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Gandhara Journal of Research in

Social Science

ISSN: 2415-2404

Volume 1, No. 2, Summer 2016

2016 Gandhara Research

Society, Pakistan Hashim Khan, Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Government Post Graduate College, Mansehra, Pakistan

Opposition Politics in Pakistan: A Study of Conflicts and Contradictions

during PPP Regime (1971-77)

In politics, ruling and opposition parties work in two ways; either they cooperate for the system or go

through conflicts. The relations between ruling and opposition parties are determined by history, political

culture and economic condition of the country. Good economic condition and cultural homogeneity

promote tolerance and compromising environment for political process while their absence provide

opportunity to non political actors to maneuver and derail the system. During the period under study,

initially, political parties compromised for constitution making and institutions building but soon

complications emerged that changed the political environment. With the passage of time distrust between

the ruling elite and the opposition increased that led to the politics of conflicts and confrontations. This

research study is an attempt to evaluate those factors and events which sabotaged the political harmony

and intensified confrontational politics.

Gandhara Journal of Research in Social Science ISSN: 2415-2404, Vol.: 1, N0. 2, Summer 2016 _____________________________________________________________________________________

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Opposition Politics in Pakistan: A Study of Conflicts and Contradictions

during PPP Regime (1971-77)

Hashim Khan

Introduction

Conflicts are the part of politics and have different dimensions; territorial, political and

ideological. Political parties can normally be differentiated on the base of political and ideological

positions. In every heterogeneous society, due to regional, economic and ethnic issues, diverse

political parties emerge. In such societies, smaller or provincial parties use economic, regional and

ethnic conflicts as tool to ensure their existence in politics. There may be very few countries with

complete homogeneity of culture; however strength of this conflict depends upon political

structure of the country. In traditional and conservative political environment, it may be intense as

compared to liberal and moderate polity.1

In heterogeneous society, economic, political, cultural, religious and ethnic diversities may

cause conflicts. In advanced democracies it is considered as beauty of the society while in

developing world it is taken as hurdle for the development and stability of system. In developing

world the ruling political group tries to suppress these natural diversities while the opposition tries

to defend it at all cost. With the passage of time, these conflicts take the shape of party ideology

and influence the political system. However in consolidated democracies, political conflicts exist

in society but they take proper initiatives for their solutions. These issues are addressed properly

by adopting legislative and political measures.

In developing countries normally the opposition tries to get rid of the government even

through unconstitutional means by cobbling alliances with ethno-religious and other elites. The


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opposition tries to stop political process for redressing its grievances. If governmental elites fail to

compromise on issues, the opposition takes rigid stand on these issues to intensify the conflict.

Intensity and outcomes of conflicts depend upon the political indoctrination of supporters,

leadership, nature of grievances and weakness or strength of a state.2 If political leadership is

mature, it goes toward compromises and power sharing to save the political system. Though

continuity of political activities enhances the level of political awareness but in developing

countries, normally political parties may easily camouflage their interests. In such polities’ ethnic,

religious or personnel issues are dominant as compared to national issues. In such conflicting

environment, non political actors find excuses to interfere and scrap the system with the

cooperation of ethno-religious elites.3

In third world many conflicts arise due to religious differences. Religion is a central and in

many situations, the key force that motivates humans. In such situations, political ideas or

economic interests become secondary factors. People identify themselves with faith and are ready

to fight and die for it. People belonging to different religions have different approaches regarding

the relations between individuals and government. Some authors claim that religious differences

are more important than ethnic ones and need sufficient attention to search out solutions. They

give two reasons that why religious differences can create more violence than other social

differences. First, it can be used as a symbol of identity. Religious identity is stronger than that of

the language; one may find out solutions of language through dialogue and compromise but

change in religious identity is considered as sin. Second; religious interpretations provide

foundations of differences among people that ultimately lead to violence and conflict.4 Like other

developing countries Pakistan has gone through the experience of the politics of conflict and

confrontation. This paper covers this aspect of Pakistani politics.


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Emergence of Conflicts

Since the formation of Pakistan, conflicts emerged between political and economic classes

of East and West Pakistan. With the passage of time, ethnic conflict dominated the political

environment and affected the national interests of country. Wish for centralized government

system and dismissal of provincial governments regularly deteriorated the relations between the

centre and provinces. Military’s prolonged rule weakened the political institutions and created the

feelings of deprivation in different provinces of Pakistan. Furthermore, the military dictators

marginalized political parties and banned their activities which replaced the politics of ideology

with that of biradrism (tribalism). In this way the new avenues of politics opened up for ethno-

religious.

In politics, homogeneity of party or alliance is very essential otherwise compromise is

difficult. Initially the PPP was united and its each segment was fully devoted to party policies and

manifesto. Earlier Bhutto showed leniency to all segments of his party. He tried to accommodate

wishes of each segment of the PPP. In PPP, there was extreme left along with the traditionalist

mindset who wanted to transform the society according to their wishes. For Bhutto, it was difficult

to address wishes of all party members because they were contradictory to each other. Z.A. Bhutto

was a liberal and moderate person but for the stability of political system, he had to compromise

with conservative opposition parties also.5 It weakened the political platform of PPP which then

started to break up in groups. PPP’s hardliners like Meraj Muhammad Khan, Ahmad Raza Qasuri

and J. A. Rahim left PPP. Due to the withdrawal of these leaders of PPP, its leftist wing became

weak.


