IVS

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

corn-ears and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 29, p. 27

CLODIUS

ALBINUS

194-

195

CE

Rome Aureus

Bareheaded

Clodius

Albinus. D

CLOD SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORT REDVCI

COS II

RIC4 5b, p. 44

194-

195

CE

Rome Denarius

Bareheaded

Clodius

Albinus. D CL

SEPT ALBIN

CAES

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel under

seat. FORT REDVCI

COS II

RIC4 5c, p. 44

194-

195

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Clodius

Albinus. D CL

SEPT ALBIN

CAES

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORT REDVCI

COS II / S C

RIC4 53a, p. 52

194-

195

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Clodius

Albinus. D CL

SEPT ALBIN

CAES

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORT REDVCI

COS II / S C

RIC4 53b, p. 52

[115]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

194-

195

CE

Rome Sestertius

Bareheaded

Clodius

Albinus. D CL

SEPT ALBIN

CAES

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORT REDVCI

COS II / S C

RIC4 53c, p. 52

194-

195

CE

Rome Dupondius or As

Bareheaded

Clodius

Albinus. D CL

SEPT ALBIN

CAES

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORTVNA

REDVCI COS II / S C

RIC4 59a, p. 53

196-

197

CE

Lugdunum As

Laureate head

of Clodius

Albinus. IMP

CAES D CLO

SEP ALB AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

COS / II

RIC4 64, p. 53

SEPTIMIUS

SEVERUS

193

CE Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS I

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVN

REDVC

RIC4 p. 138, note

1

193

CE Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS I

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia while

sacrificing with patera

over altar.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 p. 138, note

5

193

CE

Eastern

Roman

Empire

Aureus

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

BMCRE5 318, p.

82

193-

197

CE

Eastern

Roman

Empire

Denarius

Bareheaded

Julia Domna.

IVLIA

DOMNA AVG

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia in each

hand. FORT REDVC

RIC4 623, p. 176

193-

197

CE

Eastern

Roman

Empire

Denarius

Bareheaded

Julia Domna.

IVLIA

DOMNA AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 626, p. 176

194

CE Alexandria Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERTIN

AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia.

FORT REDVCT COS

II

RIC4 350, p. 135

[116]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERTE AVG

IMP II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia and

rudder. FORT REDVC

RIC4 448, p. 152

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERTE AVG

IMP II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia and

rudder. FORT REDVC

RIC4 448b, p. 152

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERTE AVG

IMP II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia and

scepter. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 449, p. 152

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERET AVG

IMP II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia in each

hand. FORT REDVC

RIC4 449a, p. 152

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERET AVG

IMP II

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 451, p. 152

194

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERTE AVG

IMP II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

long palm and

cornucopia. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 453, p. 152

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 376b, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNA REDVC

RIC4 377, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CE L SEP SEV

PERT AVG CO

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 378, p. 142

[117]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTV

REDVC

RIC4 378a, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVN

REDVC

RIC4 379, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia.

FORTVNA REDVCI

RIC4 381, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

long palm and

cornucopia. FORTVN

REDVC

RIC4 383, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

long palm and

cornucopia.

FORTVNA REDVCI

RIC4 384, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia while

sacrificing over altar

with patera.

FORTVNA REDVCI

RIC4 385, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

branch and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 385a, p. 142

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG COS II

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding branch

and cornucopia.

FORTVNAE REDVC

RIC4 386, p. 143

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CAE L SEP

SEV PERT

AVG C II C

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding poppy,

corn-ears, and

cornucopia.

FORTVNAE RE

REDVC

RIC4 387, p. 143

[118]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

194

CE and

later

Cappadocia Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. IMP

CA L SEP SEV

PER AVG COS

II

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia and

scepter. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 388, p. 143

195-

196

CE

Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORTVNAE

REDVCI

RIC4 78c, p. 100

195-

196

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 470, p. 155

196-

197

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORTVNAE

REDVCI

RIC4 78a, p. 100

196-

197

CE

Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORTVNAE

REDVCI

RIC4 78b, p. 100

196-

197

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

rudder and

cornucopia. FORTA

REDVC

RIC4 477, p. 155

196-

197

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIIII

Fortuna Redux

standing with

cornucopia in each

hand. FORT REDVC

RIC4 477a, p. 155

196-

197

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 478, p. 155

196-

197

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTA

REDVC

RIC4 479, p. 155

[119]

EMPEROR YEAR LOCATION DENOMINATION OBVERSE REVERSE IDENTIFICATIO

N NO.

