fragments of flowers - flores de filosofia in early modern spain and the scribal revision of el...

7/28/2019 Fragments of Flowers - Flores de Filosofia in Early Modern Spain and the Scribal Revision of El Conde Lucanor

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Fragments of Flowers: Flores de Filosofia in Early Modern Spain

and the Scribal Revision of El Conde Lucanor

Jonathan Burgoyne

La cornica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures,and Cultures, Volume 37, Issue 2, Spring 2009, pp. 5-31 (Article)

Published by La cornica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures,and CulturesDOI: 10.1353/cor.0.0030

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B U R G O Y N E L A C O R N I C A 3 7 . 2 , 2 0 0 9

6

Even in the light o this new scholarship, the history oFlores and its aliation

with other works is an open area o research. I cannot, however, write

that entire history here. In this essay I will broadly survey the manuscript

landscape oFlores in order to map its transmission rom the thirteenth to

the sixteenth century, while sketching proles o its late medieval and early

modern audiences. I will then concentrate on ragments oFlores as they were

rewritten into two manuscripts rom the eenth and sixteenth centuries.

Tese ragments oer intriguing glimpses into the activities o proessional

compilers and scribes who played active roles in the production, transmissionand interpretation oFlores, along with the other works arranged and bound

together with it in their respective host anthologies. When studied as cultural

artiacts, the two early modern, handmade books containing selections rom

Flores give witness to unique interpretations o its context and meaning.

One, a eenth-centurycomplato, is designed to serve the interests o an

intellectually ambitious seigneurial audience, while the sixteenth-century

ragment displays a scribal reading and revision o the CL that suggests a

radically dierent, Counter-Reormational alignment. An examination o

Floresmanuscript witnesses not only reveals a great deal about its material

and literary history, but it also exposes a ascinating response to Juan Manuels

most amous work.

Without rehearsing in an introduction the thorny topic o genre, it is clear

rom the title and prologue, as well as rom the textual transmission, that

Flores is a collection o extracts presented as the best parts, or fowers, o

the sayings o ancient philosophers arranged into chapters (Rouse and Rouse,Florilegia o Patristic exts 6):

Este libro es de Flores de Filosoa que u escogido e tomado de los dichos delos sabios, e quien bien quisyere azer sy e su azienda estudie en esta poca enoble escriptura. E hordenar e conponer por sus captulos ayuntronse treyntae siete sabios, e des acablo Seneca que u lsoo sabio de Cordoua, e zo[lo]para que se aprouechasen dl los omes rricos e ms menguados e los viejos e los

mancebos. (Knust )

Considering that the Latinfores was a common term or selected extracts

rom the twelh century on, and that the author declares that the dichos


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F R A G m E N t s O F F L O w E R s

were culled rom the philosophers, Flores is then, by denition, a picking o

fowers orforlegum (Rouse, Florilegia ). Trough its transmission we

will have occasion to observe other characteristics o the medievalforlegum

in Flores.

Transmission and Audiences ofFlores de flosoa

Although it is thought to have been originally composed in Castilian (aylor

), Flores is a piece o gnomic literature that shares much o its material

with other Spanish collections o maxims rom the Arabic tradition, such as

Bocados de oro and the Lbro de buenos proerbos.Flores has been compared

to the speculum prncps genre, described as a forlegum o ethics, an

ethico-political catechism, and a compilation o lessons or castgos designed

primarily or princes and aristocrats charged with the duties o governance.4

Since its composition some time during the mid-thirteenth century, this

anonymous collection o aphoristic laws and advice or kings and courtiers

Mary and Richard Rouse clariy the etymology oforlegum as a compound rom legere, topick up or pick out, andfos, fower (Florilegia o Patristic exts 6). Mary Rouse recalls thatforlega can vary in length, in type and ormality o structure, and in purpose, and that manycollections begin with a compilers prologue that explains such things as his purpose, his choiceo materials, and the structure or arrangement o the collection as a whole (). A. G. Riggdescribes proseforlega as usually collections o wise sayings excerpted rom philosophers andtheologians, and oen amount[ing] to a collection o proverbs (Anthologies ). For urtherstudy o the orm, see Birger Munk Olsen and Jacqueline Hamesse. Hermann Knust pointed to the proverbs rom Bocados de oro and the Lbro de buenos proerbosin his edition, and states in his introduction that the majority o the proverbs in Flores were taken

rom other books (4). Likewise, Gmez Redondo nds that there are ms que unos cuantosproverbios shared byFlores and Bocados de oro (6).4 Haro Corts places Flores, among other compilations o Spanish wisdom literature, within thespeculum prncps genre based primarily on its implied audience and reception (Los compendos). Fouch argues that Flores cannot be a mirror because it is directed not only to the leaders,but also to the ollowers (). Bizzarri claims that Flores is not, strictly speaking, a forlegum,but he believes that it was perceived as such since the text claims to present a collection o ancientsayings rom some thirty-seven philosophers (Un forilegio -). In another essay, thesame scholar describes Flores as one o the most popular catechisms o political ethics rom thethirteenth century (Deslindes 4). Gmez Redondo, like Knust, argues that Flores is a religious,or spiritual guide, compiled or a general audience (Knust 4; Gmez Redondo 64). CarlosAlvar presents a more descriptive classication, stating that Flores es una serie de treinta y ochocaptulos o leyes, centrados en el amor a Dios, en la gura del rey, en los conceptos de saber ynobleza, en las virtudes y en la riqueza y la codicia (8-).