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At the beginning, PPP was organized by leftist party members and their approach was

completely different than rightist parties. When Bhutto included Islam as an integral part of

socialism and appointed Maulana Kawsar Niazi, belonging to rightist origin, as a propaganda

secretary of party, J.A. Rahim and other party leaders did not like it. They strongly protested

against this decision. With the passage of time, when initial aims of party were changed, this left

oriented leadership of PPP quit the party that created vacuum which later was filled by the

traditional mindset.6 Till the availability of farsighted and experienced leadership in PPP, its

relations with the opposition were smooth and cordial. When its organizational structure changed

by inexperienced interest groups, all bridges between opposition and ruling party collapsed. By

this weakness, opposition strengthened its platform and formed an alliance namely the United

Democratic Front (UDF). Though in early period, Bhutto tried to incorporate demands of

opposition but as Pakistan was a heterogeneous society, therefore each party of UDF had its own

demands.7

It was the colonial legacy to strengthen the centre vis-à-vis the provinces. After the

formation of Pakistan, most of the governments applied this principle to strengthen the centre. Due

to geo-political situation and threats of regional powers, it was justifiable. Therefore most of the

financial resources were utilized for external security. Provincial distrust and feelings of

exploitation imbalanced the political structure of the country. In this way diverse identities of the

plural society were strengthened against the national interests who increased gulf in society. When

Bhutto became the Prime Minister (PM), he also wanted to keep maximum powers in centre. He

was of the view that Pakistan had suffered due to weak and heterogeneous political environment

and wished strong and centralized system but with role for military in politics. No doubt, 1973

constitution was a great achievement and a symbol of consensus of all political leadership but soon


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after the promulgation of constitution, Z.A. Bhutto announced emergency and suspended civic

rights of people. Throughout his five years tenure, for the stability of democratic system, he did not

conduct local bodies’ election to shift powers from elite level to local level.8

It was the period of nation building and political parties should have shown soberness and

tolerance to settle their issues. After abolishing one unit scheme in 1970, it was necessary for the

government to deal ethnic issues carefully. Though PPP got its maximum seats from Sind and

Punjab but it was a federal party and should have treated all provinces equally. Opposition claimed

that PPP was prejudiced towards NWFP (now KPK) and Baluchistan where it was a minority party

and alleged that PPP dismissed the Baluchistan’s constitutional government. It banned political

activities of NAP and imprisoned leading political personalities. They also propagated that in other

two provinces, same ethnic issues existed but PPP neither stopped political process nor banned

political parties as compared to KPK and Baluchistan where PPP did not have sufficient mandate.

In Pakistani politics, religion is a dominant and important factor. PPP and opposition

parties both used this slogan for their political interests. In political campaign the PPP promised to

give maximum space for religious provisions in future setup. 9

However slogans for socialism and

nationalization of industry gave an advantage to Jamat-i-Islami and other religious parties to

neutralize religious claims of PPP. In this context, JI proved to be its main beneficiary. In the

prevailing political environment it succeeded to increase its strength. Its growing influence in army

was further helpful to strengthen its aims.

In developing countries where parties practice ethnic and religious politics, it is difficult to

create a harmonious and peaceful environment for political activities. Therefore this liberal and

conservative ideological difference of PPP and religious parties to change the system created


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hatred for each other. Their conflicts may be categorized into four dimensions; constitutional,

ethnic, administrative and religious.

Nature of Conflicts

1. Unresolved Constitutional Issues

In constitution making process, opposition and ruling PPP compromised on many issues

which were incorporated in the constitution of 1973. However, when UDF was formed, it had

different set of demands. After the formation of constitution, opposition once again claimed that

PPP did not incorporate the complete charter of demands which was presented in the form of 12

points. 10

For the consolidation of democratic institutions, accountability is essential element.

Though opposition accepted the constitutional bill regarding distribution of powers between

federation and provinces but questions of responsible government and imposition of limits for

accountability were remaining. Opposition claimed that she cooperated with PPP in the formation

of constitution and also favored the strong centre but Bhutto was using these powers against her.

His treatment for the opposition leaders was called undemocratic. UDF demanded the effective

guarantee of fundamental rights which would prevent the involvement of elective despotism. It

wished for the supremacy of parliament and democratic liberty.

Though in 1973 constitution, provincial autonomy was ensured but still there was a fear

that the PM may dissolve provincial assemblies at any time. Opposition claimed that in this way

autonomy of provinces was compromised and provincial governments may not work easily

according to their manifestoes. Opposition wanted protection in provincial assemblies against the

influence of centre. UDF wished for fairness and justice to exercise powers of PM or CM. For that

purpose, opposition demanded that without independent judiciary, fair exercise of power was


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impossible. It demanded to form an independent judiciary for Pakistan.11

For smooth functioning

of democracy and electoral process, neutral election commission was also demanded. Opposition

wanted the president to form an independent Election Commission in consultation with the leader

of opposition.12

Government announced that state of emergency would be continued for unlimited time.

Opposition had severe reservations on emergency powers because authority of the judiciary and

fundamental rights under the constitution of 1973 remained suspended. Powers of executive were

extended through preventive detention. When amendments regarding preventive detentions were

presented in the House, opposition parties severely criticized this initiative of PPP government.

According to “Defense of Pakistan Rules” (DPR), government could keep a person in detention for

indefinite period without trial and powers of High Courts judges to grant a bail was finally

abolished in the matter of offences. Opposition demanded to abolish this rule because government

was using these powers for personal interests and victimizing political leaders of opposition

parties.13

Opposition also criticized economic propositions of PPP on two bases: first was related

to the organization of Zakat and second was elimination of Riba. These two principles were

mentioned in Quran and were fundamentally different to other economic propositions. According

to the Quranic and Prophet’s injunctions, Zakat is a permanent tax which is levied for the social

welfare of society. PPP did not make legislation regarding Zakat. Modernists were contended that

Riba means usury, while traditionalists considered it as interest and exploitation of society.