196-

197

CE

Antiochia ad

Orontem Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux

standing and holding

cornucopia while

sacrificing over altar

with patera. FORT

REDVC

RIC4 479b, p. 156

196-

197

CE

Rome Sestertius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus. L

SEPT SEV

PERT AVG

IMP VIII

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. S C /

FORTVNAE REDVCI

RIC4 720, p. 189

201-

210

CE

Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus.

SEVERVS

PIVS AVG

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel below seat.

FORTVNA REDVX

RIC4 264a, p. 124

203

CE Rome Aureus

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus.

SEVER P AVG

P M TR P XI

COS III

Septimius veiled and

draped, sacrificing

over tripod with patera

and scroll in hand.

Fortuna Redux seated

in front of him,

holding rudder and

cornucopia with a

wheel under seat.

FORTVNA REDVX

RIC4 188, p. 116

211

CE Rome Denarius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus.

SEVERVS

PIVS AVG

BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORT RED P M

TR P XIX / COS III P

P

RIC4 246, p. 122

211

CE Rome

(1) As and (2)

Dupondius

Laureate head

of Septimius

Severus.

SEVERVS

PIVS AVG

BRIT

Fortuna Redux seated

and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia

with a wheel below

seat. FORT RED P

TR P XIX COS III P P

RIC4 810, p. 201

[120]

Appendix IV: Imperial Coins of Fortuna Redux

Figure 1: Denarius. 19-4 BCE. RIC1 322, p. 65

Obverse: Jugate heads of Fortuna Victrix (helmeted) and

Felix (holding patera). Q RVSTIVS FORTVNAE /

ANTIAT

Reverse: Altar labeled FOR RE. CAESARI AVGVSTO

EX S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=3086995&partid=1&searchText

=augustus+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=1

0&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 2: Denarius. 70 CE. RIC2.1 19, p. 60

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and holding

cornucopia. COS ITER FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections

http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1213150&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=2

Figure 3: Sestertius. 70 CE. RIC2.1 33, p. 61

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG P M T P P P COS II DES III

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201426&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2

Figure 4: Aureus. 70 CE. RIC2.1 1104, p. 139

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG TR P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and

cornucopia. COS ITER FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215788&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=3

[121]

Figure 5: Aureus.70 CE. RIC 2.1 1305, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and

cornucopia. COS ITER FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215800&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

Figure 6: As.70 CE. RIC2.1 1337, p. 154

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG P M TR P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and

cornucopia. IMP V P P COS II DESIG III FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1153315&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 7: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 75, p. 65

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG P M T P P P COS III

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201239&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=2

Figure 8: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 76, p. 65

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG P M T P P P COS III

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201238&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

Figure 9: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 157, p. 71

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS III

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201241&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=3

[122]

Figure 10: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 158, p. 71

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS III

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201240&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=3

Figure 11: Sestertius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 230, p. 75

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPAS AVG P M TR P P P COS III

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201534&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2

Figure 12: Aureus. 71 CE. RIC2.1 1110, p. 139

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG TR P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with prow and holding

cornucopia. COS III FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215784&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3

Figure 13: Aureus. 71 CE. RIC2.1 1111, p. 139

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIANVS AVG TR P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding sphere

and caduceus. COS III FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215783&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=2

Figure 14: Dupondius. 71 CE. RIC2.1 1153, p. 142

Obverse: Radiate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPASIAN AVG COS III

Reverse: Victory flying with SPQR shield. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201179&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

[123]

Figure 15: Dupondius. 72 CE. RIC2.1 1187, p. 144

Obverse: Radiate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIAN AVG COS IIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201155&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 16: Dupondius. 72 CE. RIC2.1 1188, p. 144

