framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

26
This article was downloaded by: [Moskow State Univ Bibliote] On: 21 November 2013, At: 11:16 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK The Journal of Architecture Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rjar20 Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism Dorit Fershtman a & Alona Nitzan-Shiftan a a Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning , Technion, Haifa , 3200 , Israel Published online: 07 Aug 2013. To cite this article: Dorit Fershtman & Alona Nitzan-Shiftan (2013) Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism, The Journal of Architecture, 18:4, 528-552, DOI: 10.1080/13602365.2013.820207 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2013.820207 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

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Page 1: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

This article was downloaded by [Moskow State Univ Bibliote]On 21 November 2013 At 1116Publisher RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number 1072954 Registered officeMortimer House 37-41 Mortimer Street London W1T 3JH UK

The Journal of ArchitecturePublication details including instructions for authors and subscriptioninformationhttpwwwtandfonlinecomloirjar20

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalismDorit Fershtman a amp Alona Nitzan-Shiftan aa Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning Technion Haifa 3200 IsraelPublished online 07 Aug 2013

To cite this article Dorit Fershtman amp Alona Nitzan-Shiftan (2013) Framing values on ideologicalconcerns in post-war architectural formalism The Journal of Architecture 184 528-552 DOI101080136023652013820207

To link to this article httpdxdoiorg101080136023652013820207

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor amp Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the ldquoContentrdquo)contained in the publications on our platform However Taylor amp Francis our agents and ourlicensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy completeness orsuitability for any purpose of the Content Any opinions and views expressed in this publicationare the opinions and views of the authors and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor ampFrancis The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independentlyverified with primary sources of information Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for anylosses actions claims proceedings demands costs expenses damages and other liabilitieswhatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with in relation to orarising out of the use of the Content

This article may be used for research teaching and private study purposes Any substantialor systematic reproduction redistribution reselling loan sub-licensing systematic supply ordistribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden Terms amp Conditions of access and usecan be found at httpwwwtandfonlinecompageterms-and-conditions

Framing values on ideologicalconcerns in post-war architecturalformalism

Dorit FershtmanAlona Nitzan-Shiftan

Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning

Technion Haifa 3200 Israel

Emails dfershttxtechnionacil alonatx

technionacil

Our ongoing reassessments of post-war modernism known as the International Style focuson that modernismrsquos claim to universal values Researchers tend to wed universalism withthe accented formal form of this modernism detached from all related context Thispaper challenges these alleged ties by focusing on the revealing example of Mies van derRohe a leading representative of the International Stylersquos legacy The analysis considersMiesrsquos approach within the intellectual context of its time Engaging with the beliefs of ahalf-century ago about the promises and perils of universal values we focus on the philoso-phical strains of logical positivismWhatwe find are shared interests across the disciplines ofarchitecture and philosophy which shed new light on the claims of post-war modernism touniversal values

IntroductionArchitecturersquos claim to universal values and universal

applicability was insisted upon byMies van der Rohe

the renowned modern master while describing his

intentions of his various projects In a 1964 interview

with John Peter when asked about the effect of

future change on their use Mies refers to the univer-

sal aspect of his projects while describing the range

of their applicability

I would not hesitate to make a cathedral in the

inside of my convention hall I see no reason why

not You can do that So a type like the convention

hall or like the museum can be used for other pur-

poses as wellhellip This is not anymore that form

follows function or should follow function Irsquom

anyway a little dubious about these statements

you know There was a reason when somebody

said it But you cannot make a law out of themhellip

You very well could make an apartment building

from an office buildinghellip That is the character of

the building not to talk about what is inside1

In response to the same question Mies adds

The sociologists tell us we have to think about the

human beings who are living in that building That

is a sociological problem not an architectural one

That always comes up you know But that is a

sociological question I think that the sociologists

should fight that out That is not an architectural

question2

Asked if this ldquoproblemrdquo cannot be solved architectu-

rally Mies responds

No It could be solved if they give us a program

But first they have to prove that their idea is a

sound one in the sociological field They would

like to make us responsible for that you know

No not with me3

Even for a highly enigmatic person like Mies who is

known for his profound interest in universal struc-

528

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

2013 The Journal of Architecture 1360-2365 httpdxdoiorg101080136023652013820207

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ture these statements about the nature of such

structures are puzzling As he elaborates on what

seems a totalising statement of architecture he

also seems to challenge two of modernismrsquos well-

entrenched banners First is the oft-stated mantra

form follows function And second what was poeti-

cally phrased by the historian Sigfried Giedion as lsquothe

profound need to touch the wellsprings of lifersquo4 Is

Mies committing himself here to a pure universal

architectural realmmdashexactly the accusation of his

critics

According to Michael Hays lsquoThe Miesian historio-

graphic canon is so strong that it tends to force a

reading of his work in terms of universality and

autonomy to the exclusion of any other readingsrsquo5

Hays reminds us that

Not only stylistic postmodernism but also the most

recent architecture that claim to rewrite rather

than reject the modernist legacy have each

denounced what they regard as the fundamental

mistakes of Miesrsquos modernism namely its nega-

tional stance relative to its context and its yielding

to the temptation of totalization which together

are understood as the rejectionmdashboth formal

and conceptualmdashof all context and an adherence

to the autonomous total design system a singu-

lar aesthetic of universal applicabilityrsquo6

The aim for an autonomous and universal architec-

tural form detached from contextual contingencies

is often addressed within this historiographic canon

as implying and defining a manner of architectural

formalism When these readers of Miesrsquos architec-

ture dismiss any external references the focus is

on the formal operations of this architecture refer-

ring to the properties of appearance of the object

its spatial composition or the techniques used to

create it7 Considered from within this formalist atti-

tude Miesrsquos carefree way of talking can still cause

unease amongst those who seek the deeper mean-

ings in his cryptic aphorisms

Moreover amidst this search for the universal

scholars must also confront some of the more con-

fusing manifestations of Miesrsquos work His Conven-

tion Hall project (Mies 1953ndash54) for example

challenges certain dearly held notions abut his uni-

versalism This project is best known by the photo-

graphic collage designed by Miesrsquos student

offering a pungent visual impression of its hallrsquos

interior (Fig 1) Here we see the huge convention

crowd with a similarly enormous American flag

hanging from the heavy roof

The collage clearly insinuates more than just uni-

versal aesthetic principles What might have been

used as a lsquonot guiltyrsquo plea an appeal to his criticsrsquo

platonic conviction is treated in Miesrsquos interview as

a mere lsquotypersquo of architecture Following Neil

Levinersquos critical appraisal the Convention Hall

collage suggests that Mies is interested in precisely

the sociological element that he has forsaken in

the interview with John Peters As Levine writes

lsquothe collage imagery of the Chicago Convention

Hall condenses into what is arguably the most

powerful political statement of architecture con-

ceived in the Cold War era a visual representation

of the core symbolic moment of the American

democratic process at the scale of modern technol-

ogy and in the terms of modern mass culturersquo8 The

collage itself seems to insist upon the strong pres-

ence of the social body an impression that makes

Miesrsquos quotations even harder to crack How then

529

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations

that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-

versal values and applicability and the relative realm

of contextual imperatives (the expression for

example of the American liberal democratic

process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage

In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between

the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the

erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of

values in different academic fields focusing on the

two main theoretical positions of these polemics

We will refer to the universal position (universalism)

as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-

ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of

valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-

tions of values independent of any social political

or ethical values of the society in which it is

devised This approach is considered in opposition

to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-

ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at

assigning appraising or establishing values and

norms towards which the activity is directed9

Of course we need more than an authorrsquos

expressed agenda to understand his work the

530

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 1 Mies van der

Rohe office Edward

Duckett delineator

Convention Hall

collage 1953 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the

nature of his premise While the social body in the

Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from

his own universalist notions are there other instruc-

tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for

us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of

the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at

the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous

hand sketches for the project express on the one

hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal

clear-span structural system its bones and skin

and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos

pure concern with the axial geometry of the design

elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly

531

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 2 Mies van der

Rohe Convention Hall

interior sketch 1953ndash

54 (Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of

Modern Art New York

Courtesy of The

Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-

viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11

Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-

ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the

sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-

logue between them This dialogue addresses the

relationships of theoretical and design frameworks

to contextual realities and highlights the nature of

Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context

Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-

vention Hall his own example of the universalist

approach may help us to re-consider the goals

and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal

legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to

the project and its prevailing interpretive literature

Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of

Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos

design for a new convention hall His plan for the

site extends across two square blocks at Cermak

Road and South Parkway in the southern central

part of the city an area designated for urban clearing

The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims

the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-

tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo

532

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 3 Mies van der

Rohe office collage

aerial view showing

model made by Yujiro

MiwaHenry Kanazawa

Pao-Chi Chang

Convention Hall 1953

(Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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2013

which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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liote

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11

16 2

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ber

2013

IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 2: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