Religious parties agitated against this attitude of PPP. The government issued ambiguous

statements that Riba would be eliminated as soon as possible.14

Further major amendments


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proposed by UDF were; to decrease the discretionary authority of Executive, decrease the voter

age from 21 years to 18 years. It wanted security for civil servants without delay.15

2. Political and Administrative Conflicts

During insurgency and casualties in Baluchistan, PPP banned publication of few

newspapers like Sachai and Chattan. Bhutto argued that in the context of Baluchistan issue, these

newspapers were creating panic in the society. Number of Baluchi Sardars (tribal leaders), in

murder cases of Jammot tribe were arrested. Opposition parties protested against the imprisonment

of these leaders as well as ban on newspapers. Opposition accused that PPP was using Federal

Security Force (FSF) to suppress the voice of people.

Bizinjo, Atta Ullah Mengal and Khair Buksh Marri of NAP were arrested in 1973. After

the murder of provincial leader of PPP, Hayat Muhammad Sherpao of KPK, government also

arrested Wali Khan and banned NAP.16

Under the emergency powers of 1973 constitution, 52

persons were charged under high treason. Due to imprisonment of political leadership and military

operation in Baluchistan, opposition forces became inimical to Bhutto and wanted to start a

massive agitation movement against his government. Regarding centre-provinces relations, it

claimed that by the harassment of PPP officials, balance of relation was disturbed. Government

wanted to shift and enhance its power from centre to provinces.17

Existence and use of Federal Security Force (FSF) had become an issue in between

opposition and ruling PPP. It claimed that FSF was a parallel force of Police department and

according to constitution its existence was illegal. The opposition claimed that it was a private

organization of Bhutto which worked on government budget for his interests. Whenever opposition


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planned to hold a meeting in country, FSF reached there and interfered in political activities of

opposition parties. It used harsh and violent measures against masses.

Ghafoor Ahmed blamed that in Queta and Lahore sessions of UDF, it compelled and

frightened the workers about the consequences of participation in public meetings. Constitution of

Pakistan allowed to join any gathering and gave freedom of expressions. Government was

disrupting this right by imposing section 144 in the country. In fact government had failed to

deliver for society and was frightened about its future. The government was left with no other

option than section 144 to curtail powers of opposition parties.18

In his blame, he argued that events like in Baluchistan also occurred in Sind but central

government did not take such type of measures in that province. It was completely a prejudicial

treatment of PPP to suppress Baluchistan government where it had no representation. Opposition

brought this question in the National Assembly (NA) where it proposed to constitute a committee

of the House or Supreme Court judges to investigate events of Baluchistan.19

It also appealed

people to struggle for the restoration of democracy because government had failed to maintain

peace in the country. Chief Minister of Baluchistan criticized that they were deprived from

approving their budget. Provincial budget was modified under a presidential order and approved

by the governor without presenting in the provincial assembly.20

Another gap of opposition and ruling party appeared when central government banned the

publications of newspapers like Jsarat and Dawn arguing that they were printing false and

malicious news on controversial issues. By the imprisonment of journalists Mr. Altaf Gohar, editor

of Dawn, Mr. Muhammad Salahudin, editor of Jasarat, Mr. Zakir Ali and Mr. Manzoor Baluch,

editors Sangat, it propagated that PPP was violating the right of freedom of speech and press. PPP


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was not only blamed for victimizing political parties but also suppressing the voice of civil society.

UDF condemned strict measures and demanded immediate release of journalists. It also reminded

PPP about its manifesto, wherein it had pledged to dissolve the National Press Trust (NPT).21

Bhutto inherited Emergency from military government and proclaimed its continuation for

indefinite period. It gave sufficient powers to PPP government to suspend fundamental rights.

Through an amendment in constitution, government was empowered to continue emergency for

indefinite period. Executive powers were enhanced in preventive detention. Opposition parties

regretted on the statement of Bhutto to continue the state of emergency in the country for unlimited

time. In a resolution, it expressed concerns over the law and order situation in the country and

called for measures to promote tolerance and democratic values.22

Opposition proclaimed that

government was encroaching on the independence of judiciary. Under the fourth and fifth

amendments, government could keep a person in detention for indefinite period of time and High

Courts were curtailed to issue bail in favors of any person who was detained under Defense of

Pakistan Rules (DPR). Executive was empowered to appoint a Chief Justice on the base of

seniority. He was empowered to transfer judges at any time and may retain services of any person

as a Chief Justice of Pakistan. The opposition demanded for the transformation of judiciary

because without independent judiciary, liberties of the society were in danger.23

Bhutto under the Martial Law Regulations (MLR) which was issued on March 12, 1972

retired 1300 officials on the charge of corruption.24

Opposition suggested that premature retirement

of public servants was injustice and demanded from the government to set up special tribunal of

high court judges to decide the cases of retired servants. Khan Abdul Wali Khan expressed that

public servants had the right to appeal against their retirement in the court. He also suggested that


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cases of KPK provincial employees should also be reviewed. Bhutto did not accept any suggestion

of opposition parties and set aside all safeguards of public servants and put them wholly on the

mercy of the chief executive.25

Akhtar Baloch in his Ph.D thesis gave arguments that most of administrative reforms which

occurred during PPP period, did not facilitate the society because they were neither public spirited

and nor independent. Old Administrative system was abolished and new promotions and new

appointments were made only to pick favorable men for the regime. During the lateral inductions,

about 5000 officers were recruited from the private sector on the base of political affiliations.26

Opposition demanded to set up inquiry commission against the dismissal of civil servants. It also

protested against new appointments and demanded a judicial inquiry to check its transparency.

