francis barker.ed.europe and its others
DESCRIPTION
conference papersTRANSCRIPT
EUROPE AND ITS OTHERS
VOLUME ONE
Proceedings of the Essex Conference
on the Sociology of L i t e ra tu re
July 1984
edi ted by
Francis Barker
Peter Hulme
Margaret Iversen
Diana Loxley
Univers i ty of Essex
Colchester
1985
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In an almost comic way, the poem explores the Portuguese discovery of how the Arabs had got there f i r s t . Wherever they land they f i n d Arab ru le estab l ished, or at leas t representat ives of Muslim powers. The high po in t of t h i s , both in terms of the poemas own c l imac t i c s t ruc ture and in comica l i t y , i s the a r r i v a l i n Ca l i cu t , t h e i r f i r s t l and fa l l i n the long-sought- for Ind ia . Upon going ashore, the Portuguese are greeted in t h e i r own language:
He asked him: "And what was it brought you here From Portugal to worlds so f a r from you?"
To which the patent ly ludicrous reply i s :
. . . "We came f o r t h the road to c lear Through the Great Deep that no man ever knew, And f i n d where Indus' g iant stream may f l ow , For thus the Fa i th of God w i l l wax and grow." (Camöes, Book V I I , verse 25, p,255)
This man, Moncaide, is an Arab from Tunis ia and becomes t h e i r guide and i n t e rp re te r . He negotiates between the Portuguese and the Hindu ru le rs and also warns them of the machinations of his fe l low Muslims. Just as it was an Arab p i l o t who guided them to Ind ia , so it is an Arab through whom they negotiate t h e i r knowledge of Ind ia . For the Portuguese, then, there is the constant shock of the recogni t ion of the previousness of Islam and t h e i r dependence on i t :
Wondering how the votar ies of a l y i n g creed Thus through the whole wide world could sow t h e i r seed. (Camöes, I, 57, p.17)
The p i r a t i c a l nature of the Portuguese venture, which we saw ove r t l y acknowledged in the other t e x t s , is now reversed out and presented in a disavowal. At one point da Gama says to one of the Af r ican ru l e r s :
We are not buccaneers who, as they s t ray , Among defenceless c i t i e s unaware, With f i r e and steel the wretched people s lay , Coveted wealth out of t h e i r hands to tear .
And to the utmost lands we fare Huge wealthy Ind ia . (Camöes, I I , 80, p.612)
What is also i n t e r e s t i n g if the poem is read not as a poem of co lon isat ion but of decolonisat ion, is the funct ion of the incorporat ion i n to the poem of the "h i s to ry " of Por tugal , subs tan t ia l l y t o l d twice in immense and laborious d e t a i l , which is an attempt to t e r r i t o r i a l i se nat ional i d e n t i t y . This "h i s t o r y " amounts to nothing more than a s t r i n g of Kings and t h e i r a l l i ance and "deeds", not in the sense of "gestes" but of passive happenings. So Portuguese i d e n t i t y comes i n t o being as negation: it is defined against the Arabs and the Spaniards as a p o l i t i -cal act in the creat ion of the Portuguese monarchy. The poem, l i k e the chronicles upon which it drew, funct ions as the mapping of the t e r r i -to ry of Portugal to which i t must f i x i t s e l f . What the poem is con-cerned wi th is the creat ion of a s ta te as an act of power. King Manuel's dream, modelled on Mohammed's journey, is one of power: "You ' l l b r i d l e a l l the nations you behold" (Camöes, IV, 74, p.153), and t h i s must be contrasted w i th the ending of the poem and the v is ion o f fe red to da Gama by Tethys which suggests a very d i f f e r e n t kind of knowledge outside power s t ruc tu res .
In t h i s context the famous episode of the "Old Man of Beiern" must be seen not as it has convent ional ly been: tha t i s , as the erupt ion
the treatment of the I r i s h , who are constant ly reconquered but who remain, in a t o t a l l y r e c i d i v i s t way, pagan-and other . Gerald of Wales, part of the conquering Norman a r i s toc racy , records the bewilder ing con-t r ad i c t i ons of the I r i s h in his History and Topography of Ireland, who as the most wester ly peoples should have been the most uncorrupted but who, despite great physical beauty, remain both bes t ia l and wi thout c u l -tu re . I f , as Lévi-Strauss argues in Tristes Tropiques, Islam is the West of the East in which the West can recognise i t s own mi r ro r image, thus making us the East of the West, then the I r i s h , l i k e the other i n t e r n a l , u n t e r r i t o r i a l i s e d nomads of Europe, must be the West of the East of the West.
To turn to Camôes1 poem The Lusiads is to make a leap of some four hundred years or so, but t h i s work, which is a f rac tured and complex a r t i f a c t , both opens up and conceals many of the ideas which my paper is concerned w i th . I t s very sel f -conscious obsession w i th nat ional i d e n t i t y , f i x i t y and movement make it a p ivo ta l document of Europe's attempt to h i s t o r i c i s e and locate i t s e l f . By the time of the w r i t i n g of the poem, in the 1570s, the re la t i onsh ip between the countr ies of what is now designated Europe and those of what is now cal led the Or ient or the East have been brought i n to consciousness - where t h e i r complex reverberat ions cause a great deal of cont rad ic tory confusion. The idea of reconquest and the establishment of the kingdoms of f i r s t l y Portugal and then C a s t i l l e f o l l ow ing the expulsion of Arab r u l e , is fo l lowed by a move ou t , f i r s t i n to North A f r i ca and then i n to A f r i ca and Asia. That i s , the establishment of nat ional boundaries is simultaneous w i th the transgression of those boundaries. This moment, commemorated by Camöes as the time of Vasco da Gama's "discovery" of India in 1497, is conven-t i o n a l l y regarded as the beginning of European world domination, of what one Indian h i s to r i an has ca l led "the Vasco da Gama epoch of Indian h i s -t o r y " . I would suggest tha t t h i s is a misreading of both the poem and the moment.
Donald Lach, in his in t roduc t ion to Asia in the Making of Europe points out :
From 1500 to 1800 re la t ions between East and West were o r d i -n a r i l y conducted w i t h i n a framework and on terms establ ished by the Asian nat ions. Except f o r those who l i ved in a few co lon ia l foo tho lds , the Europeans in the East were a l l there on sufferance, ( p . x i i )
For many years, p a r t i c u l a r l y under the f a s c i s t regimes of Salazar and Caetano, The Lusiads has been read as a poem of nat ional i d e n t i t y , of co lon ia l conquest and as a t r i umpha l i s t epic of Portuguese h i s t o r y . It was evidence tha t a country which was amongst the poorest in Europe could have at some po in t dominated the globe, c o n t r o l l i n g huge expanses of t e r r i t o r y from Manaus to Malacca. Unlike the e a r l i e r tex ts which I have deal t w i t h , The Lusiads is in a w r i t t e n or pr in t - language; i t was composed nei ther through the un i ve r sa l i s t medium of La t in nor in the languages of t r i bes or peoples. It is also in a language which has never been spoken by anybody, but one de l ibe ra te ly created as a language of power and t e r r i t o r i a l i s a t i o n by one man in order t o , in the words of Benedict Anderson, "create tha t image of an t i qu i t y so centra l to the subject ive idea of the nat ion" (p .47) .
I t is important here to note tha t the Portuguese reconquest, t ha t i s , the conquest of t h e i r "own" country, was led by Germans, tha t is by Swabians who had moved in to the north of the country. As a r e s u l t , those who were unfortunate enough to have f a l l e n under Arab r u l e , the Mogarabs, were subsequently reconquered or massacred by German crusaders. In 1140 in the seige of Lisbon by English kn ights , the Moçarab Chr is t ians
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What is also undisguised in these ear ly tex ts -are the real motives behind the he ro i ca l l y presented events. Wr i t ing of the defeat of the Avars (whom he c a l l s Huns) Einhard w r i t e s :
A l l the Hun n o b i l i t y died in t h i s war, a l l t h e i r g lo ry departed. A l l t h e i r wealth and t h e i r treasures assembled over so many years were dispersed. The memory of man cannot r eca l l any war against the Franks by which they were so enriched and t h e i r mater ia l possessions so increased. These Franks, who u n t i l then had seemed almost paupers, now discovered so much gold and s i l v e r in the palace and cap-tured so much precious booty in t h e i r b a t t l e s , t ha t i t could r i g h t l y be maintained tha t they had in a l l j u s t i c e taken from the Huns what these l a s t had un jus t l y s to len from other nat ions. (Einhard and Notkker, p.67)
Notkker in h is l i f e of Charlemagne re fe rs to the d iv i s ions of the wor ld between East and West and of the coming together of two powerful ru le rs in an a l l i ance of world domination. This is expressed in a l e t t e r sup-posedly from the King of Constantinople to Charlemagne:
I f only tha t narrow s t r a i t of water d id not separate us! Perhaps we could d iv ide between us the r iches of the East, or else hold them in common and each have h is f a i r share. (Einhard and Notkker, p.124)
Powerful ru le rs can come together , whi le no a l l i ance is possible w i th t r i bes l i k e the Goths and the Vandals "who were busy shat te r ing the peace of mortal beings and between them . . . reducing the western wor ld to a desert" (p.136). As we sha l l see again and again, it is always the a l i en other w i t h i n who is perceived as the betrayer and enemy. In terms of these ear ly works, i t is the nomadic, u n t e r r i t o r i a l i s e d peoples who have to be crushed and e i the r exterminated or f i xed on to a desig-nated t e r r i t o r y .
We turn now from the more or less contemporary accounts of Charlemagne to the worked products of the Chansons de Gestes, in p a r t i -cu lar the most famous of these, The Song of Roland. The h i s t o r i c a l event upon which the song is based is the defeat of Charlemagne's rear -guard in 777 at Roncevaux/Roncevalle by the pagan Basques. Appearing in a w r i t t en form two hundred years l a t e r , t h i s has been transformed in to a r e l i g i o u s l y motivated expedi t ion i n to Spain by Charlemagne - a d i r e c t reversal of the f ac t tha t he went there at the i n v i t a t i o n of three Arab chiefs in r evo l t against the emir of Córdoba. In keeping w i th the mood of the F i r s t Crusade and what was seen as an increasing th rea t from Islam, the Basques have now become treacherous Saracens, who ambush and slaughter the f lower of Charlemagne's army but are able to do so through the treachery of Ganelon, Roland's uncle. In f ac t Charlemagne was doubly betrayed - by his Arab a l l i e s who refused to al low him to enter Saragossa and by h is Saxon subjects who, having apparently been " p a c i f i e d " , rose again in his absence and forced him to abandon his siege of the Spanish c i t y to re turn home (see Dozy, Spanish Islam, pp.204-206). In the poem Charlemagne h imse l f , no longer a suc-cessful t r i b a l c h i e f t a i n , is transmuted i n to a two hundred year o ld sa in t l y and chivalrous emperor. His fo l lowers are not looters and plun-derers, but the apex of Chr is t ian c h i v a l r y . The pass at which Roland and Ol iver were massacred had by the time of the w r i t i n g down of the Song, become a p i l g r im thoroughfare to Santiago, thus locking the poem f i r m l y in to the ideo log ica l s h i f t of the reconquest. Norman Daniel , in his book Heroes and Saracens shows that the "Saracens" of the Chansons de Gestes are a creat ion of f i c t i o n and tha t actual knowledge of Islam, which must have been widespread a f t e r four hundred years of Arab ru le
confession. A special branch of the admin is t ra t ion negotiated t r ea t i es by which communal leaders recognised the emir and undertook to pay hira t r i b u t e : his prosper i ty and m i l i t a r y power were thus c losely l inked. (Livermore, p.75)
Histor ians not inf luenced by marxism cons is tent ly present Arab ru le in Europe as tha t of a superior over an i n f e r i o r c i v i l i s a t i o n :
Within four hundred years of i t s foundat ion, Islam had run through the phases of i n t e l l e c t u a l growth which the West achieved only in the course of a much longer development. (Southern, p.8)
And as the e a r l i e r quote from Lacoste i l l u s t r a t e s , marxist ideas of Or ienta l s tas is patent ly cannot cope wi th the h i s t o r i c a l moment which is the subject of t h i s paper.
The Vik ings, on the other hand, are general ly presented in an unfavourable l i g h t , despite t h e i r own con t r ibu t ion to our cu l tu re . Let us take one famous instance in our h i s t o r y , a moment tha t might be taken to be the s t a r t of i t as i t is the one date every schoo l -ch i ld knows - 1066. By commemorating t h i s date as the s t a r t of our h i s to ry we celebrate the defeat of the English by the Normans, who were of course Norsemen, and the consequent f r e n c h i f i c a t i o n and l a t i n i s a t i o n of our cu l t u re . But there was another b a t t l e fought by Harold before the Bat t le of Hastings and tha t was the Ba t t le of Stamford Bridge fought against an invading army led by Harald Hardrada, King of Norway, former captain of the Scandinavian guards at Constantinople, commander of the Byzantine armies sent out against the Arabs of S i c i l y , son- in- law of the prince of Novgorod and explorer of the A r c t i c . This man then was f a r from being a pagan barbarian and maybe we should mourn his defeat rather than celebrate our co lon isat ion by the French. Some may con-s ider tha t those northern areas of England which escaped French i n f l u -ence because they remained under Vik ing inf luence represent a higher s tate of cu l tu re than the rest of the country.
Here we have a perceived cu l t u ra l d i f fe rence fo r judging between invaders: those from the south always apparently being more acceptable than those from the nor th . What is r e a l l y going on, however, is the sharing out of spo i ls in terms of seizure of land amongst ch ie f ta ins and t r i b a l leaders who read i l y enter i n to a l l iances w i th each other which ignore a l l so-ca l led cu l t u ra l d i f fe rences. This is c lear in Spain in the intermeshing of re la t ions between the Arab ru le rs and the ex i s t i ng V is igo th ic ch ie f ta ins who had invaded Spain fo l low ing the end of Roman ru le : Livermore describes the s i t ua t i on fo l low ing the death of Abdur-Rachman in 852:
In the east the muwallad ( i . e . new Muslim) fami ly of the banu Qasi, the descendants of the Count For tu in who had pro-fessed Islam and in re turn been promised autonomy, broke away from Cordoba, made an a l l i ance wi th the Vascones of Pamplona, and b u i l t up a p r i n c i p a l i t y in the va l ley of the Ebro w i th i t s cap i ta l in Saragossa. This new power, ca l led the " t h i r d kingdom of Spain", was essen t ia l l y a Spanish react ion to the c o n f l i c t s between Franks and Syrians: the banu Qasi represented the ancient propr ie tors of the s o i l , who i f Muslims, read i l y a l l i e d themselves w i th the f ree Navarrese and as Spaniards sacked Frankish Barcelona. (Livermore, p.77)
The establishment of Spain, then, is a resistance to both Frankish and Arab incursions in an a l l i ance between an is lamic ised V is igo th ic f am i l y ,
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Paul Alvarus was an apo log i s t f o r the Cordoba martyrs who died in an attempt to re-awaken C h r i s t i a n consciousness in Cordoba against the dominant Arab r u l e and the consequent I s l a m i c i s a t i o n of Spain. I t was dur ing t h i s per iod t h a t the idea of Is lam as the A n t i - C h r i s t was e lab-orated and t h i s "d iscovery" of Is lam was l i n ked to ideas of the Apocalypse, the end of the wor ld and those m i l l e n i a l movements which culminated i n , among other t h i n g s , the F i r s t Crusade. I t i s i n t e r e s t -ing to note t h a t f o r Alvarus the language o f C h r i s t i a n i t y i s L a t i n , not Spanish or any o ther c o l l o q u i a l language, and a lso to note t h a t t h i s is the moment of Charlemagne and the coming i n t o being of what has s ince been designated "Europe" through a drawing of boundaries and f i x i n g of t e r r i t o r i e s . But t h i s was a lso a moment of massive movement of peoples: not on ly of Arabs northward i n t o Spain and the Mediterranean, but a lso of a double northward movement from the Mediterranean i t s e l f in an evange l is ing and C h r i s t i a n i s i n g mission to "barbar ian" and nomadic peoples. Norman Daniel in h is book The Arabs and Medieval Europe w r i t e s :
I t was hard ly f a n c i f u l to say t h a t wh i l e the Arabian penin-sula reached out to seize the Mediterranean, the Mediterranean was reaching to l i n k i t s e l f to the o f f sho re i s lands o f the North. I t was resemblance, and not d i f f e r e n c e , t h a t dominated the dogmatic, l i t u r g i c a l and moral bases of the two r e l i g i o n s , (p.11)
This then is the moment of the c rea t i on of one idea of Europe f o l l o w i n g the co l lapse of the Roman Empire. I would descr ibe it as a s imu l t ane i t y of movements northward by two m i l i t a n t l y l i n ked r e l i g i o n s and the e rad i ca t i on or mod i f i ca t i on of indigenous languages, cu l t u res and r e l i g i o n s , wh i le there is a simultaneous southward and westward movement by Vik ings or Norsemen from Scandinavia and of Huns from the East. Daniel reminds us in h i s book t h a t the conversion of Arabs to Islam happened at the same t ime as the Engl ish were converted to C h r i s t i a n i t y . And y e t these movements have been t rea ted very d i f -f e r e n t l y and I would l i k e to draw your a t t e n t i o n to some of these d i f -ferences. A recen t l y t r a n s l a t e d work on Ibn Khaldun by the French scholar Ives Lacoste, publ ished in France in the s i x t i e s , descr ibes the view of Is lamic soc ie ty which we can draw from the w r i t i n g s of the great Arab scho la r :
A study of these r i g i d , slumbering soc i e t i es provides nega-t i v e con f i rma t ion o f Marx's thes is t h a t the c lass s t rugg le is the motor o f h i s t o r y . (Lacoste, p.6)
Let us r e f e r these words to the Umayyad dynasty which by 750 AD con-t r o l l e d the Middle East , I r a n , North A f r i c a , the Mediterranean, Spain, Portugal and the South of France. This was an empire f r a c t u r e d even-t u a l l y not by any class-motored European power but by an even grea te r man i fes ta t ion o f t h a t somnolent spec ies , o r i e n t a l despotism, the Mongols. Even where Is lamic domination is dea l t w i t h in a more ser ious way i t i s t r ea ted d i f f e r e n t l y from t h a t o f Europe. Franceso G a b r i e l i , in h is essay e n t i t l e d "The t ransmiss ion of l ea rn ing and l i t e r a r y in f luences to Western Europe" in the Cambridge History of Islam w r i t e s :
In the e a r l y days the La t i n West [sic] knew the Arabs only as conquerors and marauders . . . I t was not u n t i l the second phase, when the Arab onslaught had passed i t s z e n i t h , and these two r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l worlds began to have contacts other than those of war , t h a t the West became aware of the high l eve l of c u l t u r e and lea rn ing achieved by the "Saracens" in t h e i r own domain. (Cambridge History of Islam, v o l . 1 1 , p.851)
One has only to transpose the words "b lack A f r i c a " f o r " L a t i n West" and
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- 56 -
authority, Dorothy Swaine Thomas, the journal chronicles Kikuchi's
four months (April to August 1942) in Tanforan Assembly Centre.
Kim, Elaine H. (1982) Asian American Literature: An Introduction to the Writings and Their Social Context, Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Lorelle (1880) "The Battle of the Wabash", The Californien, 2 (October
1880), pp.346-76.
Lyman, Stanford (1973) "The Anti-Chinese Movement in America 1785-1910", in his Chinese Americans, New York: Random House, pp.54-85. Detailed account of legislation prejudicial to Chinese immigrants.
(1971) "Strangers in the City: The Chinese in the Urban Frontier", in Tachiki, Roots, pp.159-187.
Macarthur, Walter (1909) "Opposition to Oriental Immigration", in
"Chinese and Japanese in America", in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.XXXIV, No.2, Sep-tember 1909, pp.19-26.
Miller, Stuart Creighton (1969) The Unuelcome Immigrant: The.American-
Image of the Chinese 1785-1882, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Mundo, Otto (1892) The Recovered Continent, Columbus, Ohio: Harper-Osgood.
New York Times, 3 September 1865; 1 August 1870.
New York World, 13 July 1869; 4 April 1876.
Okada, John (1976) No-Ho Boy, Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Ozatia, Takao versus United States, 260 U.S. 178 (1922); rpt. in Jacobs and Landau, Vol.2, pp.233-38.
People versus George Hall, 4 Cal. 399 (1854); rpt. in Jacobs and Landau, Vol.2, pp.129-32.
Rowell, Chester H. (1909) "Chinese and Japanese Immigrant - A Compari-son" , in "Chinese and Japanese in America", in The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol.XXXIV, No. 2, September 1909, pp.3-10.
San Francisco Star, l April 1848.
Sargent, Ellen Clark (1882), "Wee Wi Ping", The Califomian, 5 (January 1882), pp.60-70.
Tachiki, Amy et al. (eds.) (1971) Roots: An Asian American Reader, Los Angeles: Regents of the University of California.
Takaki, Ronald (1982) Iron Cages, Berkeley: University of California Press,
Tanaka, Togo W. (1974) "How to Survive Racism in America's Free Society", in Voices Long Silent, ed. Arthur A. Hansen and Betty E. Mitson, Fullerton, Ca.: California State University at Fullerton Japanese American Project, pp.83-109.
Thomas, Dorothy Swaine and Nishimoto, Richard S. (1946) The Spoilage, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Weglyn, Michi (1976) Years of Infamy: The Untold Story of America's Concentration Camps, New York: William Morrow & Co. Inc.
Woltor, Robert (1882) A Short and Truthful History of the Taking of California and Oregon by the Chinese in the Year A.D. 1899, San
- 54 -
t h e Chinese immigran t as a n t i - i m a g e : the s l a n t - e y e d savage o r a l i é n o t h e r who must be c o n t r o l l e d , exc luded o r d e s t r o y e d , i n Okada's novel i t i s no l onge r w h i t e s , b u t t h e Nikkei themselves who conduct an a n t i - O r i e n t a l cam-pa ign a g a i n s t t h e i r f e l l o w Nisei and v iew non-wh i tes as desp ised o t h e r s .
FOOTNOTES AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
For assistance in locating materials, I wish to thank my parents, Benny G. and the late Mari Κ. Lucas; Peter C. Ting; Dr. Lester Olson (University of Pittsburgh), the Japanese American Citizens League.
Everyman's Bookstore; Dr. Elaine H. Kim, the Asian-American Studies
Library, the Bancroft Library, and Phelan Collection, all at the Uni-
versity of California, Berkeley. For advice during later stages of this
project, I am grateful to Chris Brookeman (Polytechnic of Central London),
Sara Kovach, J. W. Lawton and Bob Waterhouse.
The short form of most sources is given parenthetically within the
text; full details are provided in the Bibliography.
1. Lyman, "Strangers in the City", rpt. in Tachiki, Boots, p.161.
2. The Daily Alta Californien for 12 May 1851 reports the arrival of
the Chinese at California gold mines; the presence of two or three
Chinese in San Francisco is reported in the San Francisco Star for 1
April 1848.
3. Lyman, "The Anti-Chinese Movement", pp.59-62; Lyman, "Strangers in
the City", p.163.
4. California Senate, "Minority Report ... on Senate Bill No. 63",
p.671. Cf. Bibliography for full reference.
5. People v. George Hall, rpt. in Jacobs and Landau, Vol.2, p.131.
6. People y. George Hall, rpt. in Jacobs and Landau, Vol.2, p.132.
As a result of this decision to ban Chinese from giving testimony in
court, many were robbed or murdered by those who knew that they would
not be prosecuted for their crimes (cf. Jacobs and Landau, Vol.2, p.129).
7. Caldwell, "The Negroization of the Chinese Stereotype", pp.123-32.
8. Congressional Record, 47th Congress, first session, p.3267.
9. Jones, 0 Strange Neu) World provides numerous examples in Chapters
1 and 2.
10. Xssei denotes the first generation of Japanese immigrants to
America.
11. Two of the fullest accounts of the internment of the Japanese
during World War II are Roger Daniels' Concentration Camps USA and Michi
Weglyn's leaps of Infamy. Most of the documents from the Japanese
American Evacuation and Resettlement Study are now stored in the Bancroft
Library at the University of California, Berkeley.
12. Nikkei describes persons of Japanese ancestry who reside in the
U.S.
13. The diaries of Kikuchi and other Nisei· who had trained as social
scientists formed the basis of Dorothy Swaine Thomas and Richard S.
Nishimoto's The Spoilage, funded by the U.S. government's Japanese
American Evacuation and Resettlement Study.
14. Chin, "In Search of John Okada", rpt. in Okada, p.257.
In postwar America, the cont rad ic t ions inherent in Shoji-as-George become apparent to Jeanne f o r the f i r s t t ime: "they won't see me, they would see the slant-eyed face, the Or ien ta l " (p.114). Not content w i th the ro le accorded her by white society - the q u i e t , studious Uiaei and model minor i ty member - she determines to "declare herse l f in a d i f -fe ren t way" (p.115) by running f o r carn iva l queen. I r o n i c a l l y , the only way she can win is through pandering to the dominant cu l t u re ' s stereo-type of Or iental e ro t i c i sm: "I decided to go exo t i c , w i th a f l o w e r - p r i n t sarong, black ha i r loose, and a hibiscus f lower behind one ear " , but "once chosen, I would be a white-gowned f i gu re out of Gone With the Wind. I would be respectable" (p.128).
On the n ight of the pageant, Scar le t t O'Hara proves an even more a l ien ro le than the is land pr incess, f o r Jeanne rea l ises tha t i t "wasn't the g i r l in t h i s old-fashioned dress they had voted f o r . But i f not her , who had they voted for? Someone I wanted to be. And wasn' t . Who was I then? . . . I was the g i r l of somebody's dream. . . . " (p.129). Exotic Or ien ta l , beauty queen, Scar le t t O'Hara: Houston's choice of i d e n t i t y is invar iab ly mediated by forces outside of herse l f - American soc ie ty ' s d e f i n i t i o n s of what is appropriate f o r a woman and an Or ien ta l . And even in the creat ion of her own book, Houston submits herse l f and her exper i -ence to a con t r o l l i ng hand, her husband, w r i t e r Jim Houston, who t rans-formed a series of taped interviews i n to a nar ra t ive intended as "an education about Asian Americans" which "middle-class America needs to learn" (Kim, 84), In a moving descr ip t ion of a dream, Houston al ludes to the nature of Farewell to Manzana?'s " lesson":
. . . I have a recur r ing dream, which f i l l s me each time wi th a t e r r i b l e sense of loss and desolat ion. I see a young, b e a u t i f u l l y blond high school g i r l moving through a room f u l l of others her own age, much admired by everyone, men and women both, myself included, as I watch through a win-dow. I fee l no malice towards t h i s g i r l . I don ' t even envy her. Watching, I am simply emptied, and in the dream I want to cry ou t , because she is something I can never be, some p o s s i b i l i t y in my l i f e tha t can never be f u l f i l l e d , (p.123)
The novel 's message, strangely enough, seems to be tha t the values pro-moted by the dominant cu l t u re , though unat ta inable, are s t i l l desired by the marginal ised a l i en other .
While Jeanne Houston remains the f i gu re at the window, fo r I ch i ro Yamada, his refusal to serve in the Army condemns him to being "already dead but s t i l l a l i v e , and contemplating f i f t y or s i x t y more years of dead al iveness" (p .73) .
John Okada's No-No Boy deals w i th the sense of fragmentation and se l f - l oa th ing which are the internment 's legacy to the Nikkei community in postwar Seat t le , Washington. The categories of " loya l American" and "d is loya l Jap" - used in the U.S. Army's Loyalty Oath - now become the standards by which the Nikkei assess themselves and others. Returning home a f t e r two years in pr ison f o r d r a f t res is tance, I ch i ro f inds him-se l f despised by superpat r io t i c Nisei veterans such as Eto, who sp i ts on him, vowing "Next time I ' l l piss on you" (p .4 ) . I c h i r o , in t u rn , lashes out at the " f r i g g i n ' niggers" who taunt him (p .5 ) . His younger brother Taro jo ins the Army to compensate f o r what he deems his bro ther 's d i s -grace and, assisted by two f r i ends , attacks Ich i ro in an a l l e y :
I t ' s got legs, came a voice from the s ide, and arms, too , j u s t 1 ike us. Does i t ta lk? Talks Jap, I bet .
among the 110,000 persons of Japanese ancestry whom the United States government deemed g u i l t y by reason of race.(11) Under the provisions of Executive Order 9066, signed by President Roosevelt on 19 February 1941, the Nikkei{12) resident on the West coast were evacuated from t h e i r homes and committed to " re loca t ion centres" in in land C a l i f o r n i a , Arizona, Idaho, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and Arkansas. Unless they volunteered fo r m i l i t a r y service or f o r farm work sponsored by the War Relocation Author i t y (the admin is t ra t ive body f o r the cent res) , they spent the major i t y of the war years interned as potent ia l subversives and enemy a l iens . The internment experience made Kikuchi even more pro-America, but f o r Houston, i t proved f a r more t raumat ic , i n s t i l l i n g in her a pro-found sense of her own unworthiness and an estrangement from both Japanese and American cu l tu res .
The Tanforan journa l of Charles Kikuchi , then a twenty-s ix-year-o ld t ra inee s o c i o l o g i s t , reads l i k e a casebook study in "Anglo conformity" I t is remarkable in i t s unwavering and u n c r i t i c a l acceptance of the values and standards of white soc ie ty : "I know what I want, I t h i n k " , he w r i t es , "yet i t . looks beyond my reach at times but I won't accept defeat . Americanism is my only so lu t ion and I may even get fana t i ca l about it if thwarted" (p.170). When a Caucasian f r i end views him as Japanese ra ther than American - "I th ink you w i l l be glad tha t you are a Japanese in America rather than an American in Japan" - Kikuchi is indignant. "The work of educating these people is going to be an immense j o b " , he fumes, "And she is of Jewish ex t rac t ion at t h a t , several generations removed from Europe!" (p.228).
How Kikuchi def ines "Americanism" is best i l l u s t r a t e d by his a c t i -v i t i e s at Tanforan Assembly Centre, a ' so r t i ng s t a t i o n ' where internees awaited assignment to re locat ion centres. When the American Lawyers' Guild invest igates the legi t imacy of the internment order and possible v io la t i ons of c i v i l l i b e r t i e s , Kikuchi and another Nisei are quick to volunteer in format ion. Wr i t ing f o r the camp newspaper, he urges i n t e r -nees to send f o r absentee ba l lo ts f o r the upcoming San Francisco e lec-t i o n s , meets w i th Caucasian wr i t e r s from Asia magazine to arrange an a r t i c l e about Tanforan, and lobbies to get copies of the Tolan Hearings f o r the camp l i b r a r y so that internees can learn why the government has interned them as po ten t ia l subversives. Closer to home, he hectors his parents i n t o tak ing English lessons and advises his s i s t e r Bette tha t "ass imi la t ion is the only answer" (p. 192).
At the end of four months, as they prepare to leave Tanforan, Kikuchi is pleased to note tha t h is fami ly " i s more advanced as f a r as Americanization is concerned . . . We were p re t t y f a r advanced even before our a r r i v a l in Tanforan in t h i s respect, coming from a community where there were very few Japanese" (p.252). While "Americanism" is i nvar iab ly associated wi th notions of progress, his descr ipt ions of his fe l low Nikkei, in con t ras t , are of ten dismissive ("God what a prospect to look forward to l i v i n g among a l l those Japs¡" (p .97 ) ) , and draw upon negative stereotypes of Or ienta l i n s c r u t a b i l i t y and Oriental contagion previously used by white wr i te rs of an t i -Or ien ta l pamphlets. "I don ' t hate the Japanese here", he r e f l e c t s , "but t h e i r conventional ways get me some-times . . . They r e a l l y should l e t themselves go occas ional ly , but you can ' t t e l l what is going on behind the Or ienta l mask" (p .97) , and com-plains that "growing Japanesy a t t i t udes among the Nisei are unhealthv" (p.117).
That Kikuchi seems untroubled by his own an t i -Or ien ta l biases and seems to i d e n t i f y himself as a member of mainstream American cu l t u re , may be a resu l t of a childhood spent almost e n t i r e l y outside of the Japanese community: f i r s t in a rac ia l l y -mixed Salvat ion Army orphanage and l a t e r as a houseboy to a white fami l y . But one should also ask what
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expansion". Y e t Toto a lso connotes the a l i e n other whom white America sought to c o n t r o l : he is a rebel subject bent upon becoming a master (p.117), a leader of non-whites against Europeans, and possessed of v ices (such as i n s c r u t a b i l i t y (pp.215, 79)) normally a t t r i b u t e d to the devious A s i a t i c . In at l e a s t two instances - when the Chinese general Mendeljek def ies Toto's orders, threatening Europe w i t h unmanageable A s i a t i c hordes, and in the Hindu Zahrah's near-decapitat ion of h is mas-t e r - the non-European threatens to overthrow Toto's c o n t r o l . Through playing these contradictory elements o f f against each other, The
Recovered. Continent re a f f i rms white America's f a i t h in i t s own super i-o r i t y but, at the same t ime, suggests how e a s i l y the dominant order may be undermined. In "The B a t t l e of the Wabash" and A Short and Truthful History, L o r e l l e and Woltor aim to promote anti-Chinese f e e l i n g , but t h e i r accounts u n w i t t i n g l y point out the barbarism of a supposedly c i v i -l i s e d America: they imagine t h a t the A s i a t i c conquerors w i l l subject whites to i n j u s t i c e s much l i k e those which American society i n f l i c t e d upon Blacks, Chinese and Indians.
I I .
As a r e s u l t of l e g i s l a t i o n in 1882, 1888 and 1892 which r e s t r i c t e d Chinese immigration, the Chinese population declined from 107,488 ( i n 1890) to 89,863 by 1900 (Chen, 268). With t h e i r d imin ishing numbers safe ly contained w i t h i n Chinatowns, the a n t i - O r i e n t a l movement turned i t s a t t e n t i o n to Japanese farm workers when they began to a r r i v e on the West coast during the period 1890-1924. In the 1909 debates over Or ienta l immigration, Coast Seamen's Journal e d i t o r , Walter Macarthur, voiced objections s i m i l a r to those prev iously l e v i e d against the Chinese: the Japanese undersold white labour, and were unassimilable because they "do not t h i n k in terms of Caucasian or C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y " (p.23). Others, such as Chester H, Rowel l , e d i t o r of the Fresno Republican, deemed them even more undesirable than t h e i r predecessors: u n l i k e the Chinese, the Japanese intended to marry and s e t t l e in the U . S . , were keen to learn Engl ish and adopt American habits and i n s i s t e d upon becoming part of a white society which did not want them. Comparing the two races, Rowell claims t h a t the Chinese are more su i ted to the p o s i t i o n which the "white American prefers them to occupy: t h a t of biped domestic animals. The Chinese cool ie is the ideal i n d u s t r i a l machine, the perfect human ox . . . p a t i e n t , d o c i l e , i n d u s t r i o u s , and above a l l honest in . . . t h a t they keep t h e i r contracts" ( p . 4 ) . The Japanese, on the other hand, is u p p i t y :
Nor is the Japanese content to remain an employee, but by cunning and t r i c k e r y he forces the white land owner e i t h e r to lease or to s e l l him h is land , . . A f a v o r i t e method of deal ing w i t h a whi te lessor is to prune h is orchard so t h a t in two or three years it w i l l produce no revenue, and the discouraged owner w i l l s e l l f o r any p r i c e . (Macarthur, 39)
An indignant Rowell complained t h a t they w i l l not "confine themselves to Japtown, nor permit the white man to determine,the l i m i t s of t h e i r r e s i -dence. They buy up town and country property, and wherever they s e t t l e , the white man moves out" ( p . 8 ) .
T o r i k a i , an Issei immigrant and businessman,(10) describes the problems which the Japanese encountered in t h e i r move towards a s s i m i l a -t i o n :
When I f i r s t came to America I made up my mind to be a real American, so I would not speak Japanese at a l l or eat Japanese food, or wear Japanese c l o t h i n g , or do anything Japanese. My own countrymen c a l l e d me ' K i t o ' [ ' K e t o ' ] meaning ' f o r e i g n e r ' . I did i t , because Γ thought t h a t to
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Professor Hap Lee, whose condescending view of nat ive whites is i r o n i -c a l l y reminiscent , in s t y l e and tone, of European t r a v e l l e r s ' accounts of t h e i r discovery of the New World:(9)
It has now been over two hundred years since our ancestors came across from the Flowery Kingdom on a whaling expedi-t i o n , and a r r i ved upon these shores to f i n d t h i s most beaut i fu l land sparsely inhabi ted by aborigines of the race to which I presume you belong, I add wi th reg re t , to your shame. These people were very arrogant and, f o r the t imes, weal thy; indeed t h e i r wealth was barbar ic , l i k e themselves. They spoke a v i l l a i n o u s ja rgon, tha t happi ly now is modif ied by contact w i th our super ior tongue, and were e g o t i s t i c to a pa in fu l degree . . . These people, your ancestors, were sprung from a small t r i b e known o r i -g i n a l l y as Diggers, as we learn from Colonel Bee, because they were a l l given to digging in the h i l l s and mountains f o r precious metals, (p.367)
Reversing the American pat tern of westward migra t ion , the Chinese, a f t e r landing on the Pac i f i c coast , progress beyond the Rocky Mountains and then i n t o the South and Midwest. They gain c i t i z e n s h i p , enter pub l ic o f f i c e , and marry white women. Only a f t e r they propose to use r e s t r i c -t i v e l e g i s l a t i o n to pro tec t Chinese in te res ts and to deny vot ing p r i v i -leges to whites do the Americans p ro tes t , staging an unsuccessful rebe l l i on before passing " i n t o As ia t i c s lavery" (p.376).
Although Lore l le shrewdly suggests that the Chinese are only i n t e r -ested in c i t i zensh ip because i t can expedite and l eg i t im ise t h e i r con-quest of America, the s tory does not explore the "yel low p e r i l " th rea t in any depth, opt ing instead fo r a s i m p l i s t i c reversal of the r e l a t i v e statuses o f , and cu l t u ra l assumptions about, Chinese immigrants and white Americans. Robert Wol tor 's A Short and Truthful History of the Taking of California and Oregon by the Chinese in the ïear A.D. 1899, published two years a f t e r L o r e l l e , discusses the Chinese invasion w i th considerable v i t r i o l i c fo rce : here Prince Tsa and h is fo l lowers use coercion rather than law to achieve t h e i r aims. While resident Chinese servants poison the food served in garr isons and homes, the pr ince enter ta ins San Francisco's f i r s t f am i l i es on board h is sh ip , and l a t e r holds them hostage, demanding the states of Ca l i f o rn ia and Oregon and the re loca t ion of any remaining whites to another s ta te . Though Wol tor 's descr ip t ion of Prince Tsa - he "bore less'resemblance to a human being than he d id to M i l t on ' s Satan" (p.58) - draws upon the by now f a m i l i a r view of China as the d e v i l ' s empire (popular ised by missionaries such as Reverend Just ice D o o l i t t l e ) , the novel makes several innovat ive - and s t a r t l i n g - observat ions. Woltor suggests tha t the Chinese invasion of America is both an i m i t a t i o n o f , and an act of r e t r i b u t i o n f o r , European barbarism. The Chinese
. . . read the fasc ina t i ng b lo ts of blood which s ta in the pages of the h i s to ry of Greece, I t a l y , Frances Spain, B r i t a i n and America . . . The conquest of Peru g rea t ly in teres ted them; and Pizzaro 's treachery to Atahualpa p a r t i c u l a r l y impressed them as a masterpiece of d u p l i c i t y . O r i g i na l l y in t ruded upon against t h e i r own des i re , and t h e i r ports opened by the great c i v i l i z e r s of barbar ic nations - B r i t i s h guns - and then compelled to im i t a te the European in mechanical ar ts . . . they had learned a l l they wished to learn , and t h e i r tu rn had now come to teach t h e i r masters a lesson - a lesson of what cool judgment, secrecy and f a i t h in one's countrymen can accomplish . . . (pp.46-47)
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- a populat ion befouled w i th a l l the soc ia l v i ces , w i t h no knowledge or appreciat ion of f ree i n s t i t u t i o n s or cons t i -t u t i ona l l i b e r t y , w i t h heathenish souls and heathenish propensi t ies . . . we should be prepared to b id farewel l to republicanism and democracy. (Neu lovk Times, 3 September 1865, quoted in M i l l e r , 170)
Others, l i k e former New York governor Horat io Seymour, viewed the Chinese, l i k e the Indians, as an impediment to progress: "We do not l e t the Indian stand in the way of c i v i l i z a t i o n so why l e t the Chinese bar-barian?" In h is l e t t e r to the Sea York Times, Seymour explained:
Today we are d i v i d ing the lands of the nat ive Indians i n t o s ta tes , counties and townships. We are d r i v i ng o f f t h e i r property the game upon which they l i v e , by ra i l r oads . We t e l l them p l a i n l y , they must give up t h e i r homes and property because they are in the way of c i v i l i z a t i o n . If we can do t h i s , then we can keep away another form of barbarism which has no r i g h t here. [Sea lovk Times, 9 August 1870)
Addressing Congress, Senator Morgan of Alabama claimed tha t the Chinese and Indians were both " i n f e r i o r " s o c i a l l y and p o l i t i c a l l y and subject to the cont ro l of the Federal government; i f Congress could re locate Indians onto reservat ions, why could not t h i s also be done to the Chinese?(8)
In the years fo l l ow ing 1865, comparison of the Chinese to Blacks or Indians lessened, and a s p e c i f i c a l l y an t i -Or ien ta l discourse began to emerge, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the w r i t i n g of working men's associat ion leaders such as Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of Labor, who pushed f o r r e s t r i c t i o n of Chinese immigration in h is pamphlet, Meat or Rioe, and Denis Kearney, leader of the Workingmen's Party of C a l i f o r n i a , who took as h is slogan "The Chinese Must Go". His pa r t y , which sent a large and vocal delegation to the 1879 Ca l i f o rn i a cons t i t u t i ona l convention, successful ly lobbied f o r the passage of a r t i c l e XIX of the s ta te ' s con-s t i t u t i o n , which made the h i r i n g of Chinese by government or business a misdemeanour, and Kearney's energet ic campaigning was, in p a r t , respon-s ib le f o r r a i s i ng the anti-Chinese movement to a level of na t i ona l , rather than s t a t e , s ign i f i cance .
Organised labour 's resentment of the Chinese has general ly been presumed to stem from economic f ac to rs : the Chinese were accused of degrading white workers by working f o r less and by serving as scab labour during s t r i k e s . Yet, when one examines the images used by labour leaders and t h e i r supporters to describe the Chinese th rea t - contagion, inva-sion and metamorphosis - these betray an unconscious fear of the a l i en o ther 's po ten t ia l to destroy or to colonise his coloniser. · The Working-man's Advocate claimed t ha t Chinese servants brought "loathsome diseases" and "debasing hab i ts" i n to the American home whi le t h e i r brethren in the c igar fac to r ies "With ulcerated hands . . . wrap the f a l l e n leper scales w i th the tobacco, and the smoker sucks it i n to h is system, which may break out in one year , or in ten years, and ch i ld ren may i n h e r i t the d i s -ease from the careless f a the r " ( issue f o r 11 October 1873, quoted in M i l l e r , 198). In Henry Grimm's 1879 fa rce , The Chinese Must Go, a white man, Frank B . , describes the Chinese as parasites upon the body p o l i t i c :
Now, what would you th ink of a man who would al low a l o t of parasi tes to suck every day a cer ta in quant i ty of blood out of his body, when he knows tha t h is whole cons t i t u t i on is endangered by t h i s sucking process: mustn' t he be e i the r an i d i o t or intend se l f -des t ruc t ion? And suppose those Chinese parasi tes should suck as much blood out of
painted, covered wi th f a t , and sold to the unwary as "hams". Thomas Perkins went so f a r as to assert tha t the long sleeves of Chinese cos-tume were designed to hide stolen a r t i c l e s ( M i l l e r , 30).