Framing values on ideologicalconcerns in post-war architecturalformalism

Dorit FershtmanAlona Nitzan-Shiftan

Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning

Technion Haifa 3200 Israel

Emails dfershttxtechnionacil alonatx

technionacil

Our ongoing reassessments of post-war modernism known as the International Style focuson that modernismrsquos claim to universal values Researchers tend to wed universalism withthe accented formal form of this modernism detached from all related context Thispaper challenges these alleged ties by focusing on the revealing example of Mies van derRohe a leading representative of the International Stylersquos legacy The analysis considersMiesrsquos approach within the intellectual context of its time Engaging with the beliefs of ahalf-century ago about the promises and perils of universal values we focus on the philoso-phical strains of logical positivismWhatwe find are shared interests across the disciplines ofarchitecture and philosophy which shed new light on the claims of post-war modernism touniversal values

IntroductionArchitecturersquos claim to universal values and universal

applicability was insisted upon byMies van der Rohe

the renowned modern master while describing his

intentions of his various projects In a 1964 interview

with John Peter when asked about the effect of

future change on their use Mies refers to the univer-

sal aspect of his projects while describing the range

of their applicability

I would not hesitate to make a cathedral in the

inside of my convention hall I see no reason why

not You can do that So a type like the convention

hall or like the museum can be used for other pur-

poses as wellhellip This is not anymore that form

follows function or should follow function Irsquom

anyway a little dubious about these statements

you know There was a reason when somebody

said it But you cannot make a law out of themhellip

You very well could make an apartment building

from an office buildinghellip That is the character of

the building not to talk about what is inside1

In response to the same question Mies adds

The sociologists tell us we have to think about the

human beings who are living in that building That

is a sociological problem not an architectural one

That always comes up you know But that is a

sociological question I think that the sociologists

should fight that out That is not an architectural

question2

Asked if this ldquoproblemrdquo cannot be solved architectu-

rally Mies responds

No It could be solved if they give us a program

But first they have to prove that their idea is a

sound one in the sociological field They would

like to make us responsible for that you know

No not with me3

Even for a highly enigmatic person like Mies who is

known for his profound interest in universal struc-

528

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

2013 The Journal of Architecture 1360-2365 httpdxdoiorg101080136023652013820207

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ture these statements about the nature of such

structures are puzzling As he elaborates on what

seems a totalising statement of architecture he

also seems to challenge two of modernismrsquos well-

entrenched banners First is the oft-stated mantra

form follows function And second what was poeti-

cally phrased by the historian Sigfried Giedion as lsquothe

profound need to touch the wellsprings of lifersquo4 Is

Mies committing himself here to a pure universal

architectural realmmdashexactly the accusation of his

critics

According to Michael Hays lsquoThe Miesian historio-

graphic canon is so strong that it tends to force a

reading of his work in terms of universality and

autonomy to the exclusion of any other readingsrsquo5

Hays reminds us that

Not only stylistic postmodernism but also the most

recent architecture that claim to rewrite rather

than reject the modernist legacy have each

denounced what they regard as the fundamental

mistakes of Miesrsquos modernism namely its nega-

tional stance relative to its context and its yielding

to the temptation of totalization which together

are understood as the rejectionmdashboth formal

and conceptualmdashof all context and an adherence

to the autonomous total design system a singu-

lar aesthetic of universal applicabilityrsquo6

The aim for an autonomous and universal architec-

tural form detached from contextual contingencies

is often addressed within this historiographic canon

as implying and defining a manner of architectural

formalism When these readers of Miesrsquos architec-

ture dismiss any external references the focus is

on the formal operations of this architecture refer-

ring to the properties of appearance of the object

its spatial composition or the techniques used to

create it7 Considered from within this formalist atti-

tude Miesrsquos carefree way of talking can still cause

unease amongst those who seek the deeper mean-

ings in his cryptic aphorisms

Moreover amidst this search for the universal

scholars must also confront some of the more con-

fusing manifestations of Miesrsquos work His Conven-

tion Hall project (Mies 1953ndash54) for example

challenges certain dearly held notions abut his uni-

versalism This project is best known by the photo-

graphic collage designed by Miesrsquos student

offering a pungent visual impression of its hallrsquos

interior (Fig 1) Here we see the huge convention

crowd with a similarly enormous American flag

hanging from the heavy roof

The collage clearly insinuates more than just uni-

versal aesthetic principles What might have been

used as a lsquonot guiltyrsquo plea an appeal to his criticsrsquo

platonic conviction is treated in Miesrsquos interview as

a mere lsquotypersquo of architecture Following Neil

Levinersquos critical appraisal the Convention Hall

collage suggests that Mies is interested in precisely

the sociological element that he has forsaken in

the interview with John Peters As Levine writes

lsquothe collage imagery of the Chicago Convention

Hall condenses into what is arguably the most

powerful political statement of architecture con-

ceived in the Cold War era a visual representation

of the core symbolic moment of the American

democratic process at the scale of modern technol-

ogy and in the terms of modern mass culturersquo8 The

collage itself seems to insist upon the strong pres-

ence of the social body an impression that makes

Miesrsquos quotations even harder to crack How then

529

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ber

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can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations

that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-

versal values and applicability and the relative realm

of contextual imperatives (the expression for

example of the American liberal democratic

process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage

In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between

the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the

erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of

values in different academic fields focusing on the

two main theoretical positions of these polemics

We will refer to the universal position (universalism)

as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-

ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of

valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-

tions of values independent of any social political

or ethical values of the society in which it is

devised This approach is considered in opposition

to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-

ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at

assigning appraising or establishing values and

norms towards which the activity is directed9

Of course we need more than an authorrsquos

expressed agenda to understand his work the

530

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 1 Mies van der

Rohe office Edward

Duckett delineator

Convention Hall

collage 1953 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the

nature of his premise While the social body in the

Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from

his own universalist notions are there other instruc-

tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for

us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of

the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at

the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous

hand sketches for the project express on the one

hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal

clear-span structural system its bones and skin

and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos

pure concern with the axial geometry of the design

elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly

531

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 2 Mies van der

Rohe Convention Hall

interior sketch 1953ndash

54 (Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of

Modern Art New York

Courtesy of The

Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-

viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11

Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-

ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the

sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-

logue between them This dialogue addresses the

relationships of theoretical and design frameworks

to contextual realities and highlights the nature of

Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context

Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-

vention Hall his own example of the universalist

approach may help us to re-consider the goals

and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal

legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to

the project and its prevailing interpretive literature

Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of

Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos

design for a new convention hall His plan for the

site extends across two square blocks at Cermak

Road and South Parkway in the southern central

part of the city an area designated for urban clearing

The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims

the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-

tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo

532

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 3 Mies van der

Rohe office collage

aerial view showing

model made by Yujiro

MiwaHenry Kanazawa

Pao-Chi Chang

Convention Hall 1953

(Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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liote

] at

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ber

2013

Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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ber

2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 3: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

ture these statements about the nature of such

structures are puzzling As he elaborates on what

seems a totalising statement of architecture he

also seems to challenge two of modernismrsquos well-

entrenched banners First is the oft-stated mantra

form follows function And second what was poeti-

cally phrased by the historian Sigfried Giedion as lsquothe

profound need to touch the wellsprings of lifersquo4 Is

Mies committing himself here to a pure universal

architectural realmmdashexactly the accusation of his

critics

According to Michael Hays lsquoThe Miesian historio-

graphic canon is so strong that it tends to force a

reading of his work in terms of universality and

autonomy to the exclusion of any other readingsrsquo5

Hays reminds us that

Not only stylistic postmodernism but also the most

recent architecture that claim to rewrite rather

than reject the modernist legacy have each

denounced what they regard as the fundamental

mistakes of Miesrsquos modernism namely its nega-

tional stance relative to its context and its yielding

to the temptation of totalization which together

are understood as the rejectionmdashboth formal

and conceptualmdashof all context and an adherence

to the autonomous total design system a singu-

lar aesthetic of universal applicabilityrsquo6

The aim for an autonomous and universal architec-

tural form detached from contextual contingencies

is often addressed within this historiographic canon

as implying and defining a manner of architectural

formalism When these readers of Miesrsquos architec-

ture dismiss any external references the focus is

on the formal operations of this architecture refer-

ring to the properties of appearance of the object

its spatial composition or the techniques used to

create it7 Considered from within this formalist atti-

tude Miesrsquos carefree way of talking can still cause

unease amongst those who seek the deeper mean-

ings in his cryptic aphorisms

Moreover amidst this search for the universal

scholars must also confront some of the more con-

fusing manifestations of Miesrsquos work His Conven-

tion Hall project (Mies 1953ndash54) for example

challenges certain dearly held notions abut his uni-

versalism This project is best known by the photo-

graphic collage designed by Miesrsquos student

offering a pungent visual impression of its hallrsquos

interior (Fig 1) Here we see the huge convention

crowd with a similarly enormous American flag

hanging from the heavy roof

The collage clearly insinuates more than just uni-

versal aesthetic principles What might have been

used as a lsquonot guiltyrsquo plea an appeal to his criticsrsquo

platonic conviction is treated in Miesrsquos interview as

a mere lsquotypersquo of architecture Following Neil

Levinersquos critical appraisal the Convention Hall

collage suggests that Mies is interested in precisely

the sociological element that he has forsaken in

the interview with John Peters As Levine writes

lsquothe collage imagery of the Chicago Convention

Hall condenses into what is arguably the most

powerful political statement of architecture con-

ceived in the Cold War era a visual representation

of the core symbolic moment of the American

democratic process at the scale of modern technol-

ogy and in the terms of modern mass culturersquo8 The

collage itself seems to insist upon the strong pres-

ence of the social body an impression that makes

Miesrsquos quotations even harder to crack How then

529

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations

that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-

versal values and applicability and the relative realm

of contextual imperatives (the expression for

example of the American liberal democratic

process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage

In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between

the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the

erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of

values in different academic fields focusing on the

two main theoretical positions of these polemics

We will refer to the universal position (universalism)

as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-

ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of

valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-

tions of values independent of any social political

or ethical values of the society in which it is

devised This approach is considered in opposition

to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-

ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at

assigning appraising or establishing values and

norms towards which the activity is directed9

Of course we need more than an authorrsquos

expressed agenda to understand his work the

530

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 1 Mies van der

Rohe office Edward

Duckett delineator

Convention Hall

collage 1953 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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2013

above comments certainly invite reflection as to the

nature of his premise While the social body in the

Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from

his own universalist notions are there other instruc-

tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for

us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of

the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at

the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous

hand sketches for the project express on the one

hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal

clear-span structural system its bones and skin

and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos

pure concern with the axial geometry of the design

elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly

531

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 2 Mies van der

Rohe Convention Hall

interior sketch 1953ndash

54 (Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of

Modern Art New York

Courtesy of The

Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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] at

