framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism
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Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalismDorit Fershtman a amp Alona Nitzan-Shiftan aa Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning Technion Haifa 3200 IsraelPublished online 07 Aug 2013
To cite this article Dorit Fershtman amp Alona Nitzan-Shiftan (2013) Framing values on ideologicalconcerns in post-war architectural formalism The Journal of Architecture 184 528-552 DOI101080136023652013820207
To link to this article httpdxdoiorg101080136023652013820207
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Framing values on ideologicalconcerns in post-war architecturalformalism
Dorit FershtmanAlona Nitzan-Shiftan
Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning
Technion Haifa 3200 Israel
Emails dfershttxtechnionacil alonatx
technionacil
Our ongoing reassessments of post-war modernism known as the International Style focuson that modernismrsquos claim to universal values Researchers tend to wed universalism withthe accented formal form of this modernism detached from all related context Thispaper challenges these alleged ties by focusing on the revealing example of Mies van derRohe a leading representative of the International Stylersquos legacy The analysis considersMiesrsquos approach within the intellectual context of its time Engaging with the beliefs of ahalf-century ago about the promises and perils of universal values we focus on the philoso-phical strains of logical positivismWhatwe find are shared interests across the disciplines ofarchitecture and philosophy which shed new light on the claims of post-war modernism touniversal values
IntroductionArchitecturersquos claim to universal values and universal
applicability was insisted upon byMies van der Rohe
the renowned modern master while describing his
intentions of his various projects In a 1964 interview
with John Peter when asked about the effect of
future change on their use Mies refers to the univer-
sal aspect of his projects while describing the range
of their applicability
I would not hesitate to make a cathedral in the
inside of my convention hall I see no reason why
not You can do that So a type like the convention
hall or like the museum can be used for other pur-
poses as wellhellip This is not anymore that form
follows function or should follow function Irsquom
anyway a little dubious about these statements
you know There was a reason when somebody
said it But you cannot make a law out of themhellip
You very well could make an apartment building
from an office buildinghellip That is the character of
the building not to talk about what is inside1
In response to the same question Mies adds
The sociologists tell us we have to think about the
human beings who are living in that building That
is a sociological problem not an architectural one
That always comes up you know But that is a
sociological question I think that the sociologists
should fight that out That is not an architectural
question2
Asked if this ldquoproblemrdquo cannot be solved architectu-
rally Mies responds
No It could be solved if they give us a program
But first they have to prove that their idea is a
sound one in the sociological field They would
like to make us responsible for that you know
No not with me3
Even for a highly enigmatic person like Mies who is
known for his profound interest in universal struc-
528
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2013 The Journal of Architecture 1360-2365 httpdxdoiorg101080136023652013820207
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ture these statements about the nature of such
structures are puzzling As he elaborates on what
seems a totalising statement of architecture he
also seems to challenge two of modernismrsquos well-
entrenched banners First is the oft-stated mantra
form follows function And second what was poeti-
cally phrased by the historian Sigfried Giedion as lsquothe
profound need to touch the wellsprings of lifersquo4 Is
Mies committing himself here to a pure universal
architectural realmmdashexactly the accusation of his
critics
According to Michael Hays lsquoThe Miesian historio-
graphic canon is so strong that it tends to force a
reading of his work in terms of universality and
autonomy to the exclusion of any other readingsrsquo5
Hays reminds us that
Not only stylistic postmodernism but also the most
recent architecture that claim to rewrite rather
than reject the modernist legacy have each
denounced what they regard as the fundamental
mistakes of Miesrsquos modernism namely its nega-
tional stance relative to its context and its yielding
to the temptation of totalization which together
are understood as the rejectionmdashboth formal
and conceptualmdashof all context and an adherence
to the autonomous total design system a singu-
lar aesthetic of universal applicabilityrsquo6
The aim for an autonomous and universal architec-
tural form detached from contextual contingencies
is often addressed within this historiographic canon
as implying and defining a manner of architectural
formalism When these readers of Miesrsquos architec-
ture dismiss any external references the focus is
on the formal operations of this architecture refer-
ring to the properties of appearance of the object
its spatial composition or the techniques used to
create it7 Considered from within this formalist atti-
tude Miesrsquos carefree way of talking can still cause
unease amongst those who seek the deeper mean-
ings in his cryptic aphorisms
Moreover amidst this search for the universal
scholars must also confront some of the more con-
fusing manifestations of Miesrsquos work His Conven-
tion Hall project (Mies 1953ndash54) for example
challenges certain dearly held notions abut his uni-
versalism This project is best known by the photo-
graphic collage designed by Miesrsquos student
offering a pungent visual impression of its hallrsquos
interior (Fig 1) Here we see the huge convention
crowd with a similarly enormous American flag
hanging from the heavy roof
The collage clearly insinuates more than just uni-
versal aesthetic principles What might have been
used as a lsquonot guiltyrsquo plea an appeal to his criticsrsquo
platonic conviction is treated in Miesrsquos interview as
a mere lsquotypersquo of architecture Following Neil
Levinersquos critical appraisal the Convention Hall
collage suggests that Mies is interested in precisely
the sociological element that he has forsaken in
the interview with John Peters As Levine writes
lsquothe collage imagery of the Chicago Convention
Hall condenses into what is arguably the most
powerful political statement of architecture con-
ceived in the Cold War era a visual representation
of the core symbolic moment of the American
democratic process at the scale of modern technol-
ogy and in the terms of modern mass culturersquo8 The
collage itself seems to insist upon the strong pres-
ence of the social body an impression that makes
Miesrsquos quotations even harder to crack How then
529
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can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations
that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-
versal values and applicability and the relative realm
of contextual imperatives (the expression for
example of the American liberal democratic
process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage
In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between
the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the
erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of
values in different academic fields focusing on the
two main theoretical positions of these polemics
We will refer to the universal position (universalism)
as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-
ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of
valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-
tions of values independent of any social political
or ethical values of the society in which it is
devised This approach is considered in opposition
to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-
ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at
assigning appraising or establishing values and
norms towards which the activity is directed9
Of course we need more than an authorrsquos
expressed agenda to understand his work the
530
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 1 Mies van der
Rohe office Edward
Duckett delineator
Convention Hall
collage 1953 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the
nature of his premise While the social body in the
Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from
his own universalist notions are there other instruc-
tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for
us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of
the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at
the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous
hand sketches for the project express on the one
hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal
clear-span structural system its bones and skin
and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos
pure concern with the axial geometry of the design
elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly
531
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 2 Mies van der
Rohe Convention Hall
interior sketch 1953ndash
54 (Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of
Modern Art New York
Courtesy of The
Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-
viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11
Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-
ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the
sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-
logue between them This dialogue addresses the
relationships of theoretical and design frameworks
to contextual realities and highlights the nature of
Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context
Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-
vention Hall his own example of the universalist
approach may help us to re-consider the goals
and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal
legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to
the project and its prevailing interpretive literature
Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of
Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos
design for a new convention hall His plan for the
site extends across two square blocks at Cermak
Road and South Parkway in the southern central
part of the city an area designated for urban clearing
The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims
the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-
tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo
532
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 3 Mies van der
Rohe office collage
aerial view showing
model made by Yujiro
MiwaHenry Kanazawa
Pao-Chi Chang
Convention Hall 1953
(Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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liote
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ovem
ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 2: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/2.jpg)
Framing values on ideologicalconcerns in post-war architecturalformalism
Dorit FershtmanAlona Nitzan-Shiftan
Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning
Technion Haifa 3200 Israel
Emails dfershttxtechnionacil alonatx
technionacil
Our ongoing reassessments of post-war modernism known as the International Style focuson that modernismrsquos claim to universal values Researchers tend to wed universalism withthe accented formal form of this modernism detached from all related context Thispaper challenges these alleged ties by focusing on the revealing example of Mies van derRohe a leading representative of the International Stylersquos legacy The analysis considersMiesrsquos approach within the intellectual context of its time Engaging with the beliefs of ahalf-century ago about the promises and perils of universal values we focus on the philoso-phical strains of logical positivismWhatwe find are shared interests across the disciplines ofarchitecture and philosophy which shed new light on the claims of post-war modernism touniversal values
IntroductionArchitecturersquos claim to universal values and universal
applicability was insisted upon byMies van der Rohe
the renowned modern master while describing his
intentions of his various projects In a 1964 interview
with John Peter when asked about the effect of
future change on their use Mies refers to the univer-
sal aspect of his projects while describing the range
of their applicability
I would not hesitate to make a cathedral in the
inside of my convention hall I see no reason why
not You can do that So a type like the convention
hall or like the museum can be used for other pur-