The t raders ' view of the Chinese as ra t -ea t i ng swindlers was aug-mented by Chr is t ian miss ionar ies ' presentat ion of a v ice- r idden nat ion: the Reverend Gutz la f f reported tha t
G i r l s scarcely twelve years old were given up to the beast ly passions of men. Parents p ros t i t u ted t h e i r daughters; hus-bands t h e i r wives; brothers t h e i r s i s te rs - and t h i s they did w i th d iabo l i ca l j o y . ( M i l l e r , 62)
An exasperated Reverend Just ice D o o l i t t l e suggested tha t China was Satan's own empire, f o r the " invent ion of the Chinese language has been ascribed to the d e v i l , who endeavored by it to prevent the prevalence of C h r i s t i a n i t y in a country where he has so many zealous and able subjects" ( M i l l e r , 70). They saw i n f a n t i c i d e not as the desperate attempt of the impoverished peasant to deal w i th l im i t ed resources, but as proof tha t the Chinese were barbarians devoid of fami ly f e e l i n g . An 1833 plea fo r more money and missionaries describes China in a manner calculated to rea f f i rm the good Chr i s t i an ' s f a i t h in the supe r io r i t y of his own c i v i -l i s a t i o n :
Alas! How general ly is the cry of the exposed and dying in fan t disregarded in China! Beneath a parade of manners reduced to the most regular form . . . is the nat ion groaning under oppression and v io lence, t h e i r courts f i l l e d w i th br ibery and i n j u s t i c e ; t h e i r markets w i th cozening and dece i t , t h e i r houses wi th concubines and even worse abominations. ( M i l l e r , 77)
I t i s , there fore , not surpr is ing that the a r r i v a l of Chinese immi-grants in gold-rush San Francisco aroused considerable i n t e r e s t . ( 2 ) Although one cannot assess how i n f l u e n t i a l t raders ' and missionar ies ' views were in the f r o n t i e r west, contemporary accounts of 1850 do not ind icate any an t i -Or ien ta l sentiments: the California Courier ca l led the Chinese "a pat tern of sobr ie ty , o rder , and obedience to laws" (Bancrof t , 347-48), and at the Ca l i f o rn ia statehood ceremony tha t same year, Just ice Nathaniel Bennett addressed a group of Chinese and other immigrants: "You stand among us in a l l respects as equals . . . Henceforth we have one country, one hope, one dest iny" (Dicker, 4 ) . A year l a t e r , the ed i to r of the Daily Alta Californian predic ts a m u l t i - r a c i a l soc ie ty :
. . . it may not be many years before the ha l l s of Congress are graced by the presence of a long queued Mandarin s i t t i n g , vo t ing , and speaking beside a don from Santa Fe and a Kanaker from Hawaii . . . The 'China boys' w i l l ye t vote at the same p o l l s , study at the same schools, and bow at the same a l t a r s as our own countrymen, {daily Alta Californian, 12 May 1851, quoted in Lyman ( i n Tach ik i , 163)
However, such a p a r i t y of races was prec ise ly what many C a l i f o r -niens did not want. As cooks, servants, or laundrymen serving the white community, the Chinese had been welcome, but when they, too , began to work the gold mines, they provoked great resentment, despite the f ac t that they of ten took on claims which had already been abandoned by white miners.(3) The Ca l i f o rn ia Foreign Miners Tax of 1850 was lev ied only from the Chinese,who had to turn over f i f t y percent of t h e i r income to the s ta te (Lyman ( i n Tach i k i ) , 163). In the 1851 debate over cool ie labour, Senator Ph i l i p Roach argued tha t Chinese contract labourers be confined to ag r i cu l tu re "provided they are excluded from
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of his immediate reality, and something like a series of antidotes for what he found unlivable there. See Bruneau, Le "Conte Oriental" de Gustave Flaubert (Paris: Denoël, 1973), pp.38ff.
3. See Said, Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1978), pp.42 and 177. On Flaubert's extensive education in "Orientalism", see Bruneau, Le "Conte Oriental", pp.37ff.
4. Quoted by Said, Orientalism, p.182. Cf. Lamartine: "I dreamed con-stantly of a trip to the Orient, as a major act of my inner life"; Voyage en Orient, in Oeuvres complètes, ed. Gosselin (Paris, 1850), V, 8, quoted by Said, Orientalism, ρ,177.
5. See Said, Orientalism, p.20; and Hayden White, Metahistory: The
Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1973), "Introduction" (particularly p.34). In
the course of such a rhetorical operation, determined by forces outside
itself, a socio-cultural system may discover its own divisibility: whence
the examination by a member of the culture in question (Said) of the
phenomenon of Orientalism itself.
6. Since he didn't care to make the trip himself, Chateaubriand re-
counts how he sent a servant to carve his name on the Pyramids. See his
Oeuvres romanesques et voyages, ed. Maurice Regard (Paris: Gallimard,
1969), p.1148.
7. This mystified centrality of the ideological - masked for the text
itself, but essential to its structure - betrays the methodological dif-
ficulty which would confront any purely Idealist or structuralist analy-
sis and critique of colonialist discourse. The historical and conjunc-
tural charge upon such a text's signifiers necessarily remains trans-
parent for such a methodology.
8. Voyage en Orient (1835; Paris: Hachette, 1887), II, 526-27. Said
discusses Flaubert's implicit belief in the superiority of the Westerner:
Orientalism, p. 15.
9. Antoine-Youssef Naaman gives a list of the critics making this
sort of assertion (Bertrand, Thibaudet, Dumesnil, Carre), in Les débuts de Gustave Flaubert et sa technique de la description (Paris: Nizet, 1962), p.256n. See also Les Lettres d'Egypt, p.35. To this list must
be added one of the most recent of Flaubert's biographers, Benjamin Bart ; see his Flaubert (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1967), p.184.
10. See on this point Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron, La
Reproduction (Paris: Minuit, 1970), Book I, Section 2.1.2.
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as a powerful fantasy of the revenge of the oppressed. In his w r i t i n g Flaubert never attempted the sor t of rad ica l Or iental ism on the l i n g u i s -t i c level which Pound l a t e r exp lo i ted in his experiments w i th ideograms, his pract ice of a poet ic system which seems au then t i ca l l y i n t e r - and p l u r i - c u l t u r a l . We occasional ly f i nd traces of an e f f o r t to conceive a totally fantasized re fe ren t , a so r t of s u r r e a l i s t " a l t e rna t i ve wor ld" which might have produced the renascent t ex t Flaubert sought: "Could one imagine a fo res t in which the palm trees would be as white as bouquets of os t r i ch feathers?" (10:516). But such attempts remain s t e r i l e , as indeed a l l his production during t h i s period would come to seem to him.
The whole form of his Voyage appears l i k e a f r a n t i c ser ies of attempts - which Flaubert was seemingly incapable of abandoning - to transcend such perceptions of s t e r i l i t y , to seize ( i f nothing else) at leas t the representat ional pleni tude of a co l l ec t i on of objects observed, of s i tes explored, of women possessed. In sp i te of his intense d i ssa t i s f ac t i on concerning the resu l ts of t h i s e f f o r t to absorb the exot ic r e a l i t y , he could not give i t up. Yet i t s symbolic appro-p r i a t i on res is ted Flaubert sys temat ica l ly . He could not evade the imp l i ca t ion of his w r i t i n g in the social s t ructures determined by the West's ambiguous domination of the East.
F laubert ian c r i t i c i s m has repeatedly - if somewhat vaguely -claimed tha t the Orient t r i p opened F lauber t 's way to the r ea l i za t i on of his mature w r i t i n g s t y l e . ( 9 ) The suggestion is tha t the authent ic Flaubert emerged somehow from his passage through the desert . This is to accept something l i k e the same ideology - or fantasy - w i th which the w r i t e r himself went East. Of course it can hardly be denied tha t upon re turn ing from his voyage he set to work on Madame Bovary, whose cre-dent ia ls as "authent ic Flaubert" are s u f f i c i e n t l y persuasive. But the process of the breakthrough mediated by the Orient t r i p remains obscure. Some understanding of what occurred may be possible through recogni t ion of the overa l l failure of the tex tua l paradigm which I have argued was at the o r i g i n of F lauber t 's desire to leave France: the f a i t h tha t some-how contact w i th an exot ic re ferent would re-energize h is w r i t i n g .
The path Flaubert found himself fo l low ing once he returned from his t r i p r e a l l y denotes the absence of an "Or ienta l renaissance". And the Voyage en Orient stages t h i s n e g a t i v i t y . For t h i s t e x t , the most intensely r e fe ren t i a l of any of F lauber t ' s , which car r ies so many ob jec ts , so many places, so many people along w i th i t , nonetheless f inds i t s e l f exhausted in the face of i t s own accumulation. The fore ign re fe ren t never succeeds in l i b e r a t i n g Flaubert ian discourse, in d r i v i ng out of it the degraded Western contents and paradigms whose domination was d r i v ing him to fu ry - on the contrary.
The two métonymie operations which were supposed to have incorpor-ated the fore ign i n to European representat ion produced nothing the least b i t sa t i s f ac to r y . Indeed there was a d isab l ing in ter ference between the two tropes themselves, the f i r s t ( "penet ra t ion" ) consciously s a t i r i z i n g the hegemonic presence in the Or ient of the hated discourse of the West; the second ( "appropr ia t ion" ) i n v o l u n t a r i l y reproducing the very same discourse. Thus subverted, the renewal seems to d i s i n t e g r a t e , the t e x t seems to undo or empty i t s e l f in the very process of i t s making. Flaubert had begun w i th the desire to mobi l ize the re fe ren t i a l power of w r i t i n g in order to displace a dominant discourse by means of tha t which the soc io -h i s to r i ca l conjecture had establ ished as i t s Other. But the tex t which sought to found i t s e l f as counter-discourse reveals tha t the desire which dr ives i t along is inscr ibed as a cons t i t u t i ve element in prec ise ly the order of meaning which i t sought to transgress.
Flaubert had got himself caught in the most banal sor t of mis-understanding: in a naive and unconscious Idealism which sought to
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object in the s p i r i t o f t h i s o r i g i na l w i l l - t o - a p p r o p r i a t i o n . In approving the p ro jec t which F lauber t 's t r a v e l l i n g companion Maxime Du Camp had proposed to them, the Académie des Inscr ip t ions et Bel les-Let t res encouragingly stated that they expected the t r i p would produce "conquests ori behalf of ph i l o logy , archeology and a r t " . In l i n e w i th such an a t t i t u d e , a f i r s t t race of what we might term the "appropr iate a t t i t u d e " can be perceived in the preoccupation in F lauber t 's tex ts w i th two modes of symbolic absorption of the re ferent which stand in cu l tu ra l h i s to ry to the c red i t of his and Max's expedi t ion: the deta i led a rch i tec tu ra l and archeological descr ip t ion of Or iental monu-ments which frequently occupies t h e i r t ex t s ; and, above a l l , the photo-graphs they took:
This temple is 33.70 metres long, 16.89 metres wide; the circumference of the columns is 5.37 metres. An Arab climbed up to the cap i ta l of one of the columns to drop the tape measure f o r us. (10:491)
As f o r the photographs, F lauber t 's and Du Camp's a c t i v i t i e s in t h i s area represented a good deal more than simply tak ing snapshots. Their images of Egypt would have caused t h e i r t r i p to be remembered even if the t r a v e l l e r s themselves had been less famous. For these were the f i r s t photographic images of Egypt.
But in the context of my argument here, such an imposi t ion in the fore ign country of paradigms fo r se iz ing i t is s t r i k i n g . No doubt the paradox was i n v i s i b l e to the t r a v e l l e r s themselves. But i nev i t ab l y through t h e i r very o b j e c t i f i c a t i o n of the "foreignness" of Egypt, they caused an a l i en system to intervene in and u l t ima te l y to determine i t s representat ion. They captured i t in images and surveyed i t in arche-o logica l notebooks - cor rect to four s i g n i f i c a n t d i g i t s . However i nvo l -u n t a r i l y , t h e i r procedures funct ioned to render permeable to Occidentals an Orient portrayed as mute and powerless, lacking any consciousness of i t s e l f , any desire to measure i t s own monuments, w r i t e i t s own h i s t o r y , derive i t s own meaning. The Europeans were obl iged to carry the East home wi th them and to speak on i t s behal f . It became their t e x t .
This ideology of permeabi l i ty is perceivable everywhere in F lauber t 's pages; indeed f o r him it defined the mater ia l and subject ive condit ions surrounding his t r i p . With the s e l f - s a t i s f a c t i o n of those who know themselves to be h ighly placed, he ins t ruc ted his mother as fo l lows: "Write me in Cairo. A l l you need are my name and my t i t l e plus: Cairo, Egypt" (22 November 1849; 12:651). Such g r a t i f y i n g cen-t r a l i z a t i o n of the European is the very meaning of his status in the Or ient .
Under such cond i t ions , which repeat themselves everywhere along t h e i r way, i t would have seemed ext raord inary if our t r a v e l l e r s had not experienced t h e i r European supe r i o r i t y as a v i r t u a l fac t of nature. And the t ex t of F lauber t 's Voyage is studded wi th l i t t l e de ta i l s in which tha t a t t i t u d e makes i t s e l f apparent in the r e l a t i v e absence of any s e l f - c r i t i c a l commentary on the author 's par t :
The [N i le ] cataract is as s t ra i gh t as a canal. Five men dive i n to the water, to en te r ta in me. (10:495)
Saturday morning. - I purchase two women's tresses wi th t h e i r ornaments; the women whose ha i r is cut o f f weep . . . It must have been very upset t ing f o r them [Ça a du être une désolation pour ees pauvres femmes]', they appear to have cared a good deal about t h e i r ha i r [paraissent y tenir beaucoup}. (10:510)
the two worlds in presence, a sor t of montage which perpetuates and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e s the Occidental s i gn i f y i ng system at the heart of Or ienta l representat ion.
A few examples: in Benisouëf, Flaubert sees some bleached bones l y ing f l ush w i th the surface of the ground; he is struck by the resem-blance to a s l i c e of f i ne Par is ian paté (10:480). In Djenin, on the west bank of the Jordan River , he watches a woman drawing water "a l i t t ! in the s ty le of a Mignard pa in t ing" (10:581).
But the montage of discordant elements which these examples t y p i f y is constant. Flaubert seeks to regain contro l of h is tex t by re-thematizing the force which d isrupts i t . He does th i s through an appeal to one of the commonplaces of t o u r i s t i c Or iental ism: the not ion that the East which one has come seeking is disappearing under the weight of the West. "They're going to abol ish the harems, the example of European women is contagious; one of these days the women in the East are going to begin reading novels . . . A l l around us the whole th ing is co l laps ing of decrepitude" (11:49). He wr i tes to Théophile Gautier urging Gautier to leave Paris and j o i n him on the t r i p : " I t ' s time to hurry. In a l i t t l e whi le the Orient w i l l have ceased to e x i s t . We may be i t s las t witnesses. Vou can ' t imagine how much it has already been ruined. I ' v e seen harems go by on steam boats" (13 August 1850; 13:66).
F lauber t 's t ex t thus reg is te rs i t s contamination by Europe as a systematic and more or less conscious c r i t i q u e of t h i s mode of in terven-t i o n and domination. The f i gu re of penetration might thus be i n te rp re -ted as a consciously thematized i rony . It would then appear as the trace of c o l o n i a l i s t false-consciousness which Flaubert allowed in to his tex t prec ise ly because, thanks to cer ta in s a t i r i c a l techniques, he could conceive it as containable. As f requent ly l a t e r on in his w r i t i n g , Flaubert re tex tua l ized imbec i l i t y here w i th the in ten t ion of seeking, by evoking i t , to br ing it down of i t s own imbec i l i c weight. He allowed European s t u p i d i t y to speak w i t h i n his t ex t in order to mark his own t e x t ' s d i f fe rence from i t . From such s t u p i d i t y he constructed outrage-ous mi n i -na r ra t i ves . They were to be cautionary ta les which, through t h e i r archetypal r id icu lousness, would funct ion to demystify a degraded consciousness. In France, he had invented his celebrated Garçon (see Sar t re 's Idiot de la famille, Part 2, Book 2) . In the Or ien t , he inven-ted his sheik. He wr i tes about it to his mother as he sa i l s up the Ni le
As fa r as we're concerned, we've never been less bored on a boat even though we have nothing to see or do any more. We have books but we don ' t read them. We don ' t w r i t e anything e i t he r . We spend nearly all our time playing sheiks, tha t i s , o ld men. The sheik is the o l d , i nep t , w e l l - o f f , we l l -respected, we l l -es tab l i shed, ancient gentleman who asks us questions about our t r i p , something l i k e t h i s . . . :
- Are they construct ing ra i l roads there? Do they have any major l ines?
- And s o c i a l i s t ideas, good heavens, I hope they haven't made t h e i r way i n to these t e r r i t o r i e s ?
- Do they at leas t have some good wines? Are there any famous growths, e tc . . . . ?
A l l t h i s del ivered in a trembl ing voice, in an imbec i l i c manner. From s ing le sheik we've passed on to double sheik , that is to say, to dialogues . . . (To his mother; 24 June 1850; 13:50).
The f i gu re of penetration is thus ca re fu l l y domesticated as an i n t e r -nat ional joke.
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structures and protocols . The i m p l i c i t s t ruc ture of F lauber t 's fantasy appears as the dream, not so much of na tu ra l i z ing w i t h i n his own w r i t i n g ( i n the form of some sor t of curat ive ant idote) the discourse of the Or ien t , but much more rad i ca l l y of absorbing himself - almost o b l i t e r a t i n g himself - in t h i s other discourse. In a s t r i k i n g passage he ca l l s the Or ient "a melancholy and l u l l i n g e f f e c t . . . w i t h i n which you disappear" (10:455).
The representat ion of re la t ionsh ips between East and West con-s tan t l y takes the form of such metonymies. Indeed the en t i re c o l o n i a l i s t r e l a t i on necessari ly f inds expression in f igures of t h i s type. F lauber t 's passage here inscr ibes w i t h i n i t s e l f one of the meanings which the Or ient bore f o r o r i e n t a l i z i n g Europe: the womb, the o r i g i n . But the trope was a t rap . For in some obvious sense, the movement which it pro-jected could not be rea l i zed in p rac t ice . Established as other for each o ther , West and East could not be s tab ly or product ive ly combined. They produced no text - or r a the r , they produced only the t e x t of an arrested product ion, the f i gu re of a trope which could be ne i ther abandoned nor sustained. Thus when F lauber t 's hoped-for absorption in the Or iental re ferent showed i t s e l f to be unrea l izab le , an a l t e rna t i ve d iscurs ive f i g u r a t i o n of the contact between Occident and Orient s t r a t e g i c a l l y inver ted i t .
The character of F lauber t 's Or ienta l texts depends upon the t rans-formations of t h i s t ropology. Two p r inc ipa l métonymie movements sym-met r i ca l l y provide i t s s t ruc tures . But both appear as the f igures of an underly ing discourse which no t ex t can t r u l y expunge: an oppressive, absorpt ive, r e i f y i n g , i r reduc ib l y French imperial ism. At the heart of F lauber t 's Or ienta l d iscourse, t h i s discourse comes to occupy the place which the conjecture had establ ished as i t s own despite F lauber t 's e f f o r t s t o o b l i t e r a t e i t .
In his o r i g i na l fantasy, the ob jec t ive condit ions of co lon ia l ism i t s e l f were to have been systemat ica l ly inver ted: the dominated Or ient would have come to dominate i t s dominators, l i b e r a t i n g them from them-selves and from t h e i r own h i s to r y . The h i s to ry of t h i s tex tua l fantasy we have already seen. The subs t i tu te rhe to r i ca l f igures at work in the texts themselves then t race the r e i n s c r i p t i o n of the same h i s to ry which determined t h i s f a i l u r e , and o f i t s p r inc ipa l i n s t i t u t i o n a l mediations: f am i l y , na t i on -s ta te , O r i e n t a l i s t ideology and, in general, the bour-geois system of soc ia l meaning i t s e l f .
So the tex ts of F lauber t 's t r i p to the Orient can be conceived as organized by two versions of the o r i g i na l metonymy, two symmetrical f igures f o r representing the conf rontat ion w i th the Other. These might be termed penetration (the f o r c i b l e imposi t ion of the dominator and of his d iscurs ive system w i t h i n the dominated space) and appropriation (the consumption enforced by the dominator of what belongs to the domi-nated) .
As I suggested, c o l o n i a l i s t tex ts in general demonstrate the twin métonymie s t ructures in question here. The fundamental t ransact ion which characterizes such regimes of unequal exchange is necessarily a t ropo log ica l appropr ia t ion. This is because i t s object is never the t o t a l i t y of an economic or cu l tu ra l system ( f o r the c o l o n i a l i s t never " r e a l l y " intends to "become an o r i e n t a l " , to lose himself in the East) . Rather, the c o l o n i a l i s t ' s object is i nev i tab ly a series of detached, r e i f i e d elements drawn from the cu l tu re of the colony. Their status is defined by t h e i r fragmentary q u a l i t y , prec isely by the p o s s i b i l i t y of t h e i r being extracted from the whole. The "whole" is incapable of r es i s t i ng t h i s v i o l a t i o n , given the s t ruc ture of r e l a t i v e power which establ ishes the t ransact ion to begin w i th . I t s content thus depends
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(what we would c a l l the Middle East) was cent ra l to t h i s iconography of escapism and to the real voyages it determined.
By t h i s po in t in European h i s t o r y , the Middle East had of course been rather thoroughly s tud ied. Yet w i t h i n c r i t i c a l consciousness, then as now, it has tended to remain abs t rac t , as if the region were nothing but the product of an antinomic formation - one wanted to get auccy, the Or ient was away. In t h i s gu ise, as nothing more than the negative r e f l e c t i o n of a detestable r e a l i t y , these l o c i f o r the romantic voyage seem almost to have been chosen at random.
But the prefer red t e r r i t o r i e s of w r i t e r s in the romantic and post-romantic periods - and F lauber t ' s Or ient p a r t i c u l a r l y - carry a much less ra re f i ed content than such a conception would imply. Their r e a l i t y r es i s t s reduct ion ; they insc r ibe determinants much more concrete and conjunctural than those projected by such an idea l ized reading.
Said 's Orientalism suggests the necessity of res to r i ng the speci -f i c context and content of F lauber t ' s t r i p . Said i nc i t es us to de f ine , w i t h i n the network of t h e i r ideo log ica l and mater ia l determinants, the spec i f i c cont rad ic t ions which F lauber t 's t r i p sought - however unsuccess-f u l l y - to resolve. For Said, the European format ion of an O r i e n t a l i s t " idea" and " i n s t i t u t i o n " in the nineteenth century depended f i r s t of a l l upon the existence of a power re la t i onsh ip l i n k i n g West and East in a manner profoundly less innocent than ce r ta in l i t e r a r y tex ts of the period (notably the e a r l i e r "voyages" of Chateaubriand, Lamartine and Nerval) might have suggested. Or ienta l ism c l a r i f i e s how these pers is -ten t dreams of escape and of renewal presuppose the concrete p o l i t i c a l domination of the t e r r i t o r y i deo log i ca l l y invested as the "elsewhere" of romantic imaginat ion. These dreams, and these t e x t s , insc r ibe tha t domination in a manner which stresses them from w i t h i n , and threatens to empty them completely.
In Flaubert the need f o r an "elsewhere" becomes t rans la ted as the blockage of h is own tex tua l product ion. He imputed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r it to tha t pervasive and crushing bana l i t y of h is own society which was to become a cent ra l theme in h is w r i t i n g . It was as if in France the re fe ren t of w r i t i n g had simply become emptied ou t , as if there was nothing - and therefore nothing to write about. Then, the presence of a new re fe ren t in t h i s Or ient def ined by i t s exo t i c d i f fe rence was to have restored and l i be ra ted F lauber t ' s tex tua l p rac t i ce . I quote from his f i r s t account o f Egypt:
When we were two hours from the coast I went forward wi th the ch ie f helmsman and I saw Abbas-pacha's serag l io look ing l i k e a black dome above the blue of the sea. The sun was beating down on i t . I perceived the Or ient through i t , o r r a the r , i n a b r i g h t melted s i l v e r l i g h t on the sea . . . I was gorging myself w i th colors [je me foutais une ventrée de couleurs] l i k e a mule gorges
' i t s e l f w i th oats. (Le t te r to h is mother; 17 November 1849; 12; 645)
The metaphor of absorpt ion is c h a r a c t e r i s t i c . Flaubert seems to have intended his d iges t ion of the exot ic re fe ren t to a l t e r what we might term the metabolism of h is w r i t i n g . But the t a c t i c to produce these tex ts as other f a i l e d . Looking c lose ly at the Voyage en Orient or at F lauber t ' s correspondence from the period of the t r i p , we would have d i f f i c u l t y d i s t i ngu ish ing any t race of a renewal of his w r i t i n g . F lauber t ' s Or ienta l tex ts read l i k e . . . Flaubert. And t ha t f a c t def ines t h e i r problem. Despite the p len t i t ude which stems from a constant
ι reference to places, monuments, terms and mores which were exot ic for him, these texts r e a l l y represent an absence of rupture from the
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IDEOLOGICAL VOYAGES: CONCERNING A
FLAUBERTIAN DIS-ORIENT-ATION*
Richard Terdiman
To begin, l e t me s t re tch a Renaissance concei t . One of the most charming and most suggestive anecdotes in the h is to ry of pa in t ing con-cerns the F lorent ine Paolo Uccel lo. The story depicts him up a l l n ight at his d r a f t i n g tab le , working through some knotty problem in the new system of p i c t o r i a l representat ion which Brunel leschi had recent ly devised fo r creat ing the i l l u s i o n of deep space. Uccel lo 's w i fe would ca l l him to come to sleep. But the painter was too absorbed in his sketch: in these moments he preferred the representat ion on his tab le to the r e a l i t y in bed. "0 che dolce cose è questa p rospe t t i va ! " he would ca l l to his w i fe : "What a t e r r i f i c th ing th is new perspective i s ! "
Of course t h i s s tory about the most i n f l u e n t i a l system of v isual representat ion in our t r a d i t i o n r e a l l y depicts us. From our perspect ive, as we might say, it i d e n t i f i e s the problem of perspective, the en t i re problematic of representing the other, as the centra l preoccupation in a l l Western depict ion since the quattrocento. For "perspect ive" - in i t s pa in te r l y as in i t s more metaphorical senses - supposes two th ings : (1) the existence of a f u l l y sub jec t i f i ed eye (or " I " ) ; and (2) the separat ion, the d i v i s i o n of i t s possessor from the ex te rna l , represented world. "Perspective" is a system of r e l a t i on of elements in the tableau, not only to each other but , c r u c i a l l y , to one p r i v i l eged e le -ment outside i t ; tha t i s , to the source of perceiv ing consciousness (which it can represent only by i t s absence). To tha t extent the meta-phor of perspect ive, of the sovereign sub jec t 's mode of connection to a dominated space, could stand fo r the r e l a t i on we are examining in t h i s conference. For perspective is about difference as a hierarchical mode of relation, and about how it can be depicted or managed. "Europe and i t s Others" thus frames a problem in perspective - one might as wel l say, of ideologica l analys is .
The r e l a t i on which our h is to ry knows as colonia l ism is impl icated in t h i s h ierarchized dimension l i n k i n g the seer and the seen. But as my reference to the soc io -h i s to r i ca l realm, u l t ima te l y to the realm of power, sought to suggest, there are elements in such representat ion which escape even the contro l of those who are organizing them f o r us. The f i r s t of these uncontro l lab le elements, no doubt the primary determina-t i on of the en t i re s t ruc tu re , is the cu l tu ra l primacy of the pos i t ion at the focus of a l l the s i gh t - l i nes in the tableau, the point of strength which we imagine in f r o n t of the p ic tu re whose counterpart is the "van i -shing po in t " w i th in i t . To such a "vanishing p o i n t " , t r a d i t i o n a l recog-nized ins ide the system and comprehensible w i t h i n i t , corresponds a d i f -ferent sor t of r e a l i t y which cannot be reckoned through formal , or tho-gonal means alone.
* A f u l l y documented and more extensive version of t h i s essay w i l l be found in my Discourse/Counter Discourse: The Theory and Practice of Symbolic Resistance in Nineteenth-Century France ( I thaca, N.Y.: Cornell Un ivers i ty Press, 1985), Chap.5.
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consciousness provided by these counter-knowledges h i t he r t o . Several p o s s i b i l i t i e s propose themselves, and I shal l conclude simply by l i s t i n g them. A need fo r greater crossing of boundaries, f o r greater in terven-t ionism in c ross -d isc ip l i na ry a c t i v i t y , a concentrated awareness of the s i t ua t i on - p o l i t i c a l , methodological, s o c i a l , h i s t o r i c a l - in which i n t e l l e c t u a l and cu l tu ra l work is car r ied out. A c l a r i f i e d p o l i t i c a l and methodological commitment to the dismantl ing of systems of domination which since they are c o l l e c t i v e l y maintained must, to adopt and transform some of Gramsci's phrases, be c o l l e c t i v e l y fought , by mutual siege, war of manoeuvre and war of pos i t i on . Las t l y , a much sharpened sense of the i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s ro le both in the def in ing of a context and in changing i t , f o r without t h a t , I be l ieve , the c r i t i q u e of Oriental ism is simply an ephemeral pastime.
Bibliographical Note
Edward Said, Orientalism (London, 1978)
Some pertinent reviews have appeared in: Race and Class, xxi (1979);
•Journal of Asian Studies, xxxix (1980); History and Theory, xix (1980)
A partial list of references
Abdel, Anwar Malek, Idéologie et renaissance nationale (Paris, 1969) "Orientalism in Crisis", Oiogenes 44 (1963) Social Dialectics, 2 vols. (London, 1981)
Alatas, S.H., Intellectuals in Developing Societies (London, 1977) The Myth of the Lazy Native (London, 1977)
Ali, Tariq, The Rediscovery of India (forthcoming, 1985)
Anderson, Perry, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London, 1974)
Asad, Talal, ed., Anthroplogy and the Colonial Encounter (London, 1979)
Bersani, Leo, A Future for Astyanax: character and desire in literature (Cambridge, 1978)
Bhabha, Homi, "Difference, Discrimination and the Discourse of
Colonialism", in The Politics of Theory, eds. Francis Barker et al. (Colchester, 1983)
"Of Mimicry and Men: the Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse", October 28 (1984)
Bran, Peter, The Islamic Roots of Capitalism: Egypt 1760-1840 (Austin, 1979)
Braudel, Fernand, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II 2 vols, (New York, 1972-3)
Civilization and Capitalism ? vols. (London, 1981-2)
Césaire, Aimé, Discourse on Colonialism (New York, 1972)
Chomsky, Noam, American Power and the New Mandarins (New York, 1969)
For Reasons of State (New York, 1973)
The Fateful Triangle: Israel, the United States and the Palestinians (New York, 1983)
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between suppressed V ic to r ian sexua l i ty at home, i t s fantasies abroad, and the t igh ten ing hold on the male l a te nineteenth century imagination of i m p e r i a l i s t ideology. S im i l a r l y a work l i k e Abdul Jan Mohammed's Manichean Aesthetics invest igates the p a r a l l e l , but unremi t t ing ly separate a r t i s t i c worlds of white and black f i c t i o n s of the same place, A f r i c a , suggesting that even in imaginative l i t e r a t u r e a r i g i d ideo log i -cal system operates beneath a f reer surface. Or in a study l i k e Peter Gran's The Islamic Roots of Capitalism, which is w r i t t e n out of a polemi-c a l l y although met iculously researched and scrupulously concrete a n t i -i m p e r i a l i s t and a n t i - O r i e n t a l i s t h i s t o r i c a l stance, one can begin to sense what a vast i n v i s i b l e t e r r a i n of human e f f o r t and ingenui ty lurks beneath the frozen O r i e n t a l i s t surface formerly carpeted by the discourse of Islamic or Oriental economic h i s t o r y .
There are many more examples tha t one could give of analyses and theore t ica l pro jects undertaken out of s im i la r impulses as those f u e l l i n g the a n t i - O r i e n t a l i s t c r i t i q u e . A l l of them are in tervent ionary in nature, that i s , they se l f -consc ious ly s i tua te themselves at vulnerable conjunc-tu ra l nodes of ongoing d i s c i p l i n a r y discourses where each of them posi ts nothing less than new objects of knowledge, new praxes of humanist f i n the broad sense of the word) a c t i v i t y , new theore t i ca l models tha t upset or at the very leas t r a d i c a l l y a l t e r the p reva i l i ng paradigmatic norms. One might l i s t here such disparate e f f o r t s as Linda Nochl in 's explorat ions of nineteenth century O r i e n t a l i s t ideology as working w i t h i n major a r t -h i s t o r i c a l contexts; Hanna Batatu 's immense re - s t ruc tu r i ng of the t e r r a i n of the modern Arab s ta te ' s p o l i t i c a l behavior; Raymond Wi l l iam's sustained examinations of s t ructures of f e e l i n g , communities of knowledge, emergent or a la te rna t i ve cu l t u res , patterns of geographical thought (as in his re-markable The Country and The City)·, Talal Asad's account of anthropologi-cal se l f -capture in the work of major t h e o r i s t s , and along wi th tha t his own studies in the f i e l d ; Er ic Hobsbawm's new formulat ion of "the inven-t ion of t r a d i t i o n " or invented pract ices studied by h is to r ians as a c ruc ia l index both of the h i s t o r i a n ' s c r a f t and, more important , of the invent ion of new emergent nat ions; the work produced in re-examination of Japanese, Indian and Chinese cu l tu re by scholars l i k e Masao Miyoshi, Eqbal Ahmad, Tariq A l i , Romila Thapar, the group around Ranaj i t Guha (Subaltern Studies), Gayatri Spivak, and younger scholars l i k e Homi Bhabha and Partha M i t t e r ; the f resh ly imaginative reconsiderat ion by Arab l i t e r -ary c r i t i c s - the Fusoul and Mauakif groups, El ias Khouri, Kama! Abu Deeb, Mohammad Bannis, and others - seeking to redef ine and inv igorate the r r e i f i e d c lass ica l s t ructures of Arabic l i t e r a r y performance, and as a pa ra l l e l to t h a t , the imaginative works of Juan Goytisolo and Salman Rushdie whose f i c t i o n s and c r i t i c i s m are se l f -consc ious ly w r i t t en against the cu l tu ra l stereotypes and representat ions commanding the f i e l d . I t is worth mentioning here too the pioneering e f f o r t s of the Bulletin of Con-cerned Asian Scholars, and the f ac t t ha t twice recen t l y , in t h e i r p res i -dent ia l addresses an American S ino log is t (Benjamin Schwartz) and Indolo-g i s t (Ainslee Embree) have re f lec ted ser iously upon what the c r i t i q u e of Oriental ism means fo r t h e i r f i e l d s , a publ ic r e f l e c t i o n as yet denied Middle Eastern scholars; pe ren ia l l y , there is the work car r ied out by Noam Chomsky in p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l f i e l d s , an example of indepen-dent radical ism and uncompromising sever i ty unequalled by anyone else today; or in l i t e r a r y theory, the powerful theore t i ca l a r t i cu l a t i ons of a soc i a l , in the widest and deepest sense, model f o r nar ra t i ve put f o r -ward by Fredric Jameson, Richard Ohmann's emp i r i ca l l y a r r i ved -a t d e f i n i -t ions of canon p r i v i l ege and i n s t i t u t i o n in his recent work, rev is ionary Emersonian perspectives formulated in the c r i t i q u e of contemporary technological and imaginat ive, as wel l as cu l tu ra l ideologies by Richard
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recent ly provided by such r e l a t i v e l y small e f f o r t s as the c r i t i que of Or ienta l ism, is to be done, and on the leve l of p o l i t i c s and c r i t i c i s m how we can speak of i n t e l l e c t u a l work tha t i s n ' t merely react ive or negat ive,
I come f i n a l l y now to the second and, in my op in ion , the more chal lenging and in te res t ing set of problems tha t derive from the recon-s idera t ion of Or iental ism. One of the legacies of Or ienta l ism, and indeed one of i t s epistemological foundat ions, is h i s t o r i c i sm , tha t i s , the view propounded by Vico, Hegel, Marx, Ranke, Di l they and o thers , tha t if humankind has a h is to ry it is produced by men and women, and can be understood h i s t o r i c a l l y as, at each given per iod, epoch or moment, possessing a complex, but coherent un i t y . So fa r as Oriental ism in par-t i c u l a r and the European knowledge of other soc ie t ies in general have been concerned, h i s to r i c i sm meant tha t the one human h i s to ry un i t ing humanity e i t he r culminated in or was observed from the vantage point of Europe, or the West. What was ne i ther observed by Europe nor documented by i t was therefore " l o s t " u n t i l , at some l a t e r date, i t too could be incorporated by the new sciences of anthropology, p o l i t i c a l economics, and l i n g u i s t i c s . I t is out of t h i s l a t e r recuperation of what Eric Wolf has ca l led people wi thout h i s t o r y , tha t a s t i l l l a t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y step was taken, the founding of the science of world h i s t o r y , whose major p rac t i t i one rs include Braudel, Wa l le rs te in , Perry Anderson and Wolf h imsel f .
But along wi th the greater capacity fo r dealing w i th - in Ernst Bloch's phrase - the non-synchronous experiences of Europe's Other, has gone a f a i r l y uniform avoidance of the re la t i onsh ip between European imperial ism and these var ious ly cons t i tu ted , var iously formed and a r t i -culated knowledges. What, in other words, has never taken place is an epistemological c r i t i q u e at the most fundamental leve l of the connection between the development of a h i s to r i c i sm which has expanded and developed enough to include a n t i t h e t i c a l a t t i t udes such as ideologies of Western imperial ism and c r i t i ques of imperial ism on the one hand, and on the o ther , the actual pract ise of imperial ism by which the accumulation of t e r r i t o r i e s and populat ion, the control of economies, and the incorpora-t i on and homogenization of h i s to r i es are maintained. If we keep th i s in mind we w i l l remark, f o r example, t ha t in the methodological assumptions and pract ice of world h is to ry - which is i deo log i ca l l y a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t - l i t t l e or no a t ten t ion is given to those cu l t u ra l pract ises l i k e Oriental ism or ethnography a f f i l i a t e d w i th imper ia l ism, which in genea-log ica l f ac t fathered world h is to ry i t s e l f ; hence the emphasis in world h is to ry as a d i s c i p l i n e has been on economic and p o l i t i c a l p rac t i ces , defined by the processes of world h i s t o r i c a l w r i t i n g , as in a sense separate and d i f f e r e n t from, as well as unaffected by, the knowledge of them which world h i s to ry produces. The curious resu l t is tha t the theories of accumulation on a world scale, or the c a p i t a l i s t world s ta te , or l ineages of absolutism depend (a) on the same displaced perc ip ien t and h i s t o r i c i s t observer who had been an O r i e n t a l i s t or co lon ia l t r a v e l l e r three generations ago; (b) they depend also on a homogenizing and incor -porat ing world h i s t o r i c a l scheme tha t assimi lated non-synchronous devel-opments, h i s t o r i e s , cu l tu res , and peoples to i t ; and (c) they block and keep down la ten t epistemological c r i t i ques of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l , cu l t u ra l and d i sc i p l i na ry instruments l i n k i n g the incorporat ive pract ise of world h is to ry w i th pa r t i a l knowledges l i k e Oriental ism on the one hand, and on the o ther , wi th continued "Western" hegemony of the non-European, pe r i -pheral world.
In f i n e , the problem is once again h is to r i c i sm and the universa-l i z i n g and s e l f - v a l i d a t i n g tha t has been endemic to i t . Bryan Turner 's
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and the 70's - b lacks, women, pos t -co lon ia l Thi rd World nations tha t have t ipped the balance against the U.S. in such places as UNESCO and the U.N., and fo r t h e i r pains have drawn f o r t h the rebuke of Senator Moynihan and Mrs. K i r kpa t r i c k . In add i t i on , Pipes - and the rows of l ike-minded Or i en ta l i s t s and experts he represents as t h e i r common denominator - stands fo r programmatic ignorance. Far from t r y i n g to understand Islam in the context of imperial ism and the revenge of an abused, but i n t e r n a l l y very d iverse, segment of humanity, f a r from a v a i l -ing himself of the impressive recent work on Islam in d i f f e r e n t h i s to r i es and soc ie t i es , f a r from paying some a t ten t ion to the immense advances in c r i t i c a l theory, in socia l science and humanistic research, in the p h i l -osophy of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , f a r from making some s l i g h t e f f o r t to acquaint himself w i th the vast imaginat ive l i t e r a t u r e produced in the Islamic wor ld , Pipes obdurately and e x p l i c i t l y al igns himself w i th co lon ia l O r i en ta l i s t s l i k e Snouck Hurgronje and shamelessly pre-co lon ia l renegades l i k e V.S. Naipaul, so that from the ey r ie of the State Department and the National Secur i ty Council he might survey and judge Islam at w i l l .
I have spent t h i s much time t a l k i n g about Pipes only because he use fu l l y serves to make some points about Or ienta l ism's large p o l i t i c a l s e t t i n g , which is rou t ine l y denied and suppressed in the so r t of claim proposed by i t s main spokesman, Bernard Lewis, who has the e f f r on te ry to disassociate Or iental ism from i t s 200 year o ld partnership w i th European imperial ism and associate i t instead wi th modern c lass ica l ph i lo logy and the study of ancient Greek and Roman cu l tu re . Perhaps it is also worth mentioning about t h i s la rger se t t i ng tha t i t comprises two other elements, about which I ' d l i k e to speak very b r i e f l y , namely the recent (but at present uncertain) prominence of the Palest in ian movement, and secondly, the demonstrated resistance of Arabs in the United States and elsewhere against t h e i r portrayal in the publ ic realm.
