· Cambodia

GENERAL SURVEY

APRIL 1972

NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY PUBLICATIONS

GENERAL SURVEY

The basic unit of the NIS is the General Survey, which provides com­prehensive but concise coverage of the basic characteristics of the area and includes the following topics: Introduction, Geography, Transportation and Telecommunications, Sociological, Political, Economic, Scientific, Armed Forces, and (as appropriate) Insurgency Threat.

DETAILED UNITS

In addition to the General Survey, more extensive coverage of certain topics for some areas is provided selectively in separate detailed NIS units. These topics, along with topics that formerly were issued as separate NIS units, are described in the NIS Standard Instructions (a document pri­marily used by NIS producers).

FACTBOOK

Both the General Survey and the detailed units are complemented by the NIS Basic Intelligence Factbook, a general, ready-reference pub­lication that provides semiannual updating of the type of basic data ap­pearing in the Area Brief of the General Survey.

GAZETTEER

Gazetteers of geographic names approved by the U.S. Board on Geographic Names are issued for all areas of the world.

INVENTORY OF AVAILABLE NIS PUBLICATIONS

A listing by country of active NIS units is provided by the quarterly Inventory of Available NIS Publications, which is also bound into the con­current Factbook. Reference to this inventory facilitates ordering of NIS units as well as their filing, cataloging, and use.

DISSEMINATION

Initial diss.emination or additional copies of the NIS units can be obtained directly or through established channels from the Central In­telligence Agency.

• Coordinated, edited, published, and disseminated by the Central Intelligence Agency.

WARNING

This document contains information affecting the national defense of the United States. within the meaning of title 18. sections 793 and 794 of the US code. as amended. Its transmission or revelation of its contents to, or receipt by an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.

GROUP 1 Excluded from automatic downgrading and declassification

Glossary

Chronology

TABLE OF CONTENTS

This General Survey supersedes the one dated July 1967, cQpies of which should be destroyed.

Cambodia: Embattled New Republic

Land and People

A. Historical background Cultural heritage; glories of Angkor; decline of the Khmer Empire; French colonial period.

Page

x

xi

1

3

3

B. Geography .................................... 5 Major geographic factors in Cambodia's political and economic development.

C. Population .......... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Patterns of population density; tribal minority groups; government attempts at resettlement.

D. Structure and charcateristics of the society

l. Social structure . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Five distinct groupings; vertical mobility.

a. The Khmer .................................... .

( 1) Royalty .................................. . Apex of social pyramid until abolition of monarchy; status since 1970.

10

10

10 11

(2) Bureaucracy . . . . . . . . . 12 Composition; qualifications; preoccupation with prerequisites of office.

( 3) Buddhist priesthood .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Pervading influence on morality and learning; hierarchical structure; social prestige.

( 4) Peasantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 General characteristics; peasants' goals; family structure; village society.

(5) Basic values and attitudes ........... 14 Status consciousness; role-playing behavior patterns; importance of Buddhist precepts; attitudes toward foreigners.

(6) Social mobility ........................................ 15 Ways to achieve social advancement.

b. The minorities ................................. . Roles of Chinese and Vietnamese during colonial period, during Sihanouk era, and in the Republic; Muslim Cham; tribal hill peoples, the Khmer Loeu.

15

2. Languages .. Increasing use of Khmer (Cambodian), the principal language, in business, government, and education, in place of French; languages spoken by minority groups; limited knowledge of English in Cambodia.

E. Manpower and labor

1. Labor force Working population statistics; unemployment and underemployment.

16

17

17

2. Labor laws 18 Changes in code promulgated by French colonialists.

3. Labor organizations . . . . 18 Limited trade union development; government role as protector of workers' rights and arbiter of labor disputes.

4. Wages and working conditions 18 Low per capita income; substandard working conditions.

F. Health and welfare 19

1. Health a. Diet

Low nutritional value. b. Sanitation and water supply

Primitive sanitary levels; contamination of water; inadequate sewage disposal facilities.

c. Disease ......... . High incidence of disease, especially malaria.

d. Medical care .............. . ...... . Government program to control disease and educate the people in hygiene; medical personnel statistics and training; health facilities.

2. Public welfare Living conditions; limited government system of welfare.

G. Religion

Predominance of Theravada Buddhism and its effect on national life; importance of community pagoda as center for secular activity; Mahayana, Muslim, and Christian minorities.

H. Education

Successes of government efforts to increase levels of learning; educational system; school enrollment figures; shortage of teachers a problem; declining importance

• of private schools.

I. Artistic and cultural expression

Cultural roots; decline of achievements since Angkor days 700 years ago; drama and literature today.

J. Public information

Poorly developed communications media; importance of radio; control of news dissemination prior to and since Sihanouk; data on principal newspapers and periodicals; limited library facilities; motion pictures; importance of word-of­mouth communication.

19 19

19

19

20

21

22

23

25

28

K. Suggestions for further reading 29

Government and Politics 31

A,. Summary and background ....................... 31 Declaration of a republic, recent authoritarian tum, assessment of stability; the Sihanouk era, including early instability, achievement of full independence, increasingly pro-Communist orientation, disenchantment with Sihanouk's leader­ship; anti-Communist stance of new leaders, outbreak of fighting with Vietnamese Communists, appeals for aid, and the Djakarta conference.

B. Structure and functioning of the government

1. Introduction

Page

33

Summary of political scene since Sihanouk's deposition, including attempts to revise the constitution, conversion of the legislature into a Constituent As­sembly, national leadership, actual locus of power and assumption of presidency.

2. Constitution of 1947 .. High degree of centralization; domination by executive branch; extra­constitutional measures, description of theoretical system of government; reforms; structure of government.

3. Chief of State Description of responsibilities; position retitled the President in March 1972.

4. Council of Ministers ....... . Membership and role of the cabinet, increase in powers.

5. Legislature ..................................... . Expiration of its legislative powers and conversion into a Constituent Assembly; election and representation in former National Assembly; composition of the advisory upper house; dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in March 1972.

6. National Congress ............................. . ............ . Originllnd function; inactivity since deposition of Sihanouk.

7. Judiciary ..................... . French heritage, citizen's rights, penal code, court system.

8. Administrative structure ............. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Provinces, autonomous municipalities, subprovinces, districts, and townships; central control, little participation in local affairs, jurisdictional problems, weakness of the civil service. .

C. Political dynamics .............................................. .

33

34

35

35

36

36

36

37

38

1. Problems of the new regime ................................. " 38 Communist attack, elements of domestic support, including key role of armed forces; Sihanouk's stewardship, elimination of political activity; potential contenders for power, including Son Ngoc Thanh, Sirik Matak, and In Tam; Vietnamese Communist occupation of countryside.

2. Political parties .............................................. 40 Past dominance by the Sangkum and its subsequent abolishment; role of youth; lack of opposition parties.

3. Communist opposition ................. .................... 40 Background, including the rise of the Pracheachon Party; Khmer Communist movement; activities and leadership of NUFK and RGNU; Communism within the Vietnamese and Chinese minorities.

4. Elections .................................................... 42 Past campaigns, suffrage, participation, charges of corruption, Sangkum tactics.

D. National policies ................................................ 42

1. Background ................................................. . 42 Fundamental policy goals, effect of Communist threat.

2. Domestic .................................................... 42 National unity, sources of support and disenchantment; development plans, economic problems resulting from war; foreign aid; public education.

3. Foreign ................................................... 44 Preoccupation with Vietnamese Communist aggressiOn; rapproci).ement with traditional enemies; policies under Sihanouk.

a. Communist countries .............................. 44 Relations with China, North Vietnam, NFLSV, North Korea, and Soviet Union.

b. United States and France ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 History of relations with the United States during Sihanouk's rule and growing closeness since his deposition; closeness with France under Sihanouk and strain since his removal.

iii

IV

c. Thailand, South Vietnam, and Laos Page

46 Traditional mistrust, recent improvement in relations, poor long-term prospects.

d. Other nations General improvement regional organizations.