poses as wellhellip This is not anymore that form
follows function or should follow function Irsquom
anyway a little dubious about these statements
you know There was a reason when somebody
said it But you cannot make a law out of themhellip
You very well could make an apartment building
from an office buildinghellip That is the character of
the building not to talk about what is inside1
In response to the same question Mies adds
The sociologists tell us we have to think about the
human beings who are living in that building That
is a sociological problem not an architectural one
That always comes up you know But that is a
sociological question I think that the sociologists
should fight that out That is not an architectural
question2
Asked if this ldquoproblemrdquo cannot be solved architectu-
rally Mies responds
No It could be solved if they give us a program
But first they have to prove that their idea is a
sound one in the sociological field They would
like to make us responsible for that you know
No not with me3
Even for a highly enigmatic person like Mies who is
known for his profound interest in universal struc-
528
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
2013 The Journal of Architecture 1360-2365 httpdxdoiorg101080136023652013820207
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ture these statements about the nature of such
structures are puzzling As he elaborates on what
seems a totalising statement of architecture he
also seems to challenge two of modernismrsquos well-
entrenched banners First is the oft-stated mantra
form follows function And second what was poeti-
cally phrased by the historian Sigfried Giedion as lsquothe
profound need to touch the wellsprings of lifersquo4 Is
Mies committing himself here to a pure universal
architectural realmmdashexactly the accusation of his
critics
According to Michael Hays lsquoThe Miesian historio-
graphic canon is so strong that it tends to force a
reading of his work in terms of universality and
autonomy to the exclusion of any other readingsrsquo5
Hays reminds us that
Not only stylistic postmodernism but also the most
recent architecture that claim to rewrite rather
than reject the modernist legacy have each
denounced what they regard as the fundamental
mistakes of Miesrsquos modernism namely its nega-
tional stance relative to its context and its yielding
to the temptation of totalization which together
are understood as the rejectionmdashboth formal
and conceptualmdashof all context and an adherence
to the autonomous total design system a singu-
lar aesthetic of universal applicabilityrsquo6
The aim for an autonomous and universal architec-
tural form detached from contextual contingencies
is often addressed within this historiographic canon
as implying and defining a manner of architectural
formalism When these readers of Miesrsquos architec-
ture dismiss any external references the focus is
on the formal operations of this architecture refer-
ring to the properties of appearance of the object
its spatial composition or the techniques used to
create it7 Considered from within this formalist atti-
tude Miesrsquos carefree way of talking can still cause
unease amongst those who seek the deeper mean-
ings in his cryptic aphorisms
Moreover amidst this search for the universal
scholars must also confront some of the more con-
fusing manifestations of Miesrsquos work His Conven-
tion Hall project (Mies 1953ndash54) for example
challenges certain dearly held notions abut his uni-
versalism This project is best known by the photo-
graphic collage designed by Miesrsquos student
offering a pungent visual impression of its hallrsquos
interior (Fig 1) Here we see the huge convention
crowd with a similarly enormous American flag
hanging from the heavy roof
The collage clearly insinuates more than just uni-
versal aesthetic principles What might have been
used as a lsquonot guiltyrsquo plea an appeal to his criticsrsquo
platonic conviction is treated in Miesrsquos interview as
a mere lsquotypersquo of architecture Following Neil
Levinersquos critical appraisal the Convention Hall
collage suggests that Mies is interested in precisely
the sociological element that he has forsaken in
the interview with John Peters As Levine writes
lsquothe collage imagery of the Chicago Convention
Hall condenses into what is arguably the most
powerful political statement of architecture con-
ceived in the Cold War era a visual representation
of the core symbolic moment of the American
democratic process at the scale of modern technol-
ogy and in the terms of modern mass culturersquo8 The
collage itself seems to insist upon the strong pres-
ence of the social body an impression that makes
Miesrsquos quotations even harder to crack How then
529
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can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations
that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-
versal values and applicability and the relative realm
of contextual imperatives (the expression for
example of the American liberal democratic
process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage
In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between
the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the
erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of
values in different academic fields focusing on the
two main theoretical positions of these polemics
We will refer to the universal position (universalism)
as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-
ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of
valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-
tions of values independent of any social political
or ethical values of the society in which it is
devised This approach is considered in opposition
to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-
ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at
assigning appraising or establishing values and
norms towards which the activity is directed9
Of course we need more than an authorrsquos
expressed agenda to understand his work the
530
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 1 Mies van der
Rohe office Edward
Duckett delineator
Convention Hall
collage 1953 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the
nature of his premise While the social body in the
Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from
his own universalist notions are there other instruc-
tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for
us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of
the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at
the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous
hand sketches for the project express on the one
hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal
clear-span structural system its bones and skin
and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos
pure concern with the axial geometry of the design
elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly
531
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 2 Mies van der
Rohe Convention Hall
interior sketch 1953ndash
54 (Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of
Modern Art New York
Courtesy of The
Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-
viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11
Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-
ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the
sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-
logue between them This dialogue addresses the
relationships of theoretical and design frameworks
to contextual realities and highlights the nature of
Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context
Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-
vention Hall his own example of the universalist
approach may help us to re-consider the goals
and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal
legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to
the project and its prevailing interpretive literature
Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of
Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos
design for a new convention hall His plan for the
site extends across two square blocks at Cermak
Road and South Parkway in the southern central
part of the city an area designated for urban clearing
The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims
the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-
tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo
532
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 3 Mies van der
Rohe office collage
aerial view showing
model made by Yujiro
MiwaHenry Kanazawa
Pao-Chi Chang
Convention Hall 1953
(Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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liote
] at
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ovem
ber
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 3: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/3.jpg)
ture these statements about the nature of such
structures are puzzling As he elaborates on what
seems a totalising statement of architecture he
also seems to challenge two of modernismrsquos well-
entrenched banners First is the oft-stated mantra
form follows function And second what was poeti-
cally phrased by the historian Sigfried Giedion as lsquothe
profound need to touch the wellsprings of lifersquo4 Is
Mies committing himself here to a pure universal
architectural realmmdashexactly the accusation of his
critics
According to Michael Hays lsquoThe Miesian historio-
graphic canon is so strong that it tends to force a
reading of his work in terms of universality and
autonomy to the exclusion of any other readingsrsquo5
Hays reminds us that
Not only stylistic postmodernism but also the most
recent architecture that claim to rewrite rather
than reject the modernist legacy have each
denounced what they regard as the fundamental
mistakes of Miesrsquos modernism namely its nega-
tional stance relative to its context and its yielding
to the temptation of totalization which together
are understood as the rejectionmdashboth formal
and conceptualmdashof all context and an adherence
to the autonomous total design system a singu-
lar aesthetic of universal applicabilityrsquo6
The aim for an autonomous and universal architec-
tural form detached from contextual contingencies
is often addressed within this historiographic canon
as implying and defining a manner of architectural
formalism When these readers of Miesrsquos architec-
ture dismiss any external references the focus is
on the formal operations of this architecture refer-
ring to the properties of appearance of the object
its spatial composition or the techniques used to
create it7 Considered from within this formalist atti-
tude Miesrsquos carefree way of talking can still cause
unease amongst those who seek the deeper mean-
ings in his cryptic aphorisms
Moreover amidst this search for the universal
scholars must also confront some of the more con-
fusing manifestations of Miesrsquos work His Conven-
tion Hall project (Mies 1953ndash54) for example
challenges certain dearly held notions abut his uni-
versalism This project is best known by the photo-
graphic collage designed by Miesrsquos student
offering a pungent visual impression of its hallrsquos
interior (Fig 1) Here we see the huge convention
crowd with a similarly enormous American flag
hanging from the heavy roof
The collage clearly insinuates more than just uni-
versal aesthetic principles What might have been
used as a lsquonot guiltyrsquo plea an appeal to his criticsrsquo
platonic conviction is treated in Miesrsquos interview as
a mere lsquotypersquo of architecture Following Neil
Levinersquos critical appraisal the Convention Hall
collage suggests that Mies is interested in precisely
the sociological element that he has forsaken in
the interview with John Peters As Levine writes
lsquothe collage imagery of the Chicago Convention
Hall condenses into what is arguably the most
powerful political statement of architecture con-
ceived in the Cold War era a visual representation
of the core symbolic moment of the American
democratic process at the scale of modern technol-
ogy and in the terms of modern mass culturersquo8 The
collage itself seems to insist upon the strong pres-
ence of the social body an impression that makes
Miesrsquos quotations even harder to crack How then
529
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can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations
that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-
versal values and applicability and the relative realm
of contextual imperatives (the expression for
example of the American liberal democratic
process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage
In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between
the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the
erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of