As f o r the Palest in ian issue, between them the question of Palest ine and i t s f a t e f u l encounter w i th Zionism on the one hand, and the gu i l d of Or ienta l ism, i t s professional caste-consciousness as a corporat ion of experts protect ing t h e i r t e r r a i n and t h e i r credent ia ls from outside scru-t i ny on the other hand, these two account fo r much of the animus against my c r i t i q u e of Or iental ism. The i ron ies here are r i c h , and I sha l l re-s t r i c t myself to enumerating a small handful . Consider the case of one O r i e n t a l i s t who pub l i c l y attacked my book, he t o l d me in a p r iva te l e t t e r , not because he disagreed wi th it - on the cont rary , he f e l t tha t what I said was j u s t - but because he had to defend the honor of his pro fess ion! ! Or, take the connection - e x p l i c i t l y made by two of the authors I c i t e in Orientalism, Renan and Proust - between Islamophobia and ant i -Semit ism. Here, one would have expected many scholars and c r i t i c s to have seen the conjuncture, tha t h o s t i l i t y to Islam in the modern Chr is t ian West has h i s t o r i c a l l y gone hand in hand w i t h , has stemmed from the same source, has been nourished at the same stream as ant i -Semit ism, and tha t a c r i t i -que of the orthodoxies, dogmas, and d i s c i p l i n a r y procedures of Orienta-l ism cont r ibute to an enlargement of our understanding of the cu l tu ra l mechanisms of ant i -Semit ism. No such connection has ever been made by c r i t i c s , who have seen in the c r i t i q u e of Oriental ism an oppor tun i ty f o r them to defend Zionism, support I s r a e l , and launch attacks on Palest in ian nat ional ism. The reasons fo r t h i s conf irm the h is to ry of Oriental ism f o r , as the I s r a e l i commentator Dani Rubenstein has remarked, the I s r a e l i occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the destruct ion of Palest in ian soc ie ty , and the sustained Z ion is t assaul t upon Palest in ian nat ional ism has q u i t e . l i t e r a l l y been led and s ta f fed by O r i e n t a l i s t s . Whereas in the past it was European Chr is t ian Or ien ta l i s t s who supplied European cu l tu re w i th arguments fo r co lon iz ing and suppressing Islam, as wel l as f o r
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such matters as the r e a l , t rue or authent ic Islamic or Arab wor ld, except as issues r e l a t i n g to c o n f l i c t s invo lv ing par t i sansh ip , s o l i d a r i t y , or sympathy, although I have always t r i e d never to forsake a c r i t i c a l sense or r e f l e c t i v e detachment. But in common wi th a l l the recent c r i t i c s of Oriental ism 1 th ink tha t two things are espec ia l ly important - one, a r igorous methodological v ig i lance tha t construes Oriental ism less as a pos i t i ve than as a c r i t i c a l d i s c i p l i n e and therefore makes it subject to intense s c r u t i n y , and two, a determination not to a l low the segregation and confinement of the Orient to go on wi thout chal lenge. My own under-standing of t h i s second po in t has led me to the extreme pos i t ion of e n t i r e l y re fus ing designations l i k e "Or ient" and "Occident," but t h i s is something I sha l l re turn to a l i t t l e l a t e r .
Depending on how they construed t h e i r roles as O r i e n t a l i s t s , c r i t i c s of the c r i t i c s of Or iental ism have e i the r re in forced the a f f i rmat ions of pos i t i ve power lodged w i t h i n Or ienta l ism's discourse, or much less f r e -quently a las , they have engaged Or ienta l ism's c r i t i c s in a genuine i n t e l -lec tua l exchange. The reasons f o r t h i s s p l i t are se l f - ev i den t : some have to do wi th power and age, as wel l as i n s t i t u t i o n a l or gu i l d defensiveness-, others have to do w i th re l i g ious or ideo log ica l conv ic t ions. A l l , i r r e s -pect ive of whether the f a c t is acknowledged or n o t , are p o l i t i c a l - some-th ing tha t not everyone has found easy to acknowledge. If I may make use of my own example, when some of my c r i t i c s in pa r t i cu l a r agreed wi th the main premises of my argument they tended to f a l l back on encomia to the achievements of what one of t h e i r most d ist inguished i nd i v i dua l s , Maxime Rodinson, ca l led " l a science o r i e n t a l i s t e . " This view len t i t s e l f to attacks on an al leged Lysenkism lu rk ing ins ide the polemics of Muslims or Arabs who lodged a protest w i th "Western" Or ienta l ism, despite the f a c t t ha t a l l the recent c r i t i c s of Oriental ism have been qu i te e x p l i c i t about using such "Western" c r i t i ques as Marxism or s t ruc tu ra l i sm in an e f f o r t to overr ide inv id ious d i s t i n c t i o n s between East and West, between Arab and Western t r u t h , and the l i k e .
Sensi t ized to the outrageous attacks upon an august and formerly invulnerable science, many accredited members of the c e r t i f i e d profes-sional cadre whose d i v i s i o n of study is the Arabs and Islam have d i s -claimed any p o l i t i c s at a l l , whi le pressing a r igorous, but f o r the most par t i n t e l l e c t u a l l y empty and i deo log i ca l l y intended counter-at tack. Although Isa id I would not respond to c r i t i c s here, I need to mention a few of the more t yp ica l imputations made against me so tha t you can see Oriental ism extending i t s nineteenth century arguments to cover a whole incommensurate set of l a t e twent ieth century even tua l i t i es , a l l of them der iv ing from what to the nineteenth century mind is the preposterous s i t ua t i on of an Or iental responding to Or ienta l ism's asseverations. For sheer heedless a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m unrestrained or unencumbered by the s l i g h t e s t trace of c r i t i c a l self-consciousness no one, in my experience, has achieved the sublime confidence of Bernard Lewis, whose almost purely p o l i t i c a l exp lo i t s require more time to mention than they are worth. In a series of a r t i c l e s and one p a r t i c u l a r l y weak book - The Muslim Discovery of Europe - Lewis has been busy responding to my argu-ment, i n s i s t i n g tha t the Western quest f o r knowledge about other soc ie t ies is unique, that i t is motivated by pure c u r i o s i t y , and tha t in contrast Muslims nei ther were able nor in te res ted in ge t t ing knowledge about Europe, as if knowledge about Europe was the only acceptable c r i t e r i o n f o r t rue knowledge. Lewis's arguments are presented as emanating exclu-s i ve l y from the scholar 's a p o l i t i c a l i m p a r t i a l i t y whereas at the same time he has become an au tho r i t y drawn on f o r a n t i - I s l a m i c , an t i -Arab, Z ion is t and Cold War crusades, a l l of them underwri t ten by a zealot ry covered wi th a veneer of urbani ty that has very l i t t l e in common wi th
nat ional ism, Nasserism, the 1967 War, the r i s e of the Palest ine nat ional movement, the 1973 War, the Lebanese C i v i l War, the I ranian Revolution and i t s h o r r i f i c af termath, produced tha t ext raord inary ser ies of highs and lows which has ne i ther ended nor allowed us a f u l l understanding of i t s remarkable revo lu t ionary impact.
The i n te res t i ng point here is how d i f f i c u l t i t is to t r y to under-stand a region of the world whose p r inc ipa l features seem to be, f i r s t , tha t i t is in perpetual f l u x , and second, tha t no one t r y i n g to grasp i t can by an act of pure w i l l or of sovereign understanding stand at some Archimedean point outside the f l u x . That i s , the very reason fo r under-standing the Orient general ly and the Arab world in p a r t i c u l a r , was f i r s t tha t i t prevai led upon one, beseeched one's a t ten t ion u rgen t l y , whether fo r economic, p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , or re l i g ious reasons, and second, tha t i t def ied neu t ra l , d i s in te res ted , o r stable d e f i n i t i o n .
S imi lar problems are commonplace in the i n te rp re ta t i on of l i t e r a r y t ex t s . Each age, fo r instance, re - i n te rp re t s Shakespeare, not because Shakespeare changes, but because, despite the existence of numerous and r e l i a b l e ed i t ions of Shakespeare, there is no such f i xed and n o n - t r i v i a l ob ject as Shakespeare independent of h is e d i t o r s , the actors who played his ro les , the t rans la to rs who put him in other languages, the hundreds of m i l l i ons of readers who have read him or watched performances of his plays since the la te s ix teenth century. On the other hand, it is too much to say that Shakespeare has no independent existence at a l l , and that he is completely reconst i tu ted every time someone reads, ac ts , or wr i tes about him. In f a c t Shakespeare leads a n . i n s t i t u t i o n a l or cu l t u ra l l i f e that among other things has guaranteed his eminence as a great poet, his authorship of t h i r t y -odd p lays, his extraordinary canonical powers in the West. The po in t I am making here is a rudimentary one: tha t even so r e l a t i v e l y i n e r t an ob ject as a l i t e r a r y tex t is commonly supposed to gain some of i t s i d e n t i t y from i t s h i s t o r i c a l moment i n te rac t i ng wi th the a t t en t i ons , judgements, scholarship and performancees of i t s readers. But, I discovered, t h i s p r i v i l ege was ra re ly allowed the Or ien t , the Arabs, or Islam, which separately or together were supposed by mainstream academic thought to be confined to the f i xed status of an object frozen once and fo r a l l in time by the gaze of Western perc ip ien ts .
Far from being a defense e i the r of the Arabs or Islam - as my book was taken by many to be - my argument was tha t ne i ther existed except as "communities of i n t e rp re ta t i on " which gave them existence, and t h a t , l i k e the Orient i t s e l f , each designation represented i n t e r e s t s , c la ims, pro-j e c t s , ambitions and rhe tor ics that were not only in v i o len t disagree-ment, but were in a s i t ua t i on of open warfare. So saturated wi th mean-ings, so overdetermined by h i s t o r y , r e l i g i o n and p o l i t i c s are labels l i k e "Arab" or "muslim" as subdivis ions of "The Orient" that no one today can use them without some a t ten t ion to the formidable polemical mediations that screen the ob jec ts , i f they e x i s t a t a l l , t ha t the labels designate.
I do not th ink it is too much to say tha t the more these observa-t ions have been made by one par ty , the more rou t ine ly they are denied by the o ther ; t h i s is t rue whether i t is Arabs or Muslims discussing the meaing of Arabism or Islam, or whether an Arab or Muslim disputes these designations w i th a Western scholar. Anyone who t r i e s to suggest tha t nothing, not even a simple descr ip t i ve l a b e l , is beyond or outside the realm of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , is almost ce r ta in to f i n d an opponent saying that science and learn ing are designed to transcend the vagaries of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , and tha t ob jec t ive t r u t h is in fac t a t ta inab le . This claim was more than a l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l when used against Or ientals who disputed the au thor i t y and o b j e c t i v i t y of an Oriental ism in t ima te ly
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ORIENTALISM RECONSIDERED
Edward W. Said
There are two sets of problems tha t I ' d l i k e to take up, each of them der iv ing from the general issues addressed in Orientalism, of which the most important are: the representat ion of other cu l tu res , soc ie t i es , h i s t o r i e s ; the re la t i onsh ip between power and knowledge; the ro le of the i n t e l l e c t u a l ; the methodological questions tha t have to do wi th the relat ionship's between d i f f e r e n t kinds of t e x t s , between tex t and context , between tex t and h i s t o r y .
I should make a couple of things c lear at the ou tse t , however, F i r s t of a l l , I sha l l be using the word "Oriental ism" less to re fe r to my book than to the problems to which my book is r e l a ted ; moreover I shal l be deal ing, as w i l l be ev ident , wi th the i n t e l l e c t u a l and p o l i t i c a l t e r r i t o r y covered both by Orientalism ( the book) as wel l as the work I have done since. This imposes no ob l iga t ion on my audience to have read me since Orientalism·, I mention it only as an index of the fac t that since w r i t i n g Orientalism I have thought of myself as cont inuing to look at the problems that f i r s t in terested me in that book but which are s t i l l f a r from resolved. Second, I would not want it to be thought the l icense afforded me by the present occasion - f o r which of course I am gra te fu l - is an attempt to answer my c r i t i c s . For tunate ly , Orientalism e l i c i t e d a great deal of comment, much of it pos i t i ve and i n s t r u c t i v e , ye t a f a i r amount of it hos t i l e and in some cases (understandably) abusive. But the fac t is that I have not digested and understood everything that was e i the r w r i t t en or sa id. Instead I have grasped some of the problems and answers proposed by some of my c r i t i c s , and because they s t r i k e me as useful in focussing an argument, these are the ones I shal l be taking in to account in the comments tha t fo l l ow . Others - l i k e my exclusion of German Or ienta l ism, which no one has given any reason f o r me to have included - have f rank ly struck me as supe r f i c i a l or t r i v i a l , and there seems no point in even responding to them. S im i l a r l y the claims made by Dennis Por te r , among others, tha t I am ah i s t o r i ca l and incons is ten t , would have more i n te res t if the v i r tues of consistency (whatever may be intended by the term) were subjected to rigorous ana lys is ; as fo r my a h i s t o r i c i t y tha t too is a charge more weighty in assert ion than i t is in proof .
Now l e t me qu ick ly sketch the two sets of problems I ' d l i k e to deal w i th here. As a department of thought and expert ise Or iental ism of course refers to several overlapping domains: f i r s t l y , the changing h i s t o r i c a l and cu l t u ra l re la t ionsh ip between Europe and Asia, a re la -t ionsh ip wi th a 4000 year o ld h i s t o r y ; secondly, the s c i e n t i f i c d i s c i -p l ine in the West according to which beginning in the ear ly nineteenth century one specia l ized in the study of various Oriental cu l tures and t r a d i t i o n s ; and, t h i r d l y , the ideological supposi t ions, images and fantasies about a cur ren t ly important and p o l i t i c a l l y urgent region of the world ca l led the Or ient . The r e l a t i v e l y common denominator between these three aspects of Oriental ism is the l i n e separating Occident from Orient and t h i s , I have argued, is less a f a c t of nature than it is a fac t of human product ion, which I have ca l led imaginative geography.
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spectator 's i d e n t i f i c a t i o n could be said to o s c i l l a t e between these two categor ies; to be w i th the women I must be one of them and to be next to the women, I must be the one who keeps them in place.
Rhameses in His Harem would then be a frozen peep show o f f e r i n g ambivalent i d e n t i f i c a t i o n s : w i th the s u r v e i l l i n g gaze of the eunuch and wi th the lasc iv ious postures of the women. Control and id leness. The eunuch is a t h i r d term introduced i n to the scenario of du Nouy's v isual fantasy: the absent o ther , impl icated in the scene by h is absence.
So i f , as it was mentioned e a r l i e r , polygamy is the equivalent of a decent Chr is t ian marriage according to St . Augustine, then the place of the eunuch may wel l be tha t of the per fec t Chr is t ian husband. With the eunuch, Chr is t ian marriage can at l a s t reach the per fec t union of souls, a per fect ion guaranteed by a s t r i c t observance of c h a s t i t y , something St. Augustine would h igh ly recommend. Two souls w i l l be capable of being re la ted in order to make one, something which would never be at ta ined by the union of the f l e s h , as there is no sexual re la t i on . (25 )
If the eunuch is the model of the Chr is t ian husband as s a i n t , he is as wel l the worst of a l l Chr is t ian husbands: the t rue perver t , the one f o r whom desire is in no way l im i ted to the conjugal duty of repro-duct ion. In his 'Treat ise of the Eunuchs', w r i t t en in 1701, Anc i l l on is p a r t i c u l a r l y worr ied. His question i s , are eunuchs to be allowed to get married? What should one th ink of a woman who desires one of them and what of men if eunuchs are to be desired by women? The eunuch would be a sa in t respected by a l l and a perver t desired by a l l . He would be to women what the castrato is to men: she desires the semblance of man in the eunuch j u s t as he desires a semblance of.woman in the cast ra to .
At t h i s po in t , the ro le of the eunuch may be displaced. He would not be the i n v i s i b l e spectator of the harem but the one from whom a l l places depend upon: he is a semblance, a seducer, a simulacrum. His place cannot be understood as being determined by one sex or the other . The eunuch i s n ' t to be found in between two sexes. What if sexual d i f -ference was secondary and cas t ra t ion pr imary, so tha t it is from the eunuch that the two sexes can be a l located a place? The eunuch would then be the emblem of a l t e r i t y :
the Other who arouses a l l o thers , the i n s t i g a t o r of t h e i r des i res, the bar or the s p l i t which sets a r e l a t i on between the sexes, and which makes t h i s r e l a t i on at once necessary and impossible because the eunuch is always ( i s n ' t tha t h is funct ion) between one and the other and, so to speak, in the middle of the bed, even and espec ia l ly when one is ce r ta in tha t he is not there. (26)
In the context of academic representat ion, one could then s i tua te the eunuch as tha t which representat ion attempts to repress and d i s -guise: the founding absence upon which it is based. The eunuch as seducer, a semblance, master in the a r t of mimicry, could then be an emblem f o r the Image. An emblem which is good at being nothing, tha t i s , good at po in t ing at t h i s nothing, t h i s void upon which the image re l i es in order to ex i s t as the presence of an absence. In t h i s sense, the image 'speaks to us of less than the t h i ng , but of us, and in con-nection w i th us, of less than us, of tha t less than nothing which remains when there is no th ing ' . (27)
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Western lawyers, phi losophers, doctors have done nothing else but define woman as an i n f e r i o r being compared wi th man. Metaphysical ly, she is an existence deprived of an essence, a form deprived of content, or a male essence whose ac tua l i sa t ion is prevented from taking place. As only the male subject is said to be able to ac tua l ise a l l the v i r t u a l i -t i es of human essence, a woman can only be thought of as a defect in r e l a t i on to t h i s essence. She is on to log i ca l l y devalued, thus i n f e r i o r . The re la t ionsh ip of the superior to the i n f e r i o r is given as the re l a -t ionsh ip between the One, the Unique, to M u l t i p l i c i t y . If man e x i s t s , that i s , if one can formulate an onto logical concept of man, then he must be polygamous, j u s t as a unique god must re ign upon a mul t i tude of souls, j u s t as one master must re ign upon a m u l t i p l i c i t y of slaves.
Such p r inc ip les are developed by St. Augustine in the f i f t h cen-t u r y , in order to j u s t i f y and ra t i ona l i se the polygamy of the Ancient Patr iarchs of the B ib le . This t e x t , as Ala in Grosrichard notes, was again in fashion at the end of the eighteenth century. St. Augustine's argument r e l i es on the re la t ionsh ip between uniqueness and m u l t i p l i c i t y , between essence and existence. If man, St . Augustine argues, can have several wives and if a woman can only have one husband, it is because the superiors l i k e un i ty and the i n f e r i o r s submit to one s ing le person. Thus a slave hasn' t got several masters whereas several slaves only obey one master. One god has several ch i ld ren j u s t as one man has several wives.
Thus a man can have several wives when the s ta te of society allows i t and the s p i r i t of the time recommends i t , wr i tes St. Augustine. The ontological p r i nc i p l e of the status of man and woman is based upon the reproduction of human beings, as if the b io log ica l would j u s t i f y the metaphysical p r i nc i p l es . So unl ike woman, man can make several ch i ld ren in one year. Several women can be made pregnant by one man whereas one woman cannot be made pregnant by several men at a t ime; a soul who f o r -nicates w i th a mul t i tude of fa lse gods cannot be made f e r t i l e , says St . Augustine. I f such p r inc ip les j u s t i f y the polygamy of the Ancient Pat r iarchs, St . Augustine qu ick ly adds tha t t h e i r reproduct ive mission, so r e l i g i o u s l y assumed, is over. There are enough Chr ist ians and they can now behave according to monogamie p r i n c i p l e s , not in order to enjoy i t but in order to reproduce more Chr is t ians .
What is noted, then, is that the metaphysics of man and woman and the construct ion of the onto logical supe r i o r i t y of the former over the l a t t e r is at work in the representat ion of the harem. The harem makes us imagine an i n d e f i n i t e p l u r a l i t y grouped around the u n i t y , uniqueness and transcendence of the One fo r whom and by whom women e x i s t .
V. 'You th ink you could be there instead of being here'(19)
For nineteenth-century academic pa in t ing and l i t e r a t u r e , Egypt is used as a reservo i r of archeological in format ion, provid ing the neces-sary fac tua l de ta i l s f o r a mise-en-scëne of an Or ient . Factual de ta i l s about costumes, arch i tec ture and design were necessary in order to l eg i t im ise the fantasy of a Western Or ient ; f ac t could then s l i d e eas i l y towards the f a c t i t i o u s , as long as the l a t t e r was based on fac-tua l in format ion: archeological documents, engravings, photographs.
Indeed photography, in the nineteenth century framework of posi-t i v i sm, was considered as the p r i v i l eged machine f o r the c o l l e c t i o n of f ac t and documentary evidence. Photographic documents of the Orient were a standard against which the accuracy of academic depic t ion and l i t e r a r y descr ipt ions could be assessed. An ideal standard, a standard construct ing an i d e a l i s a t i o n : a view of the Orient as the s i t e of
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At the same t ime, it represents tha t which cannot be seen, as the harem p roh ib i t s any fo re ign look. The depic t ion of the harem, l i k e the unvei l ing of an enigma, makes v i s i b l e what is hidden.
The Despot surrounded by h is women is not j u s t a so f t porn academic fantasy. It is a theme, and more than a theme, a concept which predates nineteenth-century co lonia l ism and Or iental ism. It i s , as A. Grosrichard puts i t , the concept of a fantasy.(18)
IV. I t is Rumoured
The Despot
From the end of the seventeenth century u n t i l the end of the eigh-teenth, the f i gu re of the despot is a spectre which haunts the western world. At t h i s t ime, rumours about the Or ient :are brought back to the West by t r a v e l l e r s , w r i t e r s and diplomat ic c i r c l e s . Whether they are t rue or fa lse does not matter . What matters is tha t they construct know-ledge about the Or ien t ; they construct what Edward Said ca l l s a textua l a t t i t u d e .
In the seventeenth century a French w r i t e r l i k e Chardin reports what it is to be an Or iental Master: to be a master is to have the p r i v i -lege of s i gh t . The despot can be s tup id , mad, ignorant , drunk or i l l -a l l t h i s does not matter as long as he sees. To be b l i n d , in a despotic regime, is to be condemned to obey, so that in the Or ien t , one can only obey b l i n d l y .
In France, the word despotism is f i r s t found in the authorised d ic t ionar ies during the eighteenth century. It denotes absolute power and au tho r i t y . It re fers to the a rb i t ra r iness of power and to a form of government in which the sovereign is the absolute master. The examples given are Turkey, Japan, Persia and almost the whole of Asia. In France, the term is t h e o r e t i c a l l y introduced by Montesquieu in 1748.
The ad ject ive despotic, though, was already used to q u a l i f y and denounce the abuse of power of Louis XIV. The term despot ic , then, ca l l s in to question the essence of Monarchy. B r i e f l y , the p r i nc i p l e of mon-archy is that the king is named the fa ther of the People. To denounce the power of the king as being despotic amounts to saying tha t the king confuses his people, t ha t i s , h is ch i l d ren , w i th slaves. He is then a fa ther against nature.
However, the despot, in Greek an t i qu i t y and as theorised by A r i s t o t l e , means prec ise ly the fa ther of the fam i l y ; i t denotes the power of the fa ther over his s laves, but not over h is ch i ld ren and w i f e . Thus a term - despotism - which denotes in A r i s t o t l e a domestic power comes to designate in the eighteenth century the sphere of p o l i t i c a l power. It is as if the Eye of Asia, whose emblem f o r the West is the despot, was looking back at the West, contaminating the power of the Monarch.
Addressing the question - What is a master?, A r i s t o t l e d i s t i n -guishes between the p o l i t i c a l and the domestic f i e l d :
- the power of the Magistrate and of the King;
- the power of the fa ther over his fami ly and h is slaves.
The au thor i t y of the king over his subjects can then be compared to the au thor i ty of the fa ther over his ch i ld ren : the Reason of the people, j u s t l i k e the Reason of ch i l d ren , is s t i l l imperfect and needs a guiding hand. As husband, the power of the fa ther resembles the power of the magistrate. The wi fe is thus compared to the magist rate 's fe l low c i t i -zen whose reason and w i l l are impotent as they need a superior au thor i t y
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v i s i b i l i t y which are contingent and h i s t o r i c a l . I t refers to a norma-t i v e f i g u r a t i v e log ic inscr ibed in the code of monocular perspect ive. Such a code of v i s i b i l i t y resembles the cyclop's v i s i on ; it o f f e rs a monocular view of the wor ld. The transparency and o b j e c t i v i t y of aca-demic pa in t ing i s , then, mythological . I t is a myth which is not deprived of l og i c . Such log ic postulates an immobile spectator , looking wi th one eye at a frozen scene. The eye looks through the surface of the image, i t looks at the vanishing point of perspective in order to be seduced by the i l l u s i o n of depth. The depth of the image, and by exten-sion the depth of meanings, depends on the f la tness of i t s surface. It depends on i t s m i r r o r - l i k e surface in order to reveal depth. Academic representat ion is deeply supe r f i c i a l as i t simulates depth thanks to i t s f l a tness . Meanings may seem profound and immediate thanks to the formal s t ra teg ies of monocular perspect ive.
In t h i s sense, such a s t ruc ture of representat ion is f e t i s h i s t i c in tha t i t presents i t s e l f as a surface which dissimulates i t s own lack , tha t i s , which dissimulates i t s e l f . With t h i s code of resemblance between the th ing and i t s image, the a r t i s t , as Ju l i a Kristeva suggests, becomes the 'servant of the maternal pha l lus ' . (13 ) He w i l l develop an a r t of reproducing body and space as objects the eye can master. It is a c h i l d ' s eye, posi t ioned as universal centre. Thus the d iv ine point of view that perspective is said to o f f e r does not come from above but from below: a point of view of indecency cha rac te r i s t i c of f e t i s h i s t i c disavowal. To look from below, under the v e i l s , f o r a s table world to hold on to .
Rhameses in His Harem appears to be at once a frozen scene and a posed tableau. It is at once metonymical and metaphorical. As metonymy, the pa in t ing is grasped as a fragment, an arrested motion which impl ies a before and an a f t e r , tha t i s , an element of time p r i o r to and beyond the frame but contiguous to i t : an anecdotal s l i c e of l i f e once upon a time in Egypt. As a posed tableau, the image s h i f t s to the metaphorical reg is te r and becomes an a l legory of the Exot ic , Despotism and Sensu-a l i t y . The tableau is s p a t i a l l y arranged so as to feature the f i gu re of the despot at the centre of the image, the f r on ta l pose standing fo r the f i x i t y and uniqueness of his Essence. In oppos i t ion , the female f igures s t ruc ture the p i c t o r i a l space in terms of depth and occupy diverse pos i t ions between foreground and background - a moving p l u r a l i t y of female existences which surround, frame and enhance the permanence and s i n g u l a r i t y of a male Essence. The various props, f r u i t s , f lowers , drapes and a rch i tec tu ra l de ta i l s are anecdotal signs adding to the verac i ty of the scene and anchoring the p ic tu re in the realm of the Exot ic.
As an object erected according to the rules of specular real ism, the pa in t ing is on the side of a f e t i s h i s t i c scenario. Consider the representat ion of the body. It conforms to an academic s ty le which pre-scribes per fect ion and t r u t h : the f igures must be ideal ised but convin-cing so tha t they o s c i l l a t e between an idea l ised nature and a natura-l i sed idea l .
In Du Nouy's pa in t ing , there is a d e f i n i t e s i m i l a r i t y between the male f igu re and the female ones. Sexual d i f fe rence is s i g n i f i e d by an opposi t ion of tones and co lours: brown-gold fo r the despot and pale yel low fo r the concubines. The chromatic treatment of the bodies is under control and subordinated to drawing and l i n e . Di f ference is acknowledged by tones and colour but disavowed by l i n e . The male face framed by the two female ones in the foreground could be one p o r t r a i t head presented from three d i f f e r e n t angles. Constructing a seamless shape, l i ne and drawing have p r i o r i t y over co lour , r e f l e c t i n g an ideo-log ica l p r i o r i t y of the masculine over the feminine, the contro l of the
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secondary rev is ion and deferred ac t ion ; a process which is analogous to the one which takes place in the formation of hys ter ica l symptoms. As Thêvoz reminds us, Freud f i r s t re la ted the neuroses of hyster ics to his pa t ien ts ' account of a seduction which had occurred in t h e i r chi ldhood. The frequency of such explanat ions, which would account fo r the o r i g i n of the neurosis, brought Freud to discover, around 1897, tha t such s tor ies of seduction were fantasised by his pa t ien ts . Such fantasies were constructed af terwards, sometimes during the course of the t r e a t -ment. The seduction fantasy was a means by which i n f a n t i l e au to -ero t i c a c t i v i t i e s were displaced and explained in terms of an archaic event, which presented i t s e l f as the o r i g i n of the seduction.
As Sarah Kofman puts i t ,
the common point between memory, hys te r ia , and the work of a r t , is tha t a l l three are fantasmatic construct ions endowed wi th a p l a s t i c or t hea t r i ca l form and drawn from mnemic t races. A l l three put i n t o play the past whi le deforming i t . ( 7 )
It is a cons t i t u t i ve deformation, as a pure access to the past is Uto-pian. The past is a u top ia , in Thomas More's sense of the word: it is a good place (eutopia) which has no place (outop ia) . The taste f o r faraway places in space and time is the nosta lg ic image of a fantasised golden age, as if one kept on being under the spe l l of chi ldhood, the charm of a t roub le - f ree land of f e l i c i t y and harmony.
One may compare the ideology of academic pa in t ing w i th t h i s pro-cess of memory formations. I f , as Thëvoz argues,
i t is t rue that a neurot ic fantasy is given an o r i g i n re t rospec t i ve ly and tha t a r t can represent the monumental form of t h i s re t rospect ive const ruct ion, one can then conceive tha t the new dominant class in search of l e g i -timacy w i l l assign to the neurot ic a r t i s t the ideo log ica l funct ion of general is ing at a h i s t o r i c a l level t h i s sub-j e c t i v e process of r a t i o n a l i s a t i o n of the psychic past . (8)
The ideolog ica l message is by no means reduced to the 'content ' of the image but is the e f f e c t of the means of representat ion and s ig-n i f i c a t i o n at work in the specular real ism of academic pa in t ing .
I l l . Rhameses in His Harem
Rhameses in His Harem can be taken as an emblem f o r the Exot ic . It is an academic pa in t ing which represents the most repeated theme of Oriental ism: the despot and his harem, set in a mythological A n t i q u i t y , more antique than Rome or Greece and which is nothing else than the ancient c i v i l i s a t i o n of Egypt. It is dated 1885. It was painted by Lecomte-du-Nouy, a pupi l of Gérôme. His work had been en thus ias t i ca l l y received in the French salons since 1863.
Rhameses in His Harem re fers to a novel by Gaut ier , (9) Le Roman de la Mömie. The pa in t ing is a condensation of several scenes in which the despot and his harem are described. In one of these scenes, the con-cubines lasc iv ious ly attempt to catch the a t ten t ion of the Master who, melanchol ical ly absorbed in day dreams, th inks of a young Chr is t ian woman he f e l l in love wi th at f i r s t s i gh t . He is playing chess ( i n French, êehea also means f a i l u r e ) .
Gaut ier 's novel can be read as an example of romantic i r ony , mixing mythology and melodrama, high a r t and low a r t . De Nouy's pa in t ing , how-ever, proudly declares i t s e l f as high a r t and h is to ry pa in t ing . Against
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I I . A Myth of the Or ig in
What one ca l l s O r i e n t a l i s t pa in t ing is p r imar i l y a nineteenth-century phenomenon. It is contemporary wi th co lon ia l conquests and t i ed up w i th t h e i r ideology. The main i n i t i a t o r of Or iental ism in France is the painter Gros, who was commissioned to g l o r i f y the Egyptian expedi-t i on of Bonaparte. He created fo r one century the prototypes of Or iental landscapes, costumes and faces wi thout having set foo t in Egypt. Using props and ar te fac ts brought back from the East to his s tud io , he was nevertheless convinced tha t he painted from d i r ec t observat ion. Simi-l a r l y Bonington, an English pa in te r , can be considered as the f i r s t spec ia l i s t of odalisques and harem scenes. He never t r ave l l ed f u r t he r than I t a l y .
From the outse t , Gros and Bonington determine two points - the colonia l and the l i b i d i n a l . The next O r i e n t a l i s t painters can be seen to o s c i l l a t e between these two poles u n t i l the end of the nineteenth cen-tu ry . So when countless painters ac tua l l y went to the Middle East, North A f r i ca and Egypt in order to paint from d i r e c t observat ion, they s tar ted to look f o r models conforming to those of t h e i r predecessors. Needless to say, they could not f i n d such models and had eventual ly to fantasise them, i l l u s t r a t i n g once again tha t representat ions re fe r to other representat ions and not to the t r u t h of the represented.
The promise of the Orient as a natural stage set was, then, prob-lemat ic . When he was in A lg ie rs , Delacroix reported in the magazine L'Artiste in 1839 his d i f f i c u l t i e s in pa in t ing from d i r e c t observation. He complained of being constant ly surrounded by a crowd of onlookers who were i n s u l t i n g him, laughing at him, throwing stones and f i r i n g gunshots at him. However, the d i f f i c u l t i e s of pa in t ing from observation were more imaginary than r e a l , not only because pa in t ing from observation amounts to construct ing an imaginary anyway, but also because the d i f -f i c u l t y consisted in f i nd ing an image which would conform to a p i c t o r i a l model formed in the mother country.
A f te r having taken everything they could from Greek and Roman a n t i q u i t y , painters found in the Orient a new myth of the o r i g i n , a new model in an older c i v i l i s a t i o n . One can then read in L'Artiste that the Orient becomes an exaggerated I t a l y . Fromentin, w r i t i n g from A lge r ia , sees Greatness and Antique Beauty everywhere. 'The Greek and the Roman are here, at the t i p of my f i n g e r s ' , wr i tes Delacroix when he is in Tangiers, and adds: 'Rome is no longer in Rome . . . Imagine, my f r i e n d , what it is to see f igures of the age of the Consuls, Catos, Brutuses, seated in the sun, walking in the s t r ee t s , mending old shoes . . . The Antique has nothing that is more b e a u t i f u l . ' ( 3 )
The Orient is processed and recycled through a Greek and Roman mould in order to become a p reh is to r i ca l A n t i q u i t y , c loser to the o r ig ins of ' c i v i l i s a t i o n 1 , that i s , of the West. A l l these references to an immutable past frozen in the e t e r n i t y of marb le- l i ke f igures bu i l d up representations of an harmonious beginning. Following Michel Thévoz, one observes a s i m i l a r i t y of form between the atemporal i ty and a h i s t o r i -c a l i t y of O r i e n t a l i s t pa in t ing and nineteenth-century bourgeois ideo-logy.
An t iqu i t y as much as Greatness, Beauty and Perfect ion becomes the backdrop against which the myth of the o r i g i n of the r i s i n g bourgeoisie can take place: i t ' o r i g i na tes ' the bourgeoisie 's power, i t f i xes i t t o a po in t of o r i g i n w h i l s t negating and concealing i t s h i s t o r i c a l and social r e l a t i v i t y , tha t i s , the p o s s i b i l i t y of i t s own death. This negation takes the form of a na tu ra l , universal and d e f i n i t i v e l y har-monious system which has f i n a l l y been rea l ised and whose model of o r i g i n
iv
PREFACE
At the Essex Sociology of L i te ra tu re Conference in 1976 it was decided
to hold a series of conferences tha t would focus successively on a number
of c r i t i c a l h i s t o r i c a l moments. The ambition was tha t such a series of
conferences and t h e i r resu l tan t proceedings would br ing together h i s t o r i c a l
and l i t e r a r y theory and research wi th the e f f e c t of making a concentrated
and s i g n i f i c a n t impact on the areas they addressed. Four conferences
fol lowed in t h i s h i s t o r i c a l se r ies , focussing on the 'moments' of 1848,
1936, 1642, and 1789. The 1982 conference (The Politics of Theory) then
reviewed the theore t i ca l developments over the previous s ix years and re -
emphasised the centra l presupposit ion of the conferences, tha t i t was
necessary to hold in sustained focus the re la t i onsh ip between p o l i t i c s
and theory in face of the p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t tendency to d e p o l i t i c i s e .
Confronting the Crisis (1983) undertook to u t i l i s e the theore t i ca l s k i l l s
developed over the previous period in the e x p l i c i t l y p o l i t i c a l analysis
of the present conjuncture and i t s immediate provenance. Deta i ls of the
e a r l i e r volumes s t i l l in p r i n t can be found ins ide the back cover.
The 1984 conference, Europe and Its Others, the l a s t in the present ser ies
and whose proceedings are co l lec ted in t h i s volume and i t s companion,
attempted to break away from the narrowly European focus of much theore t i ca l
work by i n v i t i n g papers tha t deal t w i th the re la t i onsh ip between Europe and
other cu l tu res .
For t h e i r help wi th organizing and running the conference we would l i k e to
thank Noreen Proudman, Ri ta Gentry, Carol Comley, and Pe rn i l l e Petersen.
Richard Terdiman's paper, " Ideologica l Voyages: Concerning a Flaubert ian
D is -Or ien t -a t i on " , is a s l i g h t l y abbreviated version of chapter f i v e of
his Discourse/Counter-Discourse: The Theory and Practice of Symbolic
Resistance in Nineteenth-Century France. Copyright c 1985 by Cornell
Un ive rs i t y . Used by permission of the pub l isher , Cornell Un ivers i ty Press.
Homi K. Bhabha's paper, "Signs Taken For Wonders: Questions of Ambivalence
and Author i ty under a t ree outside De lh i " , f i r s t appeared in Critical
Inquiry's special issue on Race, Wr i t ing and Di f ference (September, 1985),
and is repr in ted wi th permission of The Univers i ty of Chicago Press.
The ed i to rs
Un ivers i ty of Essex
July 1985
B r i t i s h L i b r a r y Cataloguing in Pub l ica t ion Data
E s s e x Confe rence on the Sociology of L i t e r a t u r e (1984 : Un ive r s i t y of E s s e x ) Eu rope and i t s o t h e r s : p roceed ings of the E s s e x Confe r ence on the Sociology of L i t e r a t u r e , Ju ly 1984 1. Colonies in l i t e r a t u r e I . T i t le II. B a r k e r , F r a n c i s III. U n i v e r s i t y of E s s e x 809 ' .93358 PN56 .C63
ISBN 0 -901726-24 -9 ISBN 0 -901726-25-7 (v. 1)
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j o asneoaq a A ¡ . q o a j j a s s a i aqq A i e a q Aaqq paaf j ¿saoLAap o ißaqBuqs j o saouasaud .Aqdiua, ueqq auoiu ßu iqqAue aq Aq.LUoqqne jo (S^ueui, uo ,SUBLS,
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jo uoLqenLBAau aqq SL AqLpLuqAn - (AqLuoqqne jo Aq.LquapL [BULBLUO puB , a u n d , aqq aunoas qeqq sa iq iquap .L AuoqeuLuij.uos.Lp jo uo.Lqonpoud aqq "a " } . )
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aqq qunqs ip os oq aouasaud jo AuiAuoqaui aßueuqs sLqq jo uaMod aqq SL qi • aousjsjj-ip /O uo-1q.u3aj.3quT. 3i¿q jsiJo - Bunnsqsquz jo uaLjiuß.LS aqq se qi ßu i .q is -au Aq aouasaud s q i san[eA-au qnq [oqwAs aALqequoqqne aqq jo
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aqq jo fiiT-iT-q-is-ia auaui aqq - sqoejaque sqi, jo saoejuns 3LqLSiA aqq si paAuasaud si qeqM · .uoLq iußooau jo sa^nu, s q i pue an^BA sqL saßueqo -
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aqq jo eoixnos aqq se qou ,|.eunqLno, aqq aas 01 ( ε ζ ) ' , a u n q i . n o ß u i q s i x a -aud aqq jo aoueueaddesLp Leqoq e ueqq. Auoße panu¡.quoo Β uaqqeu si • · ·
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punoue paunqonuqs si qL qoLqM oq quaqxa aqq oq aA¡.qBqLUoqqne SL LBMOAB - s Lp jo ssaooud aqq qßnouqq (UOLSSLW BULSL LS-ALQ aqq jo AQLS aqq) , [Bunq
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aqq UL - p u q A q aqq jo ,aouasaud, aqq UL ßuLßueuqsa A^eipauiauuL SL
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- L£L -
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at present, more experimental forms of l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m , when they do not replace older types of formal or "new" c r i t i c i s m , threaten to remain on the level of de l i ca te miniatures . . . "H is tory" i t s e l f may be invoked as an extremely abs t rac t , indeed intemporal , category e i t he r to defend or to reproach more formal and mi c ro log ica l methods of c r i t i c i s m . Or the "contexts" tha t are ca l led upon to f l esh out an i n te rp re ta t i on may be the outgrowth of w i l d speculat ion rather than carefu l research.(7)
Yet LaCapra also cautions against enthus iast ic and u n c r i t i c a l "archivism" i t s
ind iscr iminate mystique . . . which is bound up wi th hegemonic pretensions . . . The archive as f e t i s h is a l i t e r a l subs t i tu te f o r the " r e a l i t y " of the past which is "always already" l o s t f o r the h i s t o r i a n . When i t is f e t i s h i z e d , the archive is more than the reposi tory of traces of the past which may be used in i t s i n f e r e n t i a l reconst ruct ion. I t i s a stand- in fo r the past that brings the mys t i f i ed experience of the th ing i t s e l f - an experience tha t is always open to question whenonedëâTs wi th w r i t i n g or other i nsc r i p t i ons . ( 8 )
I f i n d these admonitions j u s t . LaCapra produces them, however, in defense of the (Western) h i s t o r i a n ' s considerat ion of "great works." In an e a r l i e r chapter of the longer work of which t h i s is a p a r t , I suggest tha t "great works" of literature cannot eas i ly f l o u r i s h in the f rac tu re or d i scon t i nu i t y which is covered over by an a l ien legal system masquer-ading as law as such, an a l ien ideology establ ished as only t r u t h , and a set of human sciences busy es tab l ish ing the "nat ive" as se l f - conso l ida t ing Other ("epistemic v io lence" ) . For the ear ly par t of the nineteenth cen-tury in Ind ia , the l i t e r a r y c r i t i c must turn to the archives of imperial governance as her t e x t . As in many other cases, in other words, the in t roduct ion of the thematics of imperial ism a l t e rs the rad ica l arguments. "Often the dimensions of the document that make it a tex t of a cer ta in sor t w i th i t s own h i s t o r i c i t y and i t s re la t ions to s o c i o p o l i t i c a l processes ( f o r example, re la t ions of power)," LaCapra w r i t e s , "are f i l t e r e d out when it is used purely and simply as a quarry fo r facts in the reconstruct ion of the past . " (9) Even so modest a considerat ion of the construct ion of the object of imperial ism as the present essay cannot be g u i l t y of tha t e r r o r .
Perhaps my i n t e n t is to displace (not transcend) the mere reversal of the l i t e r a r y and the archival i m p l i c i t in much of LaCapra's work. To me, l i t e r a t u r e and the archives seem compl ic i t in tha t they are both a cross-hatching of condensations, a t r a f f i c in telescoped symbols, t ha t can only too eas i l y be read as each o ther 's repet i t ion-wi th-a-d isp lacement .