4. Defense

since departure of Sihanouk; international and

Neutralism; accommodations to Communists under Sihanouk; mobilization and mushrooming of army; dependency on external aid.

E. Propaganda programs

Government propaganda reorientation since Sihanouk's deposition; maintenance of firm controls over media; propaganda themes, censorship; foreign propaganda, Communist and Western.

F. Internal security

1. Subversion ............. . Minor role of local subversives during Sihanouk rule; Vietnamese Communist military-political infrastructure; rivalries and friction. '

a. Basic strengths and vulnerabilities .... Cohesiveness of society; geographic vulnerability; Vietnamese and Chinese minorities; reform elements.

b. Communist subversion ....................... . Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces; Khmer Communists.

c. Other antigovernment groups ................ . Khmer Serei, Khmer Loeu tribal groups, and Khmer Rouge.

2. Police and intelligence services ....................... .

a. National Police ............................ . 1970 reorganization; strength, responsibilities and organization; assessment of effectiveness.

b. Prevote Militaire . Rapid expansion; primary police responsibility; reputation for corruption.

c. Intelligence and security service ............. . Organization and activities of principal civilian and military agencies, including the Special Police, Prevote Militaire, Second Bureau, and SEDOC; status of Provincial Guard, Urban Police, Self Defense Force, youth com­mandos, and militia units.

C. Suggestions for further reading

The Economy .

A. The basic setting The disruption of the war, growth of inflationary pressures, government measures to deal with problems; low level of economic activity even in peacetime, pre­dominance of agriculture, smallness of manufacturing sector; economic changes since 1969 "salvation government" was instituted; effects of war on budget and foreign economic relations.

B. Sectors of the economy ....... .

1. Agriculture, fishing, and forestry

a. Land use ... Predominance of forests; use of cultivated land primarily for rice.

47

47

49

50

50

51

51

51

52 52

53

54

55

57

57

58

58 58

b. Agricultural policy . . . . 59 Government programs to promote agriculture, primarily by providing irri­gation facilities and credit.

c. Principal crops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 59 Importance of rice, use of primitive methods, production results, effects of war on output; production of other food' crops, especially corn, coffee, sugar, and pepper; significance of rubber as foreign exchange earner prior to the war; cessation of rubber exports because of'the war; output of other commercial crops, including cotton, jute and kenaf fibers, and tobacco.

d. Fishing and animal husbandry

Page

61 Potential for fishing industry, primitive fishing and processing methods; relative unimportance of animal husbandry, government efforts to promote livestock raising.

e. Forestry . . . . . . . . . .......... . Slow development of forest product industry despite large potential; lack of success at conservation.

2. Fuels and power

a. Petroleum .. Dependence upon imports for crude petroleum supply; domestic production of refined products prior to attack on refinery; difficulties in obtaining POL supplies because of the war.

b. Solid fuels Role in total fuel consumption.

c. Electric power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .......... . Concentration of supply around Phnom Penh; ownership and operation of generating facilities; predominance of thermal powerplants; plans for expansion of capacity.

3. Metals and minerals Relative lack of resources.

4. Manufacturing ........ . Obstacles to industrialization; importance of government in development and operation of manufacturing facilities; inefficiency of plants; disruptions caused by war.

5. Domestic trade ......... . Significance of the local market and cross-border trading; interruption of trade by the war; government attempts to reduce inflationary pressures.

C. Role of the government in the economy

62

62

62

62

62

63

63

63

64

1. Government budgets .......................................... 64 Rapid increases in military expenditures as a result of the war; reductions in revenues largely because of declining imports; difficulty in financing the ensuing large deficits; reliance upon U.S. aid.

2. Banking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 64 Composition of the banking sector.

3. Money supply and prices ........ . . . . . . . . . 65 Conservative prewar monetary policy; rapid growth of money supply since war began; difficulties with inflation; devaluation of the riel.

4. Development policies and programs ..... 65 History of development plans; nationalization and denationalization measures; relative ineffectiveness of efforts to increase private investment.

D. International economic relations ... 66

1. Foreign trade ................................................ 66 Confusion resulting from war; increasing level of trade restrictions; rising trade deficit; changes in commodity structure and geographic trading patterns.

2. Balance of payments .......... . . . . . . . . . . .. 67 Predominance of trade balance; increase in foreign loans to cover deficits; sharp deterioration in balance of payments since war began.

3. Foreign assistance ............................ 67 Non-Communist aid for development; predominance of U.S. support in the war effort; Communist aid prior to the coup; switch from grants to loans as most important form of aid; external debt structure.

Transportation and Telecommunications .. 71

A. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Limitations of facilities and their importance to economy; administrative agencies.

B. Railroads .... Mileage figures and characteristics; traffic and financial data; inventory of equip­ment and number of employees.

72

v

vi

C. Highways ..................................................... . Page

73 Extent and salient features of the highway system and administration thereof; construction and improvements; discussion of traffic hindrances, traffic, and vehicle registration.

D. Inland waterways. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Extent and salient features of the waterway system; fleet inventory; characteristics of the principal port, Phnom Penh; maintenance and improvements.

E. Ports One of the two major ports is 206 miles from sea and can be reached only through South Vietnam. Tabulation of activities, physical aspects, and berthing space in major ports.

F. Merchant marine Physical aspects of fleet and discussion of merchant-marine operations.

G. Civil air .. Extent of service by the national and foreign airlines; number and types of civil aircraft, available personnel, maintenance and training; civil aviation agree­ments.

H. Airfields Number and salient features of air facilities; tabulation of characteristics of most important airfields.

1. Telecommunications Adequacy and administration of system; improvements being made; discussion of facilities.

Military Factors

A. Military geography

75

75

78

79

79

83

83

1. Location and description ............... . . . . . . . . . . 83

a. Topography ........................................ 83 Surface configuration, drainage network, vegetation, and culture features.

h. Climate ................................................... 85 Precipitation, cloudiness, visibility, relative humidity, temperatures, and thunderstorms.

2. Military geographic regions '" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 85 Effect of terrain on operation by conventional ground forces, airmobile and airborne forces, amphibious forces, and irregular forces for the following regions:

a. Mekong-TonIe Sap Lowland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 87

h. Flat to Rolling Plains ...................................... 87

c. Southwestern Highlands and Lowlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 89

d. Eastern Uplands ......................................... " 89

3. Strategic area ................................................. 89 Location, population, primary activities, key transportation elements, signifi-cant industries, and refined petroleum products storage capacity for Phnom Penh.

4. Internal routes Description of terrain, roads and railroads, and conditions for offroad dispersal and cross-country movement along routes leading from land and sea ap­proaches to the strategic area.

90

5. Approaches .................................................. 92 Description of boundaries with Thailand, Laos, and South Vietnam.

a. Land ..................................................... 92 Conditions for movement across borders by road and railroad and by cross­country movement.

b. Sea Conditions for amphibious operations.

Page

92

c. Air ....................................................... 94 Weather conditions and terrain in air approaches within 300 nautical miles of borders.

B. Strategic mobility ............................................... 94 Adequacy of transportation and telecom systems for military use.

C. Armed forces ................................................... 95

1. Defense establishment ....................................... . 95 Summary of components, strengths, and doctrine.

a. Historical ................................................. 96 Origins, campaigns, and foreign influence.

b. Defense organization ....................................... 96 Chain of command and Ministry of National Defense.

c. Military manpower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 96 Number of men available for military service, physical fitness, and enlist­ment procedures.

d. Strength trends ............................................ 98 Strength trends since 1946.

e. Training .................................................. 98 Training organization and foreign influence.

f. Economic support ......................................... 99 Domestic and foreign support of the armed forces and military budget.

g. Logistics .................................................. 99 Organization of logistical system and sources of supply.