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ber

2013

intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-

viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11

Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-

ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the

sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-

logue between them This dialogue addresses the

relationships of theoretical and design frameworks

to contextual realities and highlights the nature of

Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context

Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-

vention Hall his own example of the universalist

approach may help us to re-consider the goals

and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal

legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to

the project and its prevailing interpretive literature

Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of

Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos

design for a new convention hall His plan for the

site extends across two square blocks at Cermak

Road and South Parkway in the southern central

part of the city an area designated for urban clearing

The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims

the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-

tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo

532

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 3 Mies van der

Rohe office collage

aerial view showing

model made by Yujiro

MiwaHenry Kanazawa

Pao-Chi Chang

Convention Hall 1953

(Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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ber

2013

a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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] at

11

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 4: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

can we explain this split between Miesrsquos quotations

that allege adherence to a total design system of uni-

versal values and applicability and the relative realm

of contextual imperatives (the expression for

example of the American liberal democratic

process) apparent in Miesrsquos collage

In the hopes of some sort of synthesis between

the two we will discuss Miesrsquos attitude within the

erarsquos intellectual polemics about the place of

values in different academic fields focusing on the

two main theoretical positions of these polemics

We will refer to the universal position (universalism)

as exemplifying certain traits of lsquovalue freersquo scholar-

ship that claims an lsquoabsolute conception of

valuersquomdashthat ismdashnot concerned with settling ques-

tions of values independent of any social political

or ethical values of the society in which it is

devised This approach is considered in opposition

to the normative position of lsquovalue-ladenrsquo scholar-

ship which accepts relativist concerns and aims at

assigning appraising or establishing values and

norms towards which the activity is directed9

Of course we need more than an authorrsquos

expressed agenda to understand his work the

530

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 1 Mies van der

Rohe office Edward

Duckett delineator

Convention Hall

collage 1953 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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ber

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above comments certainly invite reflection as to the

nature of his premise While the social body in the

Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from

his own universalist notions are there other instruc-

tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for

us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of

the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at

the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous

hand sketches for the project express on the one

hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal

clear-span structural system its bones and skin

and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos

pure concern with the axial geometry of the design

elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly

531

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 2 Mies van der

Rohe Convention Hall

interior sketch 1953ndash

54 (Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of

Modern Art New York

Courtesy of The

Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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ber

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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-

viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11

Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-

ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the

sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-

logue between them This dialogue addresses the

relationships of theoretical and design frameworks

to contextual realities and highlights the nature of

Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context

Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-

vention Hall his own example of the universalist

approach may help us to re-consider the goals

and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal

legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to

the project and its prevailing interpretive literature

Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of

Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos

design for a new convention hall His plan for the

site extends across two square blocks at Cermak

Road and South Parkway in the southern central

part of the city an area designated for urban clearing

The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims

the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-

tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo

532

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 3 Mies van der

Rohe office collage

aerial view showing

model made by Yujiro

MiwaHenry Kanazawa

Pao-Chi Chang

Convention Hall 1953

(Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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ber

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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Dow

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ber

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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11

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 5: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

above comments certainly invite reflection as to the

nature of his premise While the social body in the

Convention Hall collage seems to divert him from

his own universalist notions are there other instruc-

tive thoughts or acts that can open up this work for

us Hoping for such insights we searched the files of

the Convention Hall project in the Mies archive at

the Museum of Modern Art Miesrsquos numerous

hand sketches for the project express on the one

hand experimentation with the projectrsquos colossal

clear-span structural system its bones and skin

and on the other hand what seems to be Miesrsquos

pure concern with the axial geometry of the design

elements10 Within the archive we found a particularly

531

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 2 Mies van der

Rohe Convention Hall

interior sketch 1953ndash

54 (Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of

Modern Art New York

Courtesy of The

Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-

viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11

Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-

ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the

sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-

logue between them This dialogue addresses the

relationships of theoretical and design frameworks

to contextual realities and highlights the nature of

Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context

Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-

vention Hall his own example of the universalist

approach may help us to re-consider the goals

and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal

legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to

the project and its prevailing interpretive literature

Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of

Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos

design for a new convention hall His plan for the

site extends across two square blocks at Cermak

Road and South Parkway in the southern central

part of the city an area designated for urban clearing

The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims

the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-

tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo

532

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 3 Mies van der

Rohe office collage

aerial view showing

model made by Yujiro

MiwaHenry Kanazawa

Pao-Chi Chang

Convention Hall 1953

(Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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ber

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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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ded

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11

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 6: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

intriguing counterpoint to the collage (Fig2) a pre-

viously unpublished sketch in Mies hand11

Here let us re-evaluate Miesrsquos approach by consid-

ering each of the architectrsquos propositions in turn the

sketch and his quotations and develop a critical dia-

logue between them This dialogue addresses the

relationships of theoretical and design frameworks

to contextual realities and highlights the nature of

Miesrsquos universal stance relative to his context

Reflecting on Miesrsquos experience examining the Con-

vention Hall his own example of the universalist

approach may help us to re-consider the goals

and objectives of post-war modernismrsquos universal

legacy Let us begin with a brief introduction to

the project and its prevailing interpretive literature

Conventions and precedentsIn November 1953 the South Side Planning Board of

Chicago published its sponsored proposal of Miesrsquos

design for a new convention hall His plan for the

site extends across two square blocks at Cermak

Road and South Parkway in the southern central

part of the city an area designated for urban clearing

The proposal is clear about the buildingrsquos aims

the hall lsquoshould be monumental in scope and func-

tion limited only to the extent it can be financedrsquo

532

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 3 Mies van der

Rohe office collage

aerial view showing

model made by Yujiro

MiwaHenry Kanazawa

Pao-Chi Chang

Convention Hall 1953

(Museum of Modern

Art New York)

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ber

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a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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2013

Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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ber

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ber

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 7: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

a building that would truly represent Chicago as the

worldrsquos largest convention centre The design rec-

ommendations call for a hall of enormous pro-

portions roughly 500000 square feet in floor

area with seating for up to 50000 people It por-

trays a one-storey structure over 100 feet high

with a roof supported by truss work that is described

as a new type of roof system needing no interior

columns There follows a description of its unique

open space which would allow for versatility in

scope and flexibility

Contemporary architectural journals applauded

the design expounding on the immense proportions

and qualities of the hall and its innovative structural

system (figs 456) At least one critic writing in the

April 1954 issue of Art News was less impressed

sarcastically concluding that lsquoit would appear as a

cube on legsrsquo nevertheless in the following years

modern historiography lauded the abstract and uni-

versal characteristics of the Convention Hall12 It was

most heartily celebrated by Arthur Drexler who

headed MoMArsquos Department of Architecture and

Design Drexler identified the essence of Miesrsquos

architecture as the reduction of architecture to

pure structure In 1960 he refers to Miesrsquos one-

room space as a lsquouniversalrsquo space and as a

533

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 4 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Henry

Karazowa delineator

Convention Hall plan

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

Figure 5 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Yujiro

Miwa Henry

Kanazawa Pao-Chi

Chang model makers

Convention Hall model

preliminary version

1953 (The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ber

2013

Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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ber

2013

MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

Dow

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ded

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] at

11

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ber

2013

MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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16 2

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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11

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 8: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

lsquotemplersquo adding lsquoIn this project Mies brings archi-

tecture into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo13

More recent literature on Miesrsquos post-war projects

ventures in and beyond disciplinary boundaries That

broader lens sheds new light on the cultural and

ideological contexts of Miesrsquos oeuvre and divests

him of his lsquoimaginary triumph over realityrsquo14 Franz

Schulze explains that lsquoThe fact is Mies had less

reason to expect that Chicago would build his Con-

vention Hall and more to regard the project as an

opportunity to visualize and rationalize one of the

most exalted dreams of his architectural careerrsquo

He affirms that this project was lsquoMiesrsquos most stu-

pendous structural exercisersquo and argues that in

this design lsquoMiesrsquos ability to produce high art by

what appeared the most uncompromisingly rational

534

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 6 Mies van der

Rohe advisor Pao-Chi

Chang model maker

Convention Hall model

final version 1953ndash4

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York)