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8

in the Hispano-Arabic adab tradition was recast and interpolated into many

o the most important works o Spanish literature o the later Middle Ages.

Its material was rst reshaped into a late thirteenth-century work known as

the Lbro de los cen captulos, and during the second or third decade o the

ourteenth century it became the literary backbone or Pero Lpez de Baezas

Dchos de los Santos Padres (Haro Corts, Lteratura de castgos 8-).6 In the

early ourteenth century, perhaps no more than y years aer its original

composition, a version oFlores reappears in the Lbro del Caballero Zar,

in a section known as the Castgos del Rey de Mentn, which is probably themost well-read perormance oFlores today.

wo observations can be made at this point about the transmission oFlores;

that it took on an early textual stability o its own as a unique piece o Spanish

literature, and that it also served as an intermediate source or other authors

who mined it to produce new books.8 As the creation o a forilegist, it became

an independent whole work, a act announced in the third-person prologue;

but as a source, Flores was used to create new collections o extracted wisdom

and turned into a speculum prncps, which tells us something about how it

For an accounting o the multiple meanings oadab, ranging rom habit, to exemplary conduct,urbanity, specialized knowledge, and didactic literature, see Francesco Gabrieli. In the medievalIberian context, Jos Antonio Maravall explains that adab is a concept similar to that ocortesa,which is much more than a literary genre. It involves the study and cultivation o personal virtueand aristocratic manners, among other intellectual pursuits, but the literature that codied thecurial knowledge associated with adab was oen identied as the adab itsel (64-6).6 It was once believed that the Lbro de los cen captulos was the source or Flores, but since Maria

Lacetera Santini argued in avor o the reverse order, many scholars, including aylor, Alvar andLuca Megas, agree that Flores was the base text or the Lbro de los cen captulos. Luca Megas studies Flores as a source text or the Lbro del caballero Zarin Los castigos delrey de Mentn a la luz de Flores de losoa, and Bizzarri has shown that all but ve chapters oFlores were copied erbatm into the Lbro del caballero Zar(La labor 86).8 Richard and Mary Rouse observe the widespread use oforlega to produce new literarycreations in general as the intermediate source employed sometimes skillully, sometimesclumsily by many medieval authors (Florilegia o Patristic exts ). Rigg oers examples ohow a selection o excerpts can take on an independent existence: Presumably each forilegiumwas originally the selection o an individual, but many took on a textual lie o their own, copied

rom each other but subject to accretion and subtraction according to the scribes choice. Inthis way an identiable work was created, such as the Florlegum Gallcum and the FlorlegumAngelcum (Anthologies and Florilegia 8).


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was received in late thirteenth- and ourteenth-century Castilla. Flores was

an anonymous compilation that had acquired its own authority as a source

o orthodox teachings on law, ethics and religion, among other topics, or a

broad audience, and it was a mirror o princes. Te dierences in genre and

meaning were the result o readings and adaptations to discrete ideological

and literary contexts. Tese observations call to mind the points made about

forlega in general by Richard and Mary Rouse; more particularly, that

there is much to be gained rom relating a givenforlegum to its immediate

intellectual milieu; or such an enterprise increases our understanding both otheforlegum and o the milieu itsel (Florilegia o Patristic exts 8).

oday we know o seven manuscript copies o Flores and our ragments.

Te seven complete versions are conventionally divided into two groups; the

longer version with thirty-eight chapters, and the shorter with thirty-ve leyes

depending on whether or not the particular copy contains three introductory

chapters. Te rst o these three introductory chapters is a collection o

aphoristic sayings that could serve as a synopsis or much o the books

subject matter. Te second and third introductory chapters orm one single

eemplum that tells the story o an impatient king who could not wait to hear

a preachers sermon beore heading out on his hunt. Along the way, the king

meets a physician and asks him or a cure or his sins. Te third chapter is the

physicians rrecebta, or prescription o hard-to-swallow virtues that the king

must write down, prepare, and drink i he truly desires salvation. Te bitter

melesna is a cocktail o diligent study, humility, charity, good works, and ear

o God, among other ingredients. Te remaining chapters in the book aremore sentential, and deal with subjects such as obedience to the laws o the

land and the kings who must protect them, along with chapters that touch on

the essential virtues or both kings and commoners such as patience, justice,

humility, courage, and a dedication to study and good manners.

On the various genre classications oFlores, see note 4. In spite o the dierent opinions amongsome scholars, many readers will conclude that Flores is a book o counsel designed or the use omembers o the ruling class, which is enough to place it in the mirror o princes genre, according

to at least one common denition (Eberle 44). Due to its diverse subject matter, culled romvarious sources, and its prologue, Flores is more in linewith the thirteenth-centuryforlegumtradition. Nevertheless, as I argue above, rom the time o its rst appearance, medieval audiencestreated it as bothforlegum and speculum.


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While a good many o the dictums in Flores address the topic o the perect

prince, the entire collection seems to have a larger implied audience. Te

audiences oFlores in eenth- and sixteenth-century Spain will be one o the

main topics o this essay, but beore moving on, a brie survey o its witnesses

will suce to point out a ew o the most salient and telling characteristics o

its manuscript transmission.

All but one o the manuscripts that reproduce a Flores text date rom the

eenth century, which is an important act in itsel, but not necessarily as

signicant as one might imagine. Te total number o witnesses elevendoes suggest that it was a well-read work in late medieval and early modern

Spain, but as many Hispanomedievalists know, the majority o all Castilian

manuscript literature that has survived the ravages o time dates rom this

period, so there is no mathematical reason to conclude that it was more

popular in the eenth century than any time beore. On the contrary,

because o its constant adaptation into new works almost as soon as it was

originally composed, Flores may well be the most successul creation o

lteratura sapencalin Spanish rom the thirteenth century through the later

Middle Ages.