In a s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t context , re th ink ing i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y , LaCapra proposes tha t the " r e l a t i o n between pract ices in the past and h i s t o r i c a l accounts of them" is " t r a n s f e r e n t i a l ; " and adds, "I use ' t r ans -ference' in the modif ied psychoanalytic sense of a repet i t ion-displacement of the past In to the present as it necessari ly bears on the f u t u r e . "
The t rans ference-s i tua t ion in analysis is one where the tug-of-war of desire is at work on both sides - on the part of both the analysand and the analyst . Both come to occupy the sub jec t -pos i t ion in the uneven progressive-regressive exchange. The task of the "const ruct ion" of a "h i s t o r y " devolves on both. To wish to rep l i ca te t h i s in d i s c i p l i n a r y h istor iography might simply mark the s i t e of a rad ica l version of the academic i n t e l l e c t u a l ' s desire fo r power. This desire can be located in the sl ippage between the suggestion that the r e l a t i on between past
THE RANI OF SIRMUR
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
When two years ago, a conference wi th the t i t l e "Europe and i t s Others" was proposed by the Sociology of L i t e ra tu re Group at Essex, I had made some pious remarks about an a l t e rna t i ve t i t l e , namely, "Europe as an Other." It has since then seemed to me tha t the pro-posed rev is ion was i l l - c o n s i d e r e d , in at least two ways. F i r s t , i t ignored the fac t that the h is to ry and the theory tha t such a conference would want to expose are prec ise ly those of how Europe had consol idated i t s e l f as sovereign subject by de f in ing i t s colonies as "Others," even as it const i tu ted them, f o r purposes of admin is t ra t ion and the expansion of markets, i n to programmed near-images of tha t very sovereign s e l f . Secondly, the proposed rev is ion nos ta lg i ca l l y assumed tha t a c r i t i q u e of imperial ism would restore the sovereignty f o r the l o s t se l f of the colonies so tha t Europe could, once and fo r a l l , be put in the place of the other tha t it always was. It now seems to me tha t it is t h i s kind of rev is ionary impulse tha t is a l lowing the emergence of the "Thi rd World" as a convenient s i g n i f i e r .
If instead we concentrated on documenting and theor iz ing the i t i n e r -ary of the consol idat ion of Europe as sovereign sub jec t , indeed sovereign and sub jec t , then we would produce an a l t e rna t i ve h i s t o r i c a l nar ra t i ve of the "worlding" of what is today ca l led "the Thi rd World." To th ink
: of the Thi rd World as d i s tan t cu l t u res , exp lo i ted but w i th r i c h i n t a c t heri tages wa i t ing to be recovered, in te rp re ted , and cu r r i cu la r i zed in English t r ans la t i on helps the emergence of " the Thi rd World" as a s i g n i -f i e r that allows us to fo rge t tha t "wor ld ing," even as it expands the empire of the d i s c i p l i n e . ( 1 )
I Methodoloqical Preamble
Indeed "The Third World" is o f f e r i n g an en t i r e p r i v i leged d iscurs ive field w i th in metropol i tan rad ica l c r i t i c i s m . In tha t f i e l d , "The Thi rd World Woman" is a p a r t i c u l a r l y hallowed s i g n i f i e r . In t h i s essay, I trace the d i f f i c u l t i e s in f i x i n g such a s i g n i f i e r as an object of knowledge. "The Third World Woman" in the case of the Rani of Sirmur.
One of the major d i f f i c u l t i e s w i th consol idat ing a f igu re from the B r i t i s h nineteenth century in India as an object of knowledge is that B r i t i s h India is now being painstakingly constructed as a cu l t u ra l com-modity wi th a dubious func t ion . The deepening of the In te rna t iona l D iv is ion of Labor as a resu l t of the new micro-e lec t ron ic cap i ta l i sm, the p r o l i f e r a t i o n of world-wide neo-colonial aggression, and the p o s s i b i l i t y of nuclear holocaust encroach upon the cons t i t u t i on of the everyday l i f e of the Anglo-US. The era of pax Br i tann ica , caught in a supe r - r ea l i s t i c l y r i c a l grandeur on t e l ev i s i on and on f i l m , provides the audience at the same time wi th a j u s t i f i c a t i o n of imperial ism dissimulated under the lineaments of a manageable and benevolent s e l f - c r i t i c i s m .
The contemptuous spuriousness of the pro jec t can be glimpsed on the most supe r f i c i a l l e v e l , i f we contrast i t , f o r example, to tha t o f the US "nosta lg ia f i l m , " which Fredr ic Jameson has described as a "we l l -n igh l i b i d i n a l h i s t o r i c i s m . " Jameson f inds "the 1950's" to be "the p r i v i l eged
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of graduate work. My Indian example could thus be seen as a nosta lg ic inves t iga t ion of the l o s t roots of my own i d e n t i t y . Yet even as I know that one cannot f r ee l y enter the th icke ts of "mot ivat ions, " I would maintain tha t my ch ie f p ro jec t is to po in t out the p o s i t i v i s t - i d e a l i s t va r ie t y of such nosta lg ia enterta ined by academics in self- imposed e x i l e . I turn to Indian mater ia l because, in the absence of advanced d i s c i p l i n a r y t r a i n i n g , tha t accident of b i r t h and education has provided me wi th a sense of the h i s t o r i c a l canvas, a hold on some of the per t inent languages tha t are useful tools f o r a bricoleur - espec ia l ly when she is armed wi th the Marxist skepticism of "concrete experience" as the f i n a l a r b i t e r , and wi th a c r i t i q u e of d i s c i p l i n a r y formations. The Indian case cannot be taken as representat ive of a l l count r ies , nat ions, cu l t u res , and the l i k e that may be invoked as the Other of Europe as S e l f . This caution seems a l l the more necessary because, at the other end, studies of the Engl ish, French, and German eighteenth century are s t i l l repeatedly adduced as representative of the emergence of the e th i ca l consensus -and studies of Emerson, Thoreau, and Henry Adams advanced as a study of the American mind.
I I
Three Random Examples of Othering
To set the stage f o r the Rani of Sirmur, l e t us consider three examples from the co l l ec t i ons of "Proceedings," - dispatches, l e t t e r s , consul tat ions moving at the slow pace of horse, f o o t , ships labor ious ly rounding the Cape, and the q u i l l pens of w r i t e r s and copyists - surround-ing the ha l f - f o rgo t ten manoeuvres of the "Sett lement" of the many states of the Simla H i l l s in the f i r s t two decades of the nineteenth century. This is the Highland scrub country of the lower Himalayas between Punjab proper on the West, Nepal and Sikkim on the East, what was to be named the North-West Provinces - today's Ut tar Pradesh - in the South. The country l i e s between the two great r i ve rs Su t le j and Yamuna, and there are thus two val leys tucked in between the scrub, the Kaardah and the Dehra Valleys or Doons.
The many kings of these H i l l s had l i ved out a heterogeneous and pre-carious equ i l ib r ium surrounded by the m i l i t a r i l y and p o l i t i c a l l y ener-get ic Sikhs of the Punjab and Gurkahs of Nepal and by those r e l a t i v e l y distance "paramount power"s, the Mughal Emperor, and the Pathan King of De lh i , the l a t t e r through his proxy the Nazim of S i rh ind . I t is a fan-t a s t i c centur ies-o ld scene of the constant dispersal of the space of power, w i th representat ions of representat ion operat ing successful ly though not taking anyone in as the representat ion of t r u t h - and above -a l l , animated by no desire to complete w i th those four greater surround-ing powers. When there fore , on August 2, 1815, David Ochterlony wr i tes in secret consul ta t ion to the Governor-General-in-Counci1 : "The aggres-sion of the Goorkahs compelled us to have recourse, to arms in vindica-tion of our insulted honour," most of the Hi 11-states were no t , indeed could not be, p a r t i c u l a r l y forthcoming in par t isanship. (15) This pro-vided the East India Company w i th the r i g h t to claim ent i t lement to the sett lement of the s ta tes .
This minimal account is necessary to introduce my f i r s t example, which comes from the pen of Captain Geoffrey Birch (an ass is tant agent of the Governor) w r i t i n g to Charles Metcal fe, the Resident at Delh i . Metcalfe sends a copy to John Adam, the Governor's Secretary at Fort Wi l l iam in Calcut ta . The time is the end of 1815. The copy of the l e t t e r from young Geoffrey Birch (he is twenty nine at t h i s p o i n t , having been born in a pet ty merchant's fami ly in Middlesex j u s t before the French Revolution) is tak ing i t s time t r a v e l l i n g f ive-hundred odd miles across
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25. Loe. oit.
26. Loe. ait.
27. Loe. eit.
28. Loe. cit.
29. 'Ibid., p.529.
30. PP, 1830, p.918.
31. PP, 1828, p.169.
32. PP, 1830, p.918.
33. PP, 1821, p.532.
34. Ibid., p.410.
35. Ibid., p.411.
3 6 . Loe. cit.
37. Ibid., p.412.
38. Ibid., p.424.
39. Ibid., p.321.
40. PP, 1830, p.906.
41. PP, 1821, p.506.
42. Ibid., p.507.
43. Ibid., p.404.
44. Ibid., p.400.
45. Ibid., p.322.
46. Loe. cit.
47. Loe. eit.
48. Ibid., p.325.
49. Ibid., p.322.
50. Ibid., p.406.
51. The undermining of custom and customary law was not particular to sati but was a general feature of colonial rule and has been noted among others by Derrett, op. cit.·, Rudolph and Rudolph, op. cit.', Appadurai, op. cit.
52. Ibid., p.134.
53. Ibid., p.408-9.
54. Ibid., p.322.
55. Ibid., p.407.
56. Loe. eit.
57. Loe. eit.
58. In this context it is interesting to note that the dictionary definition of 'vyauastha' tells its own tale of colonial legacy. Vyauas-tha is variously defined as 'settlement', 'decision', 'statute', 'rule', 'law', 'legal decision or opinion applied to the written extracts from the codes of law or adjustment of contradictory passages in different codes'. Source: A Sanskrit-English Dictionary compiled by Sir Monier Williams.
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nineteenth century.(69) Also, in Ashis Nandy's work, we have the begin-nings of an analysis of sati as a pract ice rooted in temporal and spat ia l contexts.(70)
The discourse on sati was by no means the f i r s t time colonia l o f f i c i a l s accorded primary s ign i f i cance to r e l i g i o n . The cod i f i ca t i on of sc r i p tu ra l law as c i v i l law in 1772 had already enshrined i t s impor-tance.(71) The enforcement of sc r i p tu ra l law as c i v i l law had extended the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of brahmanic scr ip tures h i t he r to l im i t ed to the twice born castes to a l l co lon ia l subjects. Thus was establ ished a pa r t i cu l a r re la t ionsh ip between sc r ip tu re and soc ie ty , a re la t ionsh ip which was bolstered each t ime, as in the case of sati in Bengal, co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s p r i v i l eged as authent ic the sc r i p tu ra l t r a d i t i o n and marginal ised the
„importance of custom.
I suggest tha t t h i s designation of the sc r i p tu ra l t r a d i t i o n as ' t r u e ' was to have an important bearing on the nineteenth-century debates on the status of women. For these debates were a mode through which co lon ia l power was both enforced and contested. Colonial o f f i c i a l s sought to j u s t i f y in ter ference in indigenous t r a d i t i o n , even co lon ia l ru le i t s e l f , on the basis of women's low pos i t ion in indigenous t r a d i -t i on as also in contemporary soc ie ty . Indigenous male e l i t e response to t h i s challenge was to argue e i the r that such poor treatment was contrary to t r a d i t i o n - Roy's st rategy in the case of sati - or tha t women approved of t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l l o t - the conservative Hindu response - or tha t t h i s t r a d i t i o n was bankrupt - the view among others of Henry Derozio. In a l l three instances, the equation of t r a d i t i o n w i th sc r ip tu re was reproduced. In other words, arguments f o r and against social reform were a r t i c u l a t e d , at leas t in pa r t , upon a pecu l ia r l y co lon ia l construc-t i on of t r a d i t i o n . Put another way, o f f i c i a l discourse shaped the nature of indigenous counter discourses in qu i te spec i f i c ways.
F i n a l l y , analysis of the o f f i c i a l discourse on sati suggests a less sharp d i s t i n c t i o n than has h i t he r to been proposed between Or ien ta l -i s t s and A n g l i c i s t s . The commonalities underlying t h e i r perspectives are s i g n i f i c a n t . As such, the issue is raised of the extent to which the A n g l i c i s t program f o r socia l engineering was determined by Or ien ta l -i s t analysis o f Indian soc ie ty .
FOOTNOTES
1. For a straightforward history of colonial state policy, A. Mukhopadhyay, "Sati as a social institution in Bengal", Bengal Past and Present, 75:99-115; K. Mittra, "Suppression of suttee in the province of Cuttack", Bengal Past and Present, 46:125-31; G. Seed, "The abolition of suttee in Bengal", History, October 1955, 286-99. For a 'colonial' account, E. J. Thompson, Suttee: A Historical and Philosophical Enquiry Into the Hindu Rite of Widow Burning, London: Allen & Unwin, 1928. For a general but very suggestive history of western responses, A. Sharma, "Suttee: A study in western reactions", in his Threshold of Hindu-Buddhist Studies, Calcutta: Minerva, 1978, 83-111. For a provocative psycho-social analysis, A. Nancy, "Sati: A nineteenth century tale of women, violence and protest", in V. C. Joshi (ed.), Rammohun Roy and the Process of Modernization in India, Delhi: Vikas, 1975, 168-94. For con-temporary feminist analyses, D. K. Stein, "Women to burn: Suttee as a normative institution", Signs, 1978, 4(2):253-68; M. Daly, Gyn/Eeology, Boston: Beacon, 1978.
2. For a succinct formulation of this perspective as it relates to
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addressed. In the example at hand, the pundi ts ' vyauastha is analogous to discourse. Vyauasthas, l i k e speech, had as t h e i r reference a speci-f i c context , as opinions expressed by the pundits on spec i f i c s i t ua t ions which took i n t o account p a r t i c u l a r needs.
The t ex tua l i sa t i on of such discourse, according to Ricoeur, resu l t s in the f i x a t i o n of meaning, i t s d issoc ia t ion from any author ia l in ten-t i o n , the d isp lay of non-ostensive references and a universal range of addressees. The co lon ia l r e w r i t i n g / r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the pundi ts ' vyauasthas as i nva r ian t s c r i p t u r a l t ru ths and t h e i r enforcement as law is analogous to the t e x t u a l i s a t i o n of discourse. Opinions pronounced on p a r t i c u l a r cases became ru les appl icable to a l l cases. Thus the meaning of sati became ' f i x e d ' ; in other words, a sati tha t met cer ta in c r i t e r i a could be i d e n t i f i e d as authent ic . Once 1 tex tua l i sed ' , in t h i s instance through systematic w r i t i n g , co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s could and did i n t e r p r e t the vyauasthae in ways tha t both re f lec ted and did not r e f l e c t the in tent ions of pundits. Given tha t a statement of the pa r t i cu l a r became general ised, i t obviously no longer had as i t s reference the i n i t i a l i n te rac t i on that produced i t . F i n a l l y , the enforcement of vyawasthas as law automat ical ly extended i t s relevance beyond those whose s i t u a t i o n had i n i t i a l l y e l i c i t e d i t .
The t e x t u a l i s a t i o n of the pundi ts ' discourse on sati also had as a consequence the e l im ina t ion of human agency. If vyauasthas grounded in spec i f i c contexts were made autonomous the resu l t was also to create an ' imaginat ive const ruc t ' tha t d id not represent any pa r t i cu l a r sati. This ideal t yp i ca l representat ion of sati denied the p o s s i b i l i t y of sati as the conscious enactment of a soc ia l p rac t i ce . Such erasure of human agency e f f e c t i v e l y put the operat ion of Hindu cu l tu re i n to a t imeless present in which passive natives remained e te rna l l y yoked to r e l i g i o n . In t h i s context i t is i n t e res t i ng that many of the descr ipt ions of sati wr i t t en and used by a b o l i t i o n i s t s in t h e i r arguments are narrat ives of sati the phenomenon, not any spec i f i c i nc iden t .
The fo l l ow ing descr ip t ion of a ' t y p i c a l sati' by the magistrate R. M. B i rd , is a pe r fec t l y tex tua l i sed example:
I f i t were desired to portray a scene which should t h r i l l w i th horror every hear t , not e n t i r e l y dead to the touch of human sympathy, i t would su f f i ce to describe a f a t h e r , regardless of the a f f e c t i o n of his tender c h i l d , in having already suf fered one of the severest miseries which f lesh is he i r t o , w i th tear less eye leading f o r t h a spectacle to the assembled mu l t i t ude , who wi th barbarous cr ies demand the s a c r i f i c e , and unre len t ing ly de l i ve r ing up the uncon-scious and unres is t ing v i c t im to an untimely death, accom-panied by the most cruel to r tu res . (65)
B i rd here describes a p ro to typ ica l sati in which the widow, re l a t i ves and spectators a l l play parts which are pred ic tab le given what has been said here about co lon ia l representat ion of each of t h e i r ro les . That such t ex tua l i sa t i on also denies the widow s u b j e c t i v i t y has also been noted.
In Ricoeur's expanded sense of the term ' t e x t u a l i s a t i o n ' , cu l tures are ' t ex tua l i sed ' in a number of ways. Myths, f o l k l o r e , ep ics , r i t u a l s and other a r t i f a c t s express and r e i t e r a t e to a society i t s cu l t u ra l values. Ricoeur and Geertz(66) among others have in te rp re ted such cu l -t u ra l expressions in the manner of tex ts . In arguing tha t the co lon ia l discourse tex tua l i sed sati, I am not suggesting tha t Indian society was not tex tua l i sed in the pre-co lon ia l per iod, merely tha t the co lon ia l mode of t e x t u a l i s i n g was one tha t p r i v i l eged w r i t i n g and tha t such w r i t i n g produced consequences of domination, inc lud ing those discussed in t h i s paper.
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f o r the above opinion are as f o l l o w " . The i n t e rp re t i ve character of the vyauasthas was also evident from the way in which the scr ip tures were used:
in support of the above may be adduced, the fo l low ing au tho r i t i e s . (My emphasis)(55)
In the above sentence by using the words "she who ascends", the author must have had in contemplation those who decl ined to do so. (My emphasis)(56)
From the above quoted passages of the Mitateshura, it would appear that t h i s was an act f i t f o r a l l women to perform. (My emphasis)(57)
It is c lear from the above tha t vyauasthas d id not claim to pronounce e i t he r s c r i p t u r a l t r u t h or the only possible response to a given ques-t i on . (58 )
The corpus of tex ts designated ' the sc r ip tu res ' also made such a claim d i f f i c u l t to maintain. The scr ip tures were an enormous body of texts composed at d i f f e r e n t t imes. They included the srutis, the dharmashastras or smritis and nibandhas. The srutis were bel ieved to be a p re -sc r ip tu ra l t r ansc r i p t i on of a revealed oral discourse an te r io r to the category of h i s t o r i c i t y . The dharmashastras or smritis were mnemic and h i s t o r i co - soc ia l tex ts supposedly t ranscr ibed by the sages under the au thor i t y of Hindu kings. The p r inc ipa l shastras are products of named and thus ' h i s t o r i c a l ' subjects : Manu, Yajnavalkya and Narada. The com-mentaries and digests were t rea t i ses i n te rp re t i ng and expounding the shastras and mainly produced between the eleventh and eighteenth cen-t u r i e s . D i f f e ren t commentaries were held to be au tho r i t a t i ve in d i f -ferent regions. It is no wonder then tha t two pundits could issue vyauasthas on the same poin t and quote d i f f e r e n t tex ts or d i f f e r e n t pas-sages from the same tex t to support t h e i r statement.
The fac t tha t the various texts were authored at d i f f e r e n t periods also accounted f o r t h e i r heterogeneity on many po in ts , not least of which was the sc r i p tu ra l sanction f o r sati. Colonial response to such heterogeneity took three forms. Sometimes d i v e r s i t y was se lec t i ve l y recognised, as in the determination and enforcement of the appropriate modes of committing sati f o r brahmin and non-brahmin widows. At other times it was acknowledged f o r p rac t i ca l reasons but not ' r eso l ved ' , as in the considered tolerance of regional va r i a t i on in the mode of con-duct ing sati: whether the widow's body was placed to the l e f t or r i g h t of the corpse, the d i r ec t i on of the pyre, and so on. A t h i r d response was to marginal ise ce r ta in vyauasthas. A t e l l i n g example of such s t r a -teg ic marg ina l isat ion is the fa te of Mr i tyunjoy Vidyalankar 's vyauastha, relegated to the appendix of the Nizamat Adalat proceedings of 1817, wi th no more than a mention in the main t e x t . This vyauastha system-a t i c a l l y ca l led in to question the co lon ia l ra t iona le of a sc r i p tu ra l sanction f o r sati, quest ioning i t s status as an act of v i r t u e . Vidyalankar pointed out tha t as a form of suicide it was debatable whether sati was consonant w i th the srutis which forbade any w i l l f u l abridgement of l i f e . Further he noted tha t the u l t imate goal of a l l Hindus was se l f l ess absorption in a d iv ine essence, a union which was said to f low not from act ion l i k e sati, performed wi th a view to reward, but from devotion and contemplation of the d iv ine . Given t h i s , a l i f e of aus te r i t y or sexual abstinence, as impl ied by ascet ic widowhood, emerged as an equal ly if not more mer i tor ious ac t .
Vidyalankar 's vyauastha contained s u f f i c i e n t sc r i p tu ra l j u s t i f i -cat ion fo r p roh ib i t i ng sati. I t was, however, ignored. Continual r e i nsc r i p t i on of sati i n to a sc r i p tu ra l t r a d i t i o n despi te evidence to
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IV. Production of Knowledge about Sati: In te rac t ion and In te r roga t ion
Informat ion about sati was generated at the instance, one is tempted to say ins is tence, of co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s posing questions to pundits res ident at the cour ts . The pundits were ins t ruc ted to respond wi th "a reply in conformity w i t h the sc r ip tu res " . (44 ) The working of co lon ia l power is nowhere more v i s i b l e than in t h i s process. It is worth exa-mining one such i n te rac t i on in d e t a i l .
In 1805, as noted e a r l i e r , the question of sc r i p tu ra l sanction f o r sati was f i r s t put to the pundits of Nizamat Adalat . S p e c i f i c a l l y they were asked
whether a woman is enjoined by the Shaster v o l u n t a r i l y to burn herse l f w i th the body of her husband, or is p roh ib i -ted ; and what are the condit ions prescribed by the Shaster on such occasions?(45)
The pundit responded as fo l l ows :
Having duly considered the question proposed by the cour t , I now answer it to the best of my knowledge: - every woman of the four castes (brahmin, khetry , bues and soodur) is per-mi t ted to burn herse l f w i th the body of her husband, pro-vided she has not i n f an t ch i l d ren , nor is pregnant, nor in a s ta te of uncleanness, nor under the age of puberty; or in any of which cases she is not allowed to burn herse l f w i th her husband's body.(46)
The pundit c l a r i f i e d tha t women wi th i n fan t ch i ld ren could burn provided they made arrangements f o r the care of such i n fan ts . Fur ther , he added that coercion, overt or sub t le , was forbidden. In support of his opin ion, he quoted the fo l l ow ing tex t s :
This rests upon the au thor i t y of A n j i r a , Vi jasa and Vr ihaspa t i , Mooni.
"There are three m i l l i ons and a ha l f of hairs upon the human body, and every woman who burns herse l f w i th the body of her husband, w i l l reside w i th him in heaven during a l i k e number of years. "
" In the same manner, as a snake-catcher drags a snake from his hole, so does a woman who burns he rse l f , draw her hus-band out of h e l l ; and she afterwards resides w i th him in heaven."
The exceptions above c i t e d , respecting women in a s ta te of pregnancy or uncleanness, and adolescence, were communicated by Oorub and others to the mother of Sagar Raja.(47)
The question posed to the pundit was whether s a t i was enjoined by the sc r i p tu ra l t ex t s . The pundit responded tha t the tex ts d id not en jo in but merely permitted sati in cer ta in instances, drawing on quotes which spoke of the rewards sati would br ing to widows and t h e i r husbands. That the scr ip tures permit sati can only be in fe r red from the above passage. Nevertheless, based on th i s response the Nizamat Adalat concluded:
The p rac t i ce , general ly speaking, being thus recognized and encouraged by the doctr ines of the Hindoo r e l i g i o n , i t appears evident tha t the course which the B r i t i s h government should f o l l ow , according to the p r i nc i p l e of re l i g ious tolerance . . . is to al low the pract ice in those cases in which i t is countenanced by t h e i r r e l i g i o n ; and to prevent i t in others in which i t is by the same au thor i t y p roh ib i ted . (My emphasis)(48)
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In the meantime, as we already know, o f f i c i a l commitment to enforcing indigenous f a i t h and penal is ing i t s v i o l a t i o n in the pract ice of sati d id not lead to a decl ine in i t s incidence. This was regarded as nat ive misunderstanding of co lon ia l i n ten t ion and construed as f u r -ther evidence of Hindu ' b i g o t r y ' . Proposals were made f o r c loser super-v i s ion although in the event none were implemented. I t is s t r i k i n g tha t o f f i c i a l s d id not acknowledge the ' incons is tenc ies ' between t h e i r i n t e r -p re ta t ion of the place of sc r ip tu re in nat ive l i f e , and nat ives ' own behaviour, l e t alone revise t h e i r view. I f anything, i t appears as though such inconsistencies served to rea f f i rm t h e i r assumptions.
In summary, the o f f i c i a l view of sati rested on three i n te r l ock ing assumptions: the hegemony of r e l i g i ous t e x t s , a t o t a l indigenous sub-mission to t h e i r d ic ta tes and the r e l i g i ous basis of sati. However, a re-examination of Parliamentary Papers makes it possible to contest these assumptions.
To begin w i t h , the ins istence on tex tua l hegemony is challenged by the enormous regional va r i a t i on in the mode of committing sati. The vyauasthas of pundits had elaborated d i f ferences by v i l l a g e and d i s t r i c t , even caste and occupation in the performance of sati. " I n ce r ta in v i l l ages of Burdwan a d i s t r i c t in Bengal the fo l low ing ceremonies are observed".(34) Or, " In some v i l l ages s i tuated in Benares, the fo l l ow ing pract ices obtain among the widows of merchants and other t raders" . (35) Local inf luence predominated in every aspect of sati. For instance, the pundits pointed ou t , "She then proceeds to the place of s a c r i f i c e . . . having previously worshipped the pecul iar de i t i es of the c i t y or v i l l a g e " . ( 3 6 ) In the face of such d i v e r s i t y the pundits concluded "The ceremonies p r a c t i c a l l y observed, d i f f e r as to the various t r i bes and d i s t r i c t s " . ( 3 7 ) Colonial o f f i c i a l s acknowledged these d i f ferences and ins t ruc ted magistrates to al low natives " to fo l low the establ ished au thor i t y and usage of the province in which they res ide" . (38) However, such d i v e r s i t y was regarded as ' pe r iphera l ' to the ' c e n t r a l ' p r i nc i p l e of tex tua l hegemony.
S i m i l a r l y , regional va r i a t i on in the incidence of sati d id not challenge the assumption of the hegemony of r e l i g i o n even though it d id count as evidence of a mater ia l basis f o r sati. Colonial o f f i c i a l s d id not completely ignore the f ac t of such va r i a t i on . The regula t ion of 1813 recognised tha t in some d i s t r i c t s sati had almost e n t i r e l y ceased whi le in others i t was confined almost exc lus ive ly to ce r ta in castes. Despite t h i s , co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s decided to pursue a course of tolerance because in t h e i r op in ion, in most provinces, " a l l castes of Hindoos would be extremely tenacious of i t s continuance".(39) Whatever the j u s t i f i c a t i o n fo r concluding thus in 1813, such ins is tence was hardly tenable once systematic data co l l ec t i on on sati was begun in 1815. For it qu ick ly became apparent tha t s i x t y - s i x percent of satis were car r ied out between the d i s t r i c t s surrounding Calcutta C i ty and the Shahabad, Ghazipur and Sarun d i s t r i c t s . This indicates e i the r tha t sati was not a so le ly ' r e l i g i o u s ' pract ice as the o f f i c i a l s maintained, or tha t r e l i g i o n was not hegemonic - another co lon ia l assumption - or both. However, o f f i -c i a l s in te rpre ted regional va r i a t i on to imply tha t although sati was p r imar i l y a re l i g ious p rac t i ce , other fac to rs might be at p lay. There-f o re , as la te as 1827, w i th eleven years of data at hand, W. B. Bayley could continue to be puzzled by what he ca l led 'anomalies' in the annual repor t of satis. He wrote to the court seeking an explanat ion
in regard to the fo l low ing extraordinary discrepancies in the resu l t s exh ib i ted by the present statement. In the d i s t r i c t of Backergunge 63 instances of suttee are reported, and in the adjacent d i s t r i c t of Dacca Telalpore only 2.(40)
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I t is c lear from t h i s t h a t , according to Ewer, when Hindus acted ' r e l i g i o u s l y ' they did not act consciously. In other words, t rue ' r e l i -gious' act ion was synonymous w i th a passive, unquestioning obedience. Thus, if the widow is construed as a v i c t im of pundits and r e l a t i v e s , they in tu rn are seen by Ewer to act in two mutual ly exclusive ways: e i t he r ' consc ious ly ' , t ha t i s ' i r r e l i g i o u s l y ' , o r ' p a s s i v e l y ' , t ha t i s ' r e l i g i o u s l y ' . Hence Ewer nowhere suggests tha t pundits and re la t i ves could manipulate r e l i g i o n to t h e i r own ends. As fo r the widow, she is not o f fered any p o s s i b i l i t y of ever exerc is ing her w i l l . Ewer submitted tha t l e f t to he rse l f , the widow would " tu rn w i th natural i n s t i n c t and horror from the thought of su t tee" . (28) However, in his view, given her ignorance and weak mental and physical capac i ty , i t took l i t t l e persua-sion to turn any apprehension i n to a re luc tan t consent.
Ewer resolved the issue of the f e a s i b i l i t y of a b o l i t i o n f u r t he r by problematising the assumption of a sc r i p tu ra l sanction fo r sati. He pointed to the heterogeneity of the scr ip tures on the issue; Manu "the parent of Hindoo jur isprudence" did not even mention sati, but instead g l o r i f i e d ascet ic widowhood. I t is important to note tha t what uni tes both the ' temporal ' and ' s c r i p t u r a l ' aspects of Ewer's arguments is the p r i v i l e g i n g of r e l i g i o n and the assumption of a complete nat ive submis-sion to i t s fo rce.
This analysis was not tha t of Ewer alone. Maloney, Act ing Magis-t r a t e of Burdwan, s i m i l a r l y emphasised tha t the decision of widows to commit sati stems not
from t h e i r having reasoned themselves i n to a convic t ion of the pu r i t y of the act i t s e l f , as from a kind of i n fa tua t i on produced by the absurd i t ies poured i n to t h e i r ears by ignorant brahmins.(29)
For Maloney, as f o r Ewer, the widow is always a v i c t im and the pundit always cor rupt . Maloney, l i k e Ewer, also concedes the p o s s i b i l i t y of a 'good' sati that is voluntary and the product of reason; but only in the abst rac t . In r e a l i t y , the widow is uneducated and presumed to be incapable of both reason and independent ac t ion .
This accent on ' w i l l ' M n the analysis of Ewer and Maloney t e s t i -f i e s to the ambivalence which l i e s at the heart o f the co lon ia l a t t i -tude to sati. It suggests tha t w i t h i n the general and avowed disapproval of the p rac t i ce , there operated notions of 'good' and 'bad' satis. 'Good' satis were those tha t were seen to be t rue to an o f f i c i a l reading of the sc r ip tu res . And the c r i t i c a l f ac to r in determining o f f i c i a l a t t i t u d e was the issue of the widow's w i l l . Thus the Nizamat Adalat ins t ruc ted magistrates to pay close a t t en t i on to the demeanour of the widow as she approached the pyre so tha t o f f i c i a l s could in te rcept at the merest suggestion of coercion. Magistrates accordingly recorded in the annual returns on sati such remarks as the fo l l ow ing : " the widow v o l u n t a r i l y sac r i f i ced h e r s e l f " , "ascended the pyre of her own f ree w i l l " , burnt "wi thout in any way inebr ia ted and in conformity w i th the Shaster".
Such guarded acceptance of 'good' satis is also evident in the suggestions of Harr ington and E l l i o t tha t l e g i s l a t i o n should cover not the widow, who should be l e f t f ree to commit sati, but brahmins and others who aided or unduly inf luenced her. Such an act it was argued would prevent coercion, w i th the add i t iona l mer i t t h a t :
No law ob l iga to ry on the consciences of the Hindoos w i l l be i n f r i nged , and the women desirous of manifest ing the excess of t h e i r conjugal love w i l l be l e f t a t l i b e r t y to do so.(30)
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Yet t h i s appeared out of the question. In the meantime, it was hoped that the spread of education and the example of the high caste, educated, westernised Hindus would serve to make the practice unpopular. Indige-nous opposition to sati had been growing since 1818, when Rammohun Roy, ch ief campaigner and symbol of the nat ive lobby against sati, published his f i r s t t r a c t against the pract ice.
However, in general, f a i t h in the progressive influence of higher caste, better educated Hindus was misplaced, for the practice was pre-dominant among them.(21) The regional d i s t r i b u t i o n of sati also made it d i f f i c u l t to sustain the hope that a greater exposure to western i n f l u -ence would r e s u l t in i t s decl in ing popular i ty . For s ix ty- three percent of satis between 1815 and 1828 were committed in the Calcutta D i v i s i o n around Calcutta C i t y , the seat of colonia l power. Indeed t h i s high f igure may in part be accounted for by Hindu residents of Calcutta going outside the c i t y to commit sati, which was i l l e g a l w i t h i n i t s boundaries.
The regional ly skewed d i s t r i b u t i o n of satis prompted some magis-trates l i k e Η. Β. M e l v i l l e in 1823 and W. B. Bayley in 1827 to propose a b o l i t i o n in certa in d i s t r i c t s . Others used the regional v a r i a t i o n as evidence that sati was a l o c a l i s e d , temporal phenomenon and not a uni-versal r e l i g i o u s one. Further, already by 1818 it had become evident that the s c r i p t u r a l sanction f o r sati was not c lear-cut. In March 1824, the Court of Directors, drawing almost exc lus ive ly on o f f i c i a l corres-pondence and Nizamat Adalat proceedings on sati, came to the conclusion that these papers themselves were replete wi th arguments on the basis of which a b o l i t i o n could be j u s t i f i e d . In p a r t i c u l a r , the directors high-l ighted the f o l l o w i n g : the questionable s c r i p t u r a l status of sati, the v i o l a t i o n of s c r i p t u r a l rules in i t s performance, the inef f icacy of current regulat ion, the support for a b o l i t i o n among Indians, the conf i -dence of some magistrates that sati could be abolished s a f e l y , the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y of sati w i t h pr inc ip les of moral i ty and reason. The Court of Directors however conceded that the f i n a l decision must rest with the a u t h o r i t i e s in India since only they could evaluate the p o l i -t i c a l consequences of such act ion.
Indeed it was in India that l e g i s l a t i o n to outlaw sati was f i n a l l y i n i t i a t e d by Governor General Lord W i l l i a m Bentinck in December 1829. Bentinck had l i t t l e more information than his predecessors, e i t h e r on sati or on the effects of such l e g i s l a t i o n , although he had gathered m i l i t a r y i n t e l l i g e n c e that such l e g i s l a t i o n would not provoke disquiet among the armed forces. What Bentinck did possess was a combination of the w i l l to outlaw sati and the benefits of a greater p o l i t i c a l stab-i l i t y of the East India Company whose control had now been extended across Rajputhana, Central India and Nepal. A new confidence and energy was ref lected in Bentinck's Minute on sati:
Now that we are supreme, my opinion is decidedly in favour of an open, avowed and general p r o h i b i t i o n , rest ing altogether upon the moral goodness of the act and our power to enforce i t . ( 2 2 )
The d e s i r a b i l i t y of a b o l i t i o n had never been at issue. I t s f e a s i b i l i t y had proved to be the thorny question. Bentinck set t led the issue once and f o r al 1.
Sati e i t h e r by burning or bur ia l was outlawed and made punishable by the cr iminal courts. ZamCndars and talukdars were made responsible for immediate communication to the pol ice of in tent ion to perform sati,
any lapse being made punishable by a f i n e or imprisonment. The Nizamat Adalat was authorised to impose the death sentence on act ive part ic ipants in sati if the crime was gruesome enough to render them unworthy of mercy.
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The issue was raised again in 1805 when Elphinstone, act ing magis-t r a t e of the Z i l l a h of Behar, reported h is in te rven t ion in a case where an in tox ica ted twelve-year-o ld was being coerced i n to the pyre. Like Brooke, he sought i ns t ruc t i ons from the Governor General and h is Counci l . The secretary of the government re fer red the issue to the Nizamat Adalat , asking how fa r and in what ways the pract ice of sati was founded in the sc r ip tu re s ta t i ng tha t i f s c r i p t u r a l sanction precluded a b o l i t i o n , measures might be taken to prevent coercion and such abuses as the i n -tox i ca t i on of widows.
The Nizamat Adalat in tu rn re fe r red the matter to i t s pund i t , Ghanshyam Surmono. The pundit responded in March 1805 but not u n t i l 29 Apr i l 1813, some e igh t years l a t e r , was his exposi t ion of the sc r i p -t u ra l pos i t i on on sati issued in the form of i ns t ruc t i ons to the D i s t r i c t Magistrates.
Based on an o f f i c i a l reading of Surmono's i n t e rp re ta t i on of the t e x t s , the i ns t ruc t i ons declared sati to be a prac t ice founded in the re l i g ious be l i e f s of Hindus. I t was c l a r i f i e d that the pract ice was intended to be voluntary and if performed was expected to ensure an a f t e r l i f e together f o r the widow and her husband. The c i r c u l a r also stated tha t a widow who had taken a vow to commit sati was permitted to change her mind wi thout loss of caste providing she performed a penance.
The preface to the ins t ruc t i ons c l a r i f i e d tha t given the s c r i p t u r a l status of sati and the government's commitment to tfie p r i nc i p l e of r e l i -gious to lerance, sati would be permitted
in those cases in which i t is countenanced by t h e i r r e l i -g ion; and [prevented] in others in which i t is by the same au tho r i t y p roh ib i ted . (12)
Sati was thus to be p roh ib i ted in a l l cases in which the widow was less than sixteen years of age, or was pregnant or in tox ica ted or in any other way coerced. Magistrates were also ins t ruc ted to t ransmit to the Nizamat Adalat de ta i l s of each sati committed in t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n s , inc lud ing any p r o h i b i t i v e measures they might have taken.
This c i r c u l a r promulgated on 29 Ap r i l 1813 was the only s i g n i f i c a n t regula t ion introduced u n t i l the prac t ice was outlawed. Three more c i r -culars were issued, but these were merely f u r t he r refinements prompted by the queries of D i s t r i c t Magistrates on what const i tu ted a legal sati. I t s ' l e g a l i t y ' supposedly conferred by i t s sc r i p tu ra l o r i g i n had been confirmed by the regu la t ion of 1813. Queries were forwarded by the Nizamat Adalat to t h e i r res ident pundi ts , requesting them to provide vyauasthas in conformity w i th the sc r ip tu res . (13) Thus a c i r c u l a r was promulgated in September 1813 tha t authorised jogis (a t r i b e of weavers supposedly the surv ivors of wandering mendicants) to bury t h e i r dead, since the scr ip tures repor tedly forbade burning in t h e i r case.(14) I t was s i m i l a r l y decreed in 1815 that women wi th ch i ld ren under three could only commit sati if arrangements had been made f o r the maintenance of t h e i r ch i ld ren. (16) The 1815 c i r c u l a r also spec i f ied tha t brahmin women could only burn along w i th t h e i r husbands through the r i t e of sahamarana, whi le women of other castes were also permitted anoomarana, in which the widow burned at a l a t e r date w i th an a r t i c l e belonging to the husband. F i n a l l y , t h i s c i r c u l a r ins t ruc ted magistrates to submit to an annual repor t of satis in t h e i r d i s t r i c t to the Sadr Nizamat Adalat , speci fy ing the fo l l ow ing f o r each sati·. the name of the widow, her age, her caste, the name and caste of the husband, the date of burning and the pol ice j u r i s d i c t i o n in which it occurred. An add i t iona l column was provided f o r recording any remarks tha t the magistrate thought deserving of a t t en t i on . A t h i r d c i r c u l a r , issued in 1822, ins t ruc ted tha t i n f o r -mation on the husband's profession and circumstances also be included f o r
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Chief among these was the hegemonic status accorded by co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s to brahmanic scr ip tures in the organisat ion of socia l l i f e . The co ro l -l a ry to t h i s was to assume an unquestioning submission of indigenous people to the d ic ta tes of sc r ip tu re and thus to pos i t an absence of con-scious ind iv idua l w i l l . Widows in pa r t i cu l a r are represented as having no s u b j e c t i v i t y and as doubly v ic t imised by t h e i r ignorance of the scr ip tures and i t s consequence, t h e i r re l iance on brahmin pundi ts. The l a t t e r are portrayed as se l f - i n t e res ted in te rp re te rs of the sacred t ex t s . As f o r sati i t s e l f , there is a repeated ins istence on a sc r i p tu ra l sanc-t i on f o r the p rac t i ce , although t h i s claim is increas ing ly contested as the debate develops.
Analysis of the discourse also c l a r i f i e s how se lec t na t ives , espec ia l ly brahmin pundi ts , were deeply impl icated in i t s product ion, a l b e i t in a subordinate ro le . As I w i l l i l l u s t r a t e , pundi ts ' statements were in te rpre ted and deployed in ways that produced a d i s t i n c t i v e l y co lonia l conception of sati.(3) Examining the production of discourse c l a r i f i e s what was p r i v i l eged and what was marginal ised in the process. Thus it becomes possible to contest the conclusions about sati drawn by co lon ia l o f f i c i a l s .
This paper f a l l s w i t h i n the category of h i s t o r i c a l studies tha t is concerned w i th the legacy of imperial ism f o r what is known about co l -onia l and ex-co lon ia l soc ie t i es ; w i th recons t i t u t i ng what B. S. Cohn has ca l led a ' co lon ia l sociology of knowledge'.(4) Bu i ld ing on the work of Foucault on the co l labora t ion of power/knowledge in the production of discourse(5) and of Said(6) who has shown i t s compl ic i ty in discourses on the Or ien t , t h i s study begins w i th the premise tha t what is known about co lon ia l and ex-co lon ia l soc ie t ies is i t s e l f a co lonia l legacy. This problem is not merely confined to knowledge of what is designated ' the co lon ia l pe r i od ' . As Romila Thapar s ta tes: "A major con t rad ic t ion in our understanding of the en t i r e Indian past is tha t t h i s understand-ing is derived from the in te rp re ta t i ons of Indian h is to ry made in the l a s t two hundred years" . (7 ) Needless to say such understandings were forged in s i t ua t ions tha t re f l ec ted the v ic i ss i tudes of a ' c o l o n i a l ' representat ion of r e a l i t y and the needs of co lon ia l power.
Acknowledgement of the complex h i s to ry of received ideas is not new. The production of a ' w o r k e r s ' h i s t o r y ' , 'women's h i s t o r y ' or 'sub-a l te rn s tud ies ' (8 ) impl ies the p a r t i a l i t y , even b ias , o f ex i s t i ng accounts. An argument f o r women's h i s t o r y , f o r instance, is based on the need to remedy a s i t u a t i o n in which h is to ry has la rge ly meant the h is to ry of men. Obviously, accounts of women or workers do not func t ion only in an add i t i ve way but transform our understanding of society as a whole.