2. Army ........................................................ 100 General description and mission.

a. Organization .............................................. 100 Command structure and military regions.

b. Strength, composition, and disposition ........................ 100 Number of personnel, types of units and equipment, and location of forces.

c. Training .................................................. 102 Training facilities and methods; foreign training missions.

d. Logistics .................................................. 102 Foreign sources; depots and transportation.

3. Navy ........................................................ 102 Capabilities and missions of navy and marine corps.

a. Organization .......... ................................... 103 Command structure and operational commands.

b. Strength, composition, and disposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 103 Number of personnel, types of vessels, bases, and patrol areas.

c. Training .................................................. 104 Training facilities and training missions.

d. Logistics .................................................. 104 Importance of foreign aid; functions of logistic system and location of repair yards.

4. Air Force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 Mission and capabilities of air force.

a. Organization .............................................. 104 Command structure and operational commands.

b. Strength, composition, and disposition ........................ 105 Number of personnel; types and number of aircraft.

c. Training .................................................. 105 Foreign training missions; domestic training facilities.

d. Logistics .................................................. 105 Sources of supply; location of depots and repair facilities.

5. Paramilitary forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Brief discussion of history and status of paramilitary forces.

vii

viii

Page

Area Brief . ..... . . ............................................. 108

Summary Map follow~ 108 General map showing boundaries, terrain, and transportation; insets showing the dis­tribution of population and major ethnic groups, and land use and economic activity.

Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. 10 Fig. 11 Fig. 12 Fig. 13 Fig. 14 Fig. 15 Fig. 16 Fig. 17 Fig. 18 Fig. 19 Fig. 20 Fig. 21 Fig. 22 Fig. 23 Fig. 24 Fig. 25 Fig. 26 Fig. 27 Fig. 28 Fig. 29 Fig. 30 Fig. 31 Fig. 32 Fig. 33 Fig. 34 Fig. 35 Fig. 36 Fig. 37 Fig. 38 Fig. 39 Fig. 40 Fig. 41 Fig. 42 Fig. 43 Fig. 44 Fig. 45 Fig. 46 Fig. 47 Fig. 48

FIGURES

Entrance to Angkor Wat (photo) ............................. . Buddhist shrine atop Penh Hill (photo) ... . Rubber plantation (photo) .................................. . Town on TonIe Sap during wet season (photo) ................ . Heavily wooded "phnom," or hills (photo) .................... . Floating village on the TonIe Sap (photo) .................... . The plains and hills (photo) ................................. . Ferry crossing (photo) ...................................... . Route 4, near Kompong Speu (photo) ........................ . Age-sex distribution of the population (chart) ................ .

Page

3 4 6 6 7 7 7 8 8 9

Khmer types (photos) ....................................... 11 Typical village housing (photo) ............................... 13 Khmer Loeu tribespeople (photos) ........................... 16 Active labor force, by occupation (chart) ..................... 17 Deaths from communicable diseases (table) ................... 20 Khmer-Soviet Friendship Hospital (photo) ..................... 21 Buddhist monastery (photo) ................................. 23 Number of schools, students, and teachers (table) .............. 24 Ruins from the ancient kingdom (photos) ..................... 26 Enactment of ancient legend (photo) ......................... 27 Lon Nol and Sisowath Sirik Matak (photos) ..................... 34 Former Chief of State Cheng Heng (photo) ..................... 34 Structure of government (chart) ............................. 35 Prince Sihanouk (photo) ..................................... 39 Demonstration against Vietnamese Communists (photo) ......... 39 Mobilized students (photo) .................................. 48 Military policeman (photo) .................................. 54 Paddy rice production and milled rice exports (chart) ........... 60 Production of selected agricultural commodities (table) ......... 60 Government expenditures and revenues (table) ................. 64 Money supply and working-class price index (chart) ........... 65 Composition of foreign trade (table) ........................... 67 Geographic distribution of trade (chart) ..................... 68 Balance of payments (table) ................................. 69 Steel through-truss railroad bridge (photo) ..................... 73 Typical section of track (photo) .............................. 73 Pony-truss bridge (photo) ................................... 74 Port of Kompong Som (photo) ............................... 76 Major ports (table) ......................................... 77 Selected airfields (table) ..................................... 79 General telecom pattern (map) ............................... 81 Military geographic regions and terrain (map) ................. 84 Flat plains, typical landscape near Phnom Penh (photo) ......... 85 The TonIe Sap river near Phnom Penh (photo) ................. 86 Flooded riceland near the South Vietnam border (photo) ....... 86 Houses built on piles (photo) ................................. 86 The TonIe Srepok, an east-bank tributary of the Mekong (photo) .. 86 Rugged mountains in southwest Cambodia (photo) ............. 86

Page Fig. 49 Pine forest north of Kampot (photo) .......................... 87 Fig. 50 Precipitation, relative humidity, cloudiness, temperatures, and

thunderstorm days (chart) ................................. 88 Fig. 51 Phnom Penh strategic area (map) ............................. 90 Fig. 52 Downtown Phnom Penh (photo) ............................. 90 Fig. 53 Strategic area, internal routes, and approaches (map) ........... 91 Fig. 54 Gulf of Thailand coast near Kep (photo) ..................... 92 Fig. 55 Amphibious landing areas (table) ............................ 93 Fig. 56 Ministry of National Defense (chart) ......................... 97 Fig. 57 F ANK organization (chart) .................................. 97 Fig. 58 F ANK general staff (chart) .................................. 97 Fig. 59 Personnel strengths of Cambodian armed forces (table) ......... 98 Fig. 60 Military regions (map) ...................................... 101 Fig. 61 Summary map .............. . . . . . . . . . . . . . follows 108

This General Survey was prepared for the NIS under the general direction of the NIS Committee. The military geography, transporta­tion and telecommunications, and armed forces coverage was pre­pared under the general supervision of the Defense Intelligence Agency; the introductory material and the sociological, political, economic, and insurgency threat coverage were prepared under the general supervision of the Central Intelligence Agency. A scientific discussion was not prepared in view of the relatively limited develop­ment of science and technology in the country. Research was sub­stantially completed by March 1972.

The NIS Basic Intelligence Factbook provides semiannual up­dating of basic data of the type appearing in the Area Brief of this General Survey. A listing of all NIS units dealing with this and other areas is in the CIA-prepared Inventory of Available NIS Publications, issued quarterly and also bound into the concurrent Factbook.

ix

x

GLOSSARY (U/OU)

ABBREVIATION FOREIGN

AAK ........ Armee de l' Air Khmere AKI Agence Khmere d'Information

AKP ANK ARVN ...... . AVNK ...... . COSVN EDC ....... . FANK ." ... . JSRK KC ......... . MNK ....... . NFLSV ..... .

Agence Khmere de Presse Armee N ationale Khmere

Aviation N ationale Khmere

Electricite du Cambodge .......... . Forces Armees Nationales Khmeres leunesse Socialiste Royale Khmere ....

Marine N ationale Khmere

NUFK ....... Front Uni National du Kampuchea . . "

NVA ....... . OFFINACO Office Nationale de Cooperation .... . PM ........ . Prevote M ilitaire ................ . PN ......... . Police Nationale .................. . PRC ........ . PRG .... .

RGNU ...... . Sangkum ..... Sangkum Reastr Niyum ............ . SDF ........ . ............................. . Sivatha ..... .

SNGB ...... . SONEXIM .. .