values in different academic fields focusing on the
two main theoretical positions of these polemics
We will refer to the universal position (universalism)
as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-
ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of
valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-
tions of values independent of any social political
or ethical values of the society in which it is
devised This approach is considered in opposition
to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-
ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at
assigning appraising or establishing values and
norms towards which the activity is directed9
Of course we need more than an authorrsquos
expressed agenda to understand his work the
530
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 1 Mies van der
Rohe office Edward
Duckett delineator
Convention Hall
collage 1953 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the
nature of his premise While the social body in the
Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from
his own universalist notions are there other instruc-
tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for
us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of
the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at
the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous
hand sketches for the project express on the one
hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal
clear-span structural system its bones and skin
and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos
pure concern with the axial geometry of the design
elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly
531
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 2 Mies van der
Rohe Convention Hall
interior sketch 1953ndash
54 (Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of
Modern Art New York
Courtesy of The
Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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ber
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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-
viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11
Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-
ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the
sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-
logue between them This dialogue addresses the
relationships of theoretical and design frameworks
to contextual realities and highlights the nature of
Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context
Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-
vention Hall his own example of the universalist
approach may help us to re-consider the goals
and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal
legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to
the project and its prevailing interpretive literature
Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of
Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos
design for a new convention hall His plan for the
site extends across two square blocks at Cermak
Road and South Parkway in the southern central
part of the city an area designated for urban clearing
The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims
the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-
tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo
532
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 3 Mies van der
Rohe office collage
aerial view showing
model made by Yujiro
MiwaHenry Kanazawa
Pao-Chi Chang
Convention Hall 1953
(Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 4: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/4.jpg)
can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations
that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-
versal values and applicability and the relative realm
of contextual imperatives (the expression for
example of the American liberal democratic
process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage
In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between
the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the
erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of
values in different academic fields focusing on the
two main theoretical positions of these polemics
We will refer to the universal position (universalism)
as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-
ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of
valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-
tions of values independent of any social political
or ethical values of the society in which it is
devised This approach is considered in opposition
to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-
ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at
assigning appraising or establishing values and
norms towards which the activity is directed9
Of course we need more than an authorrsquos
expressed agenda to understand his work the
530
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 1 Mies van der
Rohe office Edward
Duckett delineator
Convention Hall
collage 1953 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the
nature of his premise While the social body in the
Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from
his own universalist notions are there other instruc-
tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for
us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of
the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at
the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous
hand sketches for the project express on the one
hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal
clear-span structural system its bones and skin
and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos
pure concern with the axial geometry of the design
elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly
531
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 2 Mies van der
Rohe Convention Hall
interior sketch 1953ndash
54 (Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of
Modern Art New York
Courtesy of The
Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-
viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11
Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-
ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the
sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-
logue between them This dialogue addresses the
relationships of theoretical and design frameworks
to contextual realities and highlights the nature of
Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context
Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-
vention Hall his own example of the universalist
approach may help us to re-consider the goals
and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal
legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to
the project and its prevailing interpretive literature
Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of
Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos
design for a new convention hall His plan for the
site extends across two square blocks at Cermak
Road and South Parkway in the southern central
part of the city an area designated for urban clearing
The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims
the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-
tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo
532
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 3 Mies van der
Rohe office collage
aerial view showing
model made by Yujiro
MiwaHenry Kanazawa
Pao-Chi Chang
Convention Hall 1953
(Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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ovem
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 5: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/5.jpg)
above comments certainly invite reflection as to the
nature of his premise While the social body in the
Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from
his own universalist notions are there other instruc-
tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for
us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of
the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at
the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous
hand sketches for the project express on the one
hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal
clear-span structural system its bones and skin
and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos
pure concern with the axial geometry of the design
elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly
531
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 2 Mies van der
Rohe Convention Hall
interior sketch 1953ndash
54 (Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of
Modern Art New York
Courtesy of The
Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-
viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11
Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-
ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the
sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-
logue between them This dialogue addresses the
relationships of theoretical and design frameworks
to contextual realities and highlights the nature of
Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context
Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-
vention Hall his own example of the universalist
approach may help us to re-consider the goals
and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal
legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to
the project and its prevailing interpretive literature
Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of
Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos
design for a new convention hall His plan for the
site extends across two square blocks at Cermak
Road and South Parkway in the southern central
part of the city an area designated for urban clearing
The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims
the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-
tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo
532
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 3 Mies van der
Rohe office collage
aerial view showing
model made by Yujiro
MiwaHenry Kanazawa
Pao-Chi Chang
Convention Hall 1953
(Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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ber
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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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ovem
ber
2013
of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 6: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/6.jpg)
intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-
viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11
Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-
ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the
sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-
logue between them This dialogue addresses the
relationships of theoretical and design frameworks
to contextual realities and highlights the nature of
Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context
Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-
vention Hall his own example of the universalist
approach may help us to re-consider the goals
and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal
legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to
the project and its prevailing interpretive literature
Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of
Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos
design for a new convention hall His plan for the
site extends across two square blocks at Cermak
Road and South Parkway in the southern central
part of the city an area designated for urban clearing
The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims
the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-
tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo
532
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 3 Mies van der
Rohe office collage
aerial view showing
model made by Yujiro
MiwaHenry Kanazawa
Pao-Chi Chang
Convention Hall 1953
(Museum of Modern
Art New York)
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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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liote
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ber
2013
Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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liote
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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ber
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 7: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/7.jpg)
a building that would truly represent Chicago as the
worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-
ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-
portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor
area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-
trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high
with a roof supported by truss work that is described
as a new type of roof system needing no interior
columns There follows a description of its unique
open space which would allow for versatility in
scope and flexibility
Contemporary architectural journals applauded
the design expounding on the immense proportions
and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural
system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the
April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed
sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a
cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years
modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-
versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was
most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who
headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and
Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos
architecture as the reduction of architecture to
pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-
room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a
533
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 4 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Henry
Karazowa delineator
Convention Hall plan
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
Figure 5 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Yujiro
Miwa Henry
Kanazawa Pao-Chi
Chang model makers
Convention Hall model
preliminary version
1953 (The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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ber
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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ber
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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2013
which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 8: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/8.jpg)
lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-
tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13
More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects
ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That
broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and
ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests
him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz
Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less
reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-
vention Hall and more to regard the project as an
opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the
most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo
He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-
pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in
this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by
what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational
534
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 6 Mies van der
Rohe advisor Pao-Chi
Chang model maker
Convention Hall model
final version 1953ndash4
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York)
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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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ded
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11
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ovem
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2013
sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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liote
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ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 9: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/9.jpg)
of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also
highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational
logic declaring that there was no practical reason
for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies
offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in
Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason
and logic as the counterforce of passion and will
created by the extension of reason and logic So
certain that the truth of his architecture was
rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried
rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no
other way could he have produced so daring and
glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was
an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the
majestic form given to what seems irresistibly
logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se
that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative
adjectivesrsquo16
Others have offered intriguing suggestions of
different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer
for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-
gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings
of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-
vention Hall project as the culmination of the
process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-
nections notwithstanding the project is still most
commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos
designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his
ongoing search to define a universal space
Beyond these readings it is the collage of the
interior perspective of the project that attracts the
most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While
Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos
motive in making the collage must have been
more poetically representational than technically
instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-
mental impression made by the large band of
people that occupies half of the collage the huge
crowd on the convention floor and the American
flag that hangs over it
The monumental impression of the Convention
Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-
utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars
focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-
cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or
the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his
pre-war competition projects in Germany such as
the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank
(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935
Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these
pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his
seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
addresses the ideological positions and design
decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting
on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies
lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in
the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems
of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and
argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-
ently separated from his philosophical statements
and architectural production20 Pommer explains
that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified
by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of
theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in
freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference
points to the perspective collage of the Convention
Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-
spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch
of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)
535
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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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ber
2013
values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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liote
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11
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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liote
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11
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ovem
ber
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 10: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/10.jpg)
Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-
mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens
Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to
include relative concerns of specific contexts from
the National Socialist government in Germany to
the Cold War atmosphere of the United States
Their readings of his monumental design clearly
points to a normative intent with respect to social
and political values
lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just
the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but
also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find
other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch
appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos
collage conceptualisation or part of the design
process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although
included in the architectrsquos correspondence within
536
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 7 Mies van der
Rohe interior
perspective War
Memorial Berlin 1930
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 11: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/11.jpg)
MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not
appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An
Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe
Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by
Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of
authorship in the Convention Hall project As
noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst
around the time of the Convention Hall design
while Mies still retained his immense authority he
was not an active participant in most projects that
emerged from his Chicago office
With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-
horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the
collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our
case the design of the Convention Hall was not
part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with
his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute
of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and
Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as
part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The
spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-
lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have
specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and
sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models
and collages of the interior hall often raise questions
of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the
537
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 8 Mies van der
Rohe sketch of Court of
Honour German
Pavilion Brussels 1934
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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ded
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ovem
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2013
sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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ded
by [
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kow
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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ber
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 12: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/12.jpg)
MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand
from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook
The drawing presents three perspectives of an
interior space with three different configurations
of the American flag on display The two interior per-
spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a
display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-
ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left
sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the
upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of
the hall both feature the same display two flags
hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-
onal directions
This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the
location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the
spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have
been to examine whether each spectator no
matter his point of entry could have an unob-
structed view of the interior hall The sketch might
also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper
display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-
can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall
might be properly or improperly displayed depend-
ing on the view from different places within the hall
Concern that the American flag be shown proper
respect was codified in state and federal legislation
On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin
D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution
303 which detailed the existing customs and rules
governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag
When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that
the flag must be displayed opposite the main
entrance with the field of stars to the left of
anyone coming through the door When the flag is
hung on the wall it should be flat without touching
any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The
upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-
cols properly displaying the different flags on the
hallrsquos two interior walls
Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper
right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of
77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring
to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo
538
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 9 Illustrations of
rules for displaying the
American flag
Figure 10 Illustrations
of rules for displaying
the American flag
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which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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ber
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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![Page 13: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/13.jpg)
which is the official name for the aforementioned
House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that
Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28
Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was
created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between
the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by
the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph
McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in
America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-
ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law
reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-
versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-
cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent
concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-
tive justice or the extent to which the state is or
should be empowered to advance moral ideals All
these concerns troubled American society during
the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by
American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch
Questions were not confined to the most familiar
dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos
thinkers also debated whether they ought to
accept in the interests of national security certain
constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32
We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-
ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is
clear that he must have been aware of these
debates even within the rarified environment of
the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954
article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins
president of the neighbouring University of Chicago
observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting
Soviet world domination had changed the academic
world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of
his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly
In undertaking his monumental project within this
particular Cold War climate Mies must have been
aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the
expressive parameters that would embody American
cultural identity which centered on the symbols of
Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was
expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-
tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew
monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and
enforcing communal identity had been hotly
debated by architectural theorists since the early
1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-
bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in
the accompanying publication that democratic
monumentality was a crucial opposition to the
fascist expression of state power She passionately
correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-
racy 36
By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall
project the belief that architecture could and
should represent the values of American liberal
democracy prevailed American modernism
became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-
ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos
sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as
an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos
democratic process tie the Convention Hall project
to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols
of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-
vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings
to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental
institutional projects conceived in the pre-war
years in Germany and his use of national and politi-
cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental
impression of the Convention Hall collage and the
539
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540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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ovem
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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ovem
ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 14: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/14.jpg)
540
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Figure 11 Mies van der
Rohe sketches of plan
elevation interior and
exterior perspective
German Pavilion
Brussels 1934 (The
Museum of Modern
Art New York VG Bild-
Kunst Bonn 2013)
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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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ber
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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2013
not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 15: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/15.jpg)
sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American
flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a
monumental form a means of presenting American
liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus
for that monumental presentation was to match or
overshadow the monumental buildings conceived
in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here
the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to
ignore 37
The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design
project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-
ing aloof from values his designs take up the
symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany
(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)
as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-
racy Taken together these examples express clear
normative design intents with respect to ongoing
social and political currents We are not concerned
541
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Figure 12 Mies van der
Rohe Monument to the
November Revolution
(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa
Luxemburg
Monument) Berlin-
Friedrichsfelde 1926
(The Museum of
Modern Art New York
VG Bild-Kunst Bonn
2013)
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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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ded
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liote
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11
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ovem
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2013
its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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ber
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 16: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/16.jpg)
here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but
rather with how he positions himself or the discipline
in respect to values that is the relationship of an
architectural project to values and if and how
values should be framed within the projectrsquos
methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-
tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-
tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism
Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing
it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative
concerns38 The point here is not to look for any
literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-
nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-
stances and practical decisions while working on this
project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-
tion Hall to a purely universal interest
The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly
describes his projects in terms of simple universal
problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa
typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-
cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema
that enables multiple interpretations of use How
then can we read these self-defining statements
wherein matters of value are framed in relation to
the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above
which carefully positions the design of the Conven-
tion Hall project within normative concerns
As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo
stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic
of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value
theories arguing for either the theoretical con-
ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-
tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming
their claims on the place and role of values within
disciplinary borders
Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-
mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-
pations of human thought In their least inclusive
meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo
and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these
terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises
from a distinction between facts and values and
our judgements about those facts and values This
distinction has been recognised for centuries by
Aristotle and many others but received further
recognition through the development of modern
science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically
shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and
collage and contrasted with his professed intentions
in his interview can be better interpreted within the
context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history
evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-
pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel
domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition
of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)
which provided the working framework for most
analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century
To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern
with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on
Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national
forum for debates about science and values estab-
lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide
variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities
as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in
Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-
tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-
cally engaged philosophy of science could not
endorse an absolute value-free conception of
542
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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liote
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ber
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 17: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/17.jpg)
values independent from any social political or
ethical values of the society in which it is devised40
Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field
expressed precisely the opposite notion at about
the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to
liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells
him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect
from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead
a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains
the philosopher of science is only an analyst and
never an advocate
The relationship between the theoretical realm of
absolute unconditional values and value statements
and the normative conditional realm of relativist
conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-
century logical positivists not surprisingly it was
the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-
tists who opposed any Cartesian separation