I suggest, however, t ha t an analysis of discourse is a d i f f e r e n t p ropos i t ion , which goes beyond producing ' indigenous' or ' oppos i t i ona l ' accounts, whether n a t i o n a l i s t , .marxist or f em in i s t . Rather, discourse analysis focuses on tha t which is stable and pers is tent in the order ing of socia l r e a l i t y in each of these accounts. Thus i t can po in t to assumptions shared by those who claim to be opposed to each other or are conceptualised in t h i s manner, whether na t i ona l i s t s and c o l o n i a l i s t s or O r i en ta l i s t s and A n g l i c i s t s .
In a sense the term discourse as used by Foucault and Said is s im i l a r in scope to the marxist not ion of ideology: a pub l i c , i n s t i t u -t i ona l i sed set of const ra in ts on what is ' t r u t h ' and 'knowledge'. Dis-course i s , however, the more useful ana ly t i ca l t o o l : f o r i t re ta ins the d ia log ica l processes impl ied by speech and requires at leas t two pa r t i es . I bel ieve it is useful to speak of a ' co lon ia l discourse1 on sati ra ther than a co lon ia l ideology, prec ise ly because knowledge about co lon ia l
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25. J. Locke, Two Treatises of Government (New American Library, 1965), p.24.
26. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Latís (Hafner Press, 1949), p.25.
27. Charles Grant, Observations on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain', Sessional Papers 1812-13 (282) East India Company, p.40.
28. E. Said, The Question of Palestine (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979), p.85.
29. F. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (Penguin, 1969), p.42.
30. Missionary Register, May 1816, pp.181-82.
31. D. L. LeMahieu, The Mind of William Paley (Nebraska, 1976), p.97.
32. M. Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge (Tavistock, 1974), p.91.
33. Missionary Register, July 1816, p.193.
34. Missionary Register, November 1816, pp.444-45.
35. Missionary Register, March 1816, pp.106-7.
36. Missionary Register, January 1819, p.27.
37. Missionary Register, January 1817, p.31 ff.
38. V. N. Smirnoff, 'The Fetishistic Transaction', in Psychoanalysis in France, ed. S. Lebovici and D. Widlocker (International University Press, 1978), p.307.
39. F. Fanon, 'The Negro and Psychopathology', Black Skin White Masks (Paladin, 1968).
40. J. Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis (Hogarth, 1977).
41. Missionary Register, November 1816, p.212.
42. Missionary Register, March 1816, pp.106-7.
43. Missionary Register, September 1818, p.375.
44. Missionary Register, June 1813, pp.221-22.
45. Missionary Register, May 1817, p.186.
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Read as a masque of mimicry Anund Messeh's t a l e emerges as a ques-tion of co lon ia l au tho r i t y , an agonis t ic space. To the extent to which discourse is a form of defensive warfare, then mimicry marks those moments of c i v i l disobedience w i t h i n the d i s c i p l i n e of c i v i l i t y : signs of spectacular resistance. When the words of the master become the s i t e of hyb r i d i t y - the war l i ke sign of the nat ive - then we may not only read between the l i n e s , but even seek to change the of ten coercive r e a l i t y tha t they so l u c i d l y conta in. It is w i th the strange sense of a hybr id h is to ry that I want to end.
Despite Anund's miraculous evidence, 'na t ive Chr is t ians were never more than vain phantoms', wrote J. A. Dubois in 1815, a f t e r twenty- f ive years in Madras. Their parlous ' p a r t i a l ' s ta te caused him pa r t i cu l a r anx ie ty :
f o r in embracing the Chr is t ian r e l i g i o n they never e n t i r e l y renounce t h e i r supers t i t ions towards which they always keep a secret bent . . . there is no unfeigned, undisguised Chr is t ian among these Indians.(41)
And what of the nat ive discourse? Who can t e l l ?
Rev. Donald Cor r ie , the most eminent of the Indian evangel is ts , warned tha t :
t i l l they came under the English Government, they have not been accustomed to assert the nose upon t h e i r face t h e i r own . . . t h i s temper p reva i l s , more or less , in the con-verted. (42)
Archdeacon Potts in handing over charge to the Rev. J. P. Sperschneider in July 1818 was a good deal more worr ied:
If you urge them wi th t h e i r gross and unworthy misconcep-t ions of the nature and w i l l of God or the monstrous f o l l i e s o f t h e i r fabulous theology, they w i l l tu rn i t o f f w i th a s l y c i v i l i t y perhaps, or w i th a popular and careless proverb.(43)
Was i t in the s p i r i t of such s ly c i v i l i t y that the nat ive Chr is t ians parr ied so long w i th Anund Messeh and then, at the mention of Baptism, p o l i t e l y excused themselves f o r 'Now we must go home to the harvest . . . perhaps the next year we may come to Meerut'?
And what is the s ign i f i cance of the Bible? Who knows.
Three years before the nat ive Chr is t ians received the Bib le at Hurdwar, Sandappan, a schoolmaster from the south of I nd ia , wrote asking fo r a B ib le :
Rev. Fr. Have mercy upon me. I am amongst so many craving beggars f o r the Holy Scr iptures the ch ie f craving beggar. The bounty of the bestowers of t h i s treasure is so great I understand, tha t even t h i s book is read in r i ce and s a l t -markets. (44)
But, in the same year as the miracle outside De lh i , in 1817, a much t r i e d missionary wrote in some considerable rage:
S t i l l everyone would g lad ly receive a B ib le . And why? That he may store it up as a c u r i o s i t y ; se l l it f o r a few p ice ; or use it f o r waste paper . . . Some have been bar-tered in the markets . . . I f these remarks are at a l l war-ranted then an ind iscr iminate d i s t r i b u t i o n of the sc r i p -tu res , to everyone who may say he wants a B ib le , can be l i t t l e less than a waste of t ime, a waste of money and a
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e f f e c t tha t w i l l not ' look l i k e the work o f f o re igne rs ' ; (33 ) i t i s the decis ion to produce simple, abridged t r a c t s of the p la ines t nar ra t i ve that may incu lcate the habi t of ' p r i v a t e , s o l i t a r y read ing ' , (34) as a missionary wrote in 1816, so tha t the natives may r e s i s t the Brahmin's 'monopoly of knowledge' and lessen t h e i r dependence on t h e i r own r e l i -gious and cu l t u ra l t r a d i t i o n s ; i t is the opinion of Rev. Donald Corr ie that 'on learn ing English they acquire ideas qu i te new, and of the f i r s t importance, respect ing God and his government'.(35) It is the shrewd view of an unknown na t i ve , in 1819:
For instance, I take a book of yours and read it awhile and whether I become a Chr is t ian or no t , I leave the book in my fam i l y : a f t e r my death, my son, conceiving tha t I would leave nothing useless or bad in my house, w i l l look in to the book, understand i t s contents, consider tha t his fa ther l e f t him tha t book, and become a Chr is t ian . (36)
When the natives demand an Indianised gospel they are using the powers of h y b r i d i t y to r e s i s t baptism and to put the pro jec t of conver-sion in an impossible pos i t i on . Any adaptation of the Bib le was f o r b i d -den by the evidences of C h r i s t i a n i t y f o r , as the Bishop of Calcutta preached in his Christmas sermon in 1815,
I mean tha t i t is a H is to r i ca l Rel ig ion: the History of the whole dispensation is before us from the creat ion of the world to the present hour: and it is throughout con-s i s ten t w i th i t s e l f and wi th the a t t r i b u t e s of God.(37)
Their demand that only mass conversion would persuade them to take the sacrament touches on a tension between missionary zeal and the East India Company Statutes f o r 1814 which st rongly advised against such prosely-t i s i n g . When they make these i n t e r - c u l t u r a l , hybrid demands, the natives are both chal lenging the boundaries of discourse and subt ly changing i t s terms by se t t i ng up another s p e c i f i c a l l y ' c o l o n i a l ' space of power-knowledge. And they do t h i s under the eye of au tho r i t y , through the production of ' p a r t i a l ' knowledges and p o s i t i o n a l i t i e s in keeping w i th my e a r l i e r , more general, explanation of h y b r i d i t y . Such objects of knowledges make the s i g n i f i e r s of au tho r i t y enigmatic in a way ' t h a t is less than one and double ' . They change t h e i r condit ions of recogni t ion whi le maintaining t h e i r v i s i b i l i t y ; they introduce a lack tha t is then represented as a doubling or mimicry. This mode of d iscurs ive d i s t u r -bance is a sharp p rac t i ce , rather l i k e tha t of the per f id ious barbers in the bazaars of Bombay who do not mug t h e i r customers w i th the b lunt Lacanian ' v e V : 'Your money or your l i f e ' , leaving them wi th nothing. No, these w i l y o r i en ta l th ieves, w i th f a r greater s k i l l , pickpocket t h e i r c l i en t s and cry ou t , 'How the master's face sh ines! ' . . . then, in a whisper . . . ' bu t he's l o s t h is m e t t l e ! '
And th i s t r a v e l l e r ' s t a l e , t o l d by a na t i ve , is an emblem of tha t form of s p l i t t i n g - less than one and double - that I have suggested f o r the reading of the ambivalence of co lon ia l ' c u l t u r a l ' t ex t s . In estranging the word of God from the English medium - ' these books teach the r e l i g i o n of the European Sahibs. It is THEIR Book; and they pr in ted it in our language, f o r our use' - the natives expel the copula or middle term of the evangelical power-knowledge equation as wel l as the God-Englishman equivalence. Such a c r i s i s in the p o s i t i o n a l i t y and p ropos i t i ona l i t y of c o l o n i a l i s t au thor i t y destab i l i ses the sign of au tho r i t y . For by a l i ena t ing English as the middle term, the presence of au thor i t y is freed of a range of ideo log ica l corre lates - f o r instance, i n t e n t i o n a l i t y , o r i g i n a l i t y , a u t h e n t i c i t y , cu l t u ra l normati-v i t y . The Bib le is now ready fo r a spec i f i c co lon ia l appropr ia t ion. On the one hand, i t s paradigmatic 'presence' as the Word of God is
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This may lead, as in the case of the natives outside De lh i , to questions of au tho r i t y tha t the Au thor i t i es - the Bib le included - cannot answer. Such a process is not the deconstruct ion of a cu l t u ra l system from the margins of i t s own apor ia ; nor, as in Derr ida 's Double Session, the mime that haunts mimesis. The display of hyb r i d i t y - i t s pecul iar ' r e p l i c a -t i o n ' - t e r ro r i ses au tho r i t y w i th the ruse of recogn i t ion , i t s mimicry, i t s mockery.
Such a reading of co lon ia l au tho r i t y profoundly unset t les the demand tha t f igures at the centre of the o r ig ina ry myth of c o l o n i a l i s t power. It is the demand tha t the space it occupies be unbounded; i t s r e a l i t y coincident w i th the non-emergence of an i m p e r i a l i s t nar ra t ive and h i s t o r y ; i t s discourse non-dialogic, i t s enunciat ion unitary, unmarked by the t race of d i f fe rence . A demand tha t is recognisable in a range of j u s t i f i c a t o r y western ' c i v i l ' discourses where the presence of the 'co lony ' of ten al ienates i t s own language of l i b e r t y and reveals i t s ' u n i v e r s a l i s t ' concepts of Labour and Property as p a r t i c u l a r , post-enlightenment ideo log ica l and technological prac t ices . For example: Locke's not ion of the waste land of Carolina - ' i n the beginning a l l the world was America' ;(25) Montesquieu's emblem of the wasteful and d i s -order ly l i f e and labour in despotic soc ie t ies - 'when the savages of Louisiana are desirous of f r u i t they cut the trees to the root and gather the f r u i t ' ; ( 2 6 ) S i r Charles Grant's b e l i e f in the imposs ib i l i t y of Law and His tory in Muslim and Hindu India 'where treasons and revo lu-t ions are cont inua l ; by which the inso lent and abject f requent ly change p laces ' ; (27) or the contemporary Z ion is t myth of the neglect of Palest ine, ' o f a whole t e r r i t o r y ' , Said w r i t e s , ' e ssen t i a l l y unused, unappreciated, misunderstood . . . to be made use fu l , appreciated, understandable' .(28)
What renders t h i s demand of co lon ia l power impossible is prec ise ly the po in t at which the question of au tho r i t y emerges. For the un i ta ry voice of command is in te r rup ted by questions tha t ar ise from these het-erogeneous s i tes and c i r c u i t s of power which, though momentarily ' f i x e d ' in the au tho r i t a t i ve alignment of sub jects , must con t inua l l y be re-presented in the production of t e r r o r or f ea r : the paranoid th rea t from the hybrid is f i n a l l y uncontainable because it breaks down the symmetry and dua l i t y of s e l f / o t h e r , ins ide /ou ts ide . In the p roduc t i v i t y of power, the boundari es of au thor i t y - i t s ' r e a l i t y e f f e c t s ' - are always besieged by ' the other scene' of f i xa t i ons and phantoms. We can now understand the l i n k between the psychic and p o l i t i c a l tha t is suggested in Fanon's f i gu re of speech: the colon is an e x h i b i t i o n i s t , because his preoccupation w i th secur i t y makes him 'remind the nat ive out loud tha t he alone is master ' . (29) The na t i ve , caught in the chains of c o l o n i a l i s t command, achieves a ' pseudo-pe t r i f i ca t i on ' which fu r the r i nc i t es and exci tes him thus making the s e t t l e r - n a t i v e boundary an anxious and ambi-valent one. What then presents i t s e l f as the subject of au thor i t y in the discourse of co lonia l power i s , in f a c t , a desire that so exceeds the o r i g i na l au thor i t y of the Book and the immediate v i s i b i l i t y of i t s metaphoric w r i t i n g , t ha t we are bound to ask: What does co lonia l power want? My answer is only p a r t i a l l y in agreement w i th Lacan's ' v e l ' or Derr ida 's ve i l or hymen. For the desire of co lon ia l discourse is a s p l i t t i n g of h y b r i d i t y tha t is 'less than one and double'·, and if tha t sounds enigmatic it is because i t s explanation has to wai t upon the au thor i t y of those canny questions tha t the natives put , so i n s i s t e n t l y , to the English Book.
The nat ive questions qu i te l i t e r a l l y tu rn the o r i g i n of the book i n to an enigma. F i r s t , how can the word of God oome from the flesh-eating mouths of the English? - a question that faces the un i ta ry and un i ve rsa l i s t assumption o f au tho r i t y w i th the cu l t u ra l d i f fe rence o f i t s h i s t o r i c a l moment of enunciat ion. And l a t e r : How can it be the European
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that? Not less , but a d i f f e r e n t form of e f f e c t i v i t y , would be our answer.
Tom Nairn reveals a basic ambivalence between the symbols of English imperial ism which could not help ' look ing un iversa l ' and a
hollowness [ t ha t ] sounds through the English i m p e r i a l i s t mind in a thousand forms: in Rider Haggard's nec roph i l i a , in K ip l i ng ' s moments of gloomy doubt . . . in the cosmic t r u t h of Fors te r ' s Marabar caves.(22)
Nairn explains t h i s ' imper ia l de l i r i um ' as the d ispropor t ion between the grandi ose rhe to r i c of English imperial ism and the real economic and p o l i t i c a l s i t ua t i on of l a te V ic to r ian England. I would l i k e to suggest that these c ruc ia l moments in English l i t e r a t u r e are not simply cr ises of England's own making. They are also the signs of a discontinuous h i s t o r y , an estrangement of the English Book. They mark the disturbance of i t s au tho r i t a t i ve representat ions by the uncanny forces of race, sexua l i t y , v io lence, cu l t u ra l and, even, c l ima t i c d i f fe rences which emerge in the co lon ia l discourse as the mixed and s p l i t texts of hybr id-i t y . If the appearance of the English Book is read as a production of colonia l h y b r i d i t y , then i t no longer simply commands au tho r i t y . I t gives r i se to a series of questions of authority t h a t , in my bastardised r e p e t i t i o n , must sound strangely f a m i l i a r :
Was it a badge - an ornament - a charm - a p r o p i t i a t o r y act? Was there any idea at a l l connected wi th i t ? It looked s t a r t l i n g in t h i s black neck of the woods, t h i s b i t of white w r i t i n g from beyond the seas.
In repeating the scenario of the English Book I hope I have suc-ceeded in representing a co lon ia l ' d i f f e r e n c e ' . I t is the e f f e c t of uncerta inty tha t a f f l i c t s the discourse of power; an uncer ta in ty tha t estranges the f a m i l i a r symbol of English ' na t i ona l ' au thor i t y and emerges from i t s co lon ia l appropr ia t ion as the sign of i t s d i f fe rence. Hybr id i ty is the name of t h i s displacement of value from symbol to sign which causes the dominant discourse to s p l i t along the axis of i t s power to be representat ive, a u t h o r i t a t i v e . Hybr id i ty represents tha t ambivalent ' t u r n ' o f the d iscr iminated subject i n t o the t e r r i f y i n g , exorb i tan t object of paranoid c l a s s i f i c a t i o n - a d is tu rb ing questioning of the images and presences of au tho r i t y . To grasp the ambivalence of hyb r i d i t y it must be d is t inguished from an invers ion that would suggest tha t the o r ig inary i s , r e a l l y , only the ' e f f e c t ' of an Entstellung. Hybr id i t y has no such perspective of depth or t r u t h to provide: it is not a t h i r d term tha t resolves the tension between two cul tures or the two scenes of the Book, in a d i a l e c t i c a l play of ' r e c o g n i t i o n ' . The displacement from symbol to sign creates a c r i s i s fo r any concept of au thor i t y based on a system of recogn i t ion : co lon ia l specu la r i t y , doubly inscr ibed, does not produce a mi r ror where the s e l f apprehends i t s e l f ; i t is always the sp l i t - sc reen of the s e l f and i t s doubl ing, the hybrid . . .
These metaphors are very much to the po in t because they suggest tha t co lon ia l hyb r i d i t y is not a problem of genealogy or i d e n t i t y between two different cu l tures which can then be resolved as an issue of cu l t u ra l r e l a t i v i sm. Hybr id i t y is a problematia of co lon ia l repre-sentat ion and ind iv idua t ion tha t reverses the e f fec ts of the c o l o n i a l i s t disavowal, so tha t other 'denied' knowledges enter upon the dominant discourse and estrange the basis of i t s au thor i t y - i t s rules of recog-n i t i o n . Again, i t must be stressed, that i t is not simply the eontent of disavowed knowledges - be they forms of cu l tu ra l otherness or t r a -d i t i ons of c o l o n i a l i s t treachery - that return to be acknowledged as counter -au thor i t ies . For the reso lu t ion of c o n f l i c t s between au thor i -t i e s , c i v i l discourse always maintains an ad jud icat ive procedure. What
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re-source o f l i g h t . Such a b r i ng ing to l i g h t is never a p r e - v i s i o n ; i t is always a quest ion of the p rov i s ion of v i s i b i l i t y as a capac i t y , a s t r a t e g y , an agency; but a lso in the sense in which the p r e f i x p r o ( v i s i o n ) might i nd i ca te an e l i s i o n o f s i g h t , de lega t ion , s u b s t i t u t i o n , c o n t i g u i t y , in place o f . . . what?
This is the quest ion t ha t br ings us to the ambivalence of the 'presence' o f a u t h o r i t y , p e c u l i a r l y v i s i b l e i n i t s co lon ia l a r t i c u l a t i o n . For i f t ransparency s i g n i f i e s d i scu rs i ve c losure - i n t e n t i o n , image, author - it does so through a d isc losure of i t s rules of récognition -those soc ia l t ex t s o f ep is temic , e t hnocen t r i c , n a t i o n a l i s t i n t e l l i g i b i l i t y which cohere in the address of a u t h o r i t y as the ' p r e s e n t ' , the vo ice of moderni ty. The acknowledgement of a u t h o r i t y depends upon the immediate - unmediated - v i s i b i l i t y of i t s ru les of recogn i t i on as the unmistakable r e f e r e n t o f h i s t o r i c a l necess i ty . In the doub ly - insc r ibed space o f co lon ia l representa t ion where the presence of a u t h o r i t y - the Engl ish Book - is a lso a quest ion of i t s r e p e t i t i o n and displacement, where transparency is teahnë, the immediate v i s i b i l i t y of such a regime of recogn i t i on is r e s i s t e d . Resistance is not necessar i l y an oppos i t i ona l act o f p o l i t i c a l i n t e n t i o n ; nor i s i t the simple negat ion o r exc lus ion of the ' con ten t ' of an other c u l t u r e , as a d i f f e rence once perceived. I t i s the e f f e c t o f an ambivalence produced w i t h i n the ru les o f recogn i -t i o n of dominating discourses as they a r t i c u l a t e the signs of c u l t u r a l d i f f e rence and r e - i m p l i c a t e them w i t h i n the d e f e r e n t i a l r e l a t i o n s of c o l o n i a l power - h i e ra rchy , no rma l i sa t i on , m a r g i n a l i s a t i o n , e t c . For domination is achieved through a process of disavowal t h a t denies the diffêrance of c o l o n i a l i s t power - the chaos of i t s i n t e r v e n t i o n as Entstellung, i t s d i s l o c a t o r y presence - in order to preserve the auth-o r i t y o f i t s i d e n t i t y i n the u n i v e r s a l i s t n a r r a t i v e o f n ine teenth-century h i s t o r i c a l and p o l i t i c a l evo lu t ion ism.
However, the exerc ise o f c o l o n i a l i s t a u t h o r i t y requ i res the pro-duct ion o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n s , i n d i v i d u a t i o n s , i d e n t i t y - e f f e c t s through which d i sc r im ina to r y p rac t i ces can map out sub jec t populat ions t h a t are t a r r ed w i t h the v i s i b l e and t ransparent mark of power. Such a mode of sub jec t ion is d i s t i n c t from what Foucault describes as 'power through t ransparency ' : (20 ) the re ign o f Opin ion, a f t e r the l a t e e ighteenth cen-t u r y , which could not t o l e r a t e areas of darkness and sought to exerc ise power through the mere f a c t of th ings being known and people seen in an immediate, c o l l e c t i v e gaze. What r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t i a t e s the exerc ise of co lon ia l power is the u n s u i t a b i l i t y of the Enlightenment assumption of c o l l e c t i v i t y and the eye t ha t beholds i t . For Bentham (as Per ro t po in ts out) the small group is representa t i ve of the whole soc ie ty -the pa r t is already the whole. Colon ia l a u t h o r i t y requ i res modes of d i s -c r im ina t i on ( c u l t u r a l , r a c i a l , adm in i s t r a t i ve . . . ) t h a t d i sa l l ow a s t a b l e , u n i t a r y assumption o f c o l l e c t i v i t y . The ' p a r t ' ( the c o l o n i a l i s t f o re ign body) must be represen ta t i ve of the 'whole' (conquered country) but the r i g h t o f represen ta t ion is based on i t s rad i ca l d i f f e r e n c e . Such ' d o u b l e - t h i n k ' is only made v iab le through the s t ra tegy of d i s -avowal j u s t descr ibed which requ i res a theory of the ' h y b r i d i s a t i o n ' of d iscourse and power t h a t is ignored by Western p o s t - s t r u c t u r a l i s t s who engage in the b a t t l e f o r 'power' as the p u r i s t s o f d i f f e r e n c e .
The d i sc r im ina to r y e f f e c t s o f the discourse o f c u l t u r a l c o l o n i a l -ism, f o r ins tance, do not simply or s i n g l y r e f e r to a ' pe r son ' , or to a d i a l e c t i c a l power-s t ruggle between Se l f and Other , or to a d i sc r im ina -t i o n between Mother c u l t u r e and a l i e n c u l t u r e s . Produced through the s t ra tegy of d isavowal , the reference of d i s c r i m i n a t i o n is always to a process of s p l i t t i n g as the cond i t i on of sub jec t i on ; a d i s c r i m i n a t i o n between the Mother c u l t u r e and i t s bastards, the s e l f and i t s doubles, where the t race of what is disavowed is not repressed, but repeated as
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power - the d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n of co lon iser /co lon ised - d i f f e r e n t from both the Hegelian master-slave d i a l e c t i c or the phenomenological p ro jec t ion of 'o therness ' . I t is a diffêrance produced w i th in the act of enunci-a t ion as a s p e c i f i c a l l y co lonia l a r t i c u l a t i o n " o f those two dispropor-t ionate s i tes of co lon ia l discourse and power: the co lon ia l scene as the in te rvent ion of h i s t o r i c i t y , mastery, mimesis or as the 'other scene' of Entstellung, displacement, phantasy, psychic defence and an 'open' t e x t u a l i t y . Such a d is -p lay of d i f fe rence produces a mode of au thor i t y that is agonis t ic ( rather than an tagon is t i c ) . I t s d iscr iminatory e f fec ts are v i s i b l e in those s p l i t subjects of the rac i s t stereotype - the Simian Negro, the effeminate As ia t i c male - which ambivalently f i x i d e n t i t y as the phantasy of d i f fe rence. (14) To recognise the d i f fe rence of the co lon ia l presence is to rea l i se that the co lonia l tex t occupies tha t space of double i n s c r i p t i o n hallowed, no, hollowed, by Derrida:
Whenever any w r i t i n g both marks and goes back over i t s mark wi th an undecidable stroke . . . [ t h i s ] double mark escapes the pertinence or au thor i t y of t r u t h : i t does not overturn i t but rather inscr ibes i t w i t h i n i t s play as one of i t s funct ions or par ts . This displacement does not take place, has not taken place once as an event. It does not occupy a simple place. It does not take place in w r i t i n g . This d i s - l oca t i on [ i s what] w r i t e s / i s w r i t t en . (15 )
How can the question of au tho r i t y , the power and presence of the Engl ish, be posed in the i n te r s t i ces of a double insc r ip t ion? I have no wish to replace an i d e a l i s t myth - the metaphoric English Book - w i th an h i s t o r i c i s t one - the c o l o n i a l i s t p ro jec t of English c i v i l i t y . Such a reduct ive reading would deny what is obvious, tha t the representat ion of co lon ia l au thor i t y depends less on a universal symbol of English iden-t i t y than on i t s p roduc t i v i t y as a sign of d i f fe rence. Yet in my use of 'Engl ish ' there is a ' transparency' of reference tha t reg is te rs a cer ta in obvious presence: the B ib le , t rans la ted i n to Hindi and propa-gated by Dutch or nat ive ca tech is ts , is s t i l l the English Book; a Pol ish emigré, deeply inf luenced by F lauber t , produces an English c las-s i c . What is there about such a process of v i s i b i l i t y and recogni t ion that never f a i l s to be an au tho r i t a t i ve acknowledgement wi thout ceasing to be a 'spacing between desire and f u l f i l l m e n t , between per-petuat ion and i t s reco l l ec t i on - a medium which has nothing to do wi th a centre '?(16)
This question demands a departure from Derr ida 's object ives in the Double Session; a tu rn ing away from the v ic iss i tudes of i n te rp re ta t i on in the mimetic act of reading, to the question of the e f fec ts of power, the i nsc r i p t i on of s t ra teg ies of ind iv idua t ion and domination in those ' d i v i d i ng prac t ices ' which construct the co lonia l space. A departure from Derrida which is also a return to those moments in his essay when he acknowledges the problematic of 'presence' as a cer ta in qua l i t y of d iscurs ive transparency which he describes as ' the production of mere r e a l i t y - e f f e c t s ' or ' the e f f e c t of content ' or as the problematic r e l a -t i on between the 'medium of w r i t i n g and the determination of each textual u n i t ' . In the r i c h ruses and rebukes wi th which he shows up the ' f a l se appearance of the p resen t ' , Derrida f a i l s to decipher the speci-f i c and determinate system of address (not re ferent ) tha t is s i g n i f i e d by the ' e f f e c t of con ten t ' . I t is prec ise ly such a strategy of address - the immediate presence of the English - tha t engages w i th the questions of au tho r i t y that I want to ra ise . When the ocular metaphors of 'p re-sence' re fe r to the process by which content is f i xed as an ' e f f e c t of the present' we encounter, not p len i tude, but the s t ructured gaze of power whose ob jec t ive is au tho r i t y , whose 'sub jec ts ' are h i s t o r i c a l .
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cor re la t i ves of the Western sign - empir icism, ideal ism, mimeticism, monocultura 1 ism, to use Said's term - that sustain a t r a d i t i o n of English ' na t i ona l ' au tho r i t y . I t i s , s i g n i f i c a n t l y , a normalising myth whose o rgan ic is t and rev is ionary nar ra t i ve i s ' a l s o the h i s to ry of that na t i ona l i s t d i s c i p l i n e of Commonwealth His tory and i t s equal ly expan-s ion i s t epigone, Commonwealth L i t e ra tu re . Their versions of t r a d i t i o n a l academicist wisdom moralise the con f l i c t ua l moment of c o l o n i a l i s t in te rvent ion in to tha t c o n s t i t u t i v e chain of exemplum and i m i t a t i o n , what Nietzsche describes as the monumental h i s to ry beloved of g i f t e d egoists and v is ionary scoundrels.(7) For despite f i r s t appearances, a r e p e t i t i o n of the episodes of the Book reveals that they represent impor-tant moments in the h i s t o r i c a l t ransformation and d iscurs ive t rans f igu ra -t i on of the Colonial t ex t and context.
Anund Messeh's r ipos te to the natives who refuse the sacrament -' the time is at hand when a l l countr ies will receive t h i s word' - is both f i r m l y and t imely spoken in 1817. For it represents a s h i f t away from the ' o r i e n t a l i s t ' educational prac t ice o f , say, Warren Hastings, and the much more i n t e r v e n t i o n i s t and ' i n t e r p e l l a t i v e ' ambition fo r a c u l t u r a l l y and l i n g u i s t i c a l l y homogeneous Eng l ish- Ind ia , represented by S i r Charles Grant. It was wi th his e lec t ion to the Board of the East India Company in 1794 and to Parliament in 1802, and through his ener-get ic espousal of the Evangelical ideals of the Clapham sect , tha t the East India Company reintroduced a 'pious clause' i n to i t s charter f o r 1813. By 1817, the Chr is t ian Missionary Society ran s ixty-one schools and in 1818 commissioned the Burdwan Plan, a central plan of Education fo r i ns t ruc t i on in the English Language. The aim of the plan an t i c i pa tes , almost to the word, Macaulay's infamous minute of 1835:
to form a body of wel l ins t ruc ted labourers, competent in t h e i r p ro f ic iency in English to act as Teachers, Trans-l a t o r s , and compilers of useful works f o r the masses of the people.(8)
Anund Messeh's l i f e l e s s r e p e t i t i o n of chapter and verse, his a r t l ess technique of t r ans l a t i on , par t i c ipa tes in one of the most a r t f u l tech-nologies of co lonia l power. In the same month as Anund discovered the miraculous e f fec t s of the Book outside De lh i , in May 1817, a correspon-dent of the Church Missionary Society wrote to London descr ibing the method of English education at Fr. John's mission in Tranquebar:
The p r inc ipa l method of teaching them the English language would be by g iv ing them English phrases and sentences, wi th a t r ans la t i on f o r them to commit to memory. These sentences might be so arranged as to teach them whatever sentiments the i ns t ruc to r should choose. They would become, in shor t , attached to the Mission; and though f i r s t put i n to the school from wordly motives alone, should any of them be converted, accustomed as they are to the language, manners and cl imate of the country, they might soon be prepared f o r a great usefulness in the cause of r e l i g i o n
In t h i s way the Heathens themselves might be made the instruments of p u l l i n g down t h e i r own r e l i g i o n , and of erect ing in i t s ruins the standards of the Cross.(9)
Marlow's ruminative c los ing statement, 'He must be Eng l i sh ' , acknowledges at the heart of darkness, in Conrad's fin-de-eiècle malaise which Ian Watt so thoroughly describes,(10) the pa r t i cu la r debt tha t both Marlow and Conrad owe to the ideals of English ' l i b e r t y ' and i t s 1 iberal -conservat ive cu l tu re . Caught as he is between the madness of ' p r e h i s t o r i c ' A f r i ca and the unconscious desire to repeat the traumatic in tervent ion of modern co lon ia l ism w i t h i n the compass of a seaman's yarn,
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others WRITTEN by themselves from the pr in ted ones. Anund pointed to the name of Jesus, and asked, 'Who is tha t? ' 'That is God! He gave us th i s book.' - 'Where did you obtain i t ? ' 'An Angel from heaven gave- i t us, at Hurdwar f a i r . ' - 'An Angel?' 'Yes, to us he was God's Angel: but he was a man, a learned Pund i t . ' (Doubtless these t rans-lated Gospels must have been the books d i s t r i b u t e d , f i v e or s ix years ago, at Hurdwar by the Missionary.) 'The w r i t t e n copies we w r i t e ourselves, having no other means of obtain ing more of t h i s blessed word. ' - 'These books,' said Anund, ' teach the r e l i g i o n of the European Sahibs. I t is THEIR book; and they pr in ted i t in our language, f o r our use. ' 'Ah! no, ' rep l ied the st ranger , ' t h a t cannot be, f o r they eat f l e s h . ' - 'Jesus C h r i s t , ' said Anund, 'teaches tha t it does not s i g n i f y what a man eats or d r inks . EATING is n o t h i n g b e f o r e God. Not that which entereth into a man's mouth defileth him, but that which cometh out of the mouth, this defileth a man: f o r v i l e things come f o r t h from the h e a r t . Out of the heart proceed evil thoughts, murders, adulteries, fornications, thefts; and these are the things that defile. '
'That is t r u e ; but how can it be the European Book, when we bel ieve that i t is God's g i f t to us? He sent i t to us at Hurdwar.' 'God gave it long ago to the Sahibs, and THEY sent it to us . ' . . . The ignorance and s i m p l i c i t y of many are very s t r i k i n g , never having heard of a pr in ted book before; and i t s very appearance was to them miraculous. A great s t i r was exci ted by the gradual increasing informa-t i o n hereby obtained, and a l l uni ted to acknowledge the supe r i o r i t y of the doctr ines of t h i s Holy Book to every th ing which they had h i t he r t o heard or known. An i n d i f f e r -ence to the d i s t i n c t i o n s of Caste soon manifested i t s e l f ; and the in ter ference and ty rann ica l au thor i t y of the Brahmins became more of fens ive and contemptible. At l a s t , it was determined to separate themselves from the res t of t h e i r Hindoo Brethren; and to es tab l ish a par ty of t h e i r own choosing, four or f i v e , who could read the best , to be the publ ic teachers from th i s newly-acquired Book . . . Anund asked them, 'Why are you a l l dressed in white?' 'The people of God should wear white ra iment , ' was the rep l y , 'as a sign that they are clean, and r i d of t h e i r s i n s . ' -Anund observed, 'You ought to be BAPTIZED, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Come to Meerut: there is a Chr is t ian Padre there; and he w i l l shew you what you ought to do. ' They answered, 'Now we must go home to the harvest ; bu t , as we mean to meet once a year , perhaps the next year we may come to Meerut. ' . . . I explained to them the nature of the Sacrament and of Baptism; in answer to which, they rep l i ed , 'We are w i l l i n g to be bapt ized, but we w i l l never take the Sacrament. To a l l the other customs of Chr is t ians we are w i l l i n g to conform, but not to the Sacra-ment, because the Europeans eat cow's f l e s h , and t h i s w i l l never do f o r us . ' To th i s I answered, 'This WORD is of God, and not of men; and when HE makes your hearts to understand, then you w i l l PROPERLY comprehend i t . ' They rep l i ed , ' I f a l l our country w i l l receive t h i s Sacrament, then w i l l we.' I then observed, 'The time is at hand, when a l l the countr ies w i l l receive t h i s WORD!' They rep l i ed , 'T rue ! '
Almost a hundred years l a t e r , in 1902, Conrad's Marlow, t r a v e l l i n g in
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Keene, Donald F: The Japanese Discovery of Europe. 1720 - 1830 Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1969.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude: Anthropologie Structurale Deux Paris, Pion, 1973.
Lewis, Bernard: The Muslim Discovery of Europe London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1982.
O'Kane, John (ed.): The Ship of Sulaiman London, Routledge fc Kegan Paul, 1972 (Persian Heritage Series 11). [Review by T. Gandjer, in Der Islam, vol. 52, 1975: 182-84]
Peres, Henri: L'Espagne vue par les voyageurs musulmans de 1610 a 1930 Paris, Adrien-Maisoneuve, 1937.
Pontoppidan, Erik: En asiatisk Printz Ktfbenhavn 1742-43.
Redhouse, J.W.: The Diary of H.M. the Shah of Persia during his tour through Europe in A.D. 1872 London, John Murray, 1874.
Roosbroeck, G.L. van: Persian Letters before Montesquieu New York, Publications of the Institute of French Studies, 1932.
Sahlins, Marshall: Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities·. Structure in the early history of the Sandwich Islands Kingdom Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1980.
Said, Edward: Orientalism New York, Vintage Books, 1979.
Scheurmann, Erich: Der Papalagi. Die Peden des Südseehäuptlings Tuiavii aus Tiavea Buchenbach, Felsen Verlag, 1920.
Stewart, Charles: Travels of Mirza Abu Taleb Kahn in Asia, Africa and Europe during the years 1799-1803. Written by himself in the Persian Language London 1814.
Todorov Tzvetan: La conquête de l'Amérique. La question de l^autre Paris, Seuil, 1982.
Weisshaupt, Winfried: Europa sieht sich mit fremdem Blick. Werke nach dem Schema der 'Lettres Persanes' in der europäischen, insbesondere der deutschen Litertur des 18. Jahrhunderts 3 vols, Frankfurt, Peter Lang, 1979 (Europäische Hochschulschriften Reihe I, vol. 279) .
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we must t r y and do something about i t . ' " ( 1 0 9 )
Evl iya Celebi was thus a great admirer .of the way in which the Viennese worship themselves through t h e i r images of the other in the form of bu i ld ings and mechanical d o l l s . But when it comes to books, he both takes the opportuni ty to propose tha t those at home should fo l low the Chr is t ian example, but also has an explanation fo r the d i f fe rence between Muslims and Chr is t ians in t h i s respect: " In the texts of the Giaours, books wi th i l l u s t r a t i o n s can be found in large numbers in a l l languages. Commentaries to the holy texts and compilations of geographical and astron-omical works l i k e the 'At las M ino r ' , the 'Geographia' and the 'Mappa Mundi' among them. In contrast to t h i s , i l l u s t r a t e d books do not ex i s t in our land because p i c t o r i a l representat ion is seen as s i n f u l . This is why they have so many books here in Vienna."(108) His book once more reveals an astonishing awareness of the p o l i t i c a l economy of the representat ions of other cu l tu res .
Conclusion Throughout our review of selected descr ip t ions of ear ly modern Europe
by non-European v i s i t o r s , f i c t i t i o u s as well as genuine, we have encoun-tered the same awareness of the importance and v a r i a b i l i t y of modes of communication. It was general ly Europe's and European's shrewd and t r i c k y power to produce images and representat ions of the o ther , and thereby the temptation to recognize themselves in these images and representat ions, that mostly impressed our t r a v e l l e r s . Cul tural hegemony might be defined as the power to produce and reproduce the temptations f o r others to recog-nize themselves in the images and representations which others make of them. The successes (and f a i l u res ) of o r ien ta l i sm and anthropology, of the systematic endeavours through d i sc i p l i ned w r i t i n g to produce such images and representat ions, have been prophet ica l ly foreseen by these ear ly t r a v e l l e r s . Their w r i t i ngs can be read as a f i r s t and desperate attempt to r e s i s t the temptations of recognizing themselves in t h e i r European images and representat ions.
In a fasc ina t ing recent study, James C l i f f o r d has analysed the var-ious modes of ethnographic au thor i t y ( C l i f f o r d 1984). Our reading of some of the accounts of ear ly t rave ls to Europe is meant to suggest tha t the processes of cu l tu ra l hegemony through various modes of exerc is ing ethno-graphic au thor i t y also needs to be analysed in terms of a dialogue and polyphony of genuine and f i c t i t i o u s , European and non-European t rave l accounts.
FOOTNOTES
0. This is a much revised version of my paper given at the Essex Sociology of Literature Conference on "Europe and its others", July 1984. I have learnt a lot from John Dixon, who introduced me to the scene, and from conversations with Gordon Brotherston, Talal Asad and Stephan Feuchtwang at this conference. And I would also like to thank Johannes Fabian for inspiration. The passages on pp. 83 - 85 have been translated from the German by Isabel Brotherston.
1. This story of the "talking book" is also found in an earlier book by another African living in Britain, as well as in the book by Ottobah Cugoano. Nevertheless it surely has as much to do with European folklore than with "oral man" (see note 40, p. 186).
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we w i l l show them exact ly what the Portuguese are do ing . ' The king heard th i s report w i th great displeasure and quick ly ca l led out his army. The order was given to march on the por t at once_. When the army ar r i ved it was c lear that the Dutch statements were true and a great slaughter ensued. Young and o l d , nat ives and fore igners , everyone who was involved wi th the new r e l i g i o n was put to death. Thus the heret ics were completely exterminated and a l l t h e i r places of worship were destroyed, but from tha t time up u n t i l now no outs ider has been given permission to v i s i t the k ing 's cap i ta l and even the merchants and t r a v e l l e r s who come to the por t are not allowed to remain longer than the monsoon season."(191-93) With one im-portant exception: "Of a l l the outsiders only the Dutch have maintained a cer ta in degree of au thor i ty and esteem in tha t po r t . Consequently, every few years one of t h e i r men is placed in a kind of cage which is covered over w i th drapes and in tha t manner he is car r ied to the c a p i t a l . Then the king commands the Dutch to undertake cer ta in tasks f o r the crown and sends him back to the por t . " (193)
The author of The Ship of Sulaiman deals w i th a wide range of modes of communication and t h e i r various forms of i n t e rac t i on . He has a keen sense fo r the importance of the s k i l l s and ta lents to produce images and counterimages in which the others were forced to recognize themselves. His p o l i t i c a l economy of f raud and exposure in the production and repro-duction of such images pays due respect to the Chr is t ian k ing 's perfec-t i on of the a r t of combining fraud and persuasion. But his self-awareness as a scr ibe prevents him from t r y ing to place himself in a pos i t ion out-side and above the whole game. To him the various others only occupied d i f f e r e n t posi t ions in a game in which he himself takes an ac t ive part through his w r i t i n g .