Obverse: Radiate head of Vespasian. IMP CAESAR

VESPASIAN AVG COS IIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201458&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 17: Sestertius. 73 CE. RIC2.1 573, p. 101

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES VESP

AVG P M T P P P COS IIII CENS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201377&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 18: Sestertius. 77-78 CE. RIC2.1 991, p. 131

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPASIAN AVG P M TR P P P COS VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201278&partid=1&searchText=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=

10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 19: Dupondius. 77-78 CE. RIC2.1 1215, p. 146

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPASIAN AVG COS VIII P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201116&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=1

[124]

Figure 20: Dupondius. 77-78 CE. RIC2.1 1217, p. 146

Obverse: Laureate head of Vespasian. IMP CAES

VESPASIAN AVG COS VIII P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201115&partid=1&searchText

=vespasian+coin+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database

.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 21: Sestertius. 72 CE. RIC2.1 421, p. 87

Obverse: Laureate head of Titus. T CAES VESPASIAN

IMP PON TR POT COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201412&partid=1&searchText

=titus+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&images=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx

&currentPage=1

Figure 22: Sestertius. 73 CE. RIC2.1 606, p. 103

Obverse: Laureate head of Titus. T CAESAR VESP

IMP PON TR POT COS II CENS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch,

rudder on globe, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1201364&partid=1&searchText=titus+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&i

mages=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx

&currentPage=1

Figure 23: Sestertius. 112-114 CE. RIC2 627, p. 288

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NERVAE

TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200086&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3

Figure 24: Sestertius. 112-114 CE. RIC2 628, p. 288

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NERVAE

TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200088&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3

[125]

Figure 25: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 254, p. 262

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP TRAIANO

AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. S P Q R OPTIMO PRINCIPI / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211885&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

Figure 26: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 308, p. 265

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP TRAIANO

OPTIMO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1164280&partid=1&searchText=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&imag

es=on&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&cu

rrentPage=2

Figure 27: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 315, p. 266

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PARTHICO P M TR P COS VI S P Q R /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211775&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 28: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 316, p. 266

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PARTHICO P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q

R / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211770&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 29: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 317, p. 266

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIAN OPTIM AVG GERM DAC PARTHICO

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211794&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

[126]

Figure 30: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 318, p. 267

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GERM DAC

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211814&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

Figure 31: Denarius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 319, p. 267

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GERM DAC

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211809&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

Figure 32: Aureus. 112-117 CE. RIC2 321, p. 267

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER DAC

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS VI P P S P Q R / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215531&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=

%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

Figure 33: Dupondius. 112-117 CE. RIC2 629, p. 288

Obverse: Radiate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NERVAE

TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS VI P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: Romanorum

http://www.romanorum.com.au/view.asp?ID=4135

Figure 34: Sestertius. 115-116? CE. RIC2 652, p. 290

Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS

VI P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS /

FORT RED / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200022&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3

[127]

Figure 35: Dupondius. 115-116 CE. RIC2 653, p. 290

Obverse: Radiate head of Trajan. IMP CAES NER

TRAIANO OPTIMO AVG GER DAC P M TR P COS

VI P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. SENATVS POPVLVSQVE ROMANVS /

FORT RED / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1200018&partid=1&searchText

=trajan+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3

Figure 36: Denarius. 117 CE. RIC2 10, p. 340

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES

TRAIAN HADRIANO AVG DIVI TRA

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PARTH F DIVI NER NEP P M TR P COS

/ FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211695&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=13

Figure 37: Aureus. 117 CE. RIC2 15, p. 340

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES

TRAIAN HADRIANO AVG DIVI TRA PART F

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. DIVI NER NEP P M TR P COS / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215488&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=13

Figure 38: Denarius. 117 CE. RIC2 18, p. 341

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS DES II / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211680&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=13

Figure 39: Sestertius. 117 CE. BMCRE3 1105, p. 398

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES DIVI

TRAIAN AVG F TRAIAN HADRIAN OPT AVG GER

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. DAC PARTHICO P M TR P COS P P /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199923&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=7

[128]