In March 1974, PPP called a special session of two houses to debate on two important

resolutions; first to extend the state of emergency for next six months and second was suspensions

of few fundamental rights for next six months. Opposition accused that suspensions of rights under

the DPR was unacceptable because it snatched liberties of society. UDF proposed that emergency

for internal disturbances in provinces should be imposed on the recommendation of a province.27

However in case of foreign aggression; opposition was agreed to impose emergency on the will of

centre.

After the adoption of permanent constitution, in April 1973, opposition demanded for fresh

elections. PPP strictly rejected this demand of opposition parties, arguing that PPP worked hard for

internal and external problems and it needed sufficient time to show its efficiency for the society.

Wali Khan pledged that UDF would continue its struggle for national integrity and

sovereignty of Pakistan. PPP leadership rejected his concept and called him as irresponsible


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person; despite best efforts of PPP to normalize relations with neighboring countries, UDF leaders

tried to sabotage these relations. Wali Khan who spoke in favor of national integrity was involved

in the propaganda scheme of “Greater Baluchistan” and “Pakhtoonistan”.28

He was misguiding

people and was not sincere to the national interests of country.

3. Ethnic Differences and Conflicts

(a). Baluchistan Issue

Politically, Baluchistan was a backward province and the British erected Sardari system to

protect their interests. With the passage of time, this system became part of nature of tribal chiefs

and even when Pakistan came into being they wanted to preserve it. However, in 1955, with the

implementation of one unit scheme, these tribal and regional rivalries were changed into economic

demands.29

When in 1969, one unit scheme was abolished; once again ethnic issues rose with full

swing in which Pakistan lost its eastern wing. In the same way, Baluchi tribes were also involved

in tussles and clashes. The event of 42 killings of Jammote’s tribe by Mengals worsened the

political environment of Baluchistan. Besides this, on May 18, Dir scouts were also killed in

Baluchistan. To handle these situations, in December 1972, federal government sent forces to

Baluchistan. Hereafter confrontation started in between military and local tribes of Kalat and Sibi

districts of Baluchistan.30

Baluchistan Students Organization (BSO) kidnapped federal railway officials in Quetta.

Federal government said that this act of Marri Sardars was against the modernization plan of the

government. On February 12, 1973, police found weapons in Iraqi Embassy and alleged that NAP

was involved in the secessionist activities of Baluchistan.31

On 31st January, central government

issued show cause to provincial government to clarify the issue of killings and the collection of


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weapons in Iraqi Embassy. Governor Bizenjo and Chief Minister Ataullah Mengal gave no

response to the central government.32

Then on February 14, 1973, Prime Minister (PM) Zulfiqar

Ali Bhutto dismissed NAP and JUI coalition government in Baluchistan and installed Akbar

Bughti’s government. In protest JUI-NAP government also resigned in KPK. This new situation

created number of problems for PPP government and then onwards opposition parties opposed

PPP more vigorously at every platform.33

The PPP government had made an amendment in law to check centrifugal tendencies.

Under the new law, central government was empowered to observe political activities of any party

suspected to be working against the integrity of Pakistan. Working of any party now depended on

the disposal of central government. It might observe activities and if found anything against the

sovereignty of country the party could be banned and the matter to be referred to Supreme Court.

According to this amendment, NAP was declared illegal and Supreme Court also upheld the

decision of reference of government.34

NAP and JUI condemned the dismissal of their

governments. They protested against the central government and claimed that PPP resented

Baluchi people through military operation in the province. These parties refused to accept the

dominance of centre over the provincial governments and demanded restoration of constitutional

rule of NAP and JUI. UDF observed Baluchistan Day on July 20, 1973.35

Mehmud Azam Farouqi

of JUI also moved an adjournment for the restoration of constitutional government of Baluchistan

province. Mufti Mehmud criticized repression of PPP government and pleaded to release political

prisoners of Baluchistan. He also demanded for the removal of army from Baluchistan.36

In a press conference, Mr. Ataullah Mengal, former chief minister of Baluchistan showed

aggressive sentiments against PPP and told that for the peaceful solution of Baluchistan issue, they


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waited for five months but it installed an undemocratic minority group by replacing a majority. If

central government would not take democratic and legal decisions for Baluchistan issue then

democracy would be shifted from the floor of house to mountains of Baluchistan.37

In response, Bhutto claimed that central government had no intentions to get involved in

Baluchistan but its deteriorated situation compelled the central government to interfere. We had

already suffered due to these secessionist activities and now we could not afford such incidents. It

was the responsibility of federal government to control such type of activities in the country and

refused to reinstate provincial government.

Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani, after UDF’s central committee meeting in Rawalpindi

called a press conference and announced that after Baluchistan Observation Day the UDF had

decided to start a mass contact movement against the central government. It would protest against

rising prices of essential items and would also aware people about repressive and harsh policies of

government.38

Central government discouraged the opposition and claimed they were deteriorating

developmental process in Baluchistan. Federal government would not allow such activities. Bhutto

alleged, Baluchi government had failed to maintain law and order in the province. BSO kidnapped

federal railway officials in Quetta and several men were killed in villages. It was the incapability

of Mengal government, due to which central government had to take action in the province.39

Ghafoor Ahmad appealed NAP leadership of Baluchistan to postpone disobedience

movement in Baluchistan. He said, it was a national problem and they would find its solution at

national platform. On the behalf of UDF, he intimated, till the solutions of political problems,

opposition would not negotiate with central government. He also warned UDF parties, if any party