Returning to the manuscripts themselves, it has been noted that Flores is

always associated with various other works o wisdom literature in vernacular

anthologies, and it could be argued that i we extend our modern denition o

wisdom literature to include the CL aer all, Parts II to IV o Juan Manuels

book are themselves collections o aphorisms then all o the manuscript

witnesses could be grouped in the same category. Tis observation, however,may be somewhat misleading, since the manuscript situation oFlores shows

that late medieval compilers did not establish literary categories along strict

ormal lines; rather, texts were linked together according to interpretations

o their meanings, uses, and compatibility with the overarching organizing

I will return to a discussion o audiences urther on, but or now I use implied audience,like implied reader, in the most commonly used sense, as in Gerald Princes denition: Teaudience presupposed by a text (4).

Luca Megas studies the manuscript transmission o Flores in Hacia la edicin crtica deFlores de losoa, and demonstrates how it was incorporated into compilaciones sapienciales(-66).


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parameters o their host anthologies. A review o the contents o the

manuscripts will help illustrate this point.

Te seven manuscripts with complete copies oFlores, in either its longer or

shorter version, are listed in the Works Cited; they are housed in libraries in

and around Madrid and are identied by the ollowing sigla: h, B1, HS, &1, S,

Xand P1. Te our ragments o Flores, also located in and around Madrid,

are identied as &2, G, P2 and B2. Interestingly, manuscript &-II-8 o the

Monasterio de El Escorial contains a complete copy oFlores (=&1), and one

o the our ragments (=&2).

Since Hermann Knust rst edited Flores in 88, &1 has been considered

the best text or uture editions. Manuscript &1 binds together various

manuscript and print ascicles, including letters rom the Emperor, Charles V.

Te majority o the texts bound together with Flores in &1deal with the topic

o the ideal prince and government, such as the translation o the rst part o

John o Waless Communloquum, entitled Tratado de la comundad; and the

Contencn entre Alejandro y Anbal y Escpn, which is a Castilian translationo a Latin version o Lucians dialogue.4 Tese are clearly not examples o

wisdom literature, or texts which give advice on conduct, expressed in the

orm o brie sentences arranged paratactically, according to one denition

(aylor ). &1 does, however, reproduce another text which is very similar to

Flores, the Lbro de los doce sabos, in which philosophers present aphoristic

denitions and examples o the virtues a perect prince should have.

A simple survey o the texts in &1 shows that it is a thematic rather than a

ormal link that binds the manuscript together. Te most salient organizing

parameter at work in &, aside rom the common vernacular language

(i.e., Spanish), is an interest in texts that provide authoritative, oen terse

ethical discussions o the ideal prince and the nature o true nobility and

Te term organizing parameter is inspired by Teo Stemmlers general organizing principlesthat can be ound in many medieval anthologies, such as author, language, orm, genre, andcontent ().

Fouchs edition is based on h, B1, &1 and X.4 According to Sueiro Pena and Gutirrez Garca, the Latin text was prepared by GiovanniAurispa, and the Castilian translation was produced by Martn de vila (8-6).


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good government. Tis will be a common eature ound in almost all o the

manuscript witnesses oFlores rom the eenth century, with ew exceptions,

many o which unite compilations o proverbs and sententae like Bocados

de oro and the Lbro de los buenos proerbos with other didactic works that

resonate with the general theme o the entire anthology.

In HS, or example, a piece o wisdom literature entitled Preceptos morales is

added on to the end oFlores, which is then ollowed by yet another collection

o maxims, the Lbro de los sellos de los lsoos, which Charles Faulhaber has

identied as a combination o material rom two other gnomic works, theLbro de los buenos proerbos and the Pordat de pordades (66).HS may

well prove a point that aylor makes about this special brand o literature:

[I]n practice the purpose [wisdom books] most commonly served was to

spawn other wisdom books (8).6B2 is another case in point, where a small

selection rom Flores provides the introductory chapters or a version o

Bocados de oro.

Also included in B2

is a copy o Alonso de oledos Inenconaro, which isa rather heterogeneous work inspired by the Etymologes o Isidore o Seville

(Gericke xiii), and a collection o sermons on the Song o Songs. While most

o the other manuscript witnesses o Flores were designed or a eenth-

century audience drawn to the topic o nobility and attracted to the sayings

o ancient philosophers, the contents oB2 suggest a dierent interest. Rather,

it appears to be a preachers reerence book, complete with handy aphorisms

that could be employed to prove a point or add some levity to an otherwise

serious subject.

Te other complete manuscript witnesses (B1, h, S, X, and P1), with the

exception oP1 and X, combine Flores with collections o aphorisms, some o

which have already been mentioned, such as the Lbro de los buenos proerbos

(B1, h) and the Lbro de cen captulos (h). S starts with a collection o maxims

Te Lbro de los sellos de los lsoos is item number 8 in Faulhabers catalogue.6

Mary and Richard Rouse describe a similar cannibalistic phenomenon in the transmission oTomas o IrelandsManpulus Florum; an alphabetically arrangedforlegum o quotations whichwas used to produce newforlega or both private and public use (Preachers ).