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11

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ber

2013

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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liote

] at

11

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ber

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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] at

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ber

2013

which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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] at

11

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2013

540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

Dow

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ded

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] at

11

16 2

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ovem

ber

2013

sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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16 2

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 9: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

of means was never so manifestrsquo15 Yet he also

highlights the paradox regarding this workrsquos rational

logic declaring that there was no practical reason

for the absolutely clear-span structure that Mies

offered What governed Miesrsquos decision was in

Schulzersquos words lsquonot so much the force of reason

and logic as the counterforce of passion and will

created by the extension of reason and logic So

certain that the truth of his architecture was

rooted in unimpeachable rationality he carried

rationality to its irrational extreme Very likely in no

other way could he have produced so daring and

glorious a spacersquo Schulze suggests that Mies was

an artist before all else and finally affirms lsquoIt is the

majestic form given to what seems irresistibly

logical in his Convention Hall not the logic per se

that forces us to grope for appropriately affirmative

adjectivesrsquo16

Others have offered intriguing suggestions of

different references for this work Fritz Neumeyer

for example relates the hall to the ideological-reli-

gious writings of Guardini and the church buildings

of Rudolf Schwartz His reading construes the Con-

vention Hall project as the culmination of the

process of emptying a space17 These manifold con-

nections notwithstanding the project is still most

commonly described as part of a series of Miesrsquos

designs for clear-span roof structures a part of his

ongoing search to define a universal space

Beyond these readings it is the collage of the

interior perspective of the project that attracts the

most critical attention (see Figure 1 above) While

Schulze was the first to point out that lsquoMiesrsquos

motive in making the collage must have been

more poetically representational than technically

instructiversquo18many have written about the monu-

mental impression made by the large band of

people that occupies half of the collage the huge

crowd on the convention floor and the American

flag that hangs over it

The monumental impression of the Convention

Hall has typically been studied as part of Miesrsquos evol-

utionary approach to monumentality Such scholars

focus on certain examples of Miesrsquos work as pre-

cedents the Museum for a Small City (1941ndash42) or

the Concert Hall (1941ndash42)19 for example or his

pre-war competition projects in Germany such as

the War Memorial (Berlin 1930) the Reichsbank

(Berlin 1933) or the German Pavilion of the 1935

Worldrsquos Fair (Brussels 1934) Contextualising these

pre-war German projects Richard Pommer in his

seminal work lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

addresses the ideological positions and design

decisions ofMies in these commissions Commenting

on Miesrsquos intentions Pommer suggests that Mies

lsquoindeed has a political ideology of his own both in

the Marxian sense of a disguised or implicit systems

of beliefs and in more explicit formulationrsquo and

argues that his political convictions cannot be consist-

ently separated from his philosophical statements

and architectural production20 Pommer explains

that lsquoMiesrsquos social and political ideology as signified

by his support of Laissez-faire economic policy and of

theWeimar Republicwas the analogue of his belief in

freedom in architecturersquo21 Two striking reference

points to the perspective collage of the Convention

Hall appear in Pommerrsquos work Miesrsquos interior per-

spective of the War Memorial (Fig 7) and his sketch

of the German Pavilion Court of Honour (Fig 8)

535

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Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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] at

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2013

here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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] at

11

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ovem

ber

2013

values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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liote

] at

11

16 2

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2013

its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 10: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

Pommerrsquos and Levinersquos descriptions of the monu-

mental expressions of Mies in these projects opens

Miesrsquos design attitude beyond universal intent to

include relative concerns of specific contexts from

the National Socialist government in Germany to

the Cold War atmosphere of the United States

Their readings of his monumental design clearly

points to a normative intent with respect to social

and political values

lsquoValue-ladenrsquo conceptIf we widen our critical concern to include not just

the collage of the Convention Hallrsquos interior but

also the sketch from the MoMA archives we find

other intriguing readings The MoMA sketch

appears to be either part of the Convention Hallrsquos

collage conceptualisation or part of the design

process itself (see Figure 2 above)22 Although

included in the architectrsquos correspondence within

536

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 7 Mies van der

Rohe interior

perspective War

Memorial Berlin 1930

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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ber

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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ber

2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 11: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

MoMArsquos Mies van der Rohe Archive23 it does not

appear in the museumrsquos famous publication An

Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van der Rohe

Drawings in the Museum of Modern Art edited by

Franz Schulze24 Here we come to the question of

authorship in the Convention Hall project As

noted recently by Schulze and Edward Windhorst

around the time of the Convention Hall design

while Mies still retained his immense authority he

was not an active participant in most projects that

emerged from his Chicago office

With few exceptions therefore Schulz and Wind-

horst argue these projects are lsquobest considered the

collective work of his architectural staffrsquo25 In our

case the design of the Convention Hall was not

part of Miesrsquos office but a collaborative effort with

his three graduate students at the Illinois Institute

of Technology Yujiro Miwa Henry Kanazawa and

Pao-Chi Chang who worked on this project as

part of a joint masterrsquos of architecture thesis The

spirit of collaboration can of course affect a particu-

lar artistrsquos approach in a given project so we have

specifically chosen Miesrsquos own quotations and

sketch Indeed while perspective drawings models

and collages of the interior hall often raise questions

of mistaken identity regarding their authors26 the

537

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 8 Mies van der

Rohe sketch of Court of

Honour German

Pavilion Brussels 1934

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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] at

11

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2013

540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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11

16 2

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ovem

ber

2013

sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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ded

by [

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kow

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liote

] at

11

16 2

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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Page 12: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

MoMA sketch appears to be in Miesrsquos own hand

from his famous 6 x 8frac12 Apex notebook

The drawing presents three perspectives of an

interior space with three different configurations

of the American flag on display The two interior per-

spectives at the bottom of the sketch each show a

display of a single flag centrally located on a differ-

ent axis of the hall the north-south axis in the left

sketch and the west-east axis in the right In the

upper register of the sketch two adjacent walls of

the hall both feature the same display two flags

hanging next to each other in horizontal and orthog-

onal directions

This sketch seems to be Miesrsquos study of the

location of the hallrsquos entrance according to the

spectatorrsquos view Indeed his aim here might have

been to examine whether each spectator no

matter his point of entry could have an unob-

structed view of the interior hall The sketch might

also present Miesrsquos concern regarding the proper

display of the American flag as dictated by Ameri-

can law The flag hanging over one axis of the hall

might be properly or improperly displayed depend-

ing on the view from different places within the hall

Concern that the American flag be shown proper

respect was codified in state and federal legislation

On June 22nd 1942 the President Franklin

D Roosevelt approved House Joint Resolution

303 which detailed the existing customs and rules

governing civiliansrsquo display and use of the flag

When hung in a hall the resolution stipulates that

the flag must be displayed opposite the main

entrance with the field of stars to the left of

anyone coming through the door When the flag is

hung on the wall it should be flat without touching

any other object or the ground (figs 9 10)27 The

upper part of Miesrsquos sketch adheres to these proto-

cols properly displaying the different flags on the

hallrsquos two interior walls

Significantly there is a marginal note on the upper

right side of the sketch that reads lsquoPublic Law 879 of

77 Congressrsquo The chances are thatMies was referring

to lsquoPublic Law passed by 829 of the 77th Congressrsquo

538

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 9 Illustrations of

rules for displaying the

American flag

Figure 10 Illustrations

of rules for displaying

the American flag

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which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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2013

values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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] at

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ber

2013

philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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] at

11

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ovem

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2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 13: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