VC

Societe Nationale des Grands Barrages Societe Nationale d'Exportation et

d'Importation Viet Nam Cong San ............... .

ENGLISH

Cambodian Air Force Cambodian Information Agency

( clandestine) Cambodian Press Agency Cambodian National Army Army of the Republic of Vietnam Cambodian National Air Force Central Office for South Vietnam Electricity of Cambodia Cambodian National Armed Forces Royal Cambodian Socialist Youth Khmer Communists Cambodian National Navy National Front for the Liberation of

South Vietnam National United Front of Kampuchea

(Cambodia) North Vietnamese Army National Office of Cooperatives Military Police National Police People's Republic of China Provisional Revolutionary Govern-

ment (of South Vietnam) Royal Government of National Union People's Socialist Community Surface Defense Forces Revolutionary Party of the Cam-

bodian People National Company of Large Dams National Export-Import Company

Vietnamese Communists

Cambodia: Embattled New Republic (S)

CUlllhodiu, '-I peaceful IlLitioll who~e left-le:lIIillg neutrality under Prince Sihanouk lJaJ long proteded it for the rrIO",t part from lIeighhoring hostilities, W'd~ in March IH70 drawn more diredly irJto tlle vortex of t!Jf: Illdocilin<-l war. The Vidll<luwse ConHlIllIIi.~b bcgall military <Jcti<1I1 agaimt (:,-lJubodia frolll thcir '>ullctlHlries along: the CUflIhodia-Solith Vietnam borde.rs sbort!y after Prime f\i1illi.stcr LOll Nol illJicated thut his gO\'t'ftIlllenl W,IS IlIlwilJing to contillue the omted Sihullouk's aecomrnodLiting policies toward them ;jnd issued ,HI uitimatlllll for their depufture from Cumbodian soil. Soutl! Vietnamese awl u.s. troops JllardJed illto these sanduurie.." ill /IdaI' <lull JUlie 1970, forcillg the ComrnutJi.sts deeper into Carnbodia'~ iuterior. The Cornlll!HJi~t.s quickly cOfl.'io!iciutcd their cOfltrol over tbe thillly pO[Hlluted tJortbeast provilJ(;cS and \vithi'l ,'3 months Ilad pCllctrated into the nortbwest as far as Angkor \\'<It, site of the ancient capitul of the Kbmer Empire, By curly 1972 they (;oIltrolied al)()ut olJe-third of the territory am} at least one-fifth of the populatioll of (:arnl)(ldia.

The removul of SiliLlfl()lJk Oll loS Mar(;h 1970 eiiuwxcd a long !H'riod of growing oppositio1J \vithill tile g'overllweul to his autfJOritariuli rule, to ecoliOlni(; stagflation, aud to tfle ill('reasillgly blatunt preSCJll't: of the VietlH.une~e COfluJlllnists ill Cambodia's eastem border regiolls. The nX_'OfJstitllted government, \! .. hich had corne illto office ill August 1969 and coutinued to be Iwaded by LOll Nol and his deputy Sirik Mutak, made few dorne~tj(' ('hallge~ !)Ilt did reoriellt the ('Olllltr},'s foreign policy~re(~st<-lb'i~bjllg diplomatic tics with Thailund and South Vietll'-lnl-. __ wd vastly expamled tltc size of the arm}". Buttressed by military assist<Jnce from South Vietnam urld tIle United States, it successfully weathered <l difficult first yeur of hostilities. Mud} of tbe re~ifllc'.'I .'It<Jying power stems from the unity ami strong o.;eflSc of nati()nalism of the people. Of its approximately 7 millioll ildJ~hitants, <Jilllost 90% arc Khmer (ethnic (:uflli>ouiall.'.), and virtu'-lily all of these ure Theravarb Buddhisb. KInner interests dominate the government and politics, and nOIlviolent Buddhist precepts permeate national life. Members of the elite, BuJdhi~t monks, dvi! ~ervarlt.s, the military, and tbe peu~antry ('orne from the Kinner ethnic group. COllimerce alld indu.'.try have heen cOJltrolied hugely by the Chillcse aud VietJlalllese minorities-comprising less than 10% of the popuJatiOfI-but since rnid-1970 local Vietnamese inflilence in these sedors lias beeJl virtu,lIly eliminated, Over 80% of the pOpUI<ltioll lives on the

fertile aitHvial plains of the Mekong and TOllle Sup, mostly engaging in ~ubsistence agriculture and fisbillg.

Historic<-II factors Iia ve also COli t ri bu ted rn lidl to tIlt' developmcut of Cambodiall Iwity. As t!.(! rellllwnt of the 011('4' vast allt! cldttlr<-liJy advallced Kllfller Empire, to wllidl the Kluner look back with pride, Cambodiu over the celltlHies b<JS h,-Id to felld off encfO'-lchments by its more powerful rJeigbhors in Vietllam and Thaihwd. Thi~ bas helped to illstill feelings of xenopllohi<J <Jnd natioJlal and etilni(' solidarity. For over IOcefituries the fllollarchy wm the foclls of Khmer fealty, \vhie" wus further strengtliened by the monarch's position as the head of the

Buddhist monastic est<-lblishment. Since April 1970 the t!Jre<J! of subjugatiolJ by the hated Vietllames(-: bas constituted tlte principal basis for popular allegiuflce to the guvernrnellt.

Abundant laml alld a l1lonsoollal climate havt-! given Cambodia a surplus hi" rice-much of whicb is IJOrmally exported along with ruhher, timber, ('orrl, and fisk III term~ of food sllppiie.'. the population has not suffered greatly since the outbreak of hostilities, but illse('urity and a dediue in the riee~pIaHh~d area may neces~itate riee imports in 1972. Industry, despite some developmellt in tbe I 96(fs, is still flJdilllcntary alld most mUfluf<-lctured goods IIlUS! be imported. Since 1966, iIlJP(lrt~ have t~xceeded the value of exports and annual deficit.'> Itave been brgc. At the begillning of 1970 foreign exdHlllge reserves llad faHen to US$66 million from u 1966 pe,lk of $10(-; millioll. The unsettling cHeets of the wur, parti('ulariy (:ornmunist interdietioll of traflSporb.ltiofi routes for the export of rit'e and other commodities, bruught the foreigll reserves d(l\\!ll to only $35 million at tile elJ(l of 1971 UJld left the United Stutes as the maill outside prop for Cilmbodia' ~ economy.

As the ollly organized power in the country, the <JffHy provides the main bulwark of the regime. The armed forces \vew liustily enlarged from about 40,000 at the heginning of the wur to ahout 200,000 in early 1972, the great bulk of these in the mmy. Military and security personnel are ilJexperienced, poorly trained, <:Iud still Ia('king in modern arms. Althollgli tied down to defensive positions by relativelr few enemy troops and lucking offensive capability, Camhodiun for('es have at tifllC~ demonstrated teflueity and spirit. The army appears to be growing stronger but is ~till a long way from being an effective offensive force. The CornmurJi.'its reiuill the military illiti<Jtive ill Cambodia, and OIl tlte political side tltey are m<.lking

IIlJra:.lructure jll the cOlllllr)'!>id(~. The LOll Noi government W<.l.'i remarkably stable uIltil he suffered a :-.troke in February 1971. Subsequently, the un('ertainty sllrroundirl~ Lon Nol's fllture role wa!> at the root of much of the political maneuveriflg in Phnolll Penh. By the beginning of 1972, however, his health had improved sufficiently to enal)le llim again to play tlle domirlant

I """ .. , "",',,.-), 1111' glHl'IIlJlICIIl ~

fuilure thtls far to curb illflatioll, reduce cormption, and come to grips effectively with other problems is likely to lead to further political agit:Jtion and a growing sense of discontent Llnlong the government's huckers. Cambodia's immediate future depends largdy on continuing U.S. and South Vietnamese support; over the longer term, it is linked to that of LlII Indochina.