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called the Proerbos de Sneca llamados cos y rtudes, which reworks

material taken rom the Lbro de los buenos proerbos (Haro Corts and

Luca Megas 64). As in &1, the proverbs in these manuscripts are coupled

with texts that are ormally dissimilar yet maintain a thematic coherence with

the ethical and political content oFlores. S also has a ascinating version o

Benvenuto da Imolas commentary on Dantes Inerno that includes a study

o Spanish and Italian pronunciation to aid a Castilian reader o the Italian

original. O particular interest or my argument here is that the accessus

highlights the encyclopedic content o Dantes work, while concentrating thereaders attention on its ethical subject matter above all, pointing out that the

Inerno deals primarily with human behavior, vices and virtues.8

X and P1 have Flores as the central piece o aphoristic literature, while

binding it with works that would be o particular interest to a eenth-

century aristocratic audience: the Fuero de los hjosdalgo de Castlla (X), and

the Arte de las batallas (P1), a copy o Alonso de San Cristbals translation

and gloss o Vegetiuss Eptome re mltars. With the exception oB2, all

o the medieval anthologies that presently reproduce a Flores text, either a

complete version or ragment, appear to have been designed or a eenth-

century Castilian secular audience that was becoming ever more literate and

intrigued by classical wisdom, as well as by the history and codes o its own

class identity.

Te majority o these manuscripts are the product o an exclusive cultural

climate in Spain during the eenth century in which a group o noblemen

Mario Penna transcribed this text, along with a study o the scribes comments on the lieo Dante, and the history o Castilian and Italian as romance languages. He demonstrates thatthe commentary and translation o the rst canto o the Inerno is a copy o a text intended toaccompany an Italian version o Dantes masterpiece as a reading aid (-).8 According to the manuscript prologue, dezir se ha aqui alguna cosa para que los que nunca

vieron la obra del dante mas largamente conoscan su motiuo (ol. 6v). Te accessus calls attentionto the ethical content in the Inerno: Este libro es suppuesto a toda parte de losoa primeramentea la etica en quanto tracta de los actos humanos conuiene a saber de viios e virtudes (ol. 6v).ranscriptions are my own rom manuscript S. I have not added punctuation or accent marks, norhave I altered the spelling o the manuscript text. Little is known about Alonso de San Cristbal, according to Mara Elvira Roca Barea, whoconcludes that the translation was made during the reign o Enrique III, beore 4 (68-6).


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4

who did not have access to Latin or Greek aspired to participate more

intellectually in matters o government and the ormation o a new modern

state. In addition to their political aspirations, these readers developed a

taste or the study o statecrat rom classical sources, as well as more

contemplative and studious pastimes to accompany their traditional courtly

diversions. Ottavio di Camillo (El humansmo castellano) studies this

dynamic period in Spanish history oten reerred to as el pre-humansmo;

Jeremy Lawrance describes the scholarly activities o these noble readers as

a vernacular humanism.he readers o La cornca will be aware o the debate over humanism in

iteenth-century Iberia, and o Francisco Ricos Nebrja rente a los brbaros,

which appeared two years ater Di Camillos book, but the scope o this essay

does not allow or a lengthy rehearsal o the various arguments or and against

speaking o humanism in a iteenth-century Spanish context. Suice it to

say that I acknowledge, along with Rico, that there is a specialized training,

grounded in studa humantats, that deines a humanist (Humanismo

); it may be more accurate to describe the interest in history and the

classics among a relatively small number o aristocratic snobs as something

more akin to a ad rather than an authentic intellectual movement (Rico,

Imgenes 6). I do, however, agree with many o the scholars mentioned

here who recognize a spirit, or climate o intellectual curiosity among these

undereducated readers that has much in common with what we generally

mean when we think o humanism as a culture; the evidence or this

intellectual climate is ound among the numerous translations o classicalauthors in almost every vernacular language o the Peninsula. As the work

o Isabel Beceiro suggests, the act that an interest in books became a ashion

does not diminish its cultural impact (8).

Even though notable scholars such as Peter Russell hold that these

translations do not indicate an interest in humanism (6), it seems that

Te same readers are by now amiliar with the excellent critical cluster in La cornca on

eenth-century Spanish culture and humanism, Sal buen latno: Los deales de la culturaespaola tardomedeal y protorrenacentsta, edited by Antonio Cortijo Ocaa and eresa JimnezCalvente.


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6

advised noblemen to read classical works o ethics and moral philosophy

in translation, while avoiding texts that ventured into the more specialized

disciplines o theology and Church doctrine (Lawrance, he Spread o Lay

Literacy 88).4 Noble audiences preerred works that treated the subject o

gentle education or the knowledge and manners expected o the well-

born, as well as [c]ompilations and extracts oueros and leyes relating

speciically to chivalry and the rules o war (he Spread o Lay Literacy 88-

8). Based on exhaustive studies o seigneurial libraries o the time, Beceiro

points to lvar Prez de Guzmns library as indicative o the commonliterary tastes o iteenth-century aristocratic audiences. Along with their

interests in history, the Church Fathers, and Latin philosophical texts, these

readers had a penchant or los tratados polticos del buen gobierno, las

enciclopedias generales del saber y las obras que aluden a las ormas de vida

nobles (66). All o these can be ound in the Flores manuscripts.

he apothegms ound in Flores embody the notion o gentle education as

they appear in their manuscript anthologies; its proverbs are illuminated

by the halo o classical antiquity and are oten directly linked to ancient

philosophers such as Seneca and Aristotle. he &1 text edited by Knust

and cited here in the introduction attributes the concluding chapters to

the amous philosopher rom Crdoba, and in B1Flores is a compilation o

castgos sent to Alexander rom his mentor:

Cuando aristotiles en greia ue casado que non pudo yr con su criado alexandreen las huestes nin en los logares por do el yua. Fazia le muy gran mengua e dapo

e enbiole alexandre su criado en que le enbio rrogar que le enbiase aconsejarpor escripto en commo ordenase su vida e su cuerpo por ser mas sano. E otrosique le enbiase commo podiesse consoer las naturalezas delos omnes por qualesnaturalezas conosiese a cada uno si uesse bueno o malo. E aristotiles enbio gelopor escripto en esta manera que se sigue. (ol. r)

Clearly, these proverbs were not placed in the same category as the homey

saws, or reranes rom popular culture. he castgos and leyes in Flores would

4 Because o his contacts as bishop and ambassador, Cartagena was the Castilian intellectual

most amiliar with Italian humanism in the rst hal o the eenth century (Di Camillo, Elhumansmo castellano 8). Te ollowing transcription is my own rom manuscript B1.


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have been particularly attractive to the iteenth-century audience that

Lawrance and Beceiro proile; the dilettanti mltares r who were caught up

in the ashion o humanistic study. Although the prologue rom &1 makes it

plain that all members o society can beneit rom the wisdom in Flores, it is

unlikely that the poor menguados o iteenth-century Spain were searching

its pages or guidance. All the evidence rom the manuscript transmission

oFlores points to an elite secular readership rom early modern Spain. One

manuscript witness in particular (P2) suggests that its leyes were actually

recruited or a deense o the rights and privileges o the Castilian aristocracy,aced with constant encroachments on its privileges by the Crown.

Fragments ofFlores de flosoa: P2 and G

P2 is most commonly studied or its copy o various works by the historian

and courtier Diego de Valera, such as the Ceremonal de prncpes y caballeros

and Tratado de las armas, both attractive sources or an audience drawn

to the trappings and stylized history o the nobility.6 According to the

manuscript text, the irst work in P2

,De commo se deen pntar las armas,claims to be a selection rom a treatise on nobility by Valera, and it includes

illustrations o the basic composition oescudos drawn in the same black ink

as the rest o the text.

P2 is not a luxurious book, and it appears to have been written in a rushed,

rounded Gothic script, leading one to imagine that it may have been copied

by a non-proessional or immediate use. he somewhat sloppy presentation

o the text suggests urther that it was commissioned or study, rather than

to adorn a library with deluxe display volumes. his would corroborate

another o Lawrances observations about the reading habits o the iteenth-

century Spanish nobility, that they did not go to great expense in procuring

their reading material, and that they did indeed commission books or their

own private reading (he Spread o Lay Literacy 8, 86).

6 As Jess Rodrguez Velasco concludes, Diego de Valera is the most oustanding writer on thepolemical debate over nobility and knighthood in the eenth century (). Te presence o

Valeras treatises in P2 marks the manuscript as a product o that aristocratic milieu. Haro Corts and Luca Megas identiy Valeras treatise as the Espejo de erdadera nobleza(Flores de losoa 6). Te brie selection on coats o arms (ols. r - r) appears to be a copyrom the Lbro de las armas, cotas y banderas.


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8

Along with the more amous works by Diego de Valera, P2 contains a study

o the attributes o precious and non-precious stones, as well as magical

amulets. However, o particular interest here is the Dencnde nobleza, a

brie treatise on nobility attributed to an unknown Per An de Ribera who,

according to the manuscript text, dedicated his work to his cousin, Fernn

Gmez de Guzmn, the amous commander o the Order o Calatrava who

died at the hands o Fuenteovejunas townspeople in 46. he scribe saw

it to add a chapter rom Flores to conclude this text. Fortunately, Dencn

de nobleza has been edited by Manuel Ambrosio Snchez, one o the ewscholars who has taken an interest in the minor and anonymous works

ound in this complato.

Snchez identies Dencn de noblezas author in Per An de Ribera y

Guzmn, marscalo Castilla, who most probably composed the text between

4 and 46 (4). One o the most turbulent times in Spanish history,

this period endured an intense confict between the traditional nobility and

the monarchy, as well as outright civil war during the reigns o Enrique IV,

El Impotente, and his sister Isabel (Snchez 8-). As a product o this

violent age, the most noticeable characteristic o the Dencn de nobleza is

its strident anti-monarchist tone. According to Snchez, it is the most virulent

deense o the privileges o eenth-century Spanish aristocracy ().

Te author o the Dencn de nobleza deends the rights o noblemen

to wealth and honors that should be bestowed on them by the king.

Furthermore, the text argues aggressively in avor o the legendary view o

monarchs as peers among the nobility, rather than their natural and divinelychosen sovereign lords. Most importantly, and especially in the context o the

tensions with the Castilian monarchy o the time -which was criticized by the

traditional aristocracy or excluding aristocrats rom government in avor

o ministers o common lineage- the treatise repeatedly reminds the reader

that the nobles, rather than the ricos plebeos must always be avored

(Snchez 6).8 In light o this apology or seigneurial honor and privilege

8 It would appear that the authors complaints about avors given to commoners is a reerenceto the hdalgos de prlego created by the monarchy in the eenth century, in contrast to thetraditional hdalgosde sangre, described, among others, by Marie-Claude Gerbet (-).