between facts and values Thus values became a
major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-
tivists42
During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly
debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University
of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by
the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium
was attended by logical positivist philosophers such
as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf
Helmer along with researchers from various fields
of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced
syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger
category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual
umbrella under which American pragmatism and
logical positivism could collaborate The place of
pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax
semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely
debated during the following decade Even The Phil-
osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still
stressed this debate in the ideological exchange
between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank
and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy
is connected to socio-economic structures in a
comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above
Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the
analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch
as for example the sociological analysis of the
roots of philosophical movements of idealism or
metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of
language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists
and sociologically trained philosophers 43
Following these intellectual concerns of post-war
logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise
shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and
the Modern Movement in the early decades of the
twentieth century Their common ground is
expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-
losophers and members of CIAM and the
Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of
the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these
philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and
June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos
five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929
wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its
implications for life and art Carnap addressed
several issues which attracted attention across the
intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and
one in particular which relates well to our discussion
the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und
Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive
relationship between intellect (which he referred to
as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with
543
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its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 18: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/18.jpg)
its normative conceptions) Science he argued
cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-
tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the
pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45
These early European ties were revived in Chicago
in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the
head of the School of Industrial Design known as
the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology
it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by
philosophers from the University of Chicago such as
the positivist philosopher Morris who became a
member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap
who became a leading exponent of logical positivism
in the United States lectured there at least once
after starting his American teaching career in the
Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In
his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his
Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-
nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-
utes to his loss of interest in moral or political
problems47
These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo
approach towards universal and formal forms of
expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative
parameters of life are what shape our discussion
about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-
tual context in an effort to understand the split
between the universalistic and normative attitude
of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to
identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of
logical positivism and the ideological trends within
it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression
and specific technical work in linguistic analysis
These reappraisals which have taken a broader
view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of
endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater
conjoining between this philosophy and architec-
tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and
formal methodological problems
The contrast between universalnormative views
in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of
the more general split between the analytic and
the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed
in current studies of the history of the philosophy
of science These studies re-evaluate this split in
views by examining their concerns in the logic of
language and the nature of value statement focus-
ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-
ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal
language as a universal medium According to this
concept whatever one believes about the relation-
ship of language to the world it cannot consistently
be expressed in language These studies distinguish
between philosophers who held this position such
as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein
and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto
Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise
although they preferred formal and syntactical con-
ceptualisations to semantic ones
Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the
recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-
ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach
was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their
attraction to two inherently antagonist systems
the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and
the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two
campsmdashwhich together determined much of
Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early
decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the
conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific
544
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 19: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/19.jpg)
philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural
and political commitment Taking Carnap as
example Friedman suggests that their concepts
make room for a preferred interest in formal form
of expressionmdasha technical work in structure
syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism
within the domain of human purposes and needs
As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-
ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in
the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of
knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-
minate obscure features of its cultural engagement
lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if
their ideology did not take the form of overt politics
or moralizingrsquo51
Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to
Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify
the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations
Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws
from the same ideological field his Convention
Hall project may be read as addressing the key
issue in the contemporary philosophical debate
among logical empiricists and with American prag-
matists where do matters of value belong Inter-
preted through the disciplinary discourse of
architecture Mies may have been testing if and
how emblematic-normative concerns of values
and norms could be framed by his architectural
design system
Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-
egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-
work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here
present a wider intellectual intention within his
theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-
mework of this project Mies arguably expressed
his theories in a language that can be read not as
strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-
tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions
were made within the context of rules regulating
the conduct of the community such as the Congres-
sional law previously discussed In his proposal for
the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain
tenets of his architectural theories by addressing
concerns that can be settled only through contextual
decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a
decision such as how to position a flag is dependent
on the general precepts of an architectural system
on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-
playing the American flag on the other His solution
to concerns about both facts and value is thus
worked out within a system that seems to retain
general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-
borating here on a fusion between a normative
approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of
values and norms and the body of architecture
Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to
which Mies is committed One that is simply being
tested here and made to fit a practical situation
such as the display of the American flag Or does
the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities
may be generative of a theoretical system We
cannot fully answer these questions nor can we
determine whether the theoretical or the practical
is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-
tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies
intended both the theoretical and the practical
somehow to fit together The probability of such a
fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies
545
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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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liote
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ber
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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
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11
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ber
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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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![Page 20: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/20.jpg)
how an abstract design may contain specific proper-
ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies
testing here how relevant properties internal to the
framework of this project may be incorporated into
a general law And can we widen our perspective
to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German
Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11
above)
Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-
fies the search for a fit between particular design
properties conceived within relativist conceptions
and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-
sal statement regarding the project as part of a
theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture
This approach points to the relationship between
particular statements and universal statements in
the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-
sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies
universal statements take the form of all-statements
implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a
certain propertyrsquo
Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-
nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-
ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus
he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-
course one that included architectural questions
belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-
work of the project as well as an overall assessment
about the discipline of architecture
Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos
seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-
ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to
clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-
ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth
In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to
the resolution of actual problems He first introduces
a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo
for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity
Then he explains that there should be two kinds of
questions to determine the existence or reality of
such entities
first questions of the existence of certain entities
of a new kind within the framework we call
them internal questions and second questions
concerning the existence of reality of the system
of entities as a whole called external questions53
Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in
these internal questions
To recognize something as a real thing or event
means to succeed in incorporating it into a
system of things at a particular space-time pos-
ition so that it fits together with the other things
recognized as real according to the rules of the
framework54
Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the
reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions
concerning the existence of reality of the total
system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question
explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but
rather the practical question of whether or not to
accept the framework57
Within a given framework in other words there
are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined
empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the
rules that the framework requires But beyond
these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that
concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical
external questions about the reality of propositions
or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but
when viewed as practical questions while they do
546
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
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ber
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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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ded
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liote
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11
16 2
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ovem
ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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kow
Sta
te U
niv
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liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
![Page 21: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/21.jpg)
not thereby become cognitive they are now of first
importance and prior to the frameworks and
perhaps can be discussed logically
Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings
does not imply any direct influence on Mies
Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical
models used within the shared theoretical realm in
which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-
stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies
we assume that in his proposal for the Convention
Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-
cerns which are defined within his sketch and the
collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-
fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his
interest in contextual imperatives his study of the
internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-
mative terms by which the internal structure is con-
structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that
these normative terms are incorporated into a
system of design at a particular space-time position
Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-
ticular contextual imperatives to a more general
schema
Stepping outside this particular medium and
dealing with external questions about his project
Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability
and dismisses any sociological interest regarding
human beings in his architectural work In his
sketch and collage Mies represents the actual
design language of the projectrsquos internal system in
relation to a general view about it Indeed in the
interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-
alist perception of his field While he seems to
engage with the normative realm in his Convention-
al Hall project designing a space that allows for the
active role of both spectators and participants he
takes pains to endorse no single social stance for
architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like
Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social
role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal
framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological
problem he insists with which sociologists alone
should deal
ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system
of universal values That system as we know is hard
to espouse from the point of view of recent design
theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and
intervention against totalisation and universalism
We have argued that if we broaden our frame of
reference to include the intellectual context of
Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the
nature of his universal premise and synthesise the
apparent universalistnormative split in his approach
to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis
on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the
leading philosophical tradition in post-war American
academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach
towards values Within this ideological context we
studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language
to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude
in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-
porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm
of formal forms of expression on the one hand and
on the other a clear preference for normative ques-
tions regarding values and norms Our example
helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-
sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-
ing this concept within the dominant post-war
547
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
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ded
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liote
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11
16 2
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ovem
ber
2013
culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
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ovem
ber
2013
philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
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kow
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te U
niv
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liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
![Page 22: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/22.jpg)
culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-
tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how
design was steeped in theory and ideology despite
its claims to be universal and autonomous and
strongly resonated with the philosophical approach
that dominated American academia
AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two
referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-
tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-
way the Architecture and Design Study Center
Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for
assisting with our research
Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture
(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)
p 168
2 Ibid
3 Ibid
4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et
loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10
5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds
Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)
p 696
6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo
commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip
Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis
Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite
their diverse and complex approaches to modernism
On these claims see for example Terence Riley on
Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies
van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in
T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York
Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos
views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe
(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he
addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his
Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture
into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that
rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United
States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything
that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip
His American work is a context in which an imaginary
absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates
Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his
work as a continuous search for pure form and strict
discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture
The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass
Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford
describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of
nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an
imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case
against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and
the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175
7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For
example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-
horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of
the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in
F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-
versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong
formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-
ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology
in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect
( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109
8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages
Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76
9 Here our argument on the universal and normative
positions refers to the methodological approach
conceived for example in sociological studies The
exact definitions of these positions may vary in
logic mathematics or the different branches of
548
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
![Page 23: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/23.jpg)
philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of
culture and form in architecture in his seminal work
lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-
specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a
reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-
tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-
cient representation of preexisting culture values and
the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted
formal systemrsquo
10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and
London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II
V 16 pp 2ndash3
11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2
12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75
13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of
World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller
1960) p 31ndash32
14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit
pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of
Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The
Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art
(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and
D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-
ceton Architectural Press 1994)
15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography
(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268
16 Ibid p 270
17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall
see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash
231
18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the
Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of
Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2
19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit
pp 70ndash101
20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political
Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo
in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100
Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos
response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies
about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of
Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with
the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his
candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-
sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to
prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to
building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for
what other reason I should give up my artistically free