Land and People

A. Historical background (U j OU)

The small nation of Ca mbodia is what remair:ts today of the once powerful and cult ura lly adva nced Khmer

Empire. which at its height in the 12th a nd 13th centuries

extended throughout a la rge part of the area now

occupied by Cambodia. Laos, Thai land, a nd Vietnam. This cultura l heritage, best exemplified by the famous

Angkor Wat ruins, is a so urce of national pride and has helped reinforce the cohesive characte ristics of p resent­da v Ca mbod ia n society. These characteristics stem p ri -marily from the co untry's e thni c unity, a lmost nine­tenths of the population being ethn ic Khmer.' Spea king a commo n language with on ly minor dialectic variations, the Khmer a re a lso united· in their common devo tion to Theravada Buddhism, the state religion . A lack of major intern al geog raphic barriers has helped minimize regional differences. Ca mbodi a's long struggles for survival against its neighbors in Thailand and Vietnam have further contributed to national unity.

The ances to rs of the Khmer people are believed to have migrated into the Indochina Pen insula from the north or

IThe te rm " Khmer" as used here refers to the dominant ind igenous segment of the population, while the generic term " Cambodian" refers to the citizens of Cambodia irrespective of ethnic background.

west in prehistoric times. Cambod ia 's roots as a nation

may be traced back to the kingdo m of Funan, believed to

have been found ed in the first century A.D., which

exercised dominion over the lower Mekong va lley and

delta and the a rea aro und th e Tonie Sap la ke and Tonie Sap river, and which a lso commanded vassalage from

smalle r neighboring states. In the sixth century Funan was overco me bv a vassal state, Chen la, situated in

southern Laos. D~ring the next three centuries the people of Chenl a. who were ethnic Khmer, brought cent ra l a nd north e rn Laos , western Ca mbodia , a nd southern Thai la nd under their domination. In the eighth century, however, dynastic rival ries split the nation in two parts, o ne of which came under Javanese sovereignty.

In 802 the Khmer under Jayava rman II threw o ff Javanese rule, and the Khmer Empire had its inception . During the next 350 years the borders o f the empire were extended into northern Laos, to the South China Sea in the east and southeast. and probably as far west as the Bay of Bengal. The city of Angkor was founded in the ninth century, a nd during th e 12th cen turv the Angko r Wat. or temple. the la rgest a nd most elabo rate single work of architecture in Southeast Asia ( Figure 1), was created at this site. Another notewo rthy acco mplish ment during the Angkorean period was the co nstruction of an

FIGURE 1. The entrance to Angkor Wat. This temple is the most famous but only one

of many great Khmer temples and edifices built over an oreo of more thon 60 square

miles ot the ancient copitol of Angkor. (U/ OU)

3

extensive hydraulic network which controlled the

distribution and conservation of \\'ater for the mainstay of the economy, rice.

During the first miHenium A.D., Khmer culture was

subjected to an almost continuous inflow of Indian ideas and practices relating to royalty, la\.,·, and religion. Of particular significance in the political realm \.\'a:-. the

Hindu concept of deuaraja, or god-king, which was adopted by Jayavarman II and his successors. llnder this concept the king served as intermediary betw'een the gods and the social order. The common man was reduced to virtual slavery, and much of his labor \'\'as devoted to the construction of religious edifices. Nevertheless, this concept became deeply imhedded in the consciousness of the peasantry and contributed to the subsequent tendency of most Cambodians to accept the social and political order without question.

In the late 12th and earh' 13th centuries the Khmer Empire under Jayavarman VII experienced its greatest glories. Feats on the battlefield and in architecture were possible only at great expense to the country's economy and public morale, however, and led to a number of popular rebellions and to the gradual deterioration of the important hydraulic irrigation system. As a result the empire went into decline. This decline was catalyzed by the rising po\.ver of the Thai, whose migration from South China into Southeast Asia reached massive proportions in the 13th centu". The sacking of Angkor by the Thai in 1432 is generally regarded as the final collapse of the empire. In succeeding centuries the glories of Angkor \.vere gradually obscured by vegetation and forgotten. Kot until the 19th century, when French archeologists discovered the ruins at AngkoT, \vas interest revived in the temples and in the ancient culture they represented.

Among the developments \vhich contributed to the decline of Angkor was the reintroduction in the late 12th century of the Theravada sect of Buddhism. \~lith its emphasis on personal salvation, it had more to recommend it to the peasantry than a Hindu mythology fostering a royalty whose glories were based on virtual slavery of the people. In time Theravada Buddhism became the dominant religion on all levels of Khmer society.

During the 400 years following the fall of Angkor the weakened Cambodian state, which had moved its capital to Phnom Penh (Figure 2), was beset by a long series of dynastic rivalries and subjected to encroachments by Siam (Thailand) and Annam, the predominant state in what is now Vietnam. Only by rendering vassalage to these states and by surrendering large areas along its northern and southeastern borders was it able to maintain a tenuous independence. In the mid-19th century Ang Duong, the first monarch of the dynasty, which ruled until the overthrow of the monarchy in 1970, appealed for assistance to the French, who were then embarking on their period of colonial expansion in Southeast Asia. In 1863 the French accepted Cambodia as a protectorate. in return for which they were permitted to settle in Cambodia and exploit the land. In subsequent years

4

FIGURE 2. Buddhist shrine atop Penh hill. According to

legend, in the 14th century a certain Lady Penh discovered a Buddhist image in a hollow tree atop this hill. The settlement which grew up around the site came to be known as Phnom Penh, or "Lady Penh's hill." (U/OU)

French influence increased, and in 1884 Cambodia

became a de facto French colony.

From 1884 onward, France ruled Cambodia through a parallel administration, with the French Resident

Superior being the actual ruler and the King the symbol

of government and "protector" of Buddhism. Cambodian social and political structures were left largely intact, although major reforms, such as the abolition of slavery and of torture, were instituted. In 1887 Cambodia became a part of the Indochinese L'nion, which also included Tonkin, Annam, and Cochin China (together constituting what is now North and South Vietnam) and Laos. To meet the need for second level personnel in the Cambodian administration, the French usually employed the more experienced and better trained Vietnamese rather than the Khmer. a practice that added to the Khmer peoples historical antipathy toward their Vietnamese neighbors.

Cpon the death in 1941 of King Sisowath Monivong­the fourth monarch in the Ang Duong dynasty-Prince