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vis--vis the monarchy and new aristocracy, the place o Flores at the end

o this work is more than an example o ragmentation, textual variance,

mouance, or tradconaldad escrta, i these terms are used -as they oen

are- to describe an essential instability in medieval texts. Te inclusion o

one particular chapter rom Flores in this manuscript shows that the variance

ound in medieval manuscript works is also the result o an interpretation and

adaptation o texts to ideological and codicological contexts. Tis constitutes

deliberate reading and rewriting processes that are oen overlooked when we

view manuscript textuality as having some sort o essential mobility or whenwe reer to this textual adaptation as contamination. Te introduction to the

Dencn de nobleza suggests that the inclusion o a ragment oFlores may

well have been part o the original work, rather than a scribal aerthought or

a mere accident: Seor primo, porque se que vos plazera las dotrinas delos

losoos que tocan alos dalgos, enbiovos un manojo de fores que olays

commo en el mes de mayo (Snchez 6).

Tis manpulus o springtime fowers may reer to the content o the treatise

on nobility, but the use o foral imagery, and the idea that the text contains

selections o philosophical doctrine is a commonplace in the manuscript

witnesses oFlores. Regardless o whether or not the ragment was added at a

later date, the content o the chapter complements the tone o the Dencn

de nobleza, as well as the entire compilation.

Te Flores ragment in P2 corresponds to chapter in Knusts edition, De los

que han de aver vida con los reyes, and it is one o the least representative

o the entire Flores collection, which tends to avor proverbial wisdom that

I am, o course, reerring to Paul Zumthors notion omouance as a mobility that is essentialto medieval textuality (-). Long beore Zumthor wrote his now-amous essay, RamnMenndez Pidal described the creation o variance in manuscript texts as tradconaldad escrta,claiming that the creation o variance in manuscripts is the result o the same improvisation andadaptation or new audiences seen in the Spanish ballad tradition (4). Snchez argues that the chapter rom Flores was added deliberately (-), but there is somemanuscript evidence that suggests that it was added aer the copy o the Dencn de noblezawas completed. On olio 4v, the Dencn de nobleza ends, taking up the entire olio side, andthe scribe seems to have written what appears to be initials to mark the end o the text. Te Floresragment does begin on the ollowing olio, but with no indication that it is a separate work.


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advocates or obedience, adherence to duty and aith in Gods divine laws.

Tis particular chapter rom Flores in P2 presents a distinctly tyrannical and

capricious picture o monarchs:

Guardad vos de hirar al rey en ningun yerro, ca el apor costunbre de tomar elmuy pequeo yerro por grande e, maguer quele aya ome echo serviio luengotiempo, todo lo oluida al tienpo de la saa . . . Ca sabed que no ay mayor saaque la del rey, ca en reyendo manda matar e jugando manda destroyr, e alas vezesaze grrande escarmiento por pequea culpa, e alas vezes perdona grran yerropor pequeo ruego, e alas vezes dexa muchas culpas sin ningun escarmiento.

(Snchez 64)

Whether this was the work o Per An de Ribera y Guzmn, or another

anonymous compiler that created P2, the presence oFlores in this compilation

shows how late medieval authors enlisted materials rom disparate textual

traditions, interpreting them according to their needs, and reshaping them

into new literary creations or discrete ideological and social purposes that

can be best understood within the localized historical context o a particular

group o readers. Among these materials, medieval lorlega o all kindswere common sources. I we take the chapter oFlores in P2as an example,

even though we may now view it as part o a whole separate work rather

than a broken o piece o a missing one, then the meaning oFlores has been

radically realigned to meet the expectations o the implied audience o the

Dencn de nobleza. his creative writing process that involves reading,

selection and adaptation appears to be reversed in the last ragment oFlores

that will be studied here. While the chapter included in the Dencn de

nobleza provides an insight into how one author read Flores, the ragmentsoFlores in the CL oer ascinating textual evidence o the reception o Juan

Manuels book in early modern Spain.

Manuscript G is one o two ve-part versions o Juan Manuels masterpiece.

Te other is MS 66 o the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, known as

manuscript S o the CL. S is a single-author, complete-works volume rom

the late ourteenth or eenth century, and it appears to have been designed

as a showpiece, with expensive parchment and spaces le or decorative


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illuminations aer each o Juan Manuels exemplary tales. On the other

hand, G is an inexpensive paper copy that seems to have been carelessly

produced by a sixteenth-century scribe, or perhaps even the owner o one o

the now lost ve-part copies o Juan Manuels text.

As is well known, the CL is most amous or its collection o ramed didactic

short stories rom the rst part o the book; a collection o illustrative tales

told by Patronio, the Counts wise adviser who solves his lords political,

social, and ethical dilemmas through the use o various eempla. At the

end o each narrative, the authors literary persona makes an entrance tocap Patronios advice with helpul essos, or rhyming maxims that, on the

surace, summarize the moral o each story.

An important point to make about Part I o the CL or my study oFlores in

Part V is that most scholars studying the thematic development through the

short story collection see a gradual progression rom the Counts political

and worldly troubles, to tales that ocus more on his eschatological concerns.

Tis critical ocus stems rom the third-person prologue, which states thatJuan Manuel intends to help his readers act in this world in such a way that

would benet their honor and estates, while bringing them closer to the

path o salvation: Este libro zo don Iohan, jo del muy noble inante don

Manuel, deseando que los omnes ziessen en este mundo tales obras que

les uessen aprovechosas de las onras et de las aziendas et de sus estados, et

uessen ms allegados a la carrera porque pudiessen salvar las almas (Blecua

4). Whether or not Juan Manuel was able to harmonize the theme o God

and World in his text has preoccupied scholars or decades (see, or example,Ian Macpherson).