Figure 40: Sestertius. 117 CE. BMCRE3 1113, p. 400

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAES DIVI

TRA PARTH F DIVI NER NEP TRAIANO

HADRIANO AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PONT MAX TR POT COS / S C / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199915&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=11

Figure 41: Dupondius. 117 CE. BMCRE3 1116, p. 400

Obverse: Radiate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PONT MAX TR POT COS DES II / S C /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199911&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=11

Figure 42: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 270, p. 273

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. P M TR P COS IIII / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211488&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=12

Figure 43: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 652, p. 323

Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG

COS III P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia while shaking hands with Hadrian.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211102&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=1

Figure 44: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 634, p. 321

Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG

COS III P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia while shaking hands with Hadrian. FORT

REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211124&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=1

[129]

Figure 45: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 648, p. 322

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG

COS III P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211112&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=1

Figure 46: Denarius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 633, p. 321

Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG

COS III P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211126&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=1

Figure 47: Dupondius. 117-138 CE. BMCRE3 1225, p. 420

Obverse: Radiate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG P M TR P COS IIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199782&partid=1&seasearchT=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=10

Figure 48: As. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 570

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS III / FORT RED / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199730&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=4

Figure 49: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 628

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. S C / FORT RED / COS III

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199615&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=3

[130]

Figure 50: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 646

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG

COS IIII P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia while greeting Hadrian who holds a scroll. S

C / FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199436&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

Figure 51: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 648

Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS AVG

COS III P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding cornucopia

while greeting Hadrian who holds a scroll. FORTVNAE

REDVCI / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199435&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=7

Figure 52: Sestertius. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 829

Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. COS III P P / S C / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199555&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=9

Figure 53: Dupondius or As. 117-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 830

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. COS II P P / S C / FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199496&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=8

Figure 54: Denarius. 118 CE. RIC2 41, p. 345

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P TR P COS DES II / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211489&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+hadrian+41&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=1

[131]

Figure 55: Aureus. 118 CE. RIC2 41a, p. 345

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS II / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215471&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+hadrian+41&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=1

Figure 56: Aureus. 118 CE. RIC2 41c, p. 345

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIAN HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. P M TR P COS II / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1215470&partid=1&searchText=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=5

Figure 57: Dupondius. 118 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 515

Obverse: Radiate head of Hadrian. IMP CAESAR

TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. PONT MAX TR POT COS II / S C / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1199882&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=10

Figure 58: Denarius. 128-132 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 197

Obverse: Laureate head of Hadrian. HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS P P

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. COS III / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections

http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211252&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10

&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=5

Figure 59: Denarius. 128-138 CE. Strack (Hadrian) 341

Obverse: Bareheaded Hadrian. HADRIANVS

AVGVSTVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. COS IIII P P / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1211223&partid=1&searchText

=hadrian+fortuna+coin&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentP

age=6

[132]

Figure 60: Denarius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 185, p. 228

Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius.

ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR P XXII IMP V / COS IIII

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209487&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=3

Figure 61: Sestertius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 957, p. 289

Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius. M

ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT XXII IMP V COS IIII / S C /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197585&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 62: Denarius. 168-169 CE. RIC3 205, p. 229

Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius.

ANTONINVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR P XXIII IMP V / COS IIII

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209469&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=3

Figure 63: Denarius. 169-170 CE. RIC3 220, p. 230

Obverse: Laureate head of Marcus Aurelius. M

ANTONINVS AVG TR P XXIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED COS IIII

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209433&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=1

Figure 64: Sestertius. 161-162 CE. RIC3 1317, p. 318

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. TR POT II COS II / S C / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197901&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=8

[133]

Figure 65: Dupondius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1341, p. 320

Obverse: Radiate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C /

COS II

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197867&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

Figure 66: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1342, p. 320

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197871&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

Figure 67: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1343, p. 320

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197872&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=8

Figure 68: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1345, p. 320

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197873&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

Figure 69: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1346, p. 320

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197870&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=7

[134]

Figure 70: Sestertius. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1347, p. 320

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAESL

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT IIII COS II / S C / FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197869&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

Figure 71: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1350, p. 320

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197864&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