NorodOln Sihelllouk, thcli olll:v 19 -'/('(lr~ of ;l,l!;f'. \\'a~ "pjeetf'd" king:. Sillc{' 19(H tllf' throllC' was an {·j{·ctf'd. 1I0t a hewditary pmitioll, the occupant ],pillg ~d('clf'd from among the many ilia II, d('se('whtnts of King Allg DU(JIlg fly the Crown (;oullcil. Fearillg that "If' late killg's son was 100 indepf'I1dpllt at a limp wlwtl Frullcf' kHI .~lIffrrt'{1 defeat in Europe and] a pan had recf'i\'ed pf'rrTIis.~ioll-froIJI Vichy to send troop"i to Indochina, Ill(' Frf'lIch prf'~surf'd llie Crown CouJlcil to elcd tlw YOlJIIg Princf' SiiJanouk, \\horn tflE'\, l'oflsiderr:d to 1)(' more tractable. As slIbSe(IUcnt ev('nts proved, 1J()",cvf'r. Sihall()llk sIH)"'t'(J comider;lhl" illdq)f'lldeIH'c and df'lcrrIlill<ltioll. and it was in large 1IIf',ISIHe throu,gb his {'[forI. ... thai (:;lrllhodi<l acilievru its iHtlqH'rtdcllt'f' ill 195.'3. During the period of FrC'Jlch rulp (].')():J-ly,'j:1), t"~, pUCC of \Vestf'rnizatioll was slow. Fr(,lIl,b colonial oFficials ill Illdochina cotlcentrated their attelltioll 011 \\'h~1f i,~ 11()\\ Vietn:wl, which tlIPY regarded as a mor(' promising area for developmcnt, and the limited \Vf'sternizatioll tllPY did iutroducf' into Cambodia wa~ balanced partly by other policies thut tended to maintain or ,~tf('lIgthefl tradition. For pxample. the FreTlch sustained the i:JnglJislling monarchical institution and f'lI11bft'd it to a~Slmw a prPf'lllin(,lIt position; they prornott~d Ihe .~tlldy of 'o:IlIciellt Cambodian CU/tllrP, with t1H-~ resldt that the flourishing dvilization of Allg-kor in tllf' ~th to J.5th centuries has !)('('OHW a ,~Ylllhof of IIatiollal glory: alld they left undisturbed the Ruddhist hierurchy and vil[;Jgc communities, which an' still the stron,gcst repmitorif's of traditional values.

Modcrn \Ve.~terrJ ideas and techniques, fHnH'H'r, <Ire gr<lClually pefletruting: Camhodian soeiety·, f'speei:t11y through the educational ,~ystCJII, and tllPse lIew ideas are slowly ('hanging the Y'()(llIg Camhodian's C(HH.'ept of what his nation and socif'ty should he. The impact of \Vestcrnizutioll has hcpn fell more sharply .~illce illdppcncience was achieved ill 19.53. altluHJgh its dff'ets are still confincd largel~ to PllfIOIJJII Peflh and othf'r urban celJter.~. Following inciepcllrlc!Jce, the coulltry was opcllcd to a stronger and more varied influx of \V{'stf'fTl idea,~ ami tf'chlliques stemming from foreign, illc:illliing U.S., assislance programs and from ('fforts hy Ihe SilJarwuk government to expand education <Ind carry out other modernization programs. Sillcc independcnl'f'. educational opportunities have iuerf'a.wxl rapidl~' Oil evcr} Icvel. School ellrollnwnt expandf'd f'VNy }'f'ar until after Sihanouk's oustf'r, \\-·hell deterioratillg we uri ty conditions foref'd JIlany school-age YOJlths t~) iwar ann.". Moreover, until the heginning of widcsPW3d fighting in f',uly 1970, Illany of the more capable student.~ had Iwell sent ahroad by the government for training in sppcific fields, .ml'h as administmtioll. pconomics, health. enginpcring, and education. To acqtlire as Illueh education as possible is ('ol)sidered a patriotic duty as wf'1I as all avellue for individlllli advancement. Changes ill Cambodian ~ocif'ty gf'lIf'rally have: hpf'1l dircelcd IIlore toward improving tIl(' :-.lanJard of livillg ill tl](' ("(istillg order \vith a vicw to making it IllOW productive alld via hie in the mmff'rn \\orld than toward n'modf'ling the basic .~o('ial stmcture.

B. Geography (V/OV) Although tfl(' powf'rflll KhnH'r Empirf' (,on trolled rJlUcil of cOllt;I)(,lIt(11 Southeast Asia from tllf' nintll to J.7th (,ClltllriC,~, A.D .. Cumilodia i,~ no\\' a small eilld relativelv lightly peopled ('ollntry vllllH'ruble to tllf' ('xpamionist df'signs of somt'limes aggres'ii\'c TH'ighhnrs to the cast and \\'{'sL A rcminder of the tt'rritori,ll ntellt of th£' Khmer ElIlpirf' exists today ~l~ mort' than Ollf' million KhrrH'rs (ethnic Call1hodi;IIlS) live olJtsidf' (:allJh(ldia'~ (lrt'sent "ord('r~-IJlorc than (iOO,OOO of tlWT]] in ('~I.~t('fJl Thailand and :HI eslilllHtf'd 500.00n in tilt' I\'kkong dt'/t;1 of South VieITWIlI. !\lthollgll Ih(~ rllgg(,d Tl101lIlt~lin~ that rim much of tllf' ('olJnln 11<1\'(' oFff'wd WJT1t' protection from irn'ading <lrJrli('s, lowlulld corrirlors lillk Cambodi;l with Lao~. South ViPirwlfl, and Thail~Hld. Cambodia has little to fear frolll thc north: I,aos. like Cambodi,l. ha~ beerl a pawn in rq:~iorwl p()litic.~ for cPlltnries. Rolh Vif'tnarn clild Thailand. howP\pr. h<lvf' frolll time to tilll(, appropriated larg:c piccC's of Camhodian t('fritor~-. The Vie'nanlf'~c "'rcstt-d control of the Mf'kollg df'lta from the Khll1cr~ early in th(' 18th cPlltmy and havf' retaincd it: the hi~lor}'-(,Ollsd()11S KllIrlf'r.~ an' under"itall(bbl)- leery of presellf-("n' jnl'ur.~i()lIS of Cornnlllrtisl Vietn~lfIlf'st' from Norlh and South Vietnam. The' Thais, who ~a('ked the K h Tl]('f Em pi rf' capi tal of r\ ngkor several timp.s d uri fl,l!; the 14th and 15th (,{,lItllri('.~ ;lTld filially forced til(' Khlller to abandon it in 14.'32. controflf'{j lIlllch of tilt' w('stf'flJ part of CarTIbodi~1 during til(' IYt!J century and again dmillg World War II.

During tlIf' Frcllch colonial ('fa (186,3-19.5.3). Carnlwdia remained a political, social, and el'ollomic bachvater. Hf'S()llrCf'S to atlract French husiTles,wl('ll were Few, amI the colony remaincd little developed. 1'1)(' large ruhher plantations 0/1 thf' wf'lI-umined and fertile hasaltic soils hetweeTl KOlllpong (:halll and tht-' Vif'tlJalll border represf'llt tilf' major PCOIHHnic f'llterprise introduced by the Frcllch (Figure ,'3). Cambodia's ,geography is intimately linh·d to th~ I\th'kong: the river P.\Nts tremendous inflllcllc(' OVN tll(' land, and tlH' people rf'gIJiatf' tllf'ir lives by its riw and fall. The sP:lsonal ill1lllriatioll of Tllllcil of the l{)wl;Jnd.~ hy tllf' Mekong floodwat<'fS ads a.~ a lIalmal mealls of irrigutioll :'Hld ff'rtilizatinn; tllP flooded arf'a is df'mely popHlaled and illtplISivf'ly cultivated while tllf' ff'st of the ('olllltry is sparsf'ly .~cttlpd and little IIsed.

Tllf' Mpkong, shortly after tflp ITlOII,~OOIi rains burst ill lale ~'1ay nrcarly ]mlf', hc('orIWS sW(lllen alld choked with an ell(lrrnous volume of silt washed down from tllf' Ilillsidc.<; of it.~ watprshpd. The ri\'er risc,', 1f'IIS of fpet, Carves out lIew channels, pellctratps throllgh gaps (called preks) in its natural levees, and swcpps Llcrms tIlt' paddy fipld.~ of the flood plains (called hCllg~) behind tli(' I£'\'e('s. \Vater level ill thp i\:1ekollg peaks ill late S('pfemher or parly Octoiwr, lIe;lr the (,lid of !lIP rainy ,~f'a!ion. The ri,~e of tIl(' river i~ steady ,ITld predil'l~lble and, llnlike the oftcil devastatill~ flooding of other rivers in Southeast Asia. i.~ rarely destructive. TIl(' TOJlh~ Sap lake acts a.~ a saFf't} valw' for til(' Mekong's rising \\'at,~r~, minimizing the danger of destructive flooding dowmtrearn in tllf' della.