Turning to our l a s t example, the account of the famous Ottoman adven-turous t r a v e l l e r Evlya Celebi on his voyage to Vienna and other parts of Europe in 1665, we f i n d a much more e x p l i c i t treatment of the i n f i d e l Chr is t ians ' marvellous a b i l i t y to represent and imagine t h e i r others. The f i r s t v i v i d and de ta i led descr ip t ion in t h i s par t of his Seyatname of any bu i ld ing or monument is an account of the f a i t h f u l im i t a t i on in stone and copper of the ten t from which Sulaiman the Magnif icent d i rected the f i r s t siege of Vienna in 1529 to 1530. This bu i l d ing , begun by Maximil ian II and f in ished under Rudolf I I , was real enough and famous among contem-porary Ottoman c i t i zens . It even survived the second siege of Vienna in 1683. And it made a deep impression on Evlya Celebi: Sultan Sulaiman's encampment was broken up by the Giaours and taken to t h e i r treasure room as a trophy. On the s i t e where the encampment had stood they erected, on a grand scale, t h i s precious and f i n e château using stone as mater ia ls , i t s elaborate layout and charming s t ruc tu re provide a f a i t h f u l copy of the encampment. It is not meant to deter an attack in times of war, but was b u i l t as a magnif icent monument to the glor ious memory of the fac t that they had obl iged Sultan Sulaiman to leave behind his ceremonial ten t here before the f o r t r ess . The circumference of the bu i ld ing measures 4000 paces and has 16 corners. At each corner they have erected a magnif icent tower, which astounds the look cast upon i t . The château wi th i t s high wal ls is b u i l t in qu i te the same s ty le and according to the same plans as the s t i l l standing high domed nat ional tend of our Padishah, wi th a l l i t s t i n clad enclosing w a l l s , was b u i l t . I t is a grand chateau exact ly in the form of Sulaiman's ceremonial tent."(53) And a f t e r several pages of de ta i led descr ip t ion : "The area enclosed in the 4000 paces of t h i s ceremonial tent per imeter , presents a model of Irem's garden, so superb and unequalled a marvel tha t one sees no other l i k e it here on ear th . " (55) Celebi cannot avoid expressing his fee l ings : "By i n s t a l l i n g inca lcu lab le treasures and fabulous r iches they bu i ld t h i s luxur ious chateau w i th i t s
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same way. In f a c t , th i s is the very manner in which they worship before t h e i r ido ls as wel l as how they honour t h e i r king. They c a l l th i s a f fected manner of showing respect uluk in t h e i r own language."(44) So fa r the author s h i f t s rather f r ee l y from ethnographic descr ip t ion to nar ra t ive account of his mission, from past to present tense. But in the end, genres and tenses coincide: "Now the i n f i d e l s were genuinely happy at heart f o r at l a s t they were worshipping before the true word and not before t h e i r vain i d o l s . They busied themselves po l ish ing the mi r ro r of self-awareness wi th the unique document of t r u th and made sparkle w i th jewel led adornment the saying, 'Metaphor is the bridge to r e a l i t y ' ( 4 5 ) .
In sp i te of a l l t h i s reverence fo r the royal I ranian document, i t was not an I ran ian , but a European s a i l o r , an i n f i d e l Frank, who years ago had been appointed as prime min is ter at the Siamese cour t . "The king was not able to f i n d an I ranian to act as prime min is te r and since the Siamese are not capable of handling the a f f a i r s of S ta te , the king never used them in the past and was not prepared to use them now. The only candidate who remained was tha t one Frank who had o r i g i n a l l y worked as a sa i l o r " . (103 ) This Frank was "an extremely clever man", " f u l l of shrewd t r i c k s " , since "from the beginning he took great pains to acquire the appearance of a good character , at leas t what is taken fo r a good char-acter in Siam";(103) and there fo re , a f t e r a short t ime, he rose to the post of prime min is ter and he has held tha t o f f i c e fo r three or four years now."(103)
This Chr is t ian m in is te r was also able to expose an e a r l i e r I ran ian envoy sent out by the king of Siam but who returned from Iran "wi th no clothes or apparel to his name" because he had given away the g i f t s tha t had been given to him as well as the loans he had taken and d i d n ' t even present a proper account of his voyage when he came back. But it was not only the shrewdness of the Frank and the shortsightedness, neglect and bad manners of the Iranians in Siam which can explain the favourable pos i t ion of the Franks at the court of Siam. This a l so , although only i n d i r e c t l y , had to do w i th the diplomatic t r a i n i ng and systematic c u l t i -vat ion of ta len ts general ly observed by the Chr is t ian kings: "Among heathen ru le rs none are so industr ious in observing caution in dip lomat ic a f f a i r s as the Chr is t ian kings. When they decide to entrust someone wi th a p a r t i c u l a r o f f i c e , they f i r s t assign him simple tasks to accomplish and then observe his capab i l i t i e s c losely . . . From an ear ly age, princes are put to studying h is to ry and biographies and are o f ten appointed to d i f f i -c u l t posts in order to acquire p rac t ica l experience. . . . Thus the Franks c u l t i v a t e spec i f i c ta len ts so tha t when the need arises they have several men of experience and are not forced to depend on de f i c i en t employees as the king of Siam must do."(108)
The Frankish prime min is te r was o r i g i n a l l y a s a i l o r . His success was nevertheless perceived to be connected to European or Chr is t ian d ip -lomatic a b i l i t y . Before the Chr is t ian kings send out one of t h e i r t ra ined diplomats, they not only "are careful to explain a l l the par t i cu la rs of his task and exact ly how he is to carry it ou t . " They "also inform of the customs and the manners of the country he w i l l be v i s i t i n g " (109) so that they, l i k e the Frankish m in i s te r , were well prepared to take "great pains to acquire the appearance of a good character, at least what is taken fo r a good character."(103)
The I ranian envoy, f o r whom the author of The Ship of Sulaiman acted as sc r ibe , came wi th the t r u t h in the form of a l e t t e r from the Shah, a t ru th which was appropr ia te ly received by the Siamese. But the Franks
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IV
The e a r l i e s t example of such t rans la t ions is the re l a t i on of the Ottoman embassy to France in 1721, which was published by the nephew of another famous o r i e n t a l i s t , Antoine Galland, t r ans la to r of the Thousand and One Nights in 1757. Since then a long series of such re la t ions of f i r s t of a l l Ottoman, Moroccan, Persian and Chinese embassies have found t h e i r o r i e n t a l i s t ed i to rs and t rans la to rs as wel l as commentators.(2) This also seems to cont rad ic t our contention tha t " the Or ien ta l " has been denied by Oriental ism the r i g h t and the a b i l i t y to represent and to replace h imsel f . L imi ta t ions of space prevent me from g iv ing a more deta i led descr ip t ion of a l l these i n te res t i ng texts and the perhaps even more i n te res t i ng way in which they have been t reated and understood by t h e i r o r i e n t a l i s t e d i t o r s , t rans la to rs and commentators. Having, more-over, no q u a l i f i c a t i o n s to assess the value of t h e i r e f f o r t s according to standards of tex tua l c r i t i c i s m , my only ob jec t ive in what fo l lows is to give a few examples to show what I am aiming a t : namely, how many of these w r i t e r - t r a v e l l e r s themselves were in fac t keenly aware of the d i f ferences between t h e i r own and o ther , European modes of communication and repre-sentat ion. Here as before I w i l l quote rather extensively in order to l e t the texts speak fo r themselves instead of using them as i l l u s t r a t i o n s of some theory. The d i f f i c u l t i e s and ambiguit ies in understanding the magic of w r i t i n g and representat ion are our s as we l l .
Mehmet Efendi, w r i t i n g about his voyage to France in Paris in 1721, eloquent ly describes a long series of marvels in what he ca l l s The Para-dise of the Infidels. Those marvels, however, which most deeply impressed his own and presumably his contemporary readers' imaginat ions, lead him to doubt the power of his a b i l i t y to represent and to describe what he has seen: on his way to Ve rsa i l l es , he comes to Maudon, a c a s t l e , exclaim-ing: " I I est impossible de donner une desc r ip t i on , une j u s t idée de ce pa la is" . (122) On the gardens of Ve rsa i l l es : "J'avoue q u ' i l est absolu-ment impossible f a i r e une descr ip t ion qui donne de tout ceci l ' i d é e qu'on en do i t avo i r , parce que à moins de le vo i r on ne se ra i t le com-prendre". (124) Versa i l les general ly def ies his a b i l i t i e s of expression, but on inspect ing a manufacture of tapestr ies it gets even worse: "Les vo i r et mettre le do ig t d'admiration^dans la bouche fu ren t pour moi la même chose. Les f l eu rs sont t r ava i l l ées avec tan t d ' a r t que vous ne re-marquieriez aucune d i f fé rence entre e l l es et de vér i tab les f l eu r s qui seraient dans des b o u t e i l l e s . Les a i rs de têtes et les a t t i tudes des personnages, leurs paupières, leurs sourc i ls et parei l lement leurs cheveux et leur barbe sont si bien^représentés que, certainement, Mani ni Bizad ne pourraient point attendre à ce degré de per fec t ion , même sur le beau papier de Catay. . . . Il n ' y a po in t de descr ip t ion qui puisse exprimer la beauté de ces ouvrages. E l l e est au-dessus de tou t ce qu'on peut s ' imaginer . Mois-même, lorsqu'on me les ava i t auparavant depeints, je n 'avais pu c ro i re q u ' i l s fussent te l s que je sais présentement q u ' i l s sont et j ' a v a i s regardé ce qu'on m'en d i s a i t comme impossible".(133-4)
Mehmed Efendi of ten proclaims the imposs ib i l i t y or his own i n a b i l i t y to describe what one has to see before it can be imagined. But it is only when he comes to the tapes t r ies ' representat ion of f lowers amounting to t h e i r ve r i t ab le replacement, tha t he claims in add i t ion an immediate connection between s igh t and gesture: put t ing the f inger of admiration in to his mouth. According to his own test imony, his w r i t i n g could ne i ther represent nor replace the flowers themselves or t h e i r replacement through representat ion. Instead he points to his gesture in order to make the reader and audience bel ieve that he was t e l l i n g the t r u t h . Mehmed Efendi
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Having had a l o t to d r i n k , they began to f i g h t each o ther . "I therefore thought of a strategem to appease the r i o t . Recol lect ing a passage I had read in the l i f e of Columbus when he was Smongst the Indians in Mexico or Peru, where on some occasion he f r ightened them by t e l l i n g them of cer ta in events in the heavens, I had recourse to the same expedient, and it succeeded beyond my most sanguine expectat ions. When I had formed my determinat ion, I went in the midst of them, and, taking hold of the Governor, I pointed up to the heavens. I menaced him and the r e s t : I t o ld them God l i ved there , and tha t he was angry w i th them, and they must not quarrel so; tha t they were a l l bro thers , and i f they d id not leave o f f and go away q u i e t l y , I would take the book (po in t ing to the B i b l e ) , read, and t e l l God to make them dead. This was something l i k e magic. The c la -mour immediately ceased and I gave them some rum and a few other th ings , a f t e r which they went away peaceably" (145-46).
Once more Equianoh seems to be deeply impressed by what he himself ca l l s the magic of w r i t i n g . Columbus h imse l f , according to a footnote in the modern ed i t i on of Equianoh's t e x t , was less re l i g i ous in his s t r a t -egy towards the " Ind ians" . During his four th voyage, the Indians of Jamaica, angered by the p i l l a g i n g of his s a i l o r s , refused to provide suppl ies. Columbus happened to know, from a book he had on board w i th him, tha t an ecl ipse of the moon was due, so he summoned the leading Indians and t o l d them tha t God was angry wi th them, and they they would be punished wi th famine. The warning, he sa id , was to be the moon's los ing i t s l i g h t . Columbus also reportedly succeeded in h is use of the magic of the book and thus apparently confirms Jack Goody's conclusions on the ra t iona l foundations of oral man's magical conception of w r i t i n g and books. Equianoh h imse l f , on the other hand, or at leas t an a t ten t i ve reading of his t e x t , points in another d i r ec t i on : towards what w r i t i n g does to "ora l man": invent ing him, creat ing him, producing him, descr ibing him, w r i t i n g about him in order to control him, in order to make him ac-knowledge his boundless debt to those who have given him his character , his name and his freedom, an image, tha t i s , in which he could recognize h imsel f . Equianoh's hes i ta t i ons , h is grammatical i n s e c u r i t y , his con-fusions of tense and person, of biography and ethnography, rather than being considered as evidence f o r a psychology of oral man or the co lon ia l sub jec t , should instead be t reated as a prophetic f i r s t step towards a theory of l i t e r a c y as a mode of making objects and exerc is ing power.
I l l
Equianoh's Interesting Narrative had several ed i t ions both in England and America, the las t dat ing from 1832. With the abo l i t i on of the slave trade the demand for tex ts of t h i s sor t decl ined. More genera l l y , the long chain of exot ic and o r i en ta l l e t t e r s ended rather abrupt ly at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Once more, I t h i n k , more fundamental changes in European cosmology and "ou t i l l age mental" , the mode of r e l a t i n g i t s e l f to other cul tures and soc ie t i es , can be held responsible fo r t h i s change, which in i t s e l f is both a symptom of and an element in such a transforma-t i o n . By th i s time the spies, v i s i t o r s and philosophers from abroad and t h e i r l e t t e r s ceased to be imaginable as a mi r ror in which European customs, habits and i n s t i t u t i o n s could be seen more c lea r l y and in a new l i g h t . Now the i l l u s i o n of the other as a d i f f e r e n t perspective and po in t of view from which to look at both one's ovr. and any other cu l tu re had to be tested against the r e a l i t i e s of h i s t o r i c a l scholarship and textual c r i t i c i s m . From now onwards the tex ts of such authors had to prove t h e i r au then t i c i t y before ge t t ing publ ished. From now they were evaluated according to the p r inc ip les of the new r i s i n g sciences of anthropology and o r ien ta l i sm.
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The Danish mission at Tranquebar plays a c ruc ia l ro le in Menoza's l i f e . I t is here that he f i n a l l y comes to the l i g h t , in which he l a t e r is to see everything he encounters on his t rave ls through Europe. It is here tha t he comes to know the Holy Book and Scr ip tu re . Tranquebar was, in f a c t , the f i r s t Chr is t ian missionary s ta t ion in India and, more gen-e r a l l y outside of Europe, to have i t s own p r i n t i n g press, which was brought there from Ha l le , the center of Pietism and the "Second Reforma-t i o n " in Germany, in 1713. Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg, the most important missionary sent out from Hal le t rans la ted and pr in ted f i r s t the New and then the Old Testament, and subsequently a number of catechisms, and song and prayer books in the local language from the year 1714 onwards.
The Tranquebar mission was more advanced in i t s technology of commun-i ca t i on than most other contemproary missions outside of Europe. This might explain why Ziegenbalg had such a keen sense f o r studying the lan-guage and ethnography of the common people. But it also expla ins, I be l ieve , why Menoza, the a s i a t i c p r ince , rather than some nat ive Euro-pean, was imagined to be able to see Europe and the Europeans more c lea r l y and in a new l i g h t .
I I
Not a l l exot ic authors of the eighteenth century were f i c t i t i o u s . In f a c t , a handful of autobiographies w r i t t en by deported Af r ican slaves were pr in ted in England towards the end of the century. Although there might be some doubt about the authorship of some of these t e x t s , Olaudah Equianoh, an Ibo from N iger ia , surely t e l l s the t r u t h in the t i t l e of his book The Interesting Narrative of Alaudah Equianoh or Gustavus Vassa, The African, Written by himself, which was published in two volumes in London in 1789. This book was meant to serve the same purpose as tha t of another A f r i can , Ottobah Cugano, w i th the t i t l e Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil and Wicked Traffic of Slavery p u b l i s h e d in London two y e a r s e a r l i e r . These are t rave l accounts w r i t t en not a f t e r the hero's re turn but whi le being in e x i l e . Olaudah Equianoh was taken captive in Niger ia when he was ten years o l d , and from there he was brought to the West Ind ies. Later on he went to Canada, the Mediterranean, where he served during the Seven Years War, and f i n a l l y England, from where he once more took par t in another voyage to the West Ind ies. His autobiography is mostly a story of his t r a v e l s , the only d i f fe rence from a normal t rave l account being tha t he s ta r t s out w i th an ethnographic descr ip t ion of the background of the e a r l i e s t par t of his l i f e . "We are a lmost" , he fee ls obl iged to confess to begin w i t h , "a nat ion of dancers, musicians and poets: Thus every great event such as triumphant re turn from ba t t l e or other cause of publ ic r e j o i c i ng is celebrated in publ ic dances, which are accompanied wi th song and music su i ted to the occasion" (1967: 3 ) . And so he continues to describe the romantic l i f e of his childhood in the ethnographic present tense: "As our manners are simple, our luxur ies are few. . . . Our manner of l i v i n g is e n t i r e l y p l a i n " , he says, and cont inues, " f o r as yet the nat ives are unacquainted wi th those refinements in cook-ery which debauch the t as te " . ( 4 ) As one can see, Equianoh not only con-f ron ts the usual problem of any ethnographic desc r ip t i on , he is also up against the rules of grammar, both tense and person. Most of the time he keeps t a l k i ng about "our manners" and "our customs" in the present tense. But at some po in ts , when he comes to cooking, as in the above example, or more general ly to the l i m i t s of his "na ive te " , to questions of re l ig ion(12) and c leanl iness, (13) fo r example, "we" abrupt ly change i n to "na t i ves" : " I have before remarked tha t the nat ives of t h i s par t of A f r i ca are extremely c l ean l y " , he says, and continues: "This necessary
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more and more engaged in g iv ing more de ta i l ed , accurate and r e l i a b l e information on questions of geography, h i s t o r y , p o l i t i c s , l i n g u i s t i c s and ethnography. In the long run the w r i t i n g t r a v e l l e r s cou ldn ' t avoid reading the accounts of t h e i r predecessors and thus they were forced to j u s t i f y t h e i r own publ icat ions through developing an increas ing ly " c r i t i c a l " a t t i t u d e to both t h e i r predecessors and the ru les and methods of observat ion.
On a more fundamental l e v e l , a l l these changes also a f fec ted the way in which other cul tures and other modes of communication general ly were conceived. In another paper (Harbsmeier 1984) I have t r i e d to show how the d i s t i n c t i o n between " l i t e r a t e " and "o ra l " cu l tures became instrumental in the t r a v e l l e r s ' perception of what we today of ten tend to ca l l p r e l i t -erate soc ie t i es . The same change occurred in other t r a v e l l e r s ' percep-t ions of f o r example the educational pract ices in Persia and the Ottoman Empire. Only from the beginning of the eighteenth century onwards d id they begin to "see" what among anthropologists and o r i e n t a l i s t s today is rather common-place: tha t "education was commonly conceived as the teach-ing of f i xed and memorizable statements and formulas which could be learned wi thout any process of th ink ing as such" (Hodgson 1974: 438) and t h a t , accord ing ly , only "ein äusserer Abglanz der Wissenschaften" was possible in such a system, as Engelbert Kämpfer wrote in 1712 (Kämpfer 1977: 146).(1)
Apparently there is a long way from a l l th i s to the subject of t h i s a r t i c l e . But my po in t is that i t was precisely t h i s ser ies of in tercon-nected changes in the t r a v e l l e r s ' and the reading pub l i cs ' " ou t i l l age mental" that can explain the emergence of a new l i t e r a r y genre of exo-t i c " and " o r i e n t a l " l e t t e r s , which began to appear in the two l a s t decades of the seventeenth century. Montesquieu's Lettres Persanes, which have since been by fa r the best known example of t h i s new genre, were f i r s t published anonymously in 1721. But he had a whole series of less known precursors, among them the widely published and t rans la ted Letters from a Turkish Spy, which f i r s t appeared under the pseudonym George Maraña in I t a l y in 1684, and Jean François Bernard's Réflexions morales, satiriques et comiques sur les moeurs de notre siecle from 1711, which have been claimed to be the immediate prototype fo r the Lettres Persanes (Roosbroeck 1932; C r i s a f u l l i 1954). Throughout the eighteenth century, in f a c t , a considerable number of such texts were publ ished, espec ia l ly in France, but also in England, Germany and even Denmark. According to Winfr ied Weisshaupt's monumental and teu ton i ca l l y thorough three-volume study Europa sieht eich mit fremdem Blick (Weisshaupt 1979) t h i r t y - t h r e e such books appeared, o f ten in several e d i t i o n s , between 1684 and 1812 in France alone. But "Chinese", "Pers ian", "Ottoman", "Siamese", "O r i en ta l " , " Ind ian" , "Turk ish" , "American", "Savage", " I roquees", "Ta r t a r " , "Armenian", "Hot ten to t " , "Eskimo", " A s i a t i c " , "Caraib" , "Maroccan", "Greek", "Hindu", " I l l i n o i s " , "Moscovite", "Peruvian" and " I n f i d e l " sp ies, phi losophers, guests, v i s i t o r s and t r a v e l l e r s also got published t h e i r l e t t e r s , comments and descr ipt ions of European customs, manners, i n s t i t u t i o n s and, some-t imes, c i v i l i s a t i o n in innumerable books and journals in other European langauges as we l l . Generally there could be no doubt in most readers' minds tha t a l l these l e t t e r s ac tua l l y were produced by European authors, who in t h i s way could both get along wi th the i n f l u e n t i a l powers of censor-ship and at the same time a r t i c u l a t e t h e i r proper moral, r e l i g ious and p o l i t i c a l views, c r i t i c i s m s , suggestions and opinions from a seemingly neutral and ob jec t ive po in t of view. A l l d i f f e r e n t sor ts of r e l i g i o u s , p o l i t i c a l and ideological t rends, pos i t ions and t r a d i t i o n s thus made use of imaginary exot ic and o r i en ta l v i s i t o r s and commentators.
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EARLY TRAVELS TO EUROPE:
SOME REMARKS ON THE MAGIC OF WRITING
Michael Harbsmeier
In sp i te of appearances, o r ien ta l i sm and anthropology have much in common, not leas t the f ac t t ha t they both recent ly have been c r i t i c a l l y studied in two important books: Edward Said's Orientalism (1978) and Johannes Fabian's Time and the Other (1983). Both these attempts to analyse the various modes and s t ra teg ies fo r the cu l t u ra l construct ion of the objects of these d i s c i p l i n e s , the "savage" and the " o r i e n t a l " , can well be summarized in Marx's dictum: "Sie können sich n ich t ve r t re ten , s ie müssen ver t re ten werden", which in t rans la t i on also f igures as a motto in Said's book: "They cannot represent themselves; they must be represented".
To represent is not exact ly the same as " ve r t re ten " , which also means to replace, to act as subs t i t u te . And here I th ink we come to what or ien-ta l ism and anthropology, what in f ac t a l l sorts of European discourse on i t s "o thers" , have in common on a more fundamental l e v e l : a mode of w r i t -ing which not only denies the other the r i g h t as wel l as the a b i l i t y to speak (and wr i te ) f o r themselves, but also intends bo th ' to represent and to replace prec ise ly those q u a l i t i e s of the other which are the very rea-son fo r t h e i r being denied the r i g h t and the a b i l i t y to present themselves
Let me exp la in . A l l known c i v i l i s a t i o n s considered t h e i r proper modes of communication as the only adequate and appropriate way of dealing also wi th other cu l tures and other modes of communication. By etymology as wel l as d e f i n i t i o n , "barbarians" everywhere were considered unable to speak or w r i t e properly fo r themselves; ne i ther d id they master the r i g h t s c r i p t nor have the r i g h t language, if they were considered to have any language at a l l . A l l known c i v i l i s a t i o n s also had t h e i r proper ways to " represent" , to describe and to understand t h e i r barbar ians, the other cu l tures and other modes of communication which they knew preceded and surrounded them. Most of them, moreover, d id so in the form of various kinds o f w r i t i n g l i k e t rave l accounts, l i s t s o f t r i b u t a r y s ta tes , books of h i s to ry or other ethnographic t ex t s . But only ear ly modern European c i v i l i s a t i o n came to make i t s own a b i l i t y properly to describe and under-stand the o ther , i t s own proper l i t e r a c y , i n to the very d e f i n i t i o n of i t s own i d e n t i t y as against the rest of the wor ld. Only European authors of ethnographic texts made t h e i r own capacity through w r i t i n g to change what by d e f i n i t i o n is absent at home i n t o something present, t h e i r s e l f -imposed r i g h t and duty ( "d ie jen igen zu ver t re ten , die s ich n i ch t se lbs t ver t re ten können"), i n to the very reason and sometimes, as w i th o r ien ta -l i s t s and anthropo log is ts , the only reason fo r the supe r io r i t y of t h e i r own as against a l l other ages, cu l tures and c i v i l i s a t i o n s .
Claude Lévi-Strauss1 s d e f i n i t i o n : "Le barbare, c ' e s t d'abord l'homme qui c r o i t à la barbar ie" (1973: 384) thus describes exact ly the excentr ic "mode of c e n t r i c i t y " (Anouar Abdel-Malek) spec i f i c f o r the c i v i l i s a t i o n s in which anthropologists and o r i e n t a l i s t s can fee l at home. In a way
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Western society would ce r ta i n l y have i t s clashes but they would take place w i t h i n a closed arena. This meant the possi-b i l i t y of a much more regular cu l t u ra l and socia l evo lu t ion , uninterrupted by any at tack from wi thout or any i n f l u x of fore ign s e t t l e r s . . . I t i s surely not unreasonable to th ink tha t t h i s ext raord inary immunity of which we have shared the p r i v i l ege wi th scarcely any people but the Japanese, was one of the fundamental fac ts of European c i v i l i z a t i o n - in the deepest sense, the exact sense of the word. [Feudal Society, p.56)
The need to stay at home, " i t ' s safer to stay at home", the fear of the devastation of wandering and the d i s in teg ra t i on of soc ia l personal i ty which it threatens becomes the mark of our cu l tu re but not that of others. " In landlessness alone reside the highest t r u t h s " , wrote M e l v i l l e , whose Ishmael takes to sea as a su ic ida l venture, "my subs t i -tu te f o r p i s t o l and ba l l . ' " It may be true tha t wandering means devas-t a t i o n . Aethelwulf of Wessex in his w i l l d i rec ted tha t the benefac-t ions be paid "only if on each estate so burdened there remain men and c a t t l e , and i t is not changed in to desert" (Bloch, p.41) . But i f wan-dering is devastat ion, then f i x i t y is death and the resu l t is the kind of g u i l t and fear embodied in the t i t l e of the conference. The t e r r i -t o r i a l i s a t i o n of c u l t u r e , the enclosures of statehood, nat ional iden-t i t y , l i n g u i s t i c un i fo rmi ty and socia l custom are our own systems of in te rna l co lon isat ion and perhaps may account f o r the absence from t h i s conference of any reference to that great nomadic people now under-going the trauma of t e r r i t o r i a l i s a t i o n , the Jews. It is as i f somehow we feared tha t our pet ty motions might upset the balance of the un i -verse and so our humi l i t y is a kind of inver ted hubr is . John Wyc l i f f e wrote that the leading charac te r i s t i cs of Islam and the Western Church were the same: p r ide , c u p i d i t y , the desire f o r power, l u s t f o r posses-s ions, violence and the preference f o r human ingenui ty over the work of God. "We Western Mohamets", he wrote, "though we are only a few among the whole body of the Church, th ink tha t the whole world w i l l be regu-la ted by our judgment and tremble at our commands." (Southern, pp.79-80). What we most fear to discover is not our d i f fe rence from others but tha t we might be, a f t e r a l l , the same.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
/Anderson, Benedict (1983) Imagined Communities, London
Anderson, Perry (1974) Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism, London
Anon. (1957) Poem of the Cid, trans. L. B. Simpson, California
Anon. Song of Roland, trans. Dorothy Sayers
Bloch, Marc (1961) Feudal Society, London
Camöes, Luis de (1950) The Lusiads, trans. L. Bacon, New York
Daniel, Norman (1975) The Arabs and Medieval Europe, London
Dozy, Reinhart (1972) Spanish Islam, London
Einhard and Notkker the Stammerer (1981) Τωο Lives of Charlemagne, London
Gerald of Wales (1982) The History and Topography of Ireland, London
Holt, Lambton and Lewis (1970) The Cambridge History of Islam, Cambridge
Lach, Donald (1965) Asia in the Making of Europe, Chicago
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the Indo-Gangetic p la ins from Resident in Delhi to Governor's Secretary in Calcutta. Birch in the mean time is advancing h i s career, r i d i n g about in the H i l l s w i t h a s ingle nat ive e s c o r t , a s l i g h t romantic Ή g u r e if encountered in the pages of a novel or on the screen. He is a c t u a l l y engaged in consol idat ing the s e l f of Europe by o b l i g i n g the n a t i v e to cathect the space of the Other on his home ground. He is worlding their own world, which is f a r from mere uninscribed e a r t h , anew, by o b l i g i n g them to domesticate the a l i e n as Master.
The worlding of a world on uninscribed earth al ludes to Heidegger's essay "The Or ig in of the Work of A r t . " ( 1 6 ) Fredric Jameson's reference to the Heideggerian t e x t in h is essay on postmodernism points up the i r r e d u c i b l e f r a c t u r e between the production of Anglo-rEuropean socia l semiosis and the semiosis of imper ia l ism. Jameson, c o r r e c t l y f o l l o w i n g Heidegger, w r i t e s : "Heidegger's analys is . . . is organized around the idea t h a t the work of a r t emerges w i t h i n the gap between the earth and the world . . . " ( 1 7 ) By c o n t r a s t , when the Heideggerian concept-metaphor of earth and world is used to describe the i m p e r i a l i s t p r o j e c t , what emerges out of the v iolence of the r i f t (Riss in Heidegger has the v i o l e n t impl icat ion of a f r a c t u r e - " f i g h t i n g of the b a t t l e , " "the intimacy of opponents" - rather than the r e l a t i v e l y "cool" connotation of a gap) is the m u l t i f a r i o u s t h i n g l i n e s s [Dingliehkeit'] of a represented world on a map, not merely "the m a t e r i a l i t y of o i l p a i n t aff irmed and foregrounded in i t s own r i g h t " as in some masterwork of European,art, being endlessly commented on by philosopher and l i t e r a r y c r i t ic/(18)) What I am t r y i n g to i n s i s t on here is t h a t the agents of t h i s cartographic transformation in the narrow sense are not only great names l i k e Vincent Van Gogh, but small unimportant f o l k l i k e Geoffrey B i r c h , as wel l as the policymakers. I am also suggesting t h a t the necessary yet contradictory assumption of an uninscribed earth which is the condit ion of p o s s i b i l i t y of the world-ing of a world generates the force to make the "nat ive" see himself as "other."·
George I I I required of h is Cadet only t h a t "he [be] well-grounded in Vulgar F r a c t i o n s , w r i t e . . . a good Hand, and [have] gone through the L a t i n Grammar."(19) The M i l i t a r y Committee of the East Ind ia Company went by the same r u l e s . With t h i s i n t e l l e c t u a l preparation and t h i r t e e n years of s o l d i e r i n g (he jo ined when he was s ixteen) Captain Birch is e f f e c t i v e l y and v i o l e n t l y s l i d i n g one discourse under another. His l e t t e r c a r r i e s these words, by no means s i n g u l a r in t h a t era and in those con-t e x t s : " [ I have undertaken t h i s journey] to acquaint the people who they are subject t o , f o r as I suspected they were not properly informed of it and seem only to have heard of our existence from conquering the Goorkah and from having seen a few Europeans passing t h r o ' the country."(20) Birch on horseback passing through the.country sees h imself as a repre-sentat ive image. By h is s i g h t and utterance rumor is being replaced by informat ion, the f i g u r e of the European on the h i l l s is being reinscr ibed from stranger to Master, to the sovereign as Subject w i th a capi ta l S, even as the n a t i v e shrinks i n t o the consol idat ing subjected subject in the lower case. The t r u t h value of the stranger is being establ ished as the reference point f o r the t rue ( i n s e r t i o n i n t o ) h i s t o r y of these w i l d regions.
Let Captain Birch as agent of determination remain a reminder t h a t the "Colonizing Power" is f a r from monol i th ic - that i t s class-composition and socia l p o s i t i o n a l i t y are necessar i ly heterogeneous.
My second example is from a l e t t e r in secret consul tat ion from Major-General S i r David Ochterlony, Superintendent and Agent to the Governor-General-in-Counci1, w r i t t e n to John Adam, the Governor's
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and here, cont rary to Foucaul t 's suggest ion, the "model of language [langue] and s igns" is comp l i c i t w i t h " t h a t of war and b a t t l e . " ( 2 2 )
The passage c i t e d below was d ra f ted by the Court of D i r ec to r s , and l a t e r expunged by the Board of Control of The East Ind ia Company. The actual l e t t e r received by the Governor, to be found in the Nat ional Archives in New De lh i , does not contain t h i s passage:
The f i r s t and main po in t in which you have erred has been in pe rm i t t i ng Europeans not in the Company's serv ice to remain in I nd i a . [This p rac t i ce ] would lead to an i m p o l i t i c improve-ment of the D i s c i p l i n e of the Troops of Native Powers, and tha t too through the Agency of O f f i c e r s who, as they are not subject to Mar t ia l Law, could not be adequately c o n t r o l l e d by the Indian Governments [ the East Ind ia Company's Governments in Bengal, Bombay, and Madras Pres idenc ies ] . The l i m i t e d degree of science which it may be cons is ten t w i t h good p o l i c y to impart to the troops of na t i ve powers in a l l i a n c e w i th the B r i t i s h government, should be imparted by o f f i c e r s in our own serv ice : because from those o f f i c e r s only have we a sure guarantee t h a t our i n ten t i ons sha l l not be overstepped.(23)
The bold frankness of the passage comes through in the f i r s t read-ing . We must not f o r g e t t h a t the Court of D i rec tors at t h i s t ime con-ta ined those very " s a i n t l y c h a i r s , " Charles Grant, Edward Parry and o the rs , whose obsession w i th the c h r i s t i a n i z i n g of Ind ia is too wel l known to belabor. I am not so much concerned here w i th the po l i cy of g iv ing C h r i s t i a n i t y w i th one hand and ensuring m i l i t a r y s u p e r i o r i t y w i th the other in t h i s abso lu te ly over t way, as w i th the s t ra tegy of the planned representat ion of master and na t i ve (an oppos i t ion w i th a d i f -f e ren t nuance from the more f a m i l i a r master -servant ) . The master is the subject of science and knowledge. The science in quest ion here is the " i n te res ted" science of war ra ther than "d i s i n te res ted " knowledge as such. The manipulat ion of the pedagogy of t h i s science is a lso in the " i n t e r e s t " of c rea t ing what w i l l come to be perceived as a "na tu ra l " d i f f e rence between the "master" and the "na t i ve " - a d i f f e rence in human o r rac ia l m a t e r i a l .
The Committee of Correspondence of the company l e t t h i s bold passage pass. The Board of Control deleted i t and simply ordered t h a t the h i r i n g out of subalterns be stopped. In the place of the deleted passages tha t I j u s t read, they subs t i t u ted the f o l l o w i n g : "whatever may be your opin-ion upon the p rop r ie ty of these o rders , we desi re t ha t they may be i m p l i c i t l y obeyed: and we des i re also t ha t we may not again be placed in the pa in fu l a l t e r n a t i v e of e i t h e r doing an ac t of apparent harshness or of acquiescing in an arrangement, not only made w i thou t our consent, but such as beforehand it must have been known tha t we should d isapprove."
Continuing our Freudian or ra the r w i ld -psychoana ly t i ca l f an tasy , we see here something approaching the w i l l e d emergence of a super-ego - a moment when desi re and the law must co inc ide . The analogy is of course imper fec t : our des i re is your law if you govern in our name, even before tha t desire has been a r t i c u l a t e d as a law to be obeyed.
My three examples announce, in var ious modes, (a) the insta lment of the glimpsed st ranger as the sovereign sub ject of in format ion - the agent an inst rument : Captain Geoffrey B i r ch ; (b) the r e i n s c r i p t i o n of r i g h t as be ing-ob l iged - the agent the stereotype of the i m p e r i a l i s t v i l l a i n : Major-General S i r David Ochter lony; (c) the d iv ided master in the metro-po l i s i ssu ing des i re p r o l e p t i c a l l y as law: the agent anonymous because incorporated. A l l three are engaged in producing an "o ther " t e x t - the " t r ue " h i s t o r y o f the na t ive H i l l S ta tes .
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have looked at in those l i t t l e b i t s of a rch iva l mater ia l t ha t I have read w i th you?
Using the Freudian concept-metaphor as a formal model, then, I am going to suggest t ha t to d isc lose only the race-class-gender determina-t ions of soc ia l p rac t ices is to see overdeterminat ion as on ly many determinat ions. If we not ice tha t explanat ions and discourses are i r r e d u c i b l y f rac tu red by the epistemic v io lence of monopoly imper ia l i sm, we begin to en te r ta i n the p o s s i b i l i t y of a determinat ion whose ground is i t s e l f a f i g u r a t i o n : a "determinat ion o the rw ise . " Of course Freud never speaks of imper ia l i sm. But the not ion of f i g u r a t i o n at the ground surfaces in the pervasive Freudian discourse of Entstellung or d i s -placement as grounding in the emergence of s i gn i f i cance .
IV
Class Let us f i r s t consider the na r ra t i ve of the modes of product ion. The
h i s t o r i c a l moment in our s to ry would q u a l i f y as a not qu i t e co r rec t t rans-i t i o n a l space from semi-feudal ism to c a p i t a l i s m , since the cor rec t con-f i g u r a t i o n s are to be·found only in Europe.
I t is e a s i l y surmised t ha t the company of United Merchants t rad ing in the East I nd ies , otherwise known as the East Ind ia Company, p re - f i gu red the s h i f t i n g r e l a t i o n s h i p between s ta te - fo rmat ion and economic c r i s i s -manangement w i t h i n which we l i v e today. The i n t e r e s t of the Company d id not change by accident from a commercial to a t e r r i t o r i a l one. As the f i r s t great t rans -na t iona l company before the f a c t , i t fo l lowed what seemed a necessary law and engaged in the business of s ta te - fo rma t ion . The East India Company produced the scandal of a mis-shapen and monstrous s ta te which, although by d e f i n i t i o n char tered by the s ta te of B r i t a i n , burs t the boundaries of the metropo l i tan or mother -s ta te . The governments of Ind ia were the Company's army, attempts at legal r e - i n s c r i p t i o n , the Company's. Indeed, the new cartography and the systemic normal iza t ion of I nd i a , of which the "set t lement" of these H i l l s ta tes is an account in m in i a t u re , was undertaken and estab l ished by the Company. My arguement is supported by the f a c t t h a t these undertakings found new v igor p rec i se l y when, beginning w i th the renewal of the Company's char te r in 1813, i t s s t r i c t l y commercial monopoly was w h i t t l e d away.
What is genera l ly not iced about t h i s era is the much greater i n t e r e s t in education taken by the B r i t i s h Parl iament a f t e r 1813. The mater ia l I have chosen to look at r e l a t e s , not to t ha t more obvious arena of the conso l ida t ion of what was to become an imper ia l possession. They re l a t e back to the ad hoc process of s ta te - fo rmat ion by focusing on the s t ra tegy of l imning the f r o n t i e r . Indeed, i t may be suggested t ha t t h i s l a t t e r process bore the r e l a t i o n of a supplement to po l i cy w i t h i n the B r i t i s h Sta te . The s to ry of the regu la t ion of domestic en te rp r i se by the Crown and p o l i t i c a l pa r t i es is wel l known. The r e l a t i o n s h i p between mercan t i l -ism and foreign t rade remained s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t . My argument, however, is somewhat tangent ia l to considerat ions of mercant i l ism in r e l a -t i o n to the East India Company. My focus is the necessary but almost i nc iden ta l or c landest ine state-formation tha t accompanied t h i s process. My argument is thus also d i s t i n c t from the o f f i c i a l na r ra t i ve of I nd i a ' s accession to nationhood through inc lus ion in the B r i t i s h Empire.(26)
(When,in "The East India Company - I t s H is to ry and Resul ts" [1853] Marx comments on the c o n f l i c t between the B r i t i s h Parl iament and the Company, he too sees it as a vers ion of the c o n f l i c t of mercant i l i sm. Necessar i ly lack ing f a m i l i a r i t y w i th l a t e c a p i t a l i s t c o n f l i c t between na t ion-s ta tes and m u l t i - and t r a n s - n a t i o n a l s , he describes the c o n f l i c t
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India did not become an imperial possession u n t i l the second ha l f of the nineteenth century. By then the foundations of what we ca l l "co lon ia l production" were f i r m l y in place. The East India Company was dissolved in 1858, a year after the Indian Mutiny.
The protracted h is to ry of the growing c o n f l i c t between Their Majestys1
governments and the Company seems f a m i l i a r to the non-spec ia l i s t in the context of current struggles between nations and t ransnat ional s, even as the spec ia l i s t reminds us that the c o n f l i c t emerged as a belated supple-ment to the e a r l i e r domestic c o n f l i c t between the admin is t ra t ive machinery of mercanti le in te res ts on the one hand and the state on the o ther . By the celebrated India Act of 1784, P i t t sought to curb the Company. One of his ch ie f achievements was the i n s t i t u t i o n of the Board of Cont ro l , which would exercise a c o n t r o l l i n g inf luence on the Company. My l as t example in Section II i l l u s t r a t e s t h i s . The Court of Di rectors of the Company had w r i t t en to its Governor-General: "The f i r s t and main point in which you have erred has been in permi t t ing Europeans not in the Company's service to remain in I nd ia ; " and the Board of Cont ro l , the par t of the Company that stood fo r the putat ive whole, the B r i t i s h s ta te , had subs t i tu ted : "What-ever . . . the propr ie ty of the orders we desire tha t they may be i m p l i c i t l y obeyed." Here the c o n f l i c t between p o l i t i c s ( the State) and economics (the Company) comes abundantly c lea r . The East India Company is a para-nat ional e n t i t y es tab l ish ing i t s own p o l i t i c a l domain in an ad hoc way. I t s i n d i r e c t spheres of in f luence extends beyond B r i t a i n and Ind ia , i n t o , fo r example, the f l edg l i ng United States.(31) The na t i on -s ta te , the proper reposi tory of cent ra l ized p o l i t i c a l power, aims a t , and f i n a l l y succeeds i n , br inging i t under i t s w i l l . I t i s a p re - f i gu ra t i on o f the murderous and productive cont rad ic t ions between p o l i t i c s and economics w i th in which we l i v e today. To define Colonial ism as either rupture or cont inu i ty alone might thus be to reduce over-determinat ion to a species of determinism.