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cooperated with government without the prior concurrence of UDF high command then strict

disciplinary actions would be taken against it.40

b). Pakhtoonistan Issue and Stance of National Awami Party

Pakhtoonistan issue was not new in Pakistan. When in 1947, Pakistan came into being and

a proposal for the referendum was suggested Ghaffar Khan rejected this proposal to join either

India or Pakistan. He proposed third option to have an independent Pukhtoonistan. He also

demanded “Greater Baluchistan” including whole area of Baluchistan, KPK, Jacobabad area of

Sindh and D.G. Khan of Punjab province.41

This issue was renewed in February 1973, when central government dissolved Baluchistan

assembly. Wali Khan who was the chairperson of NAP opened this issue of regional autonomy

against the domination of Punjab. In the context of Liaqat Bagh disturbance, Ajmal Khatak,

secretary general of NAP moved to Afghanistan and started a campaign of independent

Pukhtoonistan.42

Wali Khan favoured Ajmal Khatak and claimed that KPK was the part of

Afghanistan and demanded to abolish the “Durand Line”.43

NAP leaders also threatened central

government that if negative or forceful measures would be taken against the demands of NAP, it

would also use violent measures in KPK and would burn offices of Daily Mashriq and Musawat

etc.44

Though, in Baluchistan, Jamiat Ulame-i-Islam was the alley of NAP government and as a

protest resigned in KPK, but it negated regional politics of NAP. JUI criticized Wali Khan’s

nefarious designs and kept distance from this movement.45


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(c). Language Issue

After the migration of Muslims from Indian territories to Pakistani teritorries especially to

Sind province an issue of old or native Sindhis and new Sindhis had emerged. Most of old natives

were feudal and wanted to promote their Sindhi language in province. On the other hand,

emigrants spoke Urdu language and liked to promote it. Bhutto also belonged to internal Sind.

During 1970’s election, he got good mandate from internal Sind. Feudal Sindhis compelled Bhutto

to implement Sindhi as a provincial language of Sind. When Sind assembly passed a bill in favor

of making Sindhi as an official language of Sind, then the Urdu speaking Sindhis got freghtened.46

Opposition leaders like Maulana Noorani of JUP and Ghafoor Ahmed of JI condemned the

controversial bill of Sind assembly. JUP appealed people on July 10, 1973 to observe “Black Day”

in Sind.47

JI also pressurized Sind government to hurt the feelings of Urdu speaking people and

supported Urdu as a national and provincial language of Pakistan. Later on, when Sind assembly

revised the bill and accepted Urdu and Sindhi as official languages of Sind, this issue was

resolved. However, due to police firing and imprisonment of people, it paved way for future

confrontation.

4. Economic Issues and Nature of Differences

Pakistan People Party’s government had a tendency for mixed economy. For that purpose,

it nationalized the key institutions of country and broke the hegemony of concentration of wealth

in few hands. PPP knew that how few families, during the Ayub,s period accumulated maximum

wealth and what were its impacts on society. To decentralize and distribute that wealth, PPP

passed first economic order in January 1972 and nationalized 32 industries of Pakistan.48

Besides

this, in 1974, government also nationalized Banks and other small units of food industries.49


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Religious parties were against the nationalization of industries and claimed that

nationalization of private property was unjust. It snatched the liberties of society to use its potential

for the well being of their families. Particularly, JI perceived Bhutto as a non believer and opposed

land reforms and nationalization of PPP. It considered it anti Islamic and decided to resist at all

cost. UDF claimed that PPP wanted to prolong its rule through the slogan of socialism.50

They

were of the view that Pakistan was formed for Islam and its economy could be based on Islamic

principles. When in 1974, due to the world’s economic crises, Pakistani economy was disturbed;

opposition got an opportunity to propagate the socialism negatively.

In latest economic crises of price hike in petroleum products also badly affected the prices

of domestic goods. Industries were slackened because Bhutto turned down the demands of

industrialists. Opposition parties were already against socialism and economic policies of PPP

government. Now they decided to observe a strike against the price hike. The price hike was a

catalyst and the opposition parties could successfully use it as a propaganda tool to pressurize the

government. They alleged that the problem of price was the outcome of socialist policies of PPP.

On June 4, 1974, a motion was moved by Mehmud Azam Farouqi to discuss the price hike. He

said, it was not a political problem of provinces or opposition benches but it was a problem of all

citizens of Pakistan. Government had promised in its manifesto to provide free food, shelter and

clothing but it had failed because price hike had badly affected the household budgets of families.

Amount of currency had increased three times which led to inflation.51

Sind Chief Minister responded that they were taking emergency measures to tackle that

situation. The price hike was not the outcome of policies of government, it was fact that

government had fixed rates but people sold commodities at high rates because international price


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hike was beyond the control of government. He further said that price hike appeared due to three

factors: increase in population, lack of demand and supply balance and less production.52

Opposition condemned government stance and claimed that it had failed to control

smuggling in the country. Introduction of cheap shops and utility stores were not the solution of

problems. Opposition was successful to attract the attention and favor of common people against

the efficiency of government.

Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi stated that question of price hike must be considered in the light of

National Economic Policy (NEP). Firstly, to exploit the full potential of people and natural

resources, it needed to step up the developmental activities in country. Secondly, production of

commodities should be increased rapidly. Thirdly, for greater economic self reliance, it must

reduce dependence on foreign aid and the problem of unemployment should be considered

seriously. Fourthly, it was a difficult task for government to decide how to keep a balance between

need for stable prices and demands for growth.53

5. International Issues and Stance of Opposition

Due to East Pakistan crisis, there were three dimensions of international issues; recognition

of Bangladesh, relations with India and return of prisoners of war (POW). After the “Simla

Accord” of 1972, the situation regarding the recognition of Bangladesh was aggravated. Relatives

of POW took the help of political parties and different unions to start a campaign to recognize

Bangladesh because their return was linked to its recognition.54

For PPP government, it was difficult to solve this problem because opposition parties did

not have a uniform stance on this issue. Opposition was divided into two groups. NAP and JUI


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were prone to recognize Bangladesh and also favored the process of bilateralism with India. While

rightist parties like JI, JUI and ML Conventional and Council were against the recognition of

Bangladesh. These parties claimed, recognition of Bangladesh was against the spirit of two nation

theory. Opposition claimed that there was no need to recognize Bangladesh and PPP government

should put pressure on India through international community in the light of “Geneva

Convention”.55

However, it was difficult for PPP government to talk for POW without the

recognition of Bangladesh because India was also favoring Bangladesh.

This uncertain situation compelled Bhutto to refer the matter to Supreme Court for its legal

status. Bhutto, in his reference to Supreme Court assured that before the recognition of

Bangladesh, he would seek legal and constitutional measures. On this assurance, Supreme Court

suggested that there was no legal bar on National Assembly to adopt resolution in the best favor of

national interests.

When resolution was passed in the NA, there was a stormy confrontation in parliament.

Opposition walked out from the Parliament and opposed the recognition of Bangladesh. Right

wing parties, especially JI, JUP and Council and Conventional ML started protests against the

recognition. They exhorted their student wings to organize demonstration and protest rallies.

Especially in Lahore and Rawalpindi, it produced more violence.56

In these protests, opposition not

only criticized recognition of Bangladesh but also demanded fresh elections within three months

under the supervision of judiciary. In fact, it still believed that East Pakistan was an inseparable

part of Pakistan. They pleaded; fresh elections would decide stance of masses in the matter of

Bangladesh.57


144

When three prisoners were killed in India, Pir Pagaro expressed his grief and blamed that

government had failed to solve problem through Geneva Convention. The incident he alleged

happened due to delaying tactics of PPP. If government ensured its true efficiency in time through

international community, then India could not martyr these prisoners. Mehmood Azam Farouqi,

member of JI also criticized that government brought two issues in a single resolution which was

against the rules of National Assembly.58

He announced boycott and refused to take part in the

debate of proposed resolution.

Bhutto invited leaders of various Pakistani parties to Murree to report on his meeting with

Indira Gandhi in Simla. The JI was represented by Mian Tufail who warned Bhutto against

recognizing Bangladesh and “selling out Pakistan’s interests to India”.59

JI had a great opportunity

to produce favor in Karachi because Muhajirs were already agitating against PPP due to language

controversies. However PPP alarmed by the discontent of Muhajirs immediately settled the

language issue and minimized JI success in Karachi.

The government was finally able to resolve the Bangladesh issue by convening an Islamic

summit in Lahore in 1974. The full support of Muslim heads of states silenced the criticism and

finally allowed to recognize Bangladesh. In the same year JI also pressed Bhutto to convene the

National Assembly and assured to participate in its proceedings. When Bhutto finally did it, JI’s

representatives suddenly declared the assembly illegal and claimed it was formed on the election

of 1970 where majority seats belonging to East Pakistan were not occupied. It, therefore, did not

have any quorum to operate and the 1973 constitution was thus not valid.60

This announcement

opened new dimensions of contradictions in between opposition and ruling party.


145

Since 1947, India-Pakistan relations were not cordial. It was the main issue and two wars

had been fought in the history of Pakistan. On Kashmir issue both ruling and opposition parties

had the same point of view. Especially, after the separation of East Pakistan, political parties had

severe stance against the involvement of India. However PPP was bound to bring POWs who were

mostly from Punjab and Sind and PPP’s maximum mandate was also existed in these provinces.61

Ruling PPP started dialogues and availed diplomatic channels to make cordial relation with

India. When Simla Accord (1972) was signed in between India and Pakistan, opposition started

propaganda against the ruling party that PPP compromised on the issue of Kashmir. It claimed that

Bhutto got power on the excuse of defense and Indian threats. In fact this issue was a point scoring

game against the success of PPP to return back POWs. For the long run, it was not a permanent

contradiction in between opposition and ruling parties.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, addressing the National Assembly affirmed that there could be no

compromise on fundamental issue regarding the problem of Jammu and Kashmir.

He said: “We are committed to the right of self-determination for the people of Jammu and

Kashmir”.62

Bhutto strongly criticized opposition leaders allegations that the Kashmir issue had

been by- passed at the 1972 Simla conference. He claimed, it was the only issue left to be resolved

between India and Pakistan.

6. Religious Issues

(a) Ahmadia’ Issue

A conflict appeared in between opposition and ruling parties in the mid of 1974 on the

nationality and the religious identity of Ahmadis (a sect that claimed to be Muslim).63

This issue

was not new. In 1953, a violent movement was started by religious parties against the Qadiani


146

community but at that time this issue was suppressed. However in May 1974, the situation was

very disturbed due to the incidence of Rabwa (most of Qadiani community people lived in Rabwa)

railway station. When students of Nishter Medical College (Multan) were returning from Peshawar

on May 29, 1974, missionaries of Ahmadi sect entered into train and distributed pamphlets while

on other hand Sunni school of thought raised slogans of Khatm-i-Nabuwat Zindabad at Rabwa

who were attacked by Qadianis and severely injured.64

It once again opened the Qadiani issue. In

this regard an important development appeared in the Legislative Assembly of Azad Jammu and

Kashmir where on April 28, 1973, Qadianis were declared as non Muslims. For religious parties

this was a precedent, they asked for the same constitutional amendment in Pakistan.65