which is the official name for the aforementioned

House Joint Resolution 303 We can assume that

Mies simply erred in writing the number of the law 28

Miesrsquos sketch and reference to this public law was

created amidst the lsquoclimate of repressionrsquo29 between

the late 1940s and the mid-1950s made famous by

the vicious anti-communism of Senator Joseph

McCarthy30 Writing on law and democracy in

America P P Craig (1999) comments lsquoDiffering con-

ceptions of both constitutional and administrative law

reveal themselves to be reflections of deeper contro-

versies concerning different conceptions of the demo-

cratic society in which we liversquo31 These divergent

concepts may concern the nature of rights distribu-

tive justice or the extent to which the state is or

should be empowered to advance moral ideals All

these concerns troubled American society during

the McCarthy period and were intensely debated by

American intellectuals at the time of Miesrsquos sketch

Questions were not confined to the most familiar

dramatic manifestations of McCarthyism Americarsquos

thinkers also debated whether they ought to

accept in the interests of national security certain

constraints on academic freedom and civil liberties32

We do not presume to theorise about Miesrsquos pos-

ition on the erarsquos ideological controversies yet it is

clear that he must have been aware of these

debates even within the rarified environment of

the Illinois Institute of Technology 33 In a 1954

article in Look magazine Robert Maynard Hutchins

president of the neighbouring University of Chicago

observed how the fear of a conspiracy supporting

Soviet world domination had changed the academic

world lsquoAre our teachers afraid to teachrsquo the title of

his article asked lsquoYes they arersquo he answered firmly

In undertaking his monumental project within this

particular Cold War climate Mies must have been

aware of the periodrsquos disciplinary quest for the

expressive parameters that would embody American

cultural identity which centered on the symbols of

Americarsquos lsquocreative democracyrsquo34 This quest was

expressed in the disciplinersquos approach to monumen-

tal public and commercial projects The role of lsquonew

monumentalityrsquo in shaping the public sphere and

enforcing communal identity had been hotly

debated by architectural theorists since the early

1940s35 Elisabeth Mock curator of the MoMA exhi-

bition lsquoBuilt in USA 1932ndash1944rsquo (1944) stressed in

the accompanying publication that democratic

monumentality was a crucial opposition to the

fascist expression of state power She passionately

correlates modernity and monumentality to democ-

racy 36

By the time Mies conceived his Convention Hall

project the belief that architecture could and

should represent the values of American liberal

democracy prevailed American modernism

became the syntax of democratic aspirations Study-

ing the proper display of the national flag in Miesrsquos

sketch or seeing the monumental interior hall as

an expression of a symbolic moment in Americarsquos

democratic process tie the Convention Hall project

to the post-war erarsquos quest for democratic symbols

of the lsquonew monumentalityrsquo Considering his Con-

vention Hall sketch in this Cold War climate brings

to mind other sketches for his earlier monumental

institutional projects conceived in the pre-war

years in Germany and his use of national and politi-

cal symbols (figs 11 12) Indeed the monumental

impression of the Convention Hall collage and the

539

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540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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ded

by [

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kow

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te U

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liote

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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16 2

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 14: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

540

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Figure 11 Mies van der

Rohe sketches of plan

elevation interior and

exterior perspective

German Pavilion

Brussels 1934 (The

Museum of Modern

Art New York VG Bild-

Kunst Bonn 2013)

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sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

16 2

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ovem

ber

2013

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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ber

2013

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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Mos

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ded

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 15: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

sketchrsquos emphasis on the placement of the American

flag seem to engage with the disciplinersquos quest for a

monumental form a means of presenting American

liberal democracy as we know part of the impetus

for that monumental presentation was to match or

overshadow the monumental buildings conceived

in pre-war Germany and the Soviet Union Here

the parallel with Miesrsquos own experience is hard to

ignore 37

The expressions of Miesrsquos monumental design

project varied contextual realities Instead of remain-

ing aloof from values his designs take up the

symbols of the opposed sides of pre-war Germany

(the Communist and the National Socialist parties)

as well as those of post-war American liberal democ-

racy Taken together these examples express clear

normative design intents with respect to ongoing

social and political currents We are not concerned

541

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Figure 12 Mies van der

Rohe Monument to the

November Revolution

(Karl Liebknecht-Rosa

Luxemburg

Monument) Berlin-

Friedrichsfelde 1926

(The Museum of

Modern Art New York

VG Bild-Kunst Bonn

2013)

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here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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] at

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2013

values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ded

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liote

] at

11

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2013

its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 16: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

here with Miesrsquos personal political affiliations but

rather with how he positions himself or the discipline

in respect to values that is the relationship of an

architectural project to values and if and how

values should be framed within the projectrsquos

methods goals or built form Tailored for varied rela-

tive circumstances all these examples seem to con-

tradict Miesrsquos alleged universalism

Returning now toMiesrsquos Convention Hall drawing

it is hard to ignore possible relative and normative

concerns38 The point here is not to look for any

literal meanings expressed in this sketch but to recog-

nise Miesrsquos immediate concerns with worldly circum-

stances and practical decisions while working on this

project whichmakes it harder to reduce the Conven-

tion Hall to a purely universal interest

The dominant model of knowledgeIn the 1964 interview cited above Mies repeatedly

describes his projects in terms of simple universal

problems Referring to the Convention Hall as lsquoa

typersquo his explanation of the projectrsquos universal appli-

cability presents the notion of an abstracted schema

that enables multiple interpretations of use How

then can we read these self-defining statements

wherein matters of value are framed in relation to

the topics emphasised in Miesrsquos sketch above

which carefully positions the design of the Conven-

tion Hall project within normative concerns

As we shall argue Miesrsquos inquiry into the lsquocorrectrsquo

stance of architecture vis-agrave-vis values is characteristic

of the periodrsquos intellectual discourse Debating value

theories arguing for either the theoretical con-

ceptions of the universal lsquovalue-freersquo or the norma-

tive lsquovalue-ladenrsquo these intellectuals were forming

their claims on the place and role of values within

disciplinary borders

Values and the accompanying term lsquovalue state-

mentrsquo refer of course to one of the earliest preoccu-

pations of human thought In their least inclusive

meaning values are synonymous with lsquomoralityrsquo

and lsquoethicsrsquo A more inclusive meaning of these

terms expressed in the periodrsquos discourse arises

from a distinction between facts and values and

our judgements about those facts and values This

distinction has been recognised for centuries by

Aristotle and many others but received further

recognition through the development of modern

science Thus Miesrsquos propositions graphically

shown in the Convention Hall interior sketch and

collage and contrasted with his professed intentions

in his interview can be better interpreted within the

context of this erarsquos particular intellectual history

evolving theories of values Let us expand our inter-

pretive concerns beyond architecture to the parallel

domain of the philosophy of science and its tradition

of logical positivism (also called logical empiricism)

which provided the working framework for most

analytic philosophers in the mid-twentieth century

To envision the periodrsquos cross-disciplinary concern

with values we may look at the 1950 Conference on

Science Philosophy and Religion (CSPR)mdasha national

forum for debates about science and values estab-

lished a decade earlier by scholars from a wide

variety of disciplines in sciences and the humanities

as a response to the rise of totalitarianism in

Europe39 There Phillip Frank a leading logical posi-

tivist philosopher claimed that a socially and politi-

cally engaged philosophy of science could not

endorse an absolute value-free conception of

542

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values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 17: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

values independent from any social political or

ethical values of the society in which it is devised40

Hans Reichenbach another leader in the field

expressed precisely the opposite notion at about

the same time lsquoTo those concerned with ldquohow to

liverdquorsquo he explained lsquothe scientific philosopher tells

him pretty frankly that he has nothing to expect

from his teaching if he wants to know how to lead

a good lifersquo41 When it comes to ethics he explains

the philosopher of science is only an analyst and

never an advocate

The relationship between the theoretical realm of

absolute unconditional values and value statements

and the normative conditional realm of relativist

conceptions was one of the main concerns of mid-

century logical positivists not surprisingly it was

the focus of debate amongst the American pragma-

tists who opposed any Cartesian separation

between facts and values Thus values became a

major topic of dispute with and among logical posi-

tivists42

During the 1940s these matters were thoroughly

debated in a colloquium sponsored by the University

of Chicagorsquos philosophy department Founded by

the philosopher Charles Morris the colloquium

was attended by logical positivist philosophers such

as Rudolf Carnap Carl G Hemple and Olaf

Helmer along with researchers from various fields

of science Morrisrsquos programme which embraced

syntax semantics and pragmatics (within the larger

category of lsquosemioticsrsquo) formed an intellectual

umbrella under which American pragmatism and

logical positivism could collaborate The place of

pragmatics within the canonical triad of syntax

semantics and pragmatics was still being fiercely

debated during the following decade Even The Phil-

osophy of Rudolf Carnap published in 1963 still

stressed this debate in the ideological exchange

between the leading logical positivists Phillip Frank

and Rudolf Carnap Referring to the way philosophy

is connected to socio-economic structures in a

comment reminiscent of Miesrsquos quotations above

Carnap states that he is compelled to leave the

analysis of socio-philosophical relationshipsmdashsuch

as for example the sociological analysis of the

roots of philosophical movements of idealism or

metaphysics or of the pragmatic components of

language mdashto philosophically-minded sociologists

and sociologically trained philosophers 43

Following these intellectual concerns of post-war

logical positivist philosophers we need to recognise

shared concerns in this philosophical tradition and

the Modern Movement in the early decades of the

twentieth century Their common ground is

expressed in the spirit of collaboration between phi-

losophers and members of CIAM and the

Bauhaus44 Under Hannes Meyerrsquos directorship of

the Bauhaus a series of lectures were held by these

philosophers in Dessau between May 1929 and

June 1930 Among them were Rudolph Carnaprsquos

five lectures given from 15th-19thOctober 1929

wherein he discussed the role of philosophy and its

implications for life and art Carnap addressed

several issues which attracted attention across the

intellectual landscape of Germany at that time and

one in particular which relates well to our discussion

the dichotomy between lsquointellect and lifersquo (Geist und

Leben) This lecture embraced the interactive

relationship between intellect (which he referred to

as the lsquovalue free world of sciencersquo) and life (with

543

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its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 18: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