Of course the discourse avai lable to the ind iv idua l agents of the Company come from yet elsewhere. Both in the case of the permanent land sett lement of the Company's possessions and in the case of "protected" nat ive states l i k e the H i l l s ta tes , i t was the discourse of feudalism that was read i l y at hand. Ochterlony in secret consul ta t ion wr i tes to the Governor-General: " I f there be a nat ive government establ ished it appears to his lordship tha t i t ought to possess a l l the visible signs of sovereignty compatible w i th i t s feudal r e l a t i on towards the B r i t i s h government, which may give it r e s p o n s i b i l i t y in the eyes of i t s subjects . . . " ( 3 2 )
An exquis i te amalgam of the imagery of feudal ism, mercant i l ism, and m i l i t a r i s m , shadowily p re - f i gu r i ng the discourse of neo-colonial ism is to be found in a l e t t e r from John Adam to Ochterlony:
You w i l l remember that it was proposed to occupy the Kaardah Doon permanently fo r the Hon'ble Company. This possession besides i t s eventual importance in a m i l i t a r y point of view might cont r ibute to the general reimbursement of the expense which the B r i t i s h Government must necessar i ly incur . . . and genera l ly , to perform a l l the dut ies resu l t i ng from the feudatory re l a t i on in which they w i l l stand towards us and to secure the free passage of Our merchants and t h e i r goods through t h e i r respect ive t e r r i t o r i e s , or else to def ine and enjo in a l l these dut ies and the corresponding ob l iga t ions of protect ion and guarantee in a proclamation to be published throughout the t e r ro to r i es under considerat ion.(33)
We have commented upon the thematics of ob l i ga t i on and duty in the
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approval of the " res to ra t ion " of the ancient kingdoms in the h i l l s . ( 3 7 )
Ross's b r i e f demographic analysis of the h i l l s is t ha t the people there are a l l "abor ig ina ls of various k inds" ; tha t the Sikhs, the Gurkhas, and the Moguls are va r i e t i es of " fo re ign yoke"; and tha t the r i g h t f u l lords of the land are the Hindu ch iefs about whose provenance or o r i g i n he is s i l e n t . This naive and phantasmatic race -d i f f e ren t i a ted h i s t o r -i ca l demography i s , cur ious ly enough, i den t i ca l in i t s broad out l ines w i th the d i s c i p l i n a r y Aryanist version of ancient India which Romila Thapar has so recent ly demyst i f ied. (38) What is at stake is a "wor ld ing," the r é i n s c r i p t i o n of a cartography that must (re)present i t s e l f as impec-cable. I have w r i t t en above of the cont rad ic t ion involved in the neces-sary c o l o n i a l i s t presupposit ion of an uninscribed ear th . That uneasy cont rad ic t ion is made v i s i b l e in the Court 's simultaneous acceptance as "evidence" of Ross's race-d iv i s i ve unauthorized h i s t o r i c a l demography wi th a mi ld "suggest ion," in the event ignored, " tha t he should give references to the au tho r i t i es on which he founds his d e t a i l s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the h i s t o r i c a l statements which he deduced from remote ages"; and t h e i r guarded refusal of such status to a "nat ive" map: "This map, although being of Native hands·, S i r David Ochterlony does not venture to re l y on i t , would have served to give us some idea . . . " ( 3 9 )
Even as Ross and Birch are hoping tha t it is the "abor ig ina l sub-j e c t s " who w i l l be transformed by the "ex t rac t ion and appropr iat ion of the surplus-value wi th no extra-economic coercions" ( f ree wage-labor) and by what today we would c a l l " t r a i n i n g in consumerism" (qu i te d i f f e r e n t from " ra i s i ng the standard of l i v i n g " - t h e i r phrase is " in t roduc ing impercept ib ly a gradual improvement in the habits and manners of the people") , (40) it is the Hindu chiefs whose claims they endorse and author-ize. The f u l l ideological f lower ing of t h i s author iza t ion - the d i v i s i v e deployment of the discourse of race - is to be seen in the cor rect but aes the t i ca l l y i n d i f f e r e n t verses composed by S i r Monier Monier-Will iams seventy years l a t e r and inscr ibed on the doorway of the Indian I n s t i t u t e at Oxford, the l as t l i n e of which runs: g iv ing to India the r a c i s t designation of the land of the Aryans, - g iv ing to B r i t a i n the designat ion of the land of the Anglos - may t h e i r mutual f r iendsh ip constant ly increase.
Even t h i s r a c i s t appropr iat ion was, of course, asymmetrical. One e f f e c t of es tab l ish ing a version of the B r i t i s h system was the develop-ment of an uneasy separation between d i s c i p l i n a r y formation in studies and the na t i ve , now a l t e r n a t i v e , t r a d i t i o n of "high c u l t u r e . " Within the former, the cu l t u ra l explanations generated by au tho r i t a t i ve scholars began to match the planned epistemic violence in the f i e l d s of education and the law.
I locate here not only the founding of the Indian I n s t i t u t e at Oxford in 1883, but also tha t of the As ia t i c Society of Bengal in 1784, and the immense ana ly t i c and taxonomic work undertaken by scholars l i k e Arthur Macdonnell and Arthur Berr iedale Ke i th , who were both co lon ia l administrators and organizers of the matter of Sanskr i t . From t h e i r conf ident u t i l i ta r ian-hegemonic plans fo r students and scholars of Sanskr i t , i t i s impossible to guess a t e i t he r the aggressive repression of Sanskr i t in the general educational framework, or the increasing " feuda l i za t ion" of the performative, use of Sanskr i t in the everyday l i f e of Brahminical-hegemonic Ind ia . A version of h i s to ry was gradual ly establ ished in which the Brahmins were shown to have the same in tent ions toward the Hindu code as the cod i fy ing B r i t i s h : " i n order to preserve Hindu society i n t ac t [ the ] successors [o f the o r i g i n a l brahmins] had to reduce everything to w r i t i n g and make them more and more r i g i d . And that is what has preserved Hindu soc iety in sp i te of a succession of
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pa the t i ca l l y misspelled names of the satis of the a r t i s a n a l , peasant, v i l l a g e - p r i e s t l y , moneylender, c l e r i c a l and comparable socia l groups from Bengal, where Satis were most common. Consider in tha t frame Edward Thompson's words of praise f o r General Charles Hervey's apprecia-t i o n of the problem of Sati:
Hervey has a passage which brings out the p i t y of a system which looked only fo r p re t t iness and constancy in woman. He obtained the names of sa t i s who had died on the pyres of B ikani r Rajas; they were such names as: 'Ray Queen, Sun-ray, Love's De l igh t , Garland, V i r tue Found, Echo, Sof t Eye, Comfort, Moonbeam, Love- lorn, Dear Hear t , Eye-play, Arbour-born, Smile, Love-bud, Glad Omen, M is t - c lad , or Cloud-sprung - the l a s t a favour i te name.'(45)
There is no more dangerous pastime than transposing proper names i n to common nouns, t r ans la t i ng them, and using them as soc io log ica l evidence. I attempt to reconstruct the names on tha t l i s t and begin to fee l Harvey-Thompson's arrogance. What, f o r instance, might "Comfort" have been? Was it "Shanti"? Readers are reminded of the l a s t l i n e of T.S. E l i o t ' s The Waste Land. There the word bears the mark of one kind of stereotyping of India - the grandeur of the ecumenical Upanishads. Or was it "Swasti"? Readers are reminded of the swastika, the brahmanic r i t u a l mark of domestic comfort (as in "God Bless OurHome") stereotyped i n to a cr iminal parody of Aryan hegemony. Between these two appropria-t i o n s , where is our p re t t y and constant burnt widow? The aura of the names owes more to w r i t e r s l i k e Edward F i t zgera ld , the " t r ans l a t o r " of the Rubayyat of Omar Khayyam, who helped to construct a cer ta in p ic ture of the o r ien ta l woman through the supposed " o b j e c t i v i t y " of t r a n s l a t i o n , than to soc io log ica l exact i tude.(46) By t h i s sor t of reckoning, the t rans la ted proper names of a random co l l ec t i on of contemporary French phi losophers, or Board of Di rectors of prest ig ious Southern US corpora-t i o n s , would give evidence of a ferocious investment in an archangel ic and hagiocentr ic theocracy.
Against such olympian v io la t i ons of women's names we have the meticulously preserved baptismal records of each and every cadet in the Company's serv ice. Where no baptismal c e r t i f i c a t e could be located, there is an impressive array of legal a t tes ta t ions to es tab l ish i d e n t i t y . The general argument of the book of which t h i s is a par t underscores woman's i ns t rumenta l i t y . A t i t l e and a vaguely sketched f i r s t name w i l l su f f i ce fo r the king of Sirmur's wi fe because of the spec i f i c purpose she is made to serve. According to the f i r s t Charter, " the executive au thor i t y was to be in the Ranee and the Const i tu t i ve Of f i ce rs of the Government subject to the contro l and d i rec t i on of Captain Birch ac t ing under the orders of S i r David Ochterlony on the par t of the B r i t i s h Government, [and] the M i l i t a r y Defence of the Country was to devolve on the B r i t i s h Government."
Only two spec i f i c acts of hers are recorded. As soon as she is s t r i c t l y separated from her deposed and banished husband, his other two wives, who had been parceled o f f to ye t another place f o r fear of i n t r i -gue, ask to come back to her household and are received. Soon a f t e r , she remembers a great-aunt w i th whom her husband had long ago quarre l led and r e - i n s t i t u t e s a pension f o r her. She is as tu te , however, f o r she a l locates Rs. 900, but promises Rs 700 at f i r s t because she knows tha t Auntie w i l l ask f o r more. These events are recorded because they cost money. " I t has been necessary f o r Captain B i r ch , " Ochterlony w r i t e s , "occasional ly to i n t e r f e r e w i th her a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y to counteract the f a c i l i t y of the Ranee's d isposion." (47) We imagine her in her simple palace, separated from the au thor i t y of her no doubt pa t r ia rcha l and
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of ritual, to turn back is a transgression fo r which a p a r t i c u l a r type of penance is prescr ibed. When before the era of a b o l i t i o n , a pet ty B r i t i s h po l ice o f f i c e r was obl iged to be present at each widow-sacr i f ice to ascertain i t s " l e g a l i t y , " to be dissuaded by him a f t e r a decis ion was, by con t ras t , a mark of real f ree choice, a choice of freedom. Within the two contending versions of freedom, the cons t i t u t i on of the female subject in life was thoroughly undermined.
These years were also the time when the B r i t i s h were assiduously checking out the l e g a l i t y of Sat is by consul t ing pundits and p r i es t s . ( In the event, when the law abol ishing Sati was w r i t t e n , the discourse was once again the race-d iv i s i ve one of the bes t ia l Hindu versus the noble Hindu, the l a t t e r being represented as equal ly outraged by the pract ice as the B r i t i s h . )
For obvious reasons, the Rani was not suscept ib le to these general moves toward Sati. Saving her could not provide the topos of the founding of a good soc ie ty . As we have argued, res to ra t ion of Aryan au thor i t y combined in cont rad ic t ion wi th the p ro to -p ro le ta r i an i za t i on of the abor-ig ine had already f i l l e d tha t requirement. She could not be o f fe red the choice to choose freedom.. She was asked to l i v e f o r her son; and she responded from w i th in her pat r ia rcha l format ion. She must not be allowed to perform even a " lega l " s a t i , and, the re fo re , f o r her , pundits could not be consulted to produce the proper pa t r ia rcha l legal sanct ion. In her case, the pundits must be coerced to produce expedient advice. Here d iscurs ive representat ion almost assumes the status of ana lys is , al though, if one begins to wonder what "every means of inf luence and persuasion" might mean, tha t confidence begins to waver.
Here is the Governor's Secretary 's l e t t e r to the Resident:
The question re fer red is one of great del icacy and has a t t rac ted a proport ionate share of the a t ten t ion of the Governor General in Council . The general pract ice of the B r i t i s h Government of abstain ing from a u t h o r i t a t i v e i n t e r -ference in matters so c lose ly a l l i e d to the re l i g ious prejudice of nat ives among i t s own subjects , must be con-sidered to be pecu la r i l y incumbent on it wi th reference to persons of the Ranee's condi t ion in l i f e . . . The considerat ions which in a l l cases must inf luence the Government . . . are powerful ly aided by the pecul iar c i r -cumstances of the Ranee's s i t ua t i on and the political importance of the continued exercise by her of the adminis-tration of the Raj of Sirmore during the minority of Rajah Futteh Perkash. Whi le, the re fo re , the Governor General in Council cannot d i r e c t any au tho r i t a t i ve or compulsory in ter ference in t h i s case, His Lordship in Council is ardent ly desirous, tha t every means of in f luence and persuasion should be employed to induce the Ranee to forgoe her supposed determinat ion. His Lordship in Council is induced to hope, tha t the circumstance of her being ac tua l l y engaged in the admin is t ra t ion of the Government of her Son, the acknowledge importance of her cont inuing to perform the publ ic funct ions of belonging to tha t s i t u a t i o n , together w i th the actual separation of interests which must now be deemed to subsist between her and her husband, may, if explained and represented wi th su i tab le s k i l l and address to the Pundits and Brahmins whose au tho r i t y is l i k e l y to sway the Ranee's op in ion , lead to such a dec larat ion on t h e i r par t as would s a t i s f y her mind and lead her to adopt a d i f f e r e n t reso lu t ion . . . The Governor General in Council
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a tex tua l i z a t i o n t h a t v i o l a t e d my Rani? They had already accepted t h a t recen t l y worlded wor ld as a "sensuous [ r e a l i t y ] . . . given d i r e c t [;unmittelbar - immediate ly, w i th no mediat ion or "wor ld ing " ] from a l l e t e r n i t y . " ( 5 1 ) The g rea tes t personal goodwi l l of the u n w i t t i n g benevo-l e n t i m p e r i a l i s t i s i nsc r ibed i n t h i s e r r o r .
I have never been to those h i l l s . My own c lass provenance was not such as to a l low summer vacat ions in so fash ionable a r eso r t area. This f i r s t t r i p w i l l be an act of private p i e t y . I want to touch the Rani 's p i c t u r e , some remote substance of he r , i f i t can be unearthed. But the account of her representa t ion is enough f o r the book. To r e t r i e v e her as in fo rmat ion w i l l be no d i s c i p l i n a r y t r iumph. Caught in the cracks between the product ion of the archives and indigenous p a t r i a r c h y , today distanced by the waves of hegemonic " femin ism," there is no " rea l Rani" to be found.
But there is something e lse t h a t works against d i s c i p l i n a r y s a t i s -f a c t i o n in r e t r i e v i n g the Queen of Si rmur. I w i l l invoke once again t ha t p r e - f i g u r a t i o n of the cur ren t c r i ses of cap i ta l caught between the nat ion and the g lobe. In i t s cu r ren t f i g u r a t i o n i t t races out the I n t e rna t i ona l D i v i s i on of Labor. The l i v e s and deaths of the paradigmatic v i c t ims of t ha t d i v i s i o n , the women of the urban s u b - p r o l e t a r i a t and of unorganized peasant l a b o r , are not going on record in the "humanist" academy even as we speak.(52)
Posts cri pt: T h e o r e t i c i s t p u r i s t f r i ends in B r i t a i n and the US have found in t h i s
paper too much concern w i t h " h i s t o r i c a l r ea l i sm, " too l i t t l e w i t h " theory I remain perplexed by t h i s c r i t i q u e . I hope a second reading w i l l per-suade them tha t my concern has been w i t h the f a b r i c a t i o n of representa-t ions o f h i s t o r i c a l r e a l i t y .
At the other end of the spectrum, custodians of C r i t i c a l Thought ask "what s o r t of soc ie ty could ever be grounded i n " what t h e i r cursory and " i n t e res ted " reading reduces to " the l i n g u i s t i c n i h i l i s m " associated w i t h deconst ruc t !on . (53) A care fu l deconst ruct !ve method, d i sp lac ing ra ther than only revers ing oppos i t ions (such as here between co lon ize r and colonized) by tak ing the i n v e s t i g a t o r ' s own comp l i c i t y i n t o account -I remind the reader of my use of Freud as moni tory model - does not wish to o f f i c | a t e _ a t the grounding of s o c i e t i e s , but ra the r to be the gadf ly who alone may hopo to take the d is tance accorded to a " c r i t i c a l " " thought
FOOTNOTES
1. Since this is a part of a longer manuscript, I have occasionally quoted slightly amended passages from other chapters of the book to secure the argument. I have not always indicated this.
2. Fredric Jameson, "Postmodernism, or The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," New Left Revieu 146 (July-August, 1984), pp. 66-68.
3. Hayden White, Metakistory: the Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Baltimore: the Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973), p.5
4. White, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (Baltimore the Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), pp. 125-126.
5. White, Metahistory, p. xi.
6. Ibid., p. xii.
7. Dominick LaCapra, Rethinking Intellectual History: Texts, Contexts, Language (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983), p. 344.
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23. Despatches to Bengal, vol. 82, collections 13,990-14,004, Draft unitary Bengal, 8 December, 1819.
24. If there Is a denegated "wish" operating this statement, it would be trivially interpretable,
25. Sigmund Freud, The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works, tr. James Strachey et al. (London: Hogarth Press, 1961), vol. IV, p. 330. It is worth remarking that in Hegel "determinate being [Dasein] is determinate being [what escapes the English translation is the 'name' of determinate being determined in German]; its determinateness - i n -be ing [seiende Bestimmt-heit], quality." (Georg Wilhelm Freidrich Hegel,
Hegel's Science of Logic, tr. A.V. Miller, New York: Humanities Press, 1976, p. 109.
A discussion of the play between the Freudian determinieren and the Hegelian bestirrmen would take us too far afield.
26. For the relationship between mercantilism and imperialism presented by disciplinary historiography, see Bernard Semmel, The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism: Classical Political Economy: the Empire of Free Trade and Imperialism: 1750-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970). The standard view is well enough summarized as follows: "The subject [of Protectionism] is therefore essentially connected with England, and is only incidentally connected with India" (P.J. Thomas, Mercantilism and the East India Trade, New York: Augustus Kelley, 1965, p.v.)
27. Karl Marx, Surveys From Exile, tr. David Fernbach (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), p. 315.
28. Percival Spear, India: A Modern History (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1972), p. 229, 235. Any extended consideration would "read" the "archives" in order to problematlze common "factual" gener-alizations such as "exhaustion of the countryside," "general stagnation of life," and "social diseases" and raise the question of their over-determined production, a strategy beyond the reach of the specializing undergraduate, the active unit of ideological production for whom such authoritative texts are written. The undoubtedly well-meant love and gratitude for "India" and "Indians" reflected in Spear's dedication consolidate its effectiveness. We have been arguing that "India" and "Indians," like all proper names, are "effects of the real," "represent-ations," and should be read as such. Spear, dealing only in "realities" and "facts"," begins with a factual teleological narrative core, which he proceeds to expand in his book: "The purpose of this book is to por-tray the transformation of India under the impact of the West into a modern nation state" (Spear, India, pp_ 231-233, vii) .
29. See for instance Christopher Hill, The Pelican Economic History of Britain (New York: Penguin Books, 1969), vol. 2, pp. 216-220.
30. C.H. Philips, The East India Company (1784-1834) (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1961), p. 2.
31. For an account of the Company's American trade, see Philips,
East India Company, pp. 106-107, 156-158.
32. Bengal Secret Correspondence, 2 August, 1815.
33. Bengal Secret Correspondence, 22 May, 1815.
34. For a discussion of social axiomatics, see Spivak, "Feminism and A Critique of Imperialism," forthcoming in Critical Inquiry.
35. Board's Collections 1819-1820, Extract Bengal Secret Consultations, 12 November, 1815.
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soon be reconciled, or at least prefer their Native Hills to a transfer to uncultivated Land in Surmoor [sic] ..." (Board's Collections 1814-1819, Ochterlony to Birch).
51. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The German Ideology, Part One, tr.
C. J. Arthur (New York: International Publishers, 1973), p. 62.
52. For elaboration on the notion that these women are the paradigmatic subject of micro-electronic capitalism, see "The Production of 'Post-modernism': Rei Kawakubo's Minimalist Aesthetic," forthcoming in collec-tion from the University of Sydney Press; and "The Politics of 'Feminist Culture'," forthcoming in Fraxis International.
53. Kenneth Asher, "Deconstruction's Use and Abuse of Nietzsche," Telos 62 (Winter 1984-85), p. 175.
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i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f the group mind w i t h t ha t o f p r i m i t i v e s . I t i s a 'we l l j u s t i f i e d ' conc lus ion, we are assured.(8) The savage is spontaneous, feroc ious and v i o l e n t . And ye t is in some fundamental fashion not unlike the child or the neurotic. Freud continues h is discourse on p r i m i t i v e races and t h e i r s i m i l a r i t y to present-day ch i l d ren in Moses and Monotheism.(9) It must be remembered t h a t the dec is ive rapture - the act of p a r r i c i d e and the subsequent development of c i v i l i s a t i o n and Oedipus complex - occurred amongst the primal horde, scene of l u s t and b l ood th i r s t i ness .
A v e r i t a b l e orgy, not devoid of spectac le . S i m i l a r i t i e s amongst p r i m i t i v e s , ch i l d ren and neurot ics assumed the form of an i d e n t i t y . They plagued Freud's mind time and time again and he could w r i t e :
In our c h i l d r e n , in adu l ts who are n e u r o t i c , as we l l as p r i m i t i v e peoples, we meet w i th the mental phenomenon which we describe as a b e l i e f in the 'omnipotence of t hough t ' . In our judgement t h i s l i e s in an overest imat ion of the in f luence which our mental ( i n t h i s case i n t e l l e c t u a l ) acts can exercise in a l t e r i n g the ex terna l wor ld. A l l the magic of words, t oo , has i t s place here, and the conv ic t i on of the power which is bound up w i t h the knowledge and pro-nouncing a name.(10)
L ike most t e x t s , Freud's discourse is p l u r i voca l and there is su f -f i c i e n t appropr ia t ion of the discourses of others such as Le Bon and McDougall. His i n t e r v e n t i o n undermines the filiation of the discourses of o thers . He appropr iates them and, in a most char ismat ic fash ion , endows them w i t h h is own s ignature . I t is not always possib le in Freud's case to ask: 'what does i t matter who is speaking?' For in h is case, one is e n t i t l e d to depend on Foucaul t 's wisdom when he w r i t e s : 'The author 's name manifests the appearance of a c e r t a i n d iscurs ive set and ind ica tes the s tatus of discourse w i t h i n a soc ie ty and a c u l t u r e ' . ( 1 1 ) And in a d i f f e r e n t ve in , A l thusser is u t t e r l y exact ing when he t e l l s us t ha t Freud set up in business: alone.{12) Freud's approach to the d i s -course of his predecessors such as Le Bon and McDougall is not one of recogn i t ion but t ha t o f app rop r ia t i on , s o t ha t i t i s l i t t l e su rp r i se when we encounter lengthy verbatim quota t ions . (13)
Freud's d iscourse, l i k e tha t of Hegel, Le Bon and McDougall, is i n t r i g u i n g . In each case, we encounter a great deal of narrative pres-sure in which e p i t h e t a f t e r ep i t he t is dislodged as i f the i n t e n t i o n were to secure a permanent and i r r e d u c i b l e recogn i t ion and c o n s t i t u t i o n of Otherness.(14) And y e t , what is more, t h i s tendency remains ev ident even in l a t e r e thnopsych ia t r i c discourse as we are to es tab l i sh l a t e r . The i n s c r i p t i o n of the Blacks, the recogn i t ion of d i f f e rence which d i s -perses i t s e l f in several d i r ec t i ons in these d iscourses, is a paradoxical one.
These ea r l y i n s c r i p t i o n s attempt to harmonise in a s ing le image: the tantrums of a c h i l d , the omnipotence of thought , a passionate i n ten -s i t y which knows no l i m i t s , as wel l as the c a n n i b a l i s t i c savage in whom v io lence , murder and sexual t ransgressions are but the order of the day. The paradox: innocence and t reachery ! But what is even more important w i th regard to Freudian discourse and the paradox which i t enunciates w i th such recklessness is the other image. I am r e f e r r i n g to the no t ion , c r a f t l y developed to the s tatus of an explanatory p r i n -c i p l e ; the image of the primal horde and the dec is ive act of p a r r i c i d e .
We note a shameless exuberance as Freud declares in Moses and Monotheism:
The f i r s t dec is ive step towards a change of t h i s so r t of
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I I
In the Foreword to Michael B i l l i g ' s pamphlet on Psychology, Racism and Fascism, Robert Moore points out t ha t :
Most social s c i en t i s t s regard s c i e n t i f i c racism as dead. But i t w i l l not l i e down and many bel ieve tha t there is some sor t of case to answer because the noise continues. It is not enough f o r us to e f f e c t boredom, and detach-ment from what in i n t e l l e c t u a l terms has become merely i r r i t a t i n g , because the p o l i t i c a l consequences are real especia l ly when they break through in to ' l eg i t ima te p o l i -t i c s ' . (20)
For a whi le I w i l l not be discussing the va r ie t i es of ethnopsychiatr ic discourse.(21)
I want to draw a t ten t i on to the contemporary problem of s c i e n t i f i c racism in view of the wide-ranging 'd ispers ion ' and ' c i r c u l a t i o n ' of i t s discourse. I t s l inkages are d iscern ib le in South A f r i ca as w e l l , but of that l a t e r .
What B i l l i g attempts w i th in the space of a c lose ly argued t h i r t y -nine pages, is to estab l ish whether there are any connections between 'contemporary fascism' and psychological theor ies of rac ia l d i f ferences in i n te l l i gence . B i l l i g begins w i th a concise but deta i led account of race science in Nazi Germany and singles out the work o f , amongst o thers , Hans Günter who bel ieved, i n t e r a l i a , that an understanding of race was a central concern of a l l the sciences of 'man'. In f a c t , Günter believed tha t the study of race was the key to the understanding of a l l the human sciences.(22) A f te r the Second World War, e l i t i s t rac ia l theor ies appeared to have l os t t h e i r appeal and t h i s occasions l i t t l e surpr ise since Nazism pointed the way to the outer l i m i t s of a crude mixture of racism and fascism. Psychologists, l i k e other sc ien t i s t s and i n t e l l e c -t u a l s , provided much of the assumed s c i e n t i f i c basis of Nazism.
What the experience of war on a large scale ( inc lud ing genocide) f a i l e d to achieve was an enlightened humi l i t y and tolerance f o r d i f -ference. Instead, it was not long before race science began to rear i t s head. Old images, cushioned f i r m l y on past ' s c i e n t i f i c ' d iscourse, re-asserted themselves. The primary ' ob jec t ' of t h i s post-war discourse, the object that i s , of post-war race science, became the problem of d i f -ferences in i n te l l i gence between blacks and whites. Arthur Jensen introduced the d iscurs ive s h i f t when, in 1969, he published an a r t i c l e in The Harvard Educational Revieu e n t i t l e d 'How much can we boost I .Q. and scholast ic achievement?'(23) 'However', wr i tes B i l l i g , ' the e f f e c t of Jensen's work on f a s c i s t groups throughout the world was immediate and e l e c t r i c . The f i ne de ta i l s of the various arguments were i r r e l evan t to t h e i r purposes: what mattered was the chance to make race-science respectable once aga in . ' (24)
Jensen earned himself the dubious honour of launching r a c i s t science i n to mainstream psychological discourse. And yet it was B r i t a i n ' s 'most i n f l u e n t i a l psychologist ' who appropriated Jensen's theor ies . (25) Hans Eysenck, a German by b i r t h , wanted t h i s appropr iat ion to be some-th ing more than a mere dec larat ion of recogni t ion and support of Jensen's theor ies. (26) Eysenck's appropr iat ion of Jensen's discourse took the f o r m of a book: Race, Intelligence and Education.
One of the conclusions to be drawn from B i l l i g ' s analysis is that Eysenck's appropr iat ion of Jensen's discourse is not only a matter of s c i e n t i f i c concern,for Eysenck is but one (prominent wi thout doubt) of a number of American, European and South Af r ican i n t e l l e c t u a l s who are
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threshold of a discourse these kinds of locut ions are not only devices f o r making the object of discourse strange, but al low us to escape momentarily i n to what Edward Said describes as rad ica l real ism.(34) Should the v i c t im of racism (whether it be the co lon ia l or Apartheid va r ie t y or f o r tha t matter ant i-Semit ism) succumb to the seduction of t h i s radical real ism by engaging in a lopsided dialogue w i th the colo-n i se r , the u l t imate fa te w i l l be no other than tha t which Fanon has so f o r c e f u l l y presented to us in his w r i t i ngs . (35 )
I I I
Colonial discourse respects no boundaries; i t s geography is tha t of a l i m i t l e s s t e r r a i n , and I consider t h i s cha rac te r i s t i c so decis ive tha t I w i l l not bother to introduce conceptual d i s t i n c t i o n s between the so-ca l led 'A f r i can psychology', 'Ethnopsychiatry ' and 'race sc ience ' . I f i n d no s t ra teg ic value f o r the present analysis in such d i s t i n c t i o n s . Small wonder then tha t I have and w i l l continue to use these terms as s i g n i f i e r s in a s ing le semantic f i e l d . ( 3 6 )
What about South Af r ican Apartheid discourse? As I have pointed out e a r l i e r , the dispersion and c i r c u l a t i o n of co lon ia l discourse is so vast tha t South A f r i ca is only one of the s t ra teg ic locat ions at i t s d isposal . I p re fe r , there fore , to search elsewhere, f o r another begin-ning, f o r locut ions which are much more general - d i rec ted as they are to Afr icans on the Afr ican cont inent .
Before proceeding, however, I need to c l a r i f y much tha t has been i m p l i c i t in my approach to tex ts . F i r s t l e t me say w i th Ricoeur tha t in the socia l sciences ( inc lud ing the 'dubious science' ca l led psychiatry) the question r e l a t i n g to i n te rp re ta t i on no longer concerns tha t which is ve r id i ca l but tha t which can defeat a pa r t i cu l a r c laim or i n te rp re ta -t i o n . ^ ) The f i r s t important considerat ion is to make the t ex t speak; to speak in such a way that the o r i g i na l in tent ions of the author pale in to ins ign i f i cance . In a s im i la r ve in , one should eschew the tempta-t i on of a psychoanalysis of the author and concentrate instead on that which is at the vanguard of the t ex t as opposed to tha t which is behind or below i t . In the case of a l l discourse, we are more than e n t i t l e d to ask: who is speaking and from which s t ra teg ic locat ion? And f i n a l l y , since the t ex t (a t the ' instance of d iscourse ' ) presents us w i th an e n t i r e l y novel s i t u a t i o n , we need to in ter rogate it in such a way tha t i t can create a 'wor ld ' of discourse unique because of i t s r e fe ren t i a l features.
IV
The co lon ia l discourse on A f r i ca and Afr icans is a h i s t o r i c a l l y spec i f i c one. It w i l l be evident in the course of my discussion tha t there are a whole ser ies of tex ts spanning both the cont inent and h is -t o r i c a l time culminat ing in the 1980s w i th the South Af r ican version of co lonia l discourse ca l led Apartheid.(38) For example, the work of Professor Porot in Alger ia antedates tha t of J. C. Carothers.(39) But of the two, Carothers is the more s i g n i f i c a n t due to the ro le which his work has continued to play in co lon ia l ethnopsychiatr ic discourse.(40)
The psychology of Mau Mau: that is the object of Carothers' d i s -course, the object of his science. On the one hand is psychology - a promise of s c i e n t i f i c understanding; and on the o ther , the Mau Mau con-j u r i n g up images of savages in r e v o l t , reminiscent no doubt of Freud's primal horde. Further s t i l l : cann iba l i s t i c orgies in a primeval jung le . Carothers is p r i v i l eged both pro fess iona l ly and in terms of the company he keeps ( the W.H.O. and l a t e r the B r i t i s h Colonial O f f i c e ) . Because of
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psychological discourse coming from the very heart of the Apartheid soc ie ty . Small wonder then that Carothers busks so much on the 'good company' he keeps in his most recent discourse.(44)
As recent ly as 1981, Bulhan was able to demonstrate the penetrat ion of South Afr ican psychological discourse as wel l as the methods of psychological t es t i ng devised by NIPR. Tests fo r the se lect ion of Af r ican workers developed at NIPR spread i n to several English speaking countr ies such as Ghana, N iger ia , Kenya and Zambia, w i th the net resu l t that thousands of Af r ican workers through a s i g n i f i c a n t par t of English speaking A f r i ca have been subjected to se lect ion procedures developed at NIPR.(45)
What kind of Af r ican psychological discourse was being appropriated by Euro-American psychologists , near-psychologists and psych ia t r i s t s l i k e Carothers? Bulhan has i d e n t i f i e d a number of t e l l i n g statements a t t r i -buted to Biesheuevel, statements which are a po inter to i nsc r ip t i ons of blackness which Biesheuevel pa t ron is ing ly o f fered to South Af r ican ideologues, mining magnates and in te rna t iona l race science.(46) One day Biesheuevel w i l l say he was betrayed by the wr i t t en word, tha t the meanings we attach to his discourse are fabr i ca t ions and that as a s c i e n t i s t he remained ' ob jec t i ve ' . . .
In his 1958 paper on 'Object ives and Methods in Af r ican psychologi-cal research' published in the Journal of Social Psychology, Biesheuevel, encouraged no doubt by his nat ional and in te rna t iona l reputa t ion , could t e l l the world what the ground rules in 'A f r i can psychological research' are. These ground ru l es , the bottom l i n e as it were, Biesheuevel stated along the fo l low ing l i nes . The aims of Af r ican psychological research must inc lude: (1) ' t o gain an understanding of the behaviour of Af r ican peoples ' ; (2) ' t o provide means of t es t i ng the general v a l i d i t y of psychological hypothesis concerning human behaviour' and f i n a l l y (3) ' t o determine the extent to which [the A f r i can ' s behaviour] is modi f iab le 1 . (47)
As is o f ten the case, Biesheuevel recognises d i f fe rence , a d i f -ference of the Other which must be subjected to the gaze of 'A f r i can psychological ' science in order that the opaci ty of Afr icans can be sub-s t i t u t e d by a permanent transparency. This would then become a new kind of visibility of the Other, a visibility t ha t would no longer be medi-ated only by the body's blackness (the soc io log ica l schema of the body) but by the special p e c u l i a r i t y of the black psyche.
The 'understanding of the behaviour of Af r ican peoples' is not d is -c ip l i ned c u r i o s i t y . I t is an understanding in the service of ideology: one which must maximise the oppor tun i t ies f o r su rve i l l ance , d i s c i p l i n e and socia l con t ro l . Af r ican psychological research must ind ica te the degree to which the behaviour of the Other can be 'modi f ied ' to serve the in te res ts of the powers.
Like race science, Biesheuevel's A f r ican psychological research selects f o r i t s e l f a space, a s t ra teg ic locat ion from which i t can help in the reproduction of relations of r ac i a l and class domination in South Af r ican soc ie ty .
The rac i s t tendencies in t h i s type of discourse should not surpr ise us. What should surpr ise us is the wholesale appropr iat ion of t h i s d i s -course together wi th i t s technologies (psychological tes ts ) by Euro-American psychologists and psych ia t r i s t s such as Carothers. Described as a 'd is t ingu ished p s y c h i a t r i s t ' and a man wi th connections at high places, Carothers' discourse is an important l i n k in the dispersion of ethnopsychiatr ic discourse about Afr icans and Afro-Americans. Having said t h a t , I should add t h a t , l i k e the South Af r ican psychologist De Ridder, whose discourse I consider a l i t t l e l a t e r , Carothers' representa-t i on of Afr icans includes a neurot ic d i spos i t i on in which anxiety and
in which the utterance is made, as wel l as i t s prox imi ty to i nsc r ip t i ons of Afr icans found in ethnopsychiatry and 'A f r i can ' psychological d i s -course. By the 1920s and 1930s, much of the ' s c i e n t i f i c ' discourse about Afr icans had become par t of the white people's f o l k wisdom. Wulf Sachs uncouples himself from t h i s f o l k wisdom at the very outset of his d i s -course. He was in ten t on exp lo i t i ng the potent ia l of the psychoanalytic s i t ua t i on to the f u l l . ( 5 2 ) The most remarkable aspect of the 'psycho-ana l y t i c ' s tory of the t r a d i t i o n a l hea le r - i n -wa i t i ng , John Chavambira, is not so much that a sem i - l i t e ra te Af r ican can survive the r igorous demands of da i l y one hour sessions fo r a period of a l i t t l e over two years.(53) I t is rather tha t Sachs' t ex t is an ear ly instance of what we could in today's terminology describe as psychobiography: a type of psychohistor ical discourse.(54) I t is not as i f Wulf Sachs ignored the fundamental ru le of psychoanalysis. Neither d id he f a i l to explore dreams, resistance and transference when occasions presented themselves. But Sachs d id more: he transgressed some important psychoanalytic pro-h i b i t i o n s .
His re la t ionsh ip w i th John Chavambira continued outside the f i f t y minute hour to such an extent that the imperative demand fo r abstinence was v io la ted . Sachs and Chavambira engaged in a long process of mutual sel f-enrichment in a s i t ua t i on in which i n t e r - r a c i a l m is t rus t was r i f e . The outcome is a tex t about Wulf Sachs and John Chavambira together and separately. What is more, i t is a discourse about t r a d i t i o n a l A f r i c a , about psychoanalytic discourse and about the social h i s to ry of ear ly Johannesburg in the 1920s and the 1930s. It is a discourse about slum l i f e in Swartyard, Sophiatown and other ear ly Johannesburg ghettoes. In shor t , i t is not one man's s to ry . I t is a story of a people's despair under b la tan t white oppression and the s t i r r i n g s of resistance and r e v o l t . That which John Chavambira achieves fo r himself in terms of his l im i ted understanding of the p o l i t i c a l s i t ua t i on - sustain ing his ancestral be l i e f s and j o i n i n g and organising p o l i t i c a l resistance in the same breath - is symbolic of the Af r ican peoples' capacity fo r p o l i t i c a l s t ruggle. The cons t i t u t i ve elements in Wulf Sachs' discourse on Afr icans departs in important respects from what we nave noted wi th regard to ethnopsychiatry, 'A f r i can ' psychological research and race science. This time even the sem i - l i t e ra te Af r ican is a man, and p o l i t i c a l and economic factors are given an importance in the discourse which is o f ten missing in the texts and discourses we have considered thus f a r .
Blaok Hamlet deserves closer study as an example of South Afr ican pre-Apartheid discourse about Afr icans and t h e i r p o l i t i c a l and economic circumstances before 1948. However, even though I nave already re fer red to Biesheuevel's work, most of which, it must be remembered, is post-1948, I need to consider in some de ta i l a l a t e r example of South Af r ican psychological discourse to suggest the con t i nu i t i es in the psychological representations of the Otherness. If Biesheuevel concerned himself wi th questions r e l a t i ng to 'A f r i can ' psychological research in general and i t s i n t e r n a t i o n a l i s a t i o n , a contemporary Johannesburg psychologist set himself a much more ambitious task , namely to 'br idge the gap between opinions and f a c t s ' about the personal i ty of urban Afr icans in South A f r i ca . (55)
His research sponsors, he t e l l s us, were Shell South A f r i ca and PUTCO Operating Technical Services. Lest we should, in the end, doubt his conclusions, the usual technical assurances about sample size and so on are provided. And indeed, differencesbetween the blacks and the whites have to be establ ished at the outse t , and De Ridder's so lu t ion is a descr ip t ion in f u l l measure of the African ' t r i b a l ' and 'urban' environments. For him, culture const i tu tes the royal road to the understanding of d i f fe rence and his indebtedness to the e a r l i e r work of
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unprecedented economic growth, it was also a period during which black resistance to Apartheid was escalat ing. In a context such as t h i s , the ' p o l i t i c a l economy of t r u t h ' (Foucault) becomes of more than usual s ign i f i cance. (64)
The problematic surrounding discourses about the blacks bo i l s down to considerations regarding the manner in which discourses of the kind discussed in t h i s paper c i r cu l a t e w i t h i n the social body (the economic, p o l i t i c a l and cu l t u ra l spheres) as wel l as t h e i r e levat ion to the status of t r u t h and the reign of ' op i n i on ' . Amid many statements which could be c i t e d , it seems to me tha t one can summarise the consequences of psychological discourses by quoting Foucault when he says:
This reign of ' o p i n i o n ' , so o f ten invoked at t h i s t ime, represents a mode of operation through which power w i l l be exercised by v i r t ue of the mere f ac t of things being known and people being seen in a sor t of immediate, c o l l e c t i v e and anonymous gaze. A form of power whose main instance is that of opinion w i l l refuse to t o le ra te areas of darkness.(65)
We would be naive if we thought tha t the discourses of ethnopsy-c h i a t r y , race science and 'A f r i can ' psychological research have not been appropriated by Apartheid ideologues f o r t h e i r own purposes. What more ra t iona l l eg i t ima t ion of rac ia l d i sc r im ina t ion , segregation and domina-t i on of blacks could one need beyond the l i m i t s of ' s c i e n t i f i c ' d i s -c o u r s e ? ^ ) The potent ia l uses of t h i s kind of ' t r u t h ' , t h i s 'know-ledge' of the Afr ican as c h i l d l i k e , as innate ly i n f e r i o r , as dangerous sexually and as a v i o l en t being and, to make matters worse, a neuro t i c , must surely have had a ro le to play in the various s t ra teg ies of white power: separate education, res iden t ia l segregation, exclusion of blacks from the exercise of p o l i t i c a l power, exp lo i t a t i on of Af r ican labour and the absence of equal economic oppor tun i t ies . Various ideological state apparatuses came i n to being to c i r cu la te the e f fec ts of t h i s knowledge in the educational domain as well as the media. And in the circum-stances, Aime Césaire is t a l k i n g fo r a l l of us when he w r i t es :
I am t a l k i n g of m i l l i ons of men who have been s k i l l f u l l y in jec ted wi th f ea r , i n f e r i o r i t y complexes, t r e p i d a t i o n , s e r v i l i t y , despair , abasement.
This is a twent ieth century r e a l i t y which sadly is o f ten taken fo r granted.
FOOTNOTES
1. V. N. Volosninov, Freudianism: A Marxist Critique (New York: Academic Press, 1976). Volosninov discusses this formalist notion in the context of what he describes as the Freudian 'wholesale sexualisation of the family' and adds 'The Oedipus complex is indeed a magnificent way of making the family unit "strange"' (p.91).
2. V. L. Poliakov, The Aryan Myth: A History of Raaist and National-ist Ideas in Europe (New York: Basic Books, 1974),
3. Poliakov, p.241.
4. See Louis Althusser, Essays On Ideology (London: Verso, 1984). In his essay on Freud and Lacan, Althusser cryptically describes the meaning of Lacan's return to Freud in the following terms: Ά return to
Freud means: a return to the theory established, fixed and founded firmly
in Freud himself, to the mature, reflected, supported and verified theory,
to the advanced theory that has settled down in life ... to build its
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much of what is today termed the 'South' - the third world.
20. M. Billig, Psychology, Racism and Fascism (Birmingham: A. F. & R. Publications, 1979).
21. It might appear as if I am taking a devious route by interposing the problem of scientific racism at this point. But it should be remembered that 'scientific racism', like ethnopsychiatry proper, is con-cerned with the psychological study of people other than westerners, often in a comparative fashion. A qualification is necessary here. The domain of scientific racism inasmuch as it involves psychological dis-course includes more than cross-cultural study since most of the inves-tigations such as those of intelligence may involve blacks and whites in countries such as the United States.
22. See Billig, 1979, especially pp.4-7.
23. Billig, 1979, p.9. In his 1969 article, Jensen studied racial dif-ferences in intelligence (IQ) between blacks and whites. His conclu-sions: the innate intellectual qualities of blacks are on the average inferior to those of whites. Jensen favoured a genetic explanation of this racial difference and went so far as to say that enrichment pro-grammes to improve the intelligence of blacks were not cost-effective and were, therefore, a waste of time.
24. Billig, 1979, p.9.
25. Billig, 1979, p.9.
26. It is important to note that although Jensen's paper generated a great deal of academic and lay sport (especially among fascist groups), it was not well received by a variety of academics who found the work to have been unsatisfactory for various reasons. See Billig, 1979, p.9.
27. Billig identifies the following journals (some of which have ongoing editorial relationships): The Mankind Quarterly, Neue Anthro-pologie, Nouvelle Ecole and South African Observer amongst others. It is also notable that some of the scientists like Professor R. Gayre, editor of The Mankind Quarterly, have strong South African connections; Gayre is a supporter of Apartheid (Billig, 1979, p.13).