A conference of all religious parties was held on June 9, 1974 and eighteen political and

religious parties agreed to defend the belief of the finality of Prophet-hood and demanded quick

action against culprits.66

In May 1974, opposition moved an adjournment motion in the National

Assembly to discuss the incident. Bhutto himself assured on June 13, 1974 through a Television

address that the matter would be put in the NA and a resolution would be passed about the status of

Qadianis. He also assured to send this case to Supreme Court and Islamic Ideological Council for

consultation.67

On June 14, 1974, opposition parties started countrywide strike against Qadianis

and demanded from PPP government that till the acceptance of their demands, this strike would

remain continued. They suspected Bhutto’s sincerity to Islam and believed that presenting a formal

resolution would put the issue in cold storage. Opposition demanded a quick amendment bill in the

assembly against the Qadiani community.68

All Pakistan Khatm-i-Nabuwat Action Committee (APKNAC) urged PPP to accept their

four demands. In a resolution APKNAC demanded that Prime Minister immediately issue an order


147

declaring Rabwa as an open city, remove Qadianis from key positions, ban the Para-military

organization of Qadianis, arrest those culprits who were involved in the incident of Rabwa and

seize passport of Mirza Ghulam Ahmed who was propagating prejudice material against Islam at

international level.69

Mufti Mehmud supported the UDF and declared that Qadianis were non Muslims. He also

stressed for immediate constitutional amendment to declare them a minority. JUI also criticized

that minority had no right to participate in the Parliament of Muslims. It warned, if such practices

remained continued, UDF members might resign from assemblies.70

Bhutto’s stance to this issue was cool. In a speech on June 3, 1974, he said that categories

of minorities had been defined in the constitution and all parties accepted it. If they were not

agreed at that time, they had to walk out. He further referred that oath of the president and prime

minister on the finality of the Prophet-hood ended the issue. It was the conspiracy against the

integrity and solidarity of country and opposition parties needed to understand it seriously.71

The

government approached to JI leaders hoping to convince them to give up its campaign but they

flatly refused. Therefore 102 days produced 8,797 meetings and 147 processions and despite the

arrest of some 834 leaders and workers, the government was unable to stop the tide.72

In fact conservative parties were very emotional regarding the Ahmadis. In September

1974, NA passed second amendment in constitution which declared Ahmadis as non Muslim

minority. PPP requested opposition parties to avoid spreading panic and disturbances in the

country. Bhutto assured that other demands of Council of Action would also be considered.

Opposition parties demanded that the influence of Qadianis in the administrative and economic

institutions must be abolished and accountability for their economic sources must be assured.73


148

(b). Shia-Sunni Issue

Besides other issues, Shia-Sunni conflict also influenced the nation building process. Most

of the opposition parties belonged to orthodox Sunni sects. After a successful attempt against

Ahmadia sect, they once again put pressure to take measures against Shia sect. They demanded to

marginalize the influence of Shia community at important administrative positions in army and

bureaucracy.

To handle the situation PPP’s government introduced a separate syllabus for Shia

community. The opposition criticized that Bhutto being a follower of Shia sect was protecting and

projecting Shia minority. Maulana Abdul Haq (MNA) introduced an adjournment in the National

Assembly against the formation of separate syllabus for Shia community. He said, it was against

the consolidation and integrity of Pakistan. Jamiat Ulama-i-Islam condemned this act of PPP and

argued if Sunni never demanded any separate syllabus for their sect then why was Bhutto so

conscious for this small group of Shia sect. During Bhutto period, attacks on religious ceremonies

of Shia and Sunni sects were made by hard-line orthodoxy which harmed the nation building

process.74

Conclusion

The conflicts between opposition and PPP appeared in four forms; constitutional, political,

regional and religious. These conflicts were based on the ideological and personnel differences.


149

Though PPP compromised for constitutional and political issues from beginning to end but

opposition was unable to accept PPP dominance. It was in confusion that PPP was maneuvering to

implement its ideology. Therefore opposition always tried to defame PPP with new demands and

protests while ruling PPP used force to stop these protests.

At the beginning of this era, due to the separation of East Pakistan, political parties opted two

discourses; national and regional. For national issues they compromised and gave favors to each

other and regional political discourse was limited in provinces. However increasing demands and

misconceptions influenced the national process and a single discourse of hatred and non-

cooperation appeared in the country. With the passage of time it shattered the trust of whole

society and strengthened the hands of those non-political actors who wanted to derail the system.

Opposition and ruling parties were divided due to internal and external confusions of

parties. Though opposition parties formed the UDF but internally they were divided. Each

opposition group had its own demands and one after the other they pressurized the government. To

neutralize pressure, Bhutto took harsh measures. He imposed section 144, banned NAP and used

force against opposition. With the passage of time their distrust engulfed the political problem and

resulted in the form of clashes. This intolerant situation helped the eager military forces to change

the political rule into Martial Law.

End Notes

1 R.J. Rummel, Understanding Conflict and War: Societies, Politics and Conflicts. http//www.shuru.19-d/

pdf.(accessed on 17 december, 1914). 2 Abdalla Bujra, African Conflicts: Their Causes and Their Political and Social environment (Development Policy

Management Forum, United Nation Economic Commission for Africa, 2002), 4. 3 ibid.

4 ibid

http://www.shuru.19-d/


150

5 Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan in the Twentieth Century: A political History (New York: Oxford University Press,

1997), 375-378. 6 Fazal-ur Rehman, “Islam and the New Constitution of Pakistan” Allama Iqbal Open University, Political and

Constitutional Development in Pakistan, Amanullah Memon, compiler, second edition, volume ii (Islamabad: IVY

printers, 1999), 38. 7 The Dawn (Karachi). March 27, 1973.