Figure 72: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1351, p. 320

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197865&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

Figure 73: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1352, p. 320

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197861&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

Figure 74: As. 162-163 CE. RIC3 1354, p. 320

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. IMP CAES L

AVREL VERVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR POT IIII / S C / COS II

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197862&partid=1&searchText=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=7

[135]

Figure 75: As. 164-165 CE. RIC3 1412, p. 325

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. L VERVS AVG

ARMENIACVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORT RED TR P V IMP II COS

II / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197658&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

Figure 76: As. 164-165 CE. RIC3 1413, p. 325

Obverse: Bareheaded Lucius Verus. L VERVS AVG

ARMENIACVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR P V IMP II COS II / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197654&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

Figure 77: As. 164-165 CE. RIC3 1414, p. 325

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS

AVG ARMENIACVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR P V IMP II COS II / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197656&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

Figure 78: Denarius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 586, p. 261

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS

AVG ARM PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR P VIII IMP V / COS IIII

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209476&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=8

Figure 79: Sestertius. 167-168 CE. RIC3 1476, p. 330

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS

AVG ARM PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT VIII IMP V COS IIII / S C / FORT

RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197577&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&curr

entPage=6

[136]

Figure 80: Denarius. 168-169 CE. RIC3 596, p. 261

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS

AVG ARM PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT RED TR P VIIII IMP V

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1209457&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=8

Figure 81: Sestertius. 168-169 CE. RIC3 1483, p. 331

Obverse: Laureate head of Lucius Verus. L VERVS

AVG AR PARTH MAX

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. TR POT VIIII IMP V COS IIII / S C /

FORT RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197563&partid=1&searchText

=marcus+aurelius+fortuna&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages

=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=6

Figure 82: Sestertius. 179-180 CE. RIC3 295, p. 401

Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. L AVREL

COMMODVS AVG TR P V

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT RED IMP

IIII COS II P P / S C

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1197208&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&

orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 83: Denarius. 184-185 CE. RIC3 111, p. 378

Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M COMM ANT

P FEL AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR P X IMP

VII COS IIII P P / FOR RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1208985&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&

orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa

ge=4

Figure 84: Denarius. 186 CE. RIC3 131, p. 380

Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M COMM ANT

P FEL AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P TR P XI IMP

VII COS V P P / FOR RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1208949&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&

orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa

ge=4

[137]

Figure 85: Sestertius. 186 CE. RIC3 469, p. 420

Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M

COMMODVS ANT P FELIX AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR

P XI IMP VII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196979&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&

orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=4

Figure 86: Dupondius. 186 CE. RIC3 477, p. 421

Obverse: Radiate head of Commodus. COMM ANT P

FELIX AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR

P XI IMP VII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196972&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa

ge=3

Figure 87: Sestertius. 187-188 CE. RIC3 513, p. 425

Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M

COMMODVS ANT P FELIX AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR P XIIII

IMP VIIII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196936&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&

orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=3

Figure 88: As. 187-188 CE. RIC3 521, p. 426

Obverse: Laureate head of Commodus. M COMM ANT

P FELIX AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a wheel below seat. P M TR P XIII

IMP VII COS V P P / S C / FOR RED

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_databas

e/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1196935&partid=1&searchText=fortuna+commodus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpages=10&

orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPa

ge=3

Figure 89: Denarius. 193-194 CE. RIC4 23, p. 26

Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. IMP

CAES C PESC NIGER IVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE RED

Source: Baldwin’s Auctions Ltd http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=177415

[138]

Figure 90: Denarius. 193-194 CE. RIC4 28, p. 27

Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. PESCE

NIGER IVST AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding caduceus

and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Image Not Available

Figure 91: Denarius. 193-194 CE. RIC4 28b, p. 27

Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. IMP

CAES C PESC NIGER IVS

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding caduceus

and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: Numismatik Lanz München http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=157135

Figure 92: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 29, p. 27

Obverse: Laureate head of Pescennius Niger. IMP

CAES C PESC NIGER IVS AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding corn-ears

and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=233136

Figure 93: Aureus. 194-195 CE. RIC4 5b, p. 44

Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CLOD SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT

REDVCI COS II

Source: Numismatica Ars Classica http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=4026

Figure 94: Denarius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 5c, p. 44

Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat. FORT

REDVCI COS II

Source: Coin Archives http://www.coinarchives.com/a/lotviewer.php?LotID=448092&AucID=819&Lot=436&Val=773ec1ca0823d5eb0c233254be4ebfbd

[139]

Figure 95: Sestertius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 53a, p. 52

Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT

REDVCI COS II / S C

Source: Numismatica Ars Classica http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=383869

Figure 96: Sestertius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 53b, p. 52

Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT

REDVCI COS II / S C

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/clodius_albinus/RIC_0053b.jpg

Figure 97: Sestertius. 194-195 CE. RIC4 53c, p. 52

Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT

REDVCI COS II / S C

Source: Coin Archives http://www.coinarchives.com/a/lotviewer.php?LotID=472436&AucID

=861&Lot=345&Val=07503568bd8be9ac6426bd7f2757f906

Figure 98: Dupondius or As. 194-195 CE. RIC4 59a, p. 53

Obverse: Bareheaded Clodius Albinus. D CL SEPT

ALBIN CAES

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat.

FORTVNA REDVCI COS II / S C

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=232727

Figure 99: As. 196-197 CE. RIC4 64, p. 53

Obverse: Laureate head of Clodius Albinus. IMP CAES

D CLO SEP ALB AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI COS / II

Source: RIC v. 4, plate 4,10

[140]

Figure 100: Denarius. 193 CE. RIC4 p. 138, note 1

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS I

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVN REDVC

Image Not Available

Figure 101: Denarius. 193 CE. RIC4 p. 138, note 5

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS I

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia while sacrificing over altar with patera.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections

Image Not Available

Figure 102: Aureus. 193 CE. BMCRE5 318, p. 82

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder

and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214741&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+septimius+severus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpag

es=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=11

Figure 103: Denarius. 193-197 CE. RIC4 623, p. 176

Obverse: Bareheaded Julia Domna. IVLIA DOMNA

AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia in each hand. FORT REDVC

Image Not Available

Figure 104: Denarius. 193-197 CE. RIC4 626, p. 176

Obverse: Bareheaded Julia Domna. IVLIA DOMNA

AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Image Not Available

[141]

Figure 105: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 350, p. 135

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERTIN AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia. FORT REDVCT COS II

Source: Barry P. Murphy Collection http://bpmurphy.ancients.info/severan/ssalex3.htm

Figure 106: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 448, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERTE AVG IMP II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder

and cornucopia. FORT REDVC

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/thumbnails.php?album=14

73

Figure 107: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 448b, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERTE AVG IMP II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia and rudder. FORT REDVC

Source: Numismatik Lanz München http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=119464

Figure 108: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 449, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERTE AVG IMP II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia and scepter. FORT REDVC

Image Not Available

Figure 109: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 449a, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERET AVG IMP II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia in each hand. FORT REDVC

Image Not Available

[142]

Figure 110: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 451, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERET AVG IMP II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT REDVC

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0451v.jpg

Figure 111: Denarius. 194 CE. RIC4 453, p. 152

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERTE AVG IMP II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding long palm

and cornucopia. FORT REDVC

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0453v.jpg

Figure 112: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 376b, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder

and cornucopia. FORT REDVC

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.forumancientcoins.com/gallery/displayimage.php?album=

1533&pos=4

Figure 113: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 377, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder

and cornucopia. FORTVNA REDVC

Source: Auktionshaus H. D. Rauch GmbH http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=84472

Figure 114: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 378, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG CO

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder

and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: Barry P. Murphy http://bpmurphy.ancients.info/severan/ssemesa6.htm

[143]

Figure 115: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 378a, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTV REDVC

Source: Numismall http://www.numismall.com/acc/FORTV-REDVC-silver-denarius-of-

Septimius-Severus-193-211-AD-Emesa-mint-RIC-378a-v4549.html

Figure 116: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 379, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVN REDVC

Source: Auktionshaus H. H. Rauch GmbH http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=124430

Figure 117: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 381, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTVNA REDVCI

Source: Dirty Old Coins http://www.dirtyoldcoins.com/roman/id/Coins-of-Roman-Emperor-

Septimius-Severus.htm

Figure 118: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 383, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding long palm

and cornucopia. FORTVN REDVC

Source: Auktionshaus H. D. Rauch GmbH http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=428103

Figure 119: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 384, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding long palm

and cornucopia. FORTVNA REDVCI

Image Not Available

[144]

Figure 120: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 385, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia while sacrificing over altar with patera.