and materially far better position Since I pursue very
specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find
it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such
a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my
work does not exist in this position then I must forgo
it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will
entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo
21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom
had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the
consequences and contradictions with his firmly
belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid
pp 133ndash134
22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe
Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-
tion Hall Correspondence File Folder
23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis
Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in
America op cit pp 211ndash214
24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van
der Rohe Drawings op cit
25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A
Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago
549
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
![Page 24: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/24.jpg)
IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356
There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo
nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting
in mere repetitions
26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley
Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture
Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September
2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-
vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains
about some instances in which her works with Yujiro
Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited
She specified in her letter how the external model of
the final version of the project should be credited In
a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)
informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA
the credit would be changed to the following
lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative
M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-
ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi
Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis
Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1
16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence
between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van
der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art
New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files
27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of
the flag following the guidelines for the display and
use by civilians of the flag of the United States of
America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code
(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)
28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos
meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified
by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the
National Security Act of 1947 which created not only
the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the
National Security Council and unified the military
branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint
Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the
previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-
ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public
Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other
federal employees in similar positions with similar
duties The employees covered by the these laws were
those whose primary duties were the investigation
apprehension or detention of persons suspected or
convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws
In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed
041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have
been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in
some way referencing this historical cultural context
29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy
gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began
well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his
political demise Indeed what made the climate of
repression did not originate with or depend on the
ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The
Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown
Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4
30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of
ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-
eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-
viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors
such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-
trationrsquo in the media churches universities and
public schools
31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law
and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United
States of America (New York Oxford University Press
1990) p 4
32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op
cit pp 285ndash300
33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of
theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-
zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions
which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-
550
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
![Page 25: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/25.jpg)
gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in
1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der
Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in
F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays
(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146
34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-
ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October
1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for
Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-
tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as
the primary goal of American architecture
35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis
Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-
ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-
umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for
the creation of forms of large-scale expression within
the American context
36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be
occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-
ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane
buildings which give dignified and coherent form to
that interdependence of the individual and the social
group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo
Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero
Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first
place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian
Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock
Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of
Modern Art 1944) p 25
37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine
S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm
International Publishing Corporation 1990)
38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two
compasses pointing towards his American flags
express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as
the compass for moral conduct
39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion
and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc
was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-
can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics
and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a
response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its
founding members and their successors sought to
create a framework for the preservation of democracy
and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of
scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the
sciences and humanities Conference members many
of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-
larship for the rise of European fascism additionally
hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic
scholarship
40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold
War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy
Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University
Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397
41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los
Angeles University of California Press 1951)
pp 315 319
42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming
for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of
the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more
ample notion of rationality which had a place for
both facts and values On the relationships between
logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris
lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy
of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of
Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open
Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90
43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868
44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus
Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-
cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752
45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at
the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical
positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms
lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy
551
The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013
![Page 26: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022020616/575095fc1a28abbf6bc6955b/html5/thumbnails/26.jpg)
of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds
Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh
Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy
Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp
365ndash372
46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris
in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration
and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-
ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying
need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified
and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]
the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-
porary science and philosophy in its education task of
reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in
Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the
Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-
bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195
47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that
he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always
interested in political principles and I have never shied
away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-
ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82
48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous
examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto
Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites
the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas
Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as
well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and
Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of
Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan
W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-
neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12
49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and
Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)
50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century
philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey
and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it
denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning
value and purposes of life and turns away from
purely theoretical knowledge
51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in
New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I
(1981) p 11
52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of
Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published
in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)
pp 20ndash40
53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in
Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206
54 Ibid p 207
55 Ibid
56 Ibid p 214
57 Ibid pp 217ndash218
58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the
logical positivists on post-war American academia
and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern
architecture the example of Carnap their leading
exponent in America is of particular relevance to our
study of Mies
552
Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism
Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan
Dow
nloa
ded
by [
Mos
kow
Sta
te U
niv
Bib
liote
] at
11
16 2
1 N
ovem
ber
2013