8 Akhtar Baloch, “Impact of Constitution and Political Development on the administrative System: a Case Study of

Civil Bureaucracy of Pakistan” (Phd Diss., University of Karachi, June 2003), 161. 9 Stephen P. Cohen, The Pakistan Army (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1984), 86–104

10 The Dawn (Karachi), March 31, 1974.

11 S.A Pirzada, Politics of JUIP 1971-1977 (London: Oxford University Press, 2000), 58-68.

12 ibid.

13 The Nawa-i-Waqt (Rawalpindi), November 15, 1973.

14Fazal-ur Rehman, “Islam and the New Constitution of Pakistan”, 35.

15 Ghafoor Ahmad, Phir Martial Law Aa Gia, (Lahore: Classic Publishers, 1982), 42-43.

16 Mhammad Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan, (Lahore: progressive Publishers, 1989), 339.

17 ibid.

18 The Chataan (Lahore) May 28, 1973.

19 Pirzada, Politics of JUIP 1971 to 1977, 100.

20 ibid.



23 Sixth Amendment of Constitution (Islamabad: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, January 4, 1977).

24 In the premature retirement of officials, 281 were from Sind, 165 from KPK and 75 from Punjab.

25 Satish Kumar, The New Pakistan (Delhi: Viskas Publishing Press, 1978), 134 –136.

26 Akhtar Baloch, Impact of Constitutional and Political Development on the Administrative System, 162.

27 Mujeeb Ahmad, Jamiat-Ulma-i-Pakistan 1948-1979 (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural

Research, 1993), 105. 28

The Morning News, October 4, 1974. 29

K.B. Saeed, Political System in Pakistan, 114. 30

The Dawn (Karachi), December 25, 1972. 31

Ahmad Shuja Pasha, Pakistan: A Political Profile 1947-1988 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publishers, 1991), 279. 32

Anwar H. Sayed, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (Macmillon Publishers), 183.

33 M. Waseem, Politics and the State in Pakistan, 328.

34Hamid Yousif, Pakistan: A Study of Political Development 1947-1997 (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publishers, 1999),

157. 35

Anwar, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, 185-186. 36

Ibid. 37

The Pakistan Times (Rawalpindi), July 13, 1973. 38

The Pakistan Times (Rawalpindi), July 13, 1973. 39

Anwar, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, 104. 40

Anwar, The Discourse and Politics of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,186. 41

National Assembly Debates, volume 1, Jan 22, 1972. 42

Stanley Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan: His Time and Life (London: Oxford University Press, 1978), 67. 43

Satish, The New Pakistan, 160. 44

Wolpert, Zulfi Bhutto of Pakistan, 198. 45

Mujeeb, Jamiat-Ulma-i-Pakistan 1948-1979, 105-107. 46

In the house of 62 parliamentarians, 52 votes were cast in the favour of Sindhi as an official language of province. 47

Pooja Joshi, Jammat-i-Islami: The catalyst of Islamization in Pakistan (Delhi: Kalingea Publications, 2003), 74. 48

Thirty two industries which were categorized into 10 main groups : 1. Iron and Steel industry, 2. Basic Metals

Industry, 3.Cement Industry, 4.Tractor manufacturing Industry, 5.Heavy Basic Chemicals, 6. Petro Chemicals

Industry, 7. Vehicle manufacturing Industry, 8. Heavy Engineering Industry, 9. Electrical Industry, 10. Electricity,

Gas and Oil Industry.


151

49

Hamid, Pakistan: A Study of Political Development 1947-1997, 145. 50

ibid. 51

The Dawn (Karachi), June 5, 1974.

52 ibid.

53 ibid.

54 Satish, The New Pakistan, 26-27.

55 ibid., 167-169.

56 ibid.

57 Mujeeb, Jamiat-Ulma-i-Pakistan 1948-1979, 97-98.

58In the resolution, Government included two issues; first was related to the recognition of Bangladesh and other to

take legal and constitutional steps for its recognition. 59

Sarwat Saulat, Maulana Maududi (Karachi, 1979), 85. 60

Kausar Niazi, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto of Pakistan: The Last Days (New Delhi, 1992), 28–32.

61 The Hindustan Times, 15 May, 1976.

62 Satish Kumar, The New Pakistan, 78-79

63 Ahmadi sect was formed by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in 1889 in Qadian in Gordaspour (East Punjab). Ghulam

Ahmad claimed that prophet hood was not stopped on and it is a continuous process for the religious guidance of

people. Now God has sent me as a Prophet of Islam. 64

Joshi, Jammat-i-Islami: The catalyst of Islamization in Pakistan 73 65

ibid. 66

Opposition members in Punjab Assembly, Mian Tufail Ahmed of JI, Nawabzada Nasrulla Khan of PDP, ML,

Khaksars, JUP and JUI demanded strict actions against Qadianies. Safdar Mehmood, Pakistan ki Siasi Jamaatain

(Lahore: Maqbool Academy, 1986), 161-163. 67

Pirzada, Politics of JUIP 1971-1977 , 718- 722. 68

ibid. 69

ibid. 70

ibid. 71

Joshi, Jammat-i-Islami: The catalyst of Islamization in Pakistan, 90-93. 72

Abu Sufyan Muhammad Tufayl Rashidi, Tahaffuz-i Khatm-i Nubuwwat Awr Jama‘at-i Islami (Lahore, n.d), 81–

85. 73

Pirzada, Politics of JUIP 1971-1977 , 718- 722. 74

The Nawa-i- Waqt (Rawalpindi), December 13, 1974.

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