its normative conceptions) Science he argued

cannot determine the goals of life but has an impor-

tant moral function of ensuring consistency in the

pursuit of the values upon which one has decided45

These early European ties were revived in Chicago

in the mid-1930s when Laszlo Moholy-Nagy was the

head of the School of Industrial Design known as

the lsquoNew Bauhausrsquo Based on the Bauhaus ideology

it included a course of lsquointellectual integrationrsquo led by

philosophers from the University of Chicago such as

the positivist philosopher Morris who became a

member of the schoolrsquos academic staff46 Carnap

who became a leading exponent of logical positivism

in the United States lectured there at least once

after starting his American teaching career in the

Autumn of 1937 at the University of Chicago In

his autobiography Carnap returns to themes of his

Dessau lecture There he rejects the claim that recog-

nition of the absolute conception of values contrib-

utes to his loss of interest in moral or political

problems47

These shared concerns regarding both fieldsrsquo

approach towards universal and formal forms of

expression vis-agrave-vis their stance towards normative

parameters of life are what shape our discussion

about Mies Our excursion to the post-war intellec-

tual context in an effort to understand the split

between the universalistic and normative attitude

of Mies is motivated by recent expanding efforts to

identify and analyse the wide-ranging sources of

logical positivism and the ideological trends within

it beyond their interest in formal forms of expression

and specific technical work in linguistic analysis

These reappraisals which have taken a broader

view of logical positivismrsquos context and fields of

endeavour48 provide the possibility for a greater

conjoining between this philosophy and architec-

tural praxis beyond a mere interest in analytic and

formal methodological problems

The contrast between universalnormative views

in the analytic philosophical tradition as part of

the more general split between the analytic and

the continental traditions is thoroughly reassessed

in current studies of the history of the philosophy

of science These studies re-evaluate this split in

views by examining their concerns in the logic of

language and the nature of value statement focus-

ing on their conception of lsquothe ineffability of seman-

ticsrsquo which is commonly associated with formal

language as a universal medium According to this

concept whatever one believes about the relation-

ship of language to the world it cannot consistently

be expressed in language These studies distinguish

between philosophers who held this position such

as Gottlob Frege and the early Ludwig Wittgenstein

and members of the analytic tradition such as Otto

Neurath and Carnap who believed otherwise

although they preferred formal and syntactical con-

ceptualisations to semantic ones

Michael Friedman who has spearheaded the

recent reassessments of logical positivists and in par-

ticular Carnap emphasises49 that their approach

was a symptom of the unresolved tension in their

attraction to two inherently antagonist systems

the lsquoscientificrsquo philosophy of neo-Kantianism and

the lsquoirrationalrsquo Lebensphilosophie50 The two

campsmdashwhich together determined much of

Europersquos German-language philosophy in the early

decades of the twentieth centurymdashrepresented the

conflict between the theoretical realm of scientific

544

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 19: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

philosophy and the practical realm of social cultural

and political commitment Taking Carnap as

example Friedman suggests that their concepts

make room for a preferred interest in formal form

of expressionmdasha technical work in structure

syntax and semantics as well as for pragmatism

within the domain of human purposes and needs

As noted by Hilary Putnam while the main develop-

ment in Americansrsquo canonic philosophy of science in

the 1950s was the dominance of a formal model of

knowledge the reappraisals of this field help to illu-

minate obscure features of its cultural engagement

lsquoAll [these philosophers] were ideological even if

their ideology did not take the form of overt politics

or moralizingrsquo51

Internal and external questionsTurning from this philosophical landscape back to

Miesrsquos Convention Hall project we wish to fortify

the significance of Miesrsquos sketch and quotations

Building on the notion that Miesrsquos work draws

from the same ideological field his Convention

Hall project may be read as addressing the key

issue in the contemporary philosophical debate

among logical empiricists and with American prag-

matists where do matters of value belong Inter-

preted through the disciplinary discourse of

architecture Mies may have been testing if and

how emblematic-normative concerns of values

and norms could be framed by his architectural

design system

Rather than focusing on technical or formal strat-

egies that arise in his projectrsquos conceptual frame-

work it would seem that Miesrsquos propositions here

present a wider intellectual intention within his

theoretical conceptions Whilst working on the fra-

mework of this project Mies arguably expressed

his theories in a language that can be read not as

strictly formal but as animated by contextual impera-

tives Moreover it seems clear that these decisions

were made within the context of rules regulating

the conduct of the community such as the Congres-

sional law previously discussed In his proposal for

the Convention Hall Mies demonstrates certain

tenets of his architectural theories by addressing

concerns that can be settled only through contextual

decisions In the fascinating example of the sketch a

decision such as how to position a flag is dependent

on the general precepts of an architectural system

on the one hand and federal regulations about dis-

playing the American flag on the other His solution

to concerns about both facts and value is thus

worked out within a system that seems to retain

general abstract distinctions Mies is we believe ela-

borating here on a fusion between a normative

approach which accepts relativistic conceptions of

values and norms and the body of architecture

Is there a preconceived theoretical position here to

which Mies is committed One that is simply being

tested here and made to fit a practical situation

such as the display of the American flag Or does

the sketch emphasise the way that projected realities

may be generative of a theoretical system We

cannot fully answer these questions nor can we

determine whether the theoretical or the practical

is the dominant force But in the face of this uncer-

tainty we should ask ourselves whether Mies

intended both the theoretical and the practical

somehow to fit together The probability of such a

fit leads us to surmise that Mies here exemplifies

545

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how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

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liote

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IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

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ded

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11

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ber

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of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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Page 20: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

how an abstract design may contain specific proper-

ties raised by a projectrsquos contextual needs Was Mies

testing here how relevant properties internal to the

framework of this project may be incorporated into

a general law And can we widen our perspective

to include Miesrsquos pre-war sketches for the German

Pavilion of the 1935 World Fair (see Figure 11

above)

Miesrsquos approach to the Convention Hall exempli-

fies the search for a fit between particular design

properties conceived within relativist conceptions

and abstracted form and at the same time a univer-

sal statement regarding the project as part of a

theoretical disciplinary discourse of architecture

This approach points to the relationship between

particular statements and universal statements in

the discourse of the periodrsquos logical positivist philo-

sophers For these philosophers not unlike Mies

universal statements take the form of all-statements

implying that lsquoall things of a certain kind have a

certain propertyrsquo

Arguably as a member of the intellectual commu-

nity Mies couches his view of his work and architec-

ture in the erarsquos intellectual mode of speech Thus

he may have sought to articulate a complex dis-

course one that included architectural questions

belonging to a particular conceptual internal frame-

work of the project as well as an overall assessment

about the discipline of architecture

Such an approach is the central thesis of Carnaprsquos

seminal work lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontol-

ogyrsquo published in 195052 in which he attempts to

clarify the problematic relationships of abstract enti-

ties to semantics the theory of meaning and truth

In his essay Carnap directly applies his theories to

the resolution of actual problems He first introduces

a procedure for constructing a linguistic lsquoframeworkrsquo

for the purpose of discussing a new kind of entity

Then he explains that there should be two kinds of

questions to determine the existence or reality of

such entities

first questions of the existence of certain entities

of a new kind within the framework we call

them internal questions and second questions

concerning the existence of reality of the system

of entities as a whole called external questions53

Carnap explains the concept of reality as it occurs in

these internal questions

To recognize something as a real thing or event

means to succeed in incorporating it into a

system of things at a particular space-time pos-

ition so that it fits together with the other things

recognized as real according to the rules of the

framework54

Beyond these are lsquothe external questions of the

reality of the world itselfrsquo55 These are lsquoquestions

concerning the existence of reality of the total

system of the new entitiesrsquo56 The external question

explains Carnap is not a theoretical question but

rather the practical question of whether or not to

accept the framework57

Within a given framework in other words there

are lsquointernalrsquo questions with answers determined

empirically or by demonstration or arrived at by the

rules that the framework requires But beyond

these are the lsquoexternalrsquo questions of policy that

concern all linguistic frameworks As theoretical

external questions about the reality of propositions

or as universal truths they are non-cognitive but

when viewed as practical questions while they do

546

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

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not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

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culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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ded

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liote

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11

16 2

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ber

2013

IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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kow

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liote

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ber

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gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

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ded

by [

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kow

Sta

te U

niv

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liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