Tere is some uncertainty among scholars about the date o this manuscript. While many, likeGuillermo Sers, believe that it is a late ourteenth-century artiact (xciii), another editor o theCL, Reinaldo Ayerbe-Chaux, has published important evidence that dates its production duringthe second hal o the eenth century (8). Jos Manuel Blecua based his edition o the CL onmanuscript S. Quotations rom the CL will be taken rom Blecuas edition in order to compare thetwo versions o Part V as they appear in S and G.

Laurence de Looze describes manuscript G as an example o private writing, which betraysno goal beyond the simple copying o the text with a minimum o uss (Manuscrpt Dersty-6).


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Searching or the oen illusive unity o orm and didactic coherency, critics

have strained to ollow the progression o the God/world dichotomy through

to the nal part o the CL, although most agree that when the reader arrives

at Juan Manuels conclusion, aer passing through the labyrinth o proverbs

in Parts II to IV, we are ready or the nal triumph o the spiritual over the

temporal. In Part V the author writes a brie catechism, touching on many

o the more amiliar points o Catholic doctrine, such as the belie in the Holy

rinity and the Virgin Birth, as well as the Sacraments. Patronio ventures

into a series o proos o the authority o Church doctrine on the Sacraments,beginning with the Eucharist and Baptism, but he cuts his argument short,

abandoning the last ve sacraments to save time, relying on his audiences

good aith:

Et quanto de los otros inco sacramentos que son: penitenia, conrmacin,casamiento, orden, prostrimera unin, bien vos dira tantas et tan buenasrazones en cada uno dellos, que vs entendrades que eran assaz; mas dxolopor dos cosas: la una, por non alongar mucho el libro; et lo al, porque s que vs

et quien quier que esto oya, entendr que tan con razn se prueva lo al commoesto. (Blecua 8)

Juan Manuel uses the time-saving device to return to the topic o how man

must perorm good works, but manuscript G takes Juan Manuels text in a

new direction by concluding with seven chapters rom Flores, beginning with

this same transitional moment in Patronios argument.

Te text in G is similar to S up to the point where Patronio claims that he

could continue his proos or the remaining ve sacraments, but instead otaking the audiences aith or granted, the sixteenth-century version o the

Among the scholars who have studied the entire ive-part CL, Paolo Cherchi writes thatthe irst part deals mostly with the problem o living up to the expectations o the estado; theith part is concerned with the problem o eternal salvation (). De Looze argues that thereis a hierarchical progression rom beginning to end that places soul over body, the spiritualover the social, etc. (El Conde Lucanor, Part V ). More recently, de Looze has publishedone o the most sensitive readings o the ive books, concluding that the CL is concerned with

gradually honing the readers powers o interpretation until inally, in Book V, the reader ismade to consider the world as a vast tetus in which everything is a gura or an analogicalterm (Manuscrpt Dersty6).


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CL is much more suspicious o the readers good intentions:4

Vien vos deza tantas e tan buenas razones en cada uno dellos que vosentenderedes que son asaz, mas dxolo por dos cosas: la una por no alongarmucho el libro, e lo al por que s que vos e quien quier que esto oya entre malasospecha, ca la obediencia es guarda de quien la quiere e castillo de quien la sygue.(ols. v-r, emphasis added)

It is not impossible that the scribes exemplar o the CL showed this same

version even though there are no other manuscript witnesses o it besides

G and it is also quite possible that the exemplar was incomplete, so thatthe chapters rom Flores were culled to simply ll in the empty space, but

the original choice o words to transition into the Flores text entre mala

sospecha is a patent example o scribal authorship that reveals not only an

attitude toward the text being copied, but also toward the sixteenth-century

Spanish audiences that could have had access to it.

Te subsequent texts rom Flores ound in G (which, ollowing Knusts edition,

correspond to chapters 6-) deal with the topics o the king as source and

champion o justice, advice or those who live with and counsel the king, the

king as leader and advocate o his people, the proper and ecient governance

o the kingdom (which involves access to wise and loyal advisers), the

virtue o bravery and strength, and the mutability o history, ollowed by

the medieval metaphor o the world as a book. Te CL as it appears in G

then concludes with a ragment ound in B1 that addresses the importance o

education and catechism or the young. Te content o these chapters rom

Flores that conclude the G version o the CL eectively rewrite the meaningo Juan Manuels entire ve-part book, and since the sources oFlores in G

stem rom two manuscript traditions, there is a greater probability that the

chapters were intentionally extracted.

I manuscript G is a scribal revision o the CL, based primarily on the scribes

transitional statement emphasized above, then the question remains, what

could have motivated the scribe to rewrite Juan Manuels book? I believe the

4 ranscriptions are my own rom manuscript G. Knust included this chapter in an appendix to his edition as Captulo VIII De cmmo devenlos omnes ser ensennados (8).


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4

answer lies both in the original text, and in the shi in Castilian society rom

the vernacular humanism o eenth-century Spain to the sixteenth-century

Counter-Reormational attitude toward secular literature.

Juan Manuels conclusion o the CL as it appears in S may have been suspect

in a culture that was striving to contain heterodoxy, since it relies heavily

on the readers personal aith, rather than on unambiguous Church dogma.