FORTVNA REDVCI

Source: Auktionshaus H. D. Rauch GmbH http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=41291

Figure 121: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 385a, p. 142

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding branch

and cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVCI

Image Not Available

Figure 122: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 386, p. 143

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding branch and

cornucopia. FORTVNAE REDVC

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/i.html

Figure 123: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 387, p. 143

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CAE

L SEP SEV PERT AVG C II C

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding poppy,

corn-ears, and cornucopia. FORTVNAE RE REDVC

Image Not Available

Figure 124: Denarius. 194 CE and later. RIC4 388, p. 143

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. IMP CA

L SEP SEV PER AVG COS II

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia and scepter. FORT REDVC

Image Not Available

[145]

Figure 125: Aureus. 195-196 CE. RIC4 78c, p. 100

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214750&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+septimius+severus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpag

es=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&currentPage=11

Figure 126: Denarius. 195-196 CE. RIC4 470, p. 155

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT REDVC

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0470.jpg

Figure 127: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 78a, p. 100

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=211153

Figure 128: Aureus. 196-197 CE. RIC4 78b, p. 100

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel under seat.

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: British Museum Collections http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/search_the_collection_database/search_object_details.aspx?objectid=1214751&partid=1&searchText

=fortuna+septimius+severus&fromADBC=ad&toADBC=ad&numpag

es=10&orig=%2fresearch%2fsearch_the_collection_database.aspx&cu

rrentPage=11

Figure 129: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 477, p. 155

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding rudder

and cornucopia. FORTA REDVC

Image Not Available

[146]

Figure 130: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 477a, p. 155

Obverse: Laureate head Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing with cornucopia in

each hand. FORT REDVC

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=233692

Figure 131: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 478, p. 155

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORT REDVC

Image Not Available

Figure 132: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 479, p. 155

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia. FORTA REDVC

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0479.jpg

Figure 133: Denarius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 479b, p. 156

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux standing and holding

cornucopia while sacrificing over altar with patera.

FORT REDVC

Source: Wildwinds http://wildwinds.com/coins/ric/septimius_severus/RIC_0479b.jpg

Figure 134: Sestertius. 196-197 CE. RIC4 720, p. 189

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. L SEPT

SEV PERT AVG IMP VIII

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below. S C /

FORTVNAE REDVCI

Source: Numismatica Ars Classica http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=383872

[147]

Figure 135: Denarius. 201-210 CE. RIC4 264a, p. 124

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus.

SEVERVS PIVS AVG

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder and

cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORTVNA

REDVX

Source: Forum Ancient Coins http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=213302

Figure 136: Aureus. 203 CE. RIC4 188, p. 116

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus. SEVER P

AVG P M TR P XI COS III

Reverse: Septimius veiled and draped, sacrificing over

tripod with patera and scroll in hand. Fortuna Redux

seated in front of him, holding rudder and cornucopia

with a wheel under seat. FORTVNA REDVX

Source: RIC v. 4, plate 6, 13

Figure 137: Denarius. 211 CE. RIC4 246, p. 122

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus.

SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT

RED P M TR P XIX / COS III P P

Source: Numismatik Lanz München http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=199728

Figure 138: As. 211 CE. RIC4 810, p. 201

Obverse: Laureate head of Septimius Severus.

SEVERVS PIVS AVG BRIT

Reverse: Fortuna Redux seated and holding rudder on

globe and cornucopia with a wheel below seat. FORT

RED P TR P XIX COS III P P

Source: UBS Gold and Numismatics http://www.acsearch.info/record.html?id=68400

[148]

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