FIGURE 3 , Rubber plantation near Mimot. Trees lose the ir leaves fo r several weeks during the dry season, Rubber production at this plantation, a s well as those at Snuol a nd Chup, has been curtailed since the incursion of Viet­namese Communist forces in 1970, (Uj OU)

I""".

'. .. .. -

FIGURE 4, The Tonie Sop rive r at Kompong Chhang in wet season. Floodwate rs sweep across countryside in June and July. Villages, perched atop stilt s on high ground, remain high and dry. (C)

As the Mckong wa ters risc. thc current in the TOlJl e Sa p ri ve r, wld ch links Tonic Sap la ke wit h the Mekong, is reversed ; the wa ters surge nor th wes tward in to Ihe lake. ex panding it from a dry season minimum area of a bo ut 1,200 squa re miles into a ra in y season maximum of more tha n 3,000 square miles ( Figure 4 ). The lake changes fro m sha llow (maximum dcpth o f 7 fee t) a nd placid to deep (depths o f mo re than 40 fec t) a nd turbul ent as towcring wavcs a re whippcd lip hy violcnt storms. The wet season land scape of ccnt ru l :..In d southeastern Ca mbodi a comprises a patchwork of fl ooded ri ce paddies ex tcnding a lo ng a nd around the swollen ri vers and la kes, interspe rsed with tracts of marshland , fl ooded [orests, groves of palms, a nd fi e lds of o th er c rops. Onl y th e nat ural levecs that wend sinuously a longsid e thc ri vers

6

a nd the occasiona l 11/mof1ls-stccpl y sloped a lld dcnsel y fores ted hills- risc a bovt· th f' fl ooded fl a tl a nds ( Fig ure 5 ). Th e levees are lincd with trec-shaded vill ages th at ma y ex lend unbroken a long them for miles whil e th e phnoms shelt e r se ttl ements a t th eir bases where a variety o f crops th rive on the wel l-drained a nd humus-rich so il s. " Uuddhist pagod a COIIHllolil y pe rches atop such hill s. Distin ctivc settlemen t patLcrlls rin g th e hi gh-water a nd low-water shorcs of the Ton ic Sa p. An o ute r ring o[ permanen t villages, situated just a hovc the hi gh-wa ter lin e, is inh abited by Khllle r rice fa rmers; a n inn er ring o[ tcmporary .. fl oati ng Villages" bu ilt o n ta ll pilings or o n rafls, cl ustered betwee n thc high a nd low wa ter lines and surrounded hy wa ter during much of the year, is occupi ed Illostl y by fi shermen ( Fi gure 6). In th e hi gher la nd frin gin g the ccntral lowla nd , clustered vill ages a mid wooded plots ill the ri ce field s replace the lin ea r selll l' lIlenls that prevail ill the poorer drai ned lowla nds ( Fi g ure 7). Man y o f thc co untry's provincia l ca pit als­KO lllpong Thorn , Sie lll Hea p, Balt a mhan g, Pursut, KOlllpong Spell . Takco, and Prey Vcng- are loca ted in sllch well drain ed fr illgclallds.

III latc Octo ber or earl y Novembe r, as the ra in y seaso n cnds a nd the Mekong waters subside. th e currcnt in the Tunle Sap reverses a nd its wa ters ollce aga in flo w so uth eastward into the Mekong. The To nic Sap slowly shrinks, Icaving uehind tempurary shallow lakes teeming with fi sh. Fishennf' n are husy during the fi rst few months of til e yea r when the fi sh , whi ch have spawned and fed in the inullda ted rorests alollg thc shores of the wet-season lake, arc increasillgly concentrated in th e constricting wat ers. Th e wet seasoll lalldscape- wct a nd green wit h Icadcli ski es and frequcllt downpo urs-is replaced hy a hrowlJ a lld harrell o lle with des icca ted soils a nd infrequ cnt showers to te mper th e Ilot a nd dusty conditio ns. Sma ller ri vers a re transform ed fro m raging torrents into mere tri ckles. By Ma rdi , onl y the lowest lying lund contains wate r. Th e Mekong is a key pa rt o f Ca mhodia's tra nsporta­lio n systclll . Along with it s tributa ri es ill the lIort heast­the Toni e Kong, the Ton ic Sa n, a nd th e TonIe Srepok, it has a lso become an intcgral part of th e Cu mmunist logistical pipelinc through whi ch men and Ina te ri a l have hee n cha nn e led from North Viet na m into Sou th Vietna m. Beca use of the presence of ra pids in the Mekong no rth of Krati e a nd ill the t ribut a ries, however, supplies have had to he moved by limited-capacit y pi rogues. The Mekong is more nav iga ble fart her so uth a nd , prior to the co nstruct io n of th e port of Kompo ng Som (form erl y Siha noukville) 0 11 th e G ulf of Th a ila nd in the late 1950's a nd the subseq uellt const ruct io ll o f road a nd ra il links to Phnom Penh , th e Mekon g had served as til e p rinci pal inea nso f movc ment for Ca mhod ia 's export s a nd iJllpo rts. Duril lg thc Frcnch colonial re ig n, a tug­a nd-barge service ca rried goods bctween Saigon a nd Phnom Pe nh . Althou g h ass ured o f passage by inte rnational cunvention , Ca ll1bodi a n rel ucta nce to co ntinue t ransportillg it s exports a nd imports throug h Sou th Vietnamese territory aft er independence prov ided

FIGURE 5. Heavily wooded I'phnom." Such hills, which may extend for several miles and rise up to 1 ,000 feet above the sur· rounding terrain, are liberally sprinkled throughout lowland

Cambodia. (C)

FIGURE 7. Paddies dominate the

landscape between the Mekong and Tonie Sop and the forested higher ground in the periphery

of the country (U / aU)

FIGURE 6. " Flooting village" on TonIe Sap loke. Such villages,

occupied mostly by fishermen, ore surrounded by water for several months of the year when

they can be reached only by baat. (U / aU)

7

the impetm for the construction of Kompong Som. Since

earl~ 1970, Communist forces have destroyed a number

of bridges on both the road and rail line hetween

Kompong Som and Phnom Penh. denying use of the port

to the Cambodian GO\ eroment. The JVlekong.

consequently, has once more become the major supply

route for Phnom Penh.

The TonIe Sap is of little navigational significance

because of the presence of shallows at the point where the

lake narrows and becomes the channel or river emptying

into the ~vlekong and the TonIe Bassac. During the dr~

season, this constriction can be navigated only by flat­bottomed native craft that must be poled through the mud. The rice crop harvested in the western provinces of Battambang and Pursat and the fish caught in the lake during the dry season, consequently. must be shipped via road or rail to Phnom Penh. Such traffic has heen interdicted frequently by Communist force~ since early 1970. But t:'ven under peaceful conditions. traffic on Route .3 (for routes. see Summary Map, Figure 61) and the rail line along the south side of the Tonie Sap is often interrupted during the rainy season by washouts caused b\ flash flooding of streams flowing into the lake from the rain drenched southwestern mountains. Route 6, which parallels the northern side of the lake. is less vulnerable to such interruptions since the northern tributaries of the lake infrequently flood.

The Mekong and the Tonie Sap, while playing beneficial roles in Cambodia' ~ geography. divide the cnuntry. The Mekong i~ unbridged for its entire length; the TonIe Sap ri\ier i~ spanned by a bridge just north of Phnom Penh and the Tonie Bassac by one on the city's southern outskirts. Limited-capacity ferries must be used to get 'vehicles from one side to the other (Figure 8). Lack of adequate transportation facilities linking territory east of the 's.1ekong and north of the Tonie Sap with Phnom Penh contributed to the ease \vith which the Communist forces gained control of the northeaste-rn half of the countr~ in the past t\VO years.