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kow

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te U

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liote

] at

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ber

2013

Page 21: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

not thereby become cognitive they are now of first

importance and prior to the frameworks and

perhaps can be discussed logically

Probing into Carnaprsquos theoretical underpinnings

does not imply any direct influence on Mies

Rather it serves to highlight the kind of theoretical

models used within the shared theoretical realm in

which both Carnap and Mies were coming to under-

stand their respective fields58 Turning back to Mies

we assume that in his proposal for the Convention

Hall he intends to address certain contextual con-

cerns which are defined within his sketch and the

collage of the interior hall Indeed within the con-

fined medium of this project Mies emphasises his

interest in contextual imperatives his study of the

internal space of the Convention Hall provides nor-

mative terms by which the internal structure is con-

structed Paraphrasing Carnap we can say that

these normative terms are incorporated into a

system of design at a particular space-time position

Indeed we may notice Miesrsquos efforts to fuse the par-

ticular contextual imperatives to a more general

schema

Stepping outside this particular medium and

dealing with external questions about his project

Mies insists on the projectrsquos universal adaptability

and dismisses any sociological interest regarding

human beings in his architectural work In his

sketch and collage Mies represents the actual

design language of the projectrsquos internal system in

relation to a general view about it Indeed in the

interview with John Peter Mies insists on a univers-

alist perception of his field While he seems to

engage with the normative realm in his Convention-

al Hall project designing a space that allows for the

active role of both spectators and participants he

takes pains to endorse no single social stance for

architecture as a discipline or for his role in it Like

Carnap Mies openly rejects architecturersquos social

role viewing it as external to the projectrsquos internal

framework architecturersquos social role is a sociological

problem he insists with which sociologists alone

should deal

ConclusionWe began with Miesrsquos claim to a total design system

of universal values That system as we know is hard

to espouse from the point of view of recent design

theories which tend to prefer heterogeneity and

intervention against totalisation and universalism

We have argued that if we broaden our frame of

reference to include the intellectual context of

Miesrsquos approach we can better understand the

nature of his universal premise and synthesise the

apparent universalistnormative split in his approach

to the Convention Hall We have based our analysis

on the theoretical realm of logical positivism the

leading philosophical tradition in post-war American

academia examining the positivistsrsquo approach

towards values Within this ideological context we

studied the relationship of Miesrsquos design language

to relativist conceptions We argued that his attitude

in the Convention Hall addresses conflicting contem-

porary intellectual trends towards a universal realm

of formal forms of expression on the one hand and

on the other a clear preference for normative ques-

tions regarding values and norms Our example

helps to complicate the concept of post-war univer-

sal design as lsquomerersquo architectural formalism by situat-

ing this concept within the dominant post-war

547

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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11

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ber

2013

culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

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ber

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philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

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liote

] at

11

16 2

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ovem

ber

2013

IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

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te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

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ovem

ber

2013

gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

Page 22: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

culture of analytic philosophy Miesrsquos seemingly con-

tradictory Convention Hall helps to illustrate how

design was steeped in theory and ideology despite

its claims to be universal and autonomous and

strongly resonated with the philosophical approach

that dominated American academia

AckowledgementWe would like to thank the editors and the two

referees for their helpful suggestions and construc-

tive comments We also want to thank Paul Gallo-

way the Architecture and Design Study Center

Supervisor at The Museum of Modern Art NY for

assisting with our research

Notes and references1 P John The Oral History of Modern Architecture

(New York Harry N Abrams Incorporated 1994)

p 168

2 Ibid

3 Ibid

4 S Giedion lsquoHabitations et Loisirsrsquo in CIAM Logis et

loisirs (1937) pp 9ndash10

5 M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo in P Lambert et al eds

Mies in America (New York NY HN Abrams 2001)

p 696

6 Ibid p 662 Even before lsquothe stylistic postmodernismrsquo

commented upon in the writings of Hays Philip

Johnson Sigfried Giedion Arthur Drexler and Lewis

Mumford all agreed on Miesrsquos universalism despite

their diverse and complex approaches to modernism

On these claims see for example Terence Riley on

Johnsonrsquos account in T Riley lsquoMaking History Mies

van der Rohe and the Museum of Modern Artrsquo in

T Riley B Bergdoll eds Mies in Berlin (New York

Museum of Modern Art 2001) p30 On Drexlerrsquos

views in A Drexler Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

(New York Braziller 1960) pp 24 31ndash32 he

addresses Miesrsquos one-room spaces as rsquotemplesrsquo in his

Convention Hall he observes Mies lsquobrings architecture

into the realm of heroic enterprisersquo He maintains that

rsquoThe history of Miesrsquos architecture in the United

States evolved in the gradual exclusion of anything

that had seemed to him subjective and conditionalhellip

His American work is a context in which an imaginary

absolute triumphs over realityrsquo Giedion consolidates

Miesrsquos universalist depiction while characterising his

work as a continuous search for pure form and strict

discipline in S Giedion Space Time and Architecture

The Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge Mass

Harvard University Press 1957[1940]) Mumford

describe Miesrsquos work as an lsquoelegant monument of

nothingnessrsquo and lsquoan imaginary form existing in an

imaginary Platonic worldrsquo in L Mumford lsquoThe Case

against Modern Architecturersquo in The Highway and

the City (New York NY Harcourt 1955) pp 162 175

7 This critique focuses mainly on his late work For

example as noted by Franz Schulze and Edward Wind-

horst lsquoa commonplace of Mies criticism is that most of

the work of his last decade is formalistic and dullrsquo in

F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised (Chicago IL Uni-

versity of Chicago Press 2012) p 364 On the strong

formalistic tendencies of post-war American Architec-

ture seeM Schwarzer lsquoModern Architectural Ideology

in Cold War Americarsquo in The Education of the Architect

( Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1997) pp 87ndash109

8 N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Facts Miesrsquos Collages

Up Close and Personalrsquo Assemblage 37 (1998) p 76

9 Here our argument on the universal and normative

positions refers to the methodological approach

conceived for example in sociological studies The

exact definitions of these positions may vary in

logic mathematics or the different branches of

548

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

Page 23: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

philosophy M Hays focuses on the two positions of

culture and form in architecture in his seminal work

lsquoCritical Architecture Between Culture and Formrsquo Per-

specta Vol21 (1984) pp14ndash29 There he proposes a

reading of Miesrsquos works as examples of lsquoa critical archi-

tecture that claims for itself a place between the effi-

cient representation of preexisting culture values and

the wholly detached autonomy of an abstracted

formal systemrsquo

10 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Franz Schulze ed (New York and

London Garland Publishing Inc 1992) Part II

V 16 pp 2ndash3

11 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder 2

12 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit p 75

13 In A Drexler Ludwig Mies Van Der Rohe Masters of

World Architecture Series (New York G Braziller

1960) p 31ndash32

14 See for example M Hays lsquoThe Mies Effectrsquo op cit

pp 692ndash705 or N Levine lsquoThe Significance of

Factsrsquo op cit pp 70ndash99 see also F Neumeyer The

Artless World Mies van der Rohe on the Building Art

(Cambridge Mass The MIT Press 1991) and

D Mertins ed The Presence of Mies (New York Prin-

ceton Architectural Press 1994)

15 F Schulze Mies van der Rohe A Critical Biography

(Chicago University of Chicago Press 1985) p 268

16 Ibid p 270

17 On Miesrsquos lsquoone-room buildingrsquo as the Convention Hall

see F Neumeyer The Artless World op cit pp 228ndash

231

18 As noted by F Shulze in An Illustrated Catalogue of the

Mies van der Rohe Drawings in the Museum of

Modern Art Part II V 16 op cit p 2

19 In N Levine lsquoThe Significance of Factsrsquo op cit

pp 70ndash101

20 In R Pommer lsquoMies van der Rohe and the Political

Ideology of the Modern Movement in Architecturersquo

in F Schulze ed Mies van der Rohe op cit p 100

Pommer cites in this paper (pp 105ndash106) Miesrsquos

response to GW Farenholtz who wrote to Mies

about a vacant position of chief municipal architect of

Magdeburg which had been held by Bruno Taut with

the support of the Socialist Party Withdrawing his

candidacy Mies wrote lsquoI myself would never have con-

sidered accepting such a position if I were not anxious to

prepare the ground somewhere for a new attitude to

building [Baugesinnung] since I canrsquot imagine for

what other reason I should give up my artistically free

and materially far better position Since I pursue very

specific spiritual-political goals in my work I donrsquot find

it difficult to decide whether or not I can assume such

a post If the possibility of achieving the goal of my

work does not exist in this position then I must forgo

it therefore Magdeburg must decide weather it will

entrust this job to a functionary or to a spiritual manrsquo

21 In the conclusion he argueslsquo [But] this idea of freedom

had to be metaphorical and experiential to evade the

consequences and contradictions with his firmly

belief in the collective ldquowill of the timerdquorsquo ibid

pp 133ndash134

22 The interior hall sketch in the Mies van der Rohe

Archive Museum of Modern Art New York Conven-

tion Hall Correspondence File Folder

23 On the importance of these sketches see Phyllis

Lambert rsquoDrawing as a Way of Thinkingrsquo in Mies in

America op cit pp 211ndash214

24 Franz Schulze An Illustrated Catalogue of the Mies van

der Rohe Drawings op cit

25 In F Schulze E Windhorst eds Mies van der Rohe A

Critical Biography New and Revised Edition (Chicago

549

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

Page 24: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

IL University of Chicago Press 2012) p 365ndash356

There the editors relate this fact to the lsquouniversalrsquo

nature of these projects their lack of creativity resulting

in mere repetitions

26 Pao-Chi Chang in a letter addressed to Terence Riley

Chief Curator of the Departure of Architecture

Museum of Modern Art dated 12th September

2000 provides some comments regarding the Con-

vention Hallrsquos authorship In this letter she complains

about some instances in which her works with Yujiro

Miwa and Henry Kawazawa were not fully credited

She specified in her letter how the external model of

the final version of the project should be credited In

a response to her letter Riley (9th October 2000)

informed her that in future exhibitions in the MoMA

the credit would be changed to the following

lsquoProject A Convention Hall Cooperative

M S Architecture Thesis at Illinois Institute of Technol-

ogy Yujiro Miwa Henry Kawazawa and Pao-chi

Chang Professor Ludwig Mies vsn der Rohe Thesis

Critic 1953ndash54 Exterior Model of Final Version 1

16= 1 = 0 Pao-Chi Changrsquo Correspondence

between Riley and Pao-Chi Chang in the Mies van

der Rohe Archive Museum of Modern Art

New York Convention Hall Correspondence Files

27 The figures 9 and 10 describe the rules of display of

the flag following the guidelines for the display and

use by civilians of the flag of the United States of

America as found in Title 4 of the Federal Flag Code

(4 USCsectsect4ndash10)