Te most troublesome material could have been Patronios nal discussion

o the relative nature o sin, which he exemplies with a story o a knight

who kills his ather and his lord with one tremendous blow. Tis eemplumonly appears in S, since in G the Flores excerpts take its place. As the story

ends, the sins o ratricide and regicide are not sins at all but virtues, since

the young knight acted out o duty and did not perorm a perect act o

evil, according to Patronios scholastic denition. Summarizing Patronios

argument, sins are relative to intentions, and a moral act is not a sin unless it

meets all o three basic conditions: () that the act indeed be a sin, () that it

be perormed with malice, and () that the sinner ully understands that the

act is a sin and chooses to sin reely. I any one o these conditions is not met,

as in the case o the unlucky paladin, then the sinner is, or all intents and

purposes, o the hook: Ca non seyendo estas tres cosas, non sera la obra

del todo mala, as Patronio litigiously claims (Blecua ). In the hands o a

disingenuous parishioner with a perverse suspicion o dogma, this could be

a powerul rationalization. Although Juan Manuels examination o sin may,

in act, be perectly orthodox even today, Patronios exemplary deense could

be employed in a myriad o personal circumstances to pardon or legitimizebehavior without recourse to the judgment o Church authorities.6

It must be more than a coincidence that the chapters rom Flores chosen to

counterbalance the readers mala sospecha and Patronios relativism begin

with obedience: Ca la obediencia es guarda de quien la quiere e castillo de

quien la sygue (ol. r). Obedience is the most prominent concluding theme

6 Regarding the Catholic Churchs views on sin today, see Arthur Charles ONeil, who outlinesmany ideas about intentions and moral actions also ound in Patronios explanation. See especiallythe sections Material and ormal sin and Conditions o mortal sin: knowledge, ree will, gravematter.


22/28


o the CL, Part V, as it appears in G; rst with obedience to the authority o

the monarch, and lastly with obedience to parents and the proper education

o children: quien castiga a su jo quando es pequenio, uelga con l quando

es grande, according to one o the concluding maxims (ol. 6v).

Te G version o the CL may be helpully imagined as a contraactum in reverse;

instead o creating an orthodox Christian ending or Juan Manuels text a lo

dno style, the conclusion o the CL is eectively stripped o its complex and

potentially misleading theological subject matter by reorienting it toward the

more conservative secular themes ound in the tales o Part I. Tese stories,as many scholars have pointed out, tend to deend the traditional, medieval

worldview o man living obediently within the connes o his predetermined

estate.8 Finally, in G as in P2, the ragments oFlores demonstrate that the

evidence o medieval textual mobility and scribal authorship are also the

result o deliberate interpretations, namely discrete readings o medieval

works by individuals who did not merely copy texts, but rewrote and revised

the meaning o those texts according to the expectations, perhaps even ears,

o their respective audiences. In their work, these anonymous authors could

pluck their words rom highly regarded bouquets o wisdom literature, such

as Flores.

From the study o medieval anthologies that have transmitted Flores in late

eenth-century Spain, all o which display a similar content and implied

audience, to the ways in which it was interpolated into other works, such

as the Dencnde nobleza and the CL, I believe that Flores was approached

by communities o readers, scribes and compilers as a searchable vernacularforlegum specically designed or an aristocratic, courtly audience. In

the eenth century this audience was ascinated, even obsessed, with its

own class identity during a period o political history in Castilla when the

aristocracy was under pressure to deend its privileges against an increasingly

Bruce Wardropper denes the contraactum as una obra literaria (a veces una novela o undrama, pero generalmente un poema lrico de corta extensin) cuyo sentido proano ha sidosustitudo por otro sagrado (6). David Darst has described the countering writing techniques o

sixteenth-century Spain as conversions o previous secular literature or secular ways o thoughtto a spiritual context ().8 See Luciana de Steano or a study o the medieval estate worldview in Juan Manuels opus.


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6

centralized and absolutist monarchy. Te sixteenth century ragments o

Flores also suggest that its secular teachings were viewed as authoritative,

even orthodox, and thus could be recruited as persuasive statements or the

legitimation o a state-sponsored ideology, or to suppress heterodox voices

that challenged the authority o the Church and State. Furthermore, the

ragments o Flores as they appear in some o the manuscripts examined

here were clearly not copied into their host anthologies at random; on the

contrary, a process o selection and adaptation is implied, which leads me

to suspect that late medieval and early modern readers, compilers, authorsand scribes were very amiliar with written versions o Flores, so much so

that they could draw rom it materials needed to revise the meaning o a text

according to the artistic and ideological expectations that shaped the new

works they produced.

Te archival research carried out or this project was made possible by a grant rom the

Pennsylvania State University, Institute or the Arts and Humanities.

Works Cited

h San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MSh-III- (Flores = ols. r-44v).

B1 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS48 (Flores = ols. -8r).

HS New York, Hispanic Society oAmerica, MS HC/

(Flores = ols. r-v).

&

1

San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS &-II-8 (Flores = ols. r-r).

S San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS S-II- (Flores = ols. v-6r).

X San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS X-II- (Flores = ols. 8r-r).

P1 Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-6(Flores = ols. v-6v).

Manuscript copies of the complete Flores de ilosoa


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Fragmentary copies

&2 San Lorenzo de El Escorial,Monasterio de El Escorial, MS &-II-8(Flores = ols. 4r-r).

G Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS84 (Flores = ols. r-v).

P2 Madrid, Real Biblioteca, MS II-4(Flores = ols. 6r-6v).

B2 Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 66(Flores = ols. r-4r).

Cited manuscripts ofEl Conde Lucanor

G Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 84. S Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 66.

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