28. Billig, 1979, p.34.
29. Billig, 1979, p.34. Billig observes: 'All three journals (The Mankind Quarterly, Neue Anthropologie, Nouvelle Ecole) have been active in promoting the theories of Eysenck and Jensen about racial differences in intelligence. Moreover, they have all been aided in this respect by the distinguished psychologists themselves. Eysenck is formally asso-ciated with The Mankind Quarterly and Nouvelle Ecole, and Jensen with Neue Anthropologie. The connections between old and new race-science do not end there. The interviews granted by Eysenck to Beacon and Jensen to Nation Europa illustrate the continuing connections between race-science and the fascist political tradition.'
30. The work of Luria and his associates in the rural areas of the Soviet Union has underscored the importance of verbal mediation ('regu-lation') of behaviour. Luria was convinced on the basis of extensive investigation and in the face of consistent findings that 'changes in the practical forms of activity' such as those related to formal educa-tion produced 'qualitative' changes in the thought of the subjects. What is more, vital changes in thought organisation may occur in the face of decisive socio-historical conditions. In my view, a close study of Luria's investigations and results suggests that the ready assignment of racial differences in intelligence to heredity is simplistic. See
A. R. Luria, The Making of Mind: A Personal Account of Soviet Psychology
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(ISAs). This is not the only framework from which Apartheid can and should he understood. Another vantage point, promising in its many yet unknown possibilities, would be one in which one examines the political economy of space, problems relating to surveillance as well as the role of knowledge in the development of the Apartheid society.
39. Professor Porot studied Muslims and presented a characterological and personality profile of the Muslim which included the following fea-tures: the Muslim is credulous, suggestible, mentally puerile, violent by nature (hereditary), suffers from neurologic immaturity (diencaphalic dominance), is less curious than a child and would rather commit murder than suicide. See in this regard McCulloch, pp.17-18, on the work of Professor Porot and the School of Algiers.
40. Apart from some journal articles and a monograph commissioned by W.H.O., J. C. Carothers' discourse on the psychology of the African is contained in two texts, namely The Psychology of Mau Mau (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1954) and The Mind of Man in Africa (London: Tom Stacey, 1972).
41. Carothers repressed issues relating to the political economy of colonial societies and denied that the Mau Mau insurrection had anything to do with the historical and material conditions of their lives. The revolt is explained away through a misrecognition in which the Kikuyu are constituted as a people with a 'neurotic* predisposition who are unable to adjust to the stresses and strains of cultural transition.
42. See Billig, 1979.
43. Two years before the Nationalists came to power, Simon Biesheuevel became the first Director of the National Institute for Personnel Research (NIPR). It was NIPR under the commanding presence of Dr. Simon Biesheuevel (an ex-Lieutenant-Colonel in the South African Airforce's Aptitude Testing section) which became the nerve centre of African psychological research: see Bulhan, p.28.
44. See Carothers for South African data: pp.81, 89, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 104, 107, 112, 119, 135, 139, 161, 166, 180.
45. See Bulhan, pp.34-37.
46. See Bulhan, pp.34-37.
47. See S. Biesheuevel, 'Objectives and methods in African psychologi-
cal research', Journal of Social Psychology, 47, 1958.
48. See in this regard Frantz Fanon, Black Skina White Masks (New York: Grove Press Inc., 1967), whole of chapter 4, as well as McCulloch, pp. 21-26. Fanon's response to Mannoni's discourse as well as his interven-tion in its entirety are deserving of a separate essay. The issues are complex and cannot be adequately dealt with in the present paper.
49. Cited by McCulloch, p.22.
50. Once the Nationalist Party was in power it embarked on a vigorous Apartheid legislative programme. Acts intended to entrench racial dis-crimination and segregation included in those early year: The Population Registration Act, The Group Areas Act, The Suppression of Communism Act, The Coloured Voters Act, the Bantu Authorities Act and The Bantu Educa-tion Act. All this legislation was promulgated within a time span of six years. See N. C. Manganyi, Exile s and Homecomings: A Biography of Es'kia Mphahlele (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1980), pp.94-96.
51. W. Sachs, Black Hamlet (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1947), p.3.
52. See L. Stone, The Psychoanalytic Situation: An Examination of its
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"facts" of his experience in life?' (p.8). This problem is not tackled in the text in any but a cursory fashion and besides, in raising the question in this manner, he opens himself to the accusation that he is insufficiently informed about the literature he glibly refers to, for as Mayer's work has demonstrated and as Fanon has suggested after Masks, it is amongst the semi-literate rural population where resistance is greatest. A significant search for 'scars of bondage' in this sector is, on current evidence, misplaced.
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We would l i k e to suggest t ha t the broader i nequa l i t i es are a per-manent condi t ion of these processes. More p rec i se l y , there is a pre-v a i l i n g trend f o r the language of dominated cu l tures to accommodate to the demands and concepts of the dominating cu l tu re . Equal ly , there are powerful resistances to making any comparable adjustments w i t h i n the d i s -cursive pract ices of European scholarship. Le t ' s examine these two problems (see also Asad, in press).
I I
Le t 's f i r s t look b r i e f l y at the process by which speakers of a dominated language accommodate. A recent a r t i c l e by the anthropologis t Godfrey Lienhardt describes how, in the ear ly decades of t h i s century , the Dinka of the Southern Sudan came to recognise the need f o r represen-ta t i ves educated in Western mission schools who could negot iate more e f f e c t i v e l y w i th the dominant co lon ia l power. Lienhardt t e l l s us that they f e l t they could no longer remain " f a r behind" t h e i r neighbours and r i v a l s , who had surpassed them in Western learning and "gone ahead". This p o l i t i c a l predicament was also the precondi t ion f o r a new concept to be introduced from the dominating cu l tu re : the concept of "progress" , and, more concrete ly , a "ge t t i ng on in the wor ld" .
"The usage of the expression f o r ' t o go ahead, to go f i r s t ' - in Dinka lo tweng - f o r ' t o progress' or ' t o get on in the wor ld ' is a small but t e l l i n g example", wr i tes L ienhardt , "of the way in which at many such small points a fore ign system of thought was introduced, not simply as a replacement of the t r a d i t i o n a l system but as an a l t e rna t i ve to i t . . . [Thus] Iweng, 'ahead' , meant e i t he r f u r t he r on in a journey, or senior. Age-sets were div ided i n t e r n a l l y according to sen io r i t y i n to three generation groups, [ i . e . ] according roughly to the r e l a t i v e ages of the young men who had been i n i t i a t e d at about the same t ime, and the period at which it seemed appropriate to give an up-and-coming genera-t i o n i t s own name as a separate set . The senior in each generation were nhom tweng, l i t e r a l l y 'head forward' and thus both 'ahead' , ' h igher ' and ' i n f r o n t ' (as w i th quadrupeds, espec ia l ly c a t t l e ) ; the middle were ciel, ' i n the m idd le ' ; and the j u n i o r cok cien, ' f o o t behind' and thus ' i n the r e a r ' . These groups were in per iodic compet i t ion, se l f - asse r t i ve jun io rs t r y i n g to wrest the leadership from t h e i r seniors when the time came fo r es tab l ish ing t h e i r own superior prowess and v i t a l i t y , in order to be recognised as the seniors of one generation of sets instead of the jun io rs of another. This fol lowed roughly the b io log ica l cycle of adolescence, aggressive unmarried manhood, s e t t l i n g i n to middle-age and then r e t i r i n g from much dancing, cour t ing and f i g h t i n g in to the wisdom of elderhood.
"When the idea of acquir ing more fo re ign knowledge and competence - a continuous process over the generations - has been placed in the context of t r i a l s of strength between Dinka age-sets, a sporadic a c t i -v i t y repeated in each generat ion" , Lienhardt observes, " [ t ] h e Dinka view of age-sets, based upon a cyc l i ca l not ion of local h i s t o r y , begins to be displaced by a dynamic view of h i s t o r y , accompanied by a ph i l o -sophy of progress, and wi th te leo log ica l overtones. Through the asso-c i a t i on of generational competi t ion f o r local status w i th ideas of cumu-l a t i v e development and advance, ' g e t t i n g ahead' begins to be d i rec ted towards some d i s t a n t , more universal end, defined, in foreign terms. A social process is metaphorical ly t rans la ted i n t o soc ia l progress" (L ienhardt , 1982:89-90; emphasis added).
Now L ienhardt 's paper does not focus on the po in t t ha t p r imar i l y in te res ts us here - namely, t ha t i t was h i s t o r i c a l changes in the f i e l d
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where the t r ans la t i on is being w r i t t e n out in i n s t i t u t i o n a l condi t ions and according to d i sc i p l i na r y demands tha t have t h e i r own independent force.
I l l
It would be in keeping wi th what we have j u s t said tha t speakers of a dominant language should make less of an e f f o r t to accommodate. A f t e r a l l , so much e f f o r t is being made to accommodate them. But anthro-pologis ts would c la im, r i g h t l y , to want in principle to r e s i s t t h i s kind of 1 i n g u i s t i c i n e r t i a . In prov id ing ethnographic accounts of very d i f -ferent cu l tu res , i t may be sa id , they are provid ing an oppor tun i ty f o r anyone to challenge the cu l t u ra l assumptions and perspectives of the modern European. What we want to ask, then, is whether there are aspects of the current anthropological p rac t ice of w r i t i ng -up - as opposed to the pract ice of f ie ldwork - tha t may i n t e r f e r e w i th the pro-j e c t of cu l t u ra l t r ans l a t i on . There seem to us two interconnected aspects at the level of language alone, both of which der ive from socia l re la t i ons of power.
F i r s t , in the course of an ana l y t i ca l descr ip t ion ce r ta in meta-phors may be used which der ive from European socia l h i s t o r y , because current discourse makes them read i l y ava i l ab le , but which ass imi la te too easily a l ien cu l t u ra l forms to i t . Second, the ethnographic account, being addressed to a very spec i f i c readership, may d isp lay s t y l i s t i c features tha t make i t d i f f i c u l t to give any serious considerat ion to unfami l ia r cu l t u ra l experiences.
In general, of course, anthropologists employ terms which re la te to f a i r l y concrete pract ices and agencies ("choosing", " ba r t e r i ng " , "herd ing" , " c u l t i v a t i n g " , " i nd iv idua ls and groups", "leaders and fo l l owers " , e t c . ) o r f a i r l y abs t rac t , unspeci f ic notions ( l i k e " p o l i t i -cal o rder " ) . Terms l i k e these are among those used in order to provide a representat ion of a pa r t i cu l a r form of socia l l i f e , which does not immediately raise acute problems of t r a n s l a t i o n . But as the descr ip-t i o n begins to bu i l d up, i t i s ' n o t unusual to f i n d - in qu i te scrupulous wr i te rs - semi-metaphoric expressions such as, l e t us say, tenants whose l oya l t y is " f o r sale to the highest b idder " , or landlords who may "slough o f f dependants" at w i l l , but who also provide fo l lowers w i th "the spo i l s " and d i s t r i b u t e the " l o o t " . What is going on in such cases? Whether such expressions are used inadver ten t ly or de l i be ra te l y , they ind icate a general d i f f i c u l t y . This is because they i nev i t ab l y evoke images from w i t h i n European cu l tu re - or ra the r , and more problemat i -c a l l y - fragments of images from very d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r i c a l phases of European cu l tu re f a m i l i a r to the European reader. Are such disparate metaphors appropriate to the cu l tu re in question? In the case we have been quot ing, that of Swat Pathans in north-western Pakistan, one of us has already argued elsewhere and in de ta i l tha t they are not appropriate - tha t the ethnographer's representat ion of a cu l tu re in which e n t i r e l y "cont rac tua l " re la t i ons between h igh ly "compet i t ive" i n d i v i d u a l s , always engaged in t r y i n g to "maximise" t h e i r i n t e r e s t s , but involved nevertheless in an unending series of " feuds" , is misleading (Asad, 1972). We want to stress tha t our argument has nothing to do w i th pleas f o r providing attractive as against unattractive representat ions, but w i th the demand tha t the metaphors used in t r ans la t i on be appropri-ate. And a precondi t ion f o r such appropriateness is tha t the t r ans l a to r / ethnographer does not take it f o r granted tha t her language already possesses the necessary concepts.
Perhaps we can i l l um ina te t h i s po in t f u r t he r by c i t i n g the emi-nent German t rans la to r Rudolf Pannwitz, who is quoted in tha t f i ne essay
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tone; a f i r m , s t rong, perspicuous narra t ion of matters of f a c t , a p la in argument, a contempt f o r everything which d i s t i n c t d e f i n i t e people cannot e n t i r e l y and thoroughly comprehend" (p.31) .
The q u a l i t i e s of Gibbon's language which seem to respond to t h i s d iscr iminat ing readership are picked out by our c r i t i c sometimes d i r e c t l y , and sometimes by resor t to persuasive metaphor.
The very language of Gibbon shows these q u a l i t i e s . [ . . . ] It has the greatest mer i t of an h i s t o r i c a l s t y l e : i t is always going on; you fee l no doubt of i t s cont inuing in motion. Many narrators of the r e f l e c t i v e c lass , S i r Archibald Al ison f o r example, f a i l in t h i s : your constant fee l i ng is "Ah! he is pul led up; he is going to be profound; he never w i l l go on again". But, at the same t ime, the manner of the Decline and Fal l is about the l a s t which should be recommended fo r s t r i c t i m i t a t i o n . It is not a style in which you can tell the truth. A monotonous w r i t e r is sui ted only to monotonous matter . Truth is of various kinds - grave, solemn, d i g n i f i e d , pe t t y , low, o rd inary ; and a h i s to r i an who has to t e l l the t r u t h must be able to t e l l what is vulgar as wel l as what is great , what is l i t t l e as well as what is amazing. Gibbon is at f a u l t here. [ . . . ] The pet ty order of sublunary matters; the common gross existence of ordinary people; the necessary l i t t l e n e s s o f necessary l i f e , are l i t t l e su i ted to h is sublime nar ra t i ve . Men on the Times fee l t h i s acute ly ; it is most d i f f i c u l t at f i r s t to say many things in the huge imperial manner. And a f t e r a l l , you cannot t e l l everyth ing, (pp.31-33)
So in representat ions of Europe's others, i t is w i th h is to r ians as w i th anthropologists - what your s t y le cannot eas i l y accommodate, you leave out . Or i f you do not leave i t ou t , your s t y le must diminish i t s s ign i f i cance.
" I t is no wonder", our V ic to r ian c r i t i c observes of Gibbon, " tha t such a mind should have looked wi th displeasure on p r im i t i ve C h r i s t i -an i t y . The whole of h is treatment of tha t top ic has been discussed by many pens, and three generations of ecc les ias t i ca l scholars have i l l u s -t ra ted i t wi th t h e i r emendations. Yet i f we turn over t h i s , the l a t e s t and most elaborate e d i t i o n , containing a l l the important c r i t i c i sms of Milman and Guizot, we shal l be surpr ised to f i n d how few instances of d e f i n i t e exact e r ro r such a scru t iny has been able to f i n d out . As Paley, w i th his strong sagaci ty , at once remarked, the subt le e r ro r rather l i e s hid in the sinuous fo lds than is d i r e c t l y apparent on the surface of the pol ished s t y l e . Mho, said the shrewd archdeacon, can re fu te a sneer? And ye t even th i s is scarcely the exact t r u t h . The object ion of Gibbon i s , in f a c t , an ob ject ion rather to r e l i g i o n than to C h r i s t i a n i t y ; as has been sa id , he d id not appreciate, and could not describe, the most inward form of pagan p i e t y ; he objected to C h r i s t i -an i ty because i t was the intensest of re l i g i ons " (p .38) .
In our view, i t is not necessary to asser t , as our V ic to r ian c r i -t i c seems to do, tha t Gibbon was " i n e r ro r " on the matter of ear ly Chr is t ian forms and movements. The point is simply that a pa r t i cu l a r Enlightenment s t y l e , which the w r i t e r was brought up to acquire, and which his i n t e l l i g e n t readership could respond to and conf i rm, made the serious considerat ion of cer ta in kinds of r e l i g i o s i t y very d i f f i c u l t . A p o l i t e , ordered, ceremonial C h r i s t i a n i t y was something that sensib le, cu l t i va ted , upper-class men could recognise. Religions of b i t t e r con-f r o n t a t i o n , of passionate debate, of popular v io lence, could not but be
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anthropologists are taught, examined, d i s c i p l i n e d , and rewarded to suggest any kind of apprenticeship to such a task. Moreover, whi le "systematic" analysis and the " logical constructs" of our own culture are c r i t e r i a that of fer no insuperable problems for the European c r i t i c , f a i l u r e s to "mediate" or to "explore" p o t e n t i a l i t i e s in our own lan-guage are much less ava i lab le to c r i t i c s , unless perhaps they happen to be fel low experts in the same culture - or a l t e r n a t i v e l y (and better) members of that culture wi th b i l i n g u a l competence in the relevant European language. Indeed, given the typ ica l resistances natural to a dominating cul ture, and the ways "we have been brought up to use" i t s language, it would be surpr is ing if the second enterprise of t r a n s l a t i o n were ever systematical ly pursued and assessed.
F i n a l l y , some of the knowledge we have "acquired wi th them" w i l l have to be more than "translated": in order to be related to the charac-t e r i s t i c discourses of anthropological monographs i t w i l l f i r s t have to be transformed from, l e t us say, narrat ives or synpraxic running com-mentaries to higher levels of abstraction. The d i f f i c u l t i e s and dangers of such "abstracted interpretat ions" - even w i t h i n one and the same cul ture, and from t e x t to t e x t - are well known to l i t e r a r y c r i t i c i s m and account for the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n of "close analysis" pioneered by I. A. Richards. In anthropology they consti tute both the most complex challenge for the w r i t e r and the parts of her enterprise least open to challenge by c r i t i c s .
Each of these enterprises is problematic on i t s own. Having to integrate them vast ly increases the d i f f i c u l t i e s . It would not be sur-pr is ing therefore i f successful cu l tura l t ranslat ions were rarer than is usually supposed. A central argument of our paper is that the possi-b i l i t i e s of inadequate t rans lat ion are great ly increased by an u n w i l l i n g -ness, or i n a b i l i t y , on the part of the anthropological profession, to examine c r i t i c a l l y the ways in which processes of structured power operate on and through t h e i r work.
Bibliography
Asad, Τ, (1972) "Market model, class structure, and consent: a recon-
sideration of Swat political organisation", Man, vol.7, no.l.
Asad, T. (in press) "The concept of cultural translation in British
Social Anthropology", in The making of ethnographic texts, eds.
G. E. Marcus and J. Clifford (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series).
Bagehot, W. (1856) "Edward Gibbon" in Literary Studies (London:
Everyman edn. 1911, vol.2).
Benjamin, Vi. (1923) "The task of the translator", in Illuminations (New
York: Schocken Books, 1969).
Lienhardt, G. (1954) "Modes of thought" in The Institutions of Primitive Society
3 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, et al. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).
Lienhardt, G. (1982) "The Dinka and Catholicism", in Religious Organi-zation and Religious Experience, ed. J. Davis (London: Academic
Press).
stetkevych, J. (1970) The Modern Arabic Literary Language: Lexical and Stylistic Developments (Chicago: Chicago University Press).
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Since the sevent ies, 'mu l t i cu l t u ra l i sm ' has c i r cu la ted , has eventual ly become a d iscurs ive format ion, o r , in Deleuze's and Guat ta r i ' s terms a rhizome, (1) One aspect of the rhizome serves those who occupy marginal pos i t ions - the motley c o l l e c t i o n of immigrant groups - some of whom use the term mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism to signal opposi t ion and to e f f e c t those ' s i g n i f y i n g breakthroughs' (2) which Guattar i i d e n t i f i e s as ' h i s t o r y ' in a more revo lu t ionary sense, tha t i s , when immigrants cons t i tu te themselves as sel f-conscious revo lu t ionary groups - a rare event. However, another aspect of the rhizome is where i n s t i t u t i o n s of l eg i t ima t ion have appropriated the term mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism so tha t i t funct ions not in opposi t ion but iso-morphical ly to re in force dominant t r a j e c t o r i e s of power. At the most basic l e v e l , by merely homogenizing a l l those very d i f f e r e n t immigrant groups.
To embark on construct ing an archaeological p r o f i l e of t h i s 'key-word' (3) is to reveal the 'molecular f lows' (4) of which Deleuze speaks, d is t ingu ish ing 'between the power set-ups that code the diverse segments, the abstract machine tha t overcodes them and regulates t h e i r r e la t i onsh ips , and the State apparatus that ef fectuates th i s machine'. (5) And those who are on the margins are j u s t as l i k e l y to speak micro-fascism as those who speak on behalf of the State apparatus.
Although p o t e n t i a l l y a l i ne of f o rce , or network, which could e f f e c t i v e l y shower wi th s t a t i c the un i f i ed discourse of some putat ive State centre, mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism becomes too of ten an e f f e c t i v e process of recuperation where diverse cul tures are returned as f o l k l o r i c spectacle. This recuperat ion serves to l eg i t im ise a European charter myth of o r ig ins which, in the name of c i v i l i s a t i o n and progress, condones those two hundred years that w i l l not be celebrated by the Aborigines in 1988. In t h i s format ion, m u l t i c u l t u r a l ism is used to amalgamate the nat ional and the cu l tu ra l in to a depo l i t i c i sed mu l t i -media event.
And y e t , fo r a l l the e f f o r t s of the o f f i c i a l par t isan chron-i c l e r s , mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism is not of course a un i f i ed or a - h i s t o r i c a l d iscurs ive format ion. One way to reveal the d i s t i nc t i ons and con-t rad i c t i ons in the formation of mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism is to invoke h i s -t o r y ; the h is to ry machine may be programmed to produce d iscurs ive or nar ra t ive un i t i es but may a lso , by reveal ing change, fragment those u n i t i e s .
In t h i s paper I w i l l be ind ica t ing the various rhizomata which comprise the debate surrounding mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm in Aus t ra l ia and w i l l conclude by speculat ing whether the term may s t i l l be useful ( f o r those who speak f rom/ for marginal posi t ions of Aus t ra l i a ' s many and var ied immigrants) in order to construct those revo lu t ionary ' s i g n i f y i n g breakthroughs'. I shal l begin by ind ica t ing b r i e f l y some of the broadest areas in the debate and w i l l then analyse a sequence of a r t i c l e s which erupted in the newspapers between February and July of t h i s year.
Opinions have var ied since the mid-seventies over whether mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm is a conservative and react ionary term employed to maintain hegemonic values or whether it is a secret weapon in the armoury of the rad ica l l e f t . To signal immediate relevance I note in passing Salman Rushdie's contex tua l iza t ion of the term in B r i t a i n where there was a pa ra l l e l treatment of immigrants which progressed from ' i n t e g r a t i o n ' to ' ass im i l a t i on ' to ' r ac i a l harmony':
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mul t i cu l tu ra l i sm are attacked by him as being narrow-minded secessions from the ideal of a transcendent cu l ture of Western c i v i l i s a t i o n . (12)
Mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm as react ionary force supporting hegemonic values is constructed by c r i t i c s from w i th in the immigrant community i t s e l f who echo t h e i r ostensible opponents in disconcert ing ways. The painter George Michelakakis agrees wi th Chipman in seeing the praxis of mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism as the imposit ion of the dead hand of the past. (13) Wr i t ing about the emergence of second-generation Greek-Austral ian a r t i s t s he describes them as being constrained by t h e i r ghetto support cu l tu re to reproduce f a i t h f u l l y elements of a by now anachronist ic Greek cu l t u re . At the same time these conservative f o l k l o r i c elements of costume, dance, and food are what the Aust ra l ian community f inds acceptable under the rubr i c of the ethnic a r t s . He too sees community schools as a d i v i s i ve force where the past funct ions as mummified presence w i t h i n the present. In t h i s l i n e of argument mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism becomes almost displaced by the term 'e thn ic d i v e r s i t y ' a d i f fe rence w i th in i t s e l f , funct ion ing e i t he r p o s i t i v e l y or negat ively depending on whether it is the putat ive centre or the margin who speaks i t . In e i the r case, it is a conservative term and Chipman and Michelakakis converge in seeing it as an anachronist ic and react ionary cons t ra in t , though t h e i r subsequent l ines of argument diverge completely there-a f t e r . I t is t h i s aspect of ethnic spectacle which nourishes the European charter myth of o r ig ins I mentioned e a r l i e r where the v i s i -b i l i t y of ethnic d i v e r s i t y is recuperated and domesticated in to the r i c h l y var ied tapestry of European c i v i l i s a t i o n : in song and dance, in costume, and in cooking.
Speaking from the l e f t , in a recent ly released anthology, Ethnic Politics in Australia, Andrew Jakubowicz, from the Univers i ty of Wollongong, wr i tes tha t the rhe to r i c of mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm e f f e c t i v e l y masks any sustained class analys is . The ideological apparatus of mu l t i cu l t u ra l i sm renders class i n v i s i b l e by p r i v i l e g i n g cu l tu re and, in e f f e c t , gives an a - p o l i t i c a l aura to any discussion of immigrant communities. Mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism is targeted by Jakubowicz as a tool of surve i l lance and social control employed by the Anglo-Ce l t i c hegemony to deal wi th the so-ca l led 'migrant problem'. (14) In that same volume, the e d i t o r , James Jupp,(15) provides a useful summary of the cu l tu ra l h i s to ry of Aus t ra l i a ' s hegemonic groups: from the Scot t ish Protestant ascendancy, backbone of the Liberal Party, to successful incursions by the I r i s h Cathol ic d iss iden ts , in turn the mainstay of the Labour Par ty , both of which subsequently uni ted in t h e i r po l i cy of promoting the ass imi la t ion of immigrants. As the immigrant vote became, increas ing ly , an issue, middle-class immigrants were co-opted onto government advisory bodies which produced, f i n a l l y , the o f f i c i a l b luepr in t fo r mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm. The bulk of the immigrants who formed the army of i ndus t r i a l fac to ry fodder ('wogs turn cogs') remained uncanvassed and unrepresented.
In 1980 a task force was set up under Jerzy Zubrzycki , Professor of Sociology at the Austra l ian National Un ive rs i t y , to produce a document 'Mu l t i cu l t u ra l i sm fo r a l l Aust ra l ians: our developing nationhood'. (16) The document includes a s l i g h t l y whimsical d e f i n i t i o n of Aust ra l ian i d e n t i t y and promotes a four -po in t charter plan f o r mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism which balances the maintenance of cu l t u ra l i d e n t i t y wi th social cohesion and stresses both equa l i t y of oppor-t u n i t y and equal social r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . In p rac t i ce , an a l legiance to common p o l i t i c a l and educational i n s t i t u t i o n s would serve to control that balance. Since then a great deal of money has indeed.been spent by both par t ies on implementing mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism in terms of a safe ly domesticated cu l t u ra l d i v e r s i t y . There has been the se t t i ng up of the Special Broadcasting Service, comprising ethnic radio s tat ions
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In March began the in te rvent ion by the academics and by ' h i s t o r y ' in the sense tha t a set of discourses, usual ly c i r c u l a t i n g anonymously and a u t h o r i t a t i v e l y , were attached to one man: the h i s to ry machine took refuge behind a human subject . Professor Geoffrey Blainey, respected h i s t o r i a n , has j u s t produced a h i s to ry of the state of V ic to r ia in time fo r i t s sesquicenterary, is the Dean of Arts at Melbourne Univers i ty and, paradox ica l ly , as w i l l be made c l e a r , chairman of the Austral ia-China Council . Blainey addressed an ou t -o f -town Rotarían funct ion on 'The Asianisat ion of A u s t r a l i a ' . In b r i e f his points were that such a ' takeover ' was not i n e v i t a b l e , tha t there were many Asias to choose from and tha t Austra l ians should both exercise t h i s choice and control the rate at which Asian immigrants were allowed in to the country. Aus t ra l ia might well appear to be an empty cont inent w i th a dangerous possessiveness about i t s spaces, but in f a c t , only the edges were habi tab le . ' M u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m ' , he sa id , ' i s o f ten what is good f o r other people ' . (20)
I should mention at t h i s stage tha t as the mut icu l tu ra l i sm debate was gathering force in the 1970s,what it was designed to suppress was the previous discourse of the so-cal led white Aus t ra l ia Pol icy which, l i k e the fac t that it began as a penal colony, was another d is tu rb ing skeleton in Aus t ra l i a ' s h i s t o r i c a l c lose t . In 1901 the Immigration Res t r i c t ion Act of the newly const i tu ted Common-wealth of Aust ra l ia introduced a ' d i c t a t i o n tes t 1 to exclude prec ise ly any non-European immigrants. (21) This d iscr iminatory device was not abolished u n t i l 1958. The ghost lu rk ing behind Bla iney 's speech and behind the ensuing controversy about Asian immigration is tha t long-held fear in Aust ra l ian h i s to ry of a takeover by non-European s e t t l e r s . The 'ye l low p e r i l ' and i t s complementary discourse ' the White Aust ra l ia Pol icy1 were the ra re l y spoken or ien-t a t i o n points of the whole debate over the next few months.
I w i l l r e ta in the s ix categories mentioned e a r l i e r to ou t l ine the various d iscurs ive pos i t ions in the controversy tha t is s t i l l going on. On the one hand was the new p ie ty of mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism; on the o ther , discourses of r ac i s t exclusions: mu l t i cu l t u ra l ism was f i ne so long as cer ta in cul tures were e i the r excluded or kept to a minimum.
The academic i n t e l l e c t u a l s continued to be represented by Professor Blainey bu t , as w e l l , rested upon three other d i r ec t in te rvent ions . Short ly a f t e r h is speech was p r i n ted , twenty-four colleagues of the Univers i ty of Melbourne dissociated themselves from the racism inherent in his remarks. A month a f t e r the Blainey document, Frank Campbell, a colleague from the Aust ra l ian Studies sect ion at Deakin Univers i ty published an a r t i c l e in the weekly National Times demanding pe r t i nen t l y : The Asian immigration debate: is it r e a l l y a race debate? In other words, were statements a l lud ing to ' c u l t u r e ' merely euphemisms fo r anx iet ies concerning ' r ace ' :
The guts of the issue is that migrat ion has saved Aust ra l ia from i t s e l f . I t is the Ba i t s , r e f f o s , dagos, wogs, poms and slants who have areated the modest degree of tolerance that now ex is ts in urban Aus t ra l i a . The f i r s t generation of fac tory fodder were thoroughly despised. The second generation may not be ' m u l t i c u l t u r a l 1 , but the dominant cu l tu re is more l i b e r a l than i t was. (22)
He concludes by assert ing tha t Blainey was g iv ing i n t e l l e c t u a l r espec tab i l i t y to racism. (23)
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'Professor Blainey explains h i m s e l f ' , Blainey was interviewed, to -gether wi th Knopfelmacher, and both advocated the need fo r a un i fy ing monoculturalism. Juxtaposed wi th these statements were: a photo of a smi l ing Vietnamese immigrant,presumably successfuly assimi lated through his Austra l ian c r i cke t hat ; a cartoon drawing a t ten t ion to the racism purveyed in the ocker stronghold of the pub; and statements by members of the Aust ra l ian Chinese community who were appalled by the remarks issuing from the chairman of the Austral ia-Chinese Council . (31) On the 3rd Apr i l B la iney 's admirat ion fo r Asians as being exce l lent immigrants appeared in the context of h is drawing a t ten t i on to the unemployment problem: i m p l i c i t l y , not race but un-employment was the focus of h is concern. (32) F i n a l l y , on 20th June photos appeared of Blainey being harassed by student demonstrators. (33) The discourses of h i s t o r y , of nat ional u n i f i c a t i o n , had f rag -mented in to utterances from an ind iv idua l who was now seen to be nei ther unbiased nor a - p o l i t i c a l . In the popular press the ob ject ive and subject less h is to ry machine was seen to be manned by operators. In some respects t h i s was a necessary a l i b i sustaining the i l l u s i o n tha t h is to ry is always a matter of co l l ec t i ve consensus.
An in te res t ing s i d e - l i g h t on t h i s analysis is tha t Blainey1s photograph in i t s e l f began to appear in the newspaper as s i g n i f i e r f o r the race debate even when he himself was not being d i r e c t l y c i t ed . (34)
(i i ) Po l i t i c i ans
Only one p o l i t i c i a n during th i s period made any sizeable con t r ibu t ion to the controversy (discount ing that it was begun by a speech from the Min is ter fo r Foreign A f f a i r s ) . When Blainey's document was o r i g i n a l l y publ ished, the Federal Min is ter fo r Immigration and Ethnic A f f a i r s ' reply was pr in ted below i t . It advocated humane tolerance towards refugees and the lay ing forever of 'any remnants of a White Austra l ian image'. (35) A l t r u i s t i c sentiments which were somewhat q u a l i f i e d by reference to 'mass populat ion movements in South-East A s i a ' , so tha t the i m p l i c i t warning (the unconscious of the tex t ) was tha t the yel low pe r i l was again in evidence. These movements were p o t e n t i a l l y threatening (bet ter to al low immigration than to r i s k forced take-over) as well as h in t i ng at the very least at market necessit ies (why r i sk of fending potent ia l t rad ing par tners) .
( i i i ) Let ters from readers
This t h i r d category provided a hypothet ical counter-discourse to the debate. As the authorised spokespeople pon t i f i ca ted , here was the ca re fu l l y mediated, as ever, voice of the community on whose behalf Bla iney, f o r example, had purportedly been speaking.
Three days a f t e r Bla iney 's paper appeared a smorgasbord of l e t t e r s which raised most of the issues which were to surface in the ensuing debate: (36) unemployment; fears of invest ing ' the White Austra l ian po l i cy w i th a glow of n o s t a l g i a ' ; a f f i rmat ions of B r i t i s h ancestry; a manifesto of mu l t i cu l t u ra l i sm 's un i t y in d i v e r s i t y by the act ing chairman of the Austra l ian I n s t i t u t e on Mu l t i cu l t u ra l A f f a i r s . S ign i f i can t l a te r l e t t e r s queried who the bearers of Aust ra l ian cu l tu re ac tua l l y were; (37) who should t o le ra te whom and at what point one crossed tha t boundary as a New Aus t ra l ian ; (38) and, f i n a l l y , a l e t t e r from a well-known immigrant Jewish Aust ra l ian w r i t e r who, l i k e Campbell e a r l i e r , pointed out tha t Aust ra l ia had always had immigrants and refugees and tha t these had, over the years, raised community to i t s present level of to lerance. (39) Of pa r t i cu la r fu r the r i n te res t was the fac t tha t the Chinese-Austral ian community was beginning to speak.
- 187 -In another column on the 12th May t h i s point was expanded to argue tha t Aus t ra l i a ' s most 'uncompromising defenders' had in f ac t o r ig ina ted in non-democratic count r ies . S i m i l a r l y , the Asian immigrants would f i nd the Aust ra l ian democracy 'most conducive to p ro f i t ab le business or professional l i v e s ' . They would at best always be confined to a ' t i n y and e thn i ca l l y diverse minor i ty 1 and consequently ne i ther could nor would undermine 'our bas ica l l y B r i t i s h p o l i t i c a l c u l t u r e ' . (44) Thus the f a m i l i a r and reassuring discourses of r igh t -w ing cap i ta l ism and colonia l ism were being reinvoked. The White Aus t ra l ia Pol icy was obviously fa r from dead: more a matter of the walking dead than a skeleton.
The two e d i t o r i a l s which were devoted to the issue appeared on the 11th and 22nd May and argued, respec t i ve ly , t ha t f i r s t , there was obviously more incent ive f o r Asians to come to Aus t ra l ia than there was fo r the B r i t i s h (45) and second, tha t the community would have to be systemat ica l ly educated out of i t s racism. (46)
( v i ) Random a r t i c l e s
In t h i s l a s t category, on the 5th May (47) appeared the not ice tha t the Federal Cabinet was considering reducing the Asian intake in response to so-cal led community opinion. On 5th June (48) it was reported that a char i tab le appeal on behalf of Indo-Chinese refugees held in the 'deep northern' s ta te of Queensland had not only f a l l e n very short of i t s projected target but had, as w e l l , received three bu l le ts in the mai l . On the 18th June, a report released by an adver t is ing agency operat ing in Sydney ind icated:
. . . a ladder of r espec tab i l i t y wi th United Kingdom immigrants at the top fol lowed by I t a l i a n s and Greeks.
Next are Jews, Yugoslavs, Dutch and Japanese, fol lowed by what respondents in the survey consider the 'ghetto races' of the Lebanese and Turks.
Vietnamese immigrants were at the very bottom of the ladder. Aborigines were not even on the ladder . . . the key to the racism expressed by people in the sur-vey was competit ion fo r jobs and education. (49)
Meanwhile on Channel 0/28 a s i x -pa r t glossy program The Migrant Experience was being t ransmi t ted. The series deserves a study in i t s own r i g h t . The accompanying book, There goes the neighbourhood (50) was, as the t i t l e suggests, much more trenchant in i t s exposure of the racism that has always been and s t i l l is an i n t r i n s i c cornerstone of Aust ra l ian h i s t o r y . A whole chapter, f o r example, del ineated anti-Chinese a t r o c i t i e s . The book is la rge ly based on oral accounts, u t i l i s i n g tha t pa r t i cu la r construct ion of h i s to ry as always attached to subjects to counterpoint the e a r l i e r authorised ' ob jec t i ve ' model I have been mentioning which is p a r t i c u l a r l y potent in Aus t ra l ia at present. Thus, on the eve of bicentennial ce lebrat ions, the two formations of h i s to ry ex i s t side by s ide: the o f f i c i a l seamless web and the chorus of ind iv idua l voices. The l a t t e r , p o t e n t i a l l y , o f f e rs s i tes of cont rad ic t ions bu t , as t h i s survey of mu l t i cu l tu ra l i sm has shown, I t h i n k , they are com-p le te l y vulnerable to recuperat ion, o r , return ing to Deleuze's terms: How does one tu rn l i nes of r i g i d segmentation in to the molecular? And then, having escaped dualism, how does the marginal escape ' the mic ro - fasc is t speech of t h e i r eddying dependency?' (51) Any-one can speak from the margins, inc luding f asc i s t s .
- 189 -
2. F.Guattari, 'Causality, subjectivity and history' Molecular revolution: psychiatry and politics, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1984,
pp. 175-207.
3. The kind of quarrying done by Raymond Williams in Keywords is
precisely what is needed for this term, though in expanded form.
4. G. Deleuze, On the line, op. cit., ρ. 70.
5. Ibid. , p. 80.
6. Salman Rushdie, 'The new empire within Britain', reprinted in
The National Times, 2-8.1.83, pp. 17-19.
7. Frank Knopfelmacher, 'Save Australia's British culture', The Age3
Melbourne, 31.5.84.
8. S. Rushdie, op. cit.
9. Lachlan Chipman, 'Multi-cultural myth', Quadrant, March 1978,
pp. 50-55.
10. Lachlan Chipman, 'The menace of multiculturalism', Quadrant·, October 1980, pp. 3-6.
11. Lachlan Chipman, "Multiculturalism and Australian writing1, a
talk delivered on the ABC's Books and Writing, 13.6.84.
12. Eugene Kamenka, 'Culture, and Australian culture: the principles
of Arnold in the ocker age', The Age Monthly Review, October 1983,
pp. 17-20.
13. George Michelakakis, 'The cultural structure of the Greek
minority in Australia, Aspect, no. 29/30, Autumn 1984, pp. 54-66.
14. Andrew Jakubowiz, 'State and ethnicity: multi-culturalism as
ideology', Ethnic politics in Australia, ed. J. Jupp, Allen & Unwin,
Sydney, 1984, pp. 14-28.
15. James Jupp, 'Power in ethnic Australia', op. cit., pp. 179-195.
16. J. Zubrzycki, 'Mutliculturalism for all Australians: our devel-
oping nationhood', Australian Council on Population and Ethnic Affairs,
Canberra, May 1982. On pp. 4-5 is the following definition of what it
means to be Australian:
What does it mean to be an Australian? The answer will be
different for different people and will change with time.
There is no simple snapshot of a notion with so many aspects,
only a collection of typical features of the Australian
scene. These features include things that are familiar to
Australians, or are part of their personality or backgrounds:
the Australian landscape, the bush, the outback
familiar cityscapes, Australian beaches, our own
Australian flora and fauna;
a unique mix of peoples derived from all parts of the
world and including the descendants of the original
inhabitants of Australia, the Aboriginals;
- 191 -
This was possible because the real differences between the various European nationalities are fundamentally pretty trivial. A closely interwoven cultural, historical and religious/ethic fabric links all of the European people, particularly migrants, who, almost by definition, are prepared to set aside traditional parochial differences. Furthermore, exactly what is the objective of mass migration from anywhere supposed to be - apart from family reunion, refugees, etc.? The cliché, 'populate or perish'? The cities are swollen, the formers grow more than they can sell, there is pressure on undeveloped areas everywhere. Even if the decline in manufacturing is arrested, there will be no shortage of labour for it.
Why should Australia have 30 million people in 50 years' time, instead of 20 million. If even 10 million Asians came to Australia, it would not solve their economic and population problems. In my opinion, as in the 1920s in America, the days of mass migration should be coming to an end.
Robert Heal, deBurgh Road, Killara - February 9.
19. Ibid., letter from (Mrs) A. Moore.
20. Geoffrey Blainey, 'The Asianization of Australia', The Age, 20/3/84, p. 11.
21. That it was not only used against non Europeans is shown by the story of Egon Kisch as excerpted in Displacements : migrant storytellers, ed. S. Gunew, Deakin University, Victoria, 1982, pp. 67-83.
22. Frank Campbell 'The Asian immigration debate: is it really a
race debate?, The national Times, 27/4-3/5/84, p. 24.
23. This opinion was also echoed by Thomas Keneally, the noted Australian novelist, The Age, 25/6/84, p. 8.
24. G. Zubrzy.cki, 'Immigration: the mean men must not defeat the
the vision' , The Age, 11/5/84, p. 11.
25. F. Knopfelmacher, op. cit.
26. Ibid.
27. 'Limit foreign students say academics', The Age, 22/5/84.
28. Cameron Forbes, 'White Australia policy stirs in its grave,
The Age, 12/4/S4.
29. Margot O'Neill, 'Asians integrate better: study', The Age, 8/6/84.
30. David North, 'Draining the UK migrant pool', The Age, 8/6/84.
31. David Humphries, 'Professor Blainey explains himself', The Age,
29/3/84.
32. '"Surrender Australia" is new line: Blainey', The Age, 3/4/84.
- 193 -
with a different orientation. May '68 was the explosion of such a molecular line, the irruption of the Amazons, the frontier that traced its unexpected line, dragging along segments like no longer recognizable blocks that have been torn away.
That multiculturism often harbours overt neo-facism is revealed in a
survey of literature by immigrant writers: Richard Bosworth and Tanis
Wilton, 'Novels, poems and the study of Europeans in Australia',
Teaching history, July 1981, pp. 43-68.
52. Verity Burgmann, 'Writing racism out of history', Arena, no. 67, 1984, p. 92.
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