28 If the number in his note was intentional then Miesrsquos

meaning is quite different Public Law 879 was ratified

by the 80th Congress on 2ndJuly 1948 following the

National Security Act of 1947 which created not only

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) but also the

National Security Council and unified the military

branches under the Secretary of Defense and Joint

Chiefs of Staff The public law 879 extends the

previously authorised benefits of preferential retire-

ment provisions for FBI agents (determined in Public

Law 80ndash168 ratified on 11thJuly 1947) to other

federal employees in similar positions with similar

duties The employees covered by the these laws were

those whose primary duties were the investigation

apprehension or detention of persons suspected or

convicted of offences against Americarsquos criminal laws

In httpwwwdoigovtrainingflertmilhhtml (accessed

041012) Should we be surprised that Mies may have

been aware of these laws and that his sketch was in

some way referencing this historical cultural context

29 RH Pells wrote about this period lsquoJoseph McCarthy

gave the period its name but ldquoMcCarthyismrdquo began

well before his rise to prominence and outlasted his

political demise Indeed what made the climate of

repression did not originate with or depend on the

ravings of a single demagoguersquo in RH Pells The

Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age (Middletown

Conn Wesleyan University Press 1989) pp 263ndash4

30 Ibid p 263 McCarthyism was manifest in a variety of

ways security checks loyalty oaths the attorney gen-

eralrsquos blacklists of lsquosubversiversquo organisations and indi-

viduals national trials of alleged Communist traitors

such as Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg

and Congressional investigations of lsquoCommunist infil-

trationrsquo in the media churches universities and

public schools

31 On how to read a public law see P P Craig Public Law

and Democracy in the United Kingdom and the United

States of America (New York Oxford University Press

1990) p 4

32 R H Pells The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age op

cit pp 285ndash300

33 As noted by L Gray at that timeMies was a member of

theMidwest Board of Directors of the Independent Citi-

zens Committee of the Arts Sciences and Professions

which had been labeled a Communist front by the Con-

550

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

Page 25: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

gressional Committee on Un-American Activities in

1949 and 1951 Lee Gray lsquoAddendum Mies van der

Rohe and Walter Gropius in the FBI Filesrsquo in

F Shulze ed Mies van der Rohe Critical Essays

(New York The Museum of Modern Art 1989) p 146

34 In G Howe WADelano lsquoTwo Architectsrsquo Credos Tra-

ditional versus Modernrsquo Magazine of Art (October

1944) pp 202ndash207 A good example is lsquoDesign for

Democracyrsquo Kenneth K Stowellrsquos editorial in Architec-

tural Record (1942) which promulgated democracy as

the primary goal of American architecture

35 The contemporary discussion started with Joseacute-Luis

Sert Fernand Leacuteger and Sigfried Giedionrsquos collabor-

ation on the polemical manifesto lsquoNine Points on Mon-

umentalityrsquo (1943) which outlined a new direction for

the creation of forms of large-scale expression within

the American context

36 In this publication she writes lsquoThere must be

occasional buildings which raise the everyday casual-

ness of living to a higher and more ceremonial plane

buildings which give dignified and coherent form to

that interdependence of the individual and the social

group which is of the very nature of our democracyrsquo

Her statement refers to the project of Eilele and Eero

Saarinen and J Robert F Swanson which won first

place in the 1939 competition of the Smithsonian

Gallery of Art in Washington DC Elisabeth Mock

Built in USA 1932ndash1944 (New York the Museum of

Modern Art 1944) p 25

37 On Miesrsquos pre-war projects in the Third Reich see Elaine

S Hochman Architects of Fortune (New York Fromm

International Publishing Corporation 1990)

38 We refrain from speculating about whether Miesrsquos two

compasses pointing towards his American flags

express trust or doubt in Americarsquos hegemonic role as

the compass for moral conduct

39 The Conference on Science Philosophy and Religion

and Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life Inc

was founded in 1940 by seventy-nine leading Ameri-

can intellectuals Originating in a meeting of academics

and seminary presidents the Conference constituted a

response to the rise of totalitarianism in Europe Its

founding members and their successors sought to

create a framework for the preservation of democracy

and intellectual freedom through the collaboration of

scholars from a wide variety of disciplines in the

sciences and humanities Conference members many

of whom blamed the development of lsquovalue-freersquo scho-

larship for the rise of European fascism additionally

hoped to synthesise traditional values and academic

scholarship

40 On these conferences see G A Riesch How the Cold

War Transformed Philosophy of Science to the Icy

Slopes of Logic (New York Cambridge University

Press 2005) pp 159ndash161 27ndash57 397

41 H Reichenbach The Rise of Scientific Philosophy (Los

Angeles University of California Press 1951)

pp 315 319

42 Both pragmatists and the neo-Kantians were aiming

for a comprehensive philosophical understanding of

the world in all its aspects they subscribed to a more

ample notion of rationality which had a place for

both facts and values On the relationships between

logical empiricism and pragmatism see C Morris

lsquoPragmatism and Logical Empiricismrsquo in The Philosophy

of Rudolf Carnap PA Schilipp ed The Library of

Living Philosophers Volume XI (La Salle IL Open

Court Publishing Co 1963) pp 87ndash90

43 See The Philosophy of Rudolf Carnap op cit p 868

44 On these early ties see Peter Galison lsquoAufbauBauhaus

Logical Positivism and Architectural Modernismrsquo Criti-

cal Inquiry Vol16 4 (Summer 1990) pp 709ndash752

45 The complete lectures notes are in Carnaprsquos papers at

the University of Pittsburgh A description of the logical

positivistrsquos Dessau lectures is in Hans- Joachim Dahms

lsquoNeue Sachlichkeit in the Architecture and Philosophy

551

The Journalof ArchitectureVolume 18Number 4

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013

Page 26: Framing values: on ideological concerns in post-war architectural formalism

of the 1920rsquosrsquo in Steve Awodey Carsten Klein eds

Carnap Brought Home A view from Jena ( Pittsburgh

Publication of the Archive of Scientific Philosophy

Hillman Library University of Pittsburgh 2004) pp

365ndash372

46 Their common groundwas articulated by Charles Morris

in the school catalogue lsquoCertain it is that the integration

and interpenetration of the characteristic human activi-

ties of the artist scientist and technologist is the crying

need of our time [hellip] We need desperately a simplified

and purified language in which we talk about art [hellip]

the New Bauhaus shows deep wisdom in using contem-

porary science and philosophy in its education task of

reintegrating the artist into the common lifersquo in

Charles Morris lsquoThe Contribution of Science to the

Designer Taskrsquo in H Wingler The Bauhaus (Cam-

bridge Mass The MIT Press 1967 1937) p 195

47 Taking his own experience as an example he states that

he maintained his own interest in both lsquoI was always

interested in political principles and I have never shied

away from professing my point of viewrsquo in The Philos-

ophy of Rudolph Carnap op cit p 82

48 For example A W Richardson enlists numerous

examples beginning in the early 1980s with Alberto

Coffa and Burton Dreben From the late 1980s he cites

the works of Joelle Proust Thomas Ueble Thomas

Oberdan Bell and Vossenkuhl Haller and Stadler as

well as dedicated journal issues such as Synthesis and

Erkenntnis in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of

Science Volume XVI in Ronald N Giere Alan

W Richardson eds Origins of Logical Empiricism (Min-

neapolis University of Minnesota Press 1996) p 12

49 M Friedman Parting of the Ways Carnap Cassirer and

Heidegger (La Salle ILOpenCourt PublishingCo 2000)

50 Lebensphilosophie (in German) is a nineteenth-century

philosophy originating from the works of W Dilthey

and Henri Bergson In its most general sense it

denotes a philosophy that looks for the meaning

value and purposes of life and turns away from

purely theoretical knowledge

51 H Putnam lsquoConvention A Theme in Philosophyrsquo in

New Literary History V 13 No 1 On Convention I

(1981) p 11

52 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (Chicago The University of

Chicago Press 1950) pp 205ndash 221 first published

in Revue International de Philosophy IV 11 (1950)

pp 20ndash40

53 R Carnap lsquoEmpiricism Semantics and Ontologyrsquo in

Meaning and Necessity (1970) op cit p 206

54 Ibid p 207

55 Ibid

56 Ibid p 214

57 Ibid pp 217ndash218

58 Given their academic stature and the influence of the

logical positivists on post-war American academia

and their pre- and post-war relationships to modern

architecture the example of Carnap their leading

exponent in America is of particular relevance to our

study of Mies

552

Framing values on ideological concerns inpost-war architectural formalism

Dorit Fershtman Alona Nitzan-Shiftan

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Mos

kow

Sta

te U

niv

Bib

liote

] at

11

16 2

1 N

ovem

ber

2013