Although the central lowland is the political. economic. and cultural heartland of the country.

FIGURE 8. Ferry crossing the Tonie Sop river near Korn­pong luong (Route 6), Forty-ton capacity ferries such as . this one also cross the Mekong in two places. Ferries else­where generally have capacities under 3 tons. (C)

8

FIGURE 9. Route 4, near Kornpong Speu. Built with U.S. aid, this route is the best engineered highway in the country. (U/OU)

Cambodia's mountainous rim-encompassing the

Chaine de i'Elephant and the Chaine des Cardamomes

in the south\vesL the Chaine des Dangrek in the north,

and the uplands of 1\:1ondolkiri and Ratanakiri provinces

in the northeast (part of an extensive plateau that extends

into Laos and South Vietnam)-is remote, rugged,

heavily forested. sparsely populated, and has generally

poor soils and few minerals. People in the mountains,

moreover. have- never been effectively controlled by the Cambodian Government. Called" Khmer Loeu" (upland

Khmer) b~ the- Khmer. they are primitive and, like other

uplanders throughout Southeast Asia. go about their lives with little interest in what goes on in the lowlands. Their dislike for their Khmer countrymen in the lowlands. benefited the Communist forces in their takeover of the uplands in the northeast. The southwestern mountains obstruct communications with.the western segment of the coast and the people of this remote area have closer ties. with southeastern Thailand than with the rest of Cambodia. Route 4 (Figure 9), which links phnom Penh with Kompong Som through a pass in the ChainE' de l'Elephant. is the only road to cross the southwestern mountains. Other upland areas also have few roads.

C. Population (C)

The only official census held in Cambodia, completed in April 1962, enumerated 5,728,771 persons. By 1 January 1972 the population was estimated to have grown to 7,075.000. This estimate implies an average annual gf()\vth rate of 2,2rr behveen 1962 and 1972. Most official Cambodian statistics extrapolated from the 1962 census employ a fixed 2.2\~ annual growth factor, but the current growth rate is helieved to be larger, although accurate demographic information is scarce. U.N. statistics for 1965~iO give a 2.80/( annual rate of natural increasp for Southeast Asia as a \-vhole, and. for thE' same 5-year period. estimate Cambodia' 5 average annual birth rate at 44.6 per LOOO population. death rate

at 15.6, and rate of natural increase at 29.0 per thousand population (o r 2.9 %). If continued, this rate would give

Cambodia a population of 10 million bv 1985, but

unstable conditions in the area make such sustained growth seem improbable.

Cambodias overall population density of about 100 persons per square mile is one of the lowest in Southeast Asia-about a third of that of South Vietnam a nd only a little more than half that of Thailand. Only Laos, with a density of 32 persons per square mile, is more thinly

populated. Population pressure thus does not represent a serious problem for the country as a whole, although in the so uthern lowlands the density of the population increases to about 200 to 350 per square mile. The 1962 provincia l population densities ranged from slightl y less than 3 per sq uare mile in Mondolkiri Provin ce in the northeast to 480 in Ka nd al Province surrounding Phnom Pen h.

Cambodia remains a land of villages; only about 10-20 % of the total popu lation is urban. The only metropolitan center is Phnom Penh , the capital, which had an enumerated population of 394,000 in 1962 and an esti mated 600,000 by 1967. Since the beginning of hostilities in earl y 1970, the population of the capital has been swollen by the influx of possibly 400,000 or more refugees from rural areas. This has been partially offset, however, by the repatriation of an es timated 100,000 Vietnamese from Phnom Penh to South Vietnam. The next largest urban centers are the provincial ca pitals of Battambang, Kompong Cham, and Pursat, which had es timated populations of 42,500, 30,500, and 16,000 in 1966. At that time there were eight additional urban areas with populations ove r 10,000-Sihanoukville (renamed Kompong Som in 1970), and the provincial capitals of Kompong Chhnang, Karnpot , Kra tie, Siern Reap, Svay Rieng , Karnpong Thorn, and Prey Veng.

The initial impetus for the movement into Phnom Penh appears to have been the need for protection during the st ruggle against the French in Indochina between 1952 and 1954. The movement was subseq uen tl y maintained by Phnom Penh' s transformation from a backwater colonial town to the capital of a n independent country with a large resident burea ucracy, and more recentl y by the war. There is some off-season movemen t of farm labor to the cities for temporary employment, and a movement of labor from the Pursat-Kompong Speu area into Battambang Province, Cambodia's" rice bowl," during the rice harvesting season. Internal migration otherwise appears to have been limited to a small-sca le government-sponsored resettlement program

. involving the movement of ethnic Khmer from the lowlands to the sparse northeast border provinces (inhabited mostl y by non-Khmer tribesmen ). There was no significant immigration to or emigration from Cambodia between the end of World War II and 1969. Effo rts by the Cambodian Government to induce ethnic Khmer living in South Vietnam to resettle in Ca mbod ia have had little success.

FIGURE 10. Age-sex distribution for Cambodia and the United Stotes, 1962 (Uj OU)

The population of Cambodia is yo uthful , as shown in

Figure 10. About 32.5 % of the population in 1962 was under 10 years of age, a lmost 44 % under 15 years, and 53% under 20. Birth and death rate es timates based on a 1958-59 survey of 345 villages showed th at the respective rates were 41.4 and 19.7 per thousand , resulting in a rate of natural increase of 21.7 per l ,OOO. In view of the la ck

of any significant immigration or emigra tion a t that time, this rate probably was also applicable to the annual populabon growth. Unofficial est imates covering 1962-1966 give an average birth rate of 42.4 a nd a death rate of 19.0 per thousa nd, o r a rate of increase of 2.34 %. The 1959 infant mortality rate was 127 per thousand ; presumably this rate , one of the highest in Southeast Asia, has decreased, but figu res are lacking. In 1958-59 the number of female deaths between the ages of 15 and ~4 years was much higher than that of males in the same age group, ind icating that a large portion of deaths were caused bv childbirth. As a result, the life expectancy of the Cambodian male was 44.2 yea rs a nd that of the female 43.3, a reversal of the usual longevity advantage of fema les. The sex ratio for the population as a whole is a lmost equal.

Of the 5 ,729,000 people enumerated in the 1962 census, 5 ,333,600, or 93 %, were classified as of " Khmer nationality." About 3% were listed as Chinese and 3.8% as Vietnamese. This classification is misleading, howeve r, in that the term " nationality" is meant to apply to citizenship rather than to ethnic categories. Thus the Khmer category includes Chinese a nd Vietnamese who have acquired Cambodian citi zenship, as well as indigenous ethnic minority groups, such as the Cham and the triba l Khmer Loeu, or mounta in tribesmen . Demographic observers estimated that in ea rl y 1970 the actual ethnic breakdown was approximatel y 87 % Khmer, 5 % Chin ese, a nd 5 % Vietnamese, but the repatriation- of Vietnamese and the exodus of Chinese in 1970 a nd 1971 has altered these percentages. Most of the remaining were divided more or less eq uall y between the Khmer Loeu

and the Cham, with a small Lao element (ethnic Thai),

Burmese, and a fe" thousand French and other \Vesterners making up the rest.

The Khmer arE' concentrated in the lowlands along: the valleys of the ~v1ekong and the TonIe Sap and their

tributaries. They also inhabit the forested plains in the

north. the southwest coastal region. and areas in the west along the Thai-Cambodian border. Chinesf' arE' found in E'very part of Cambodia, but about 605( of them live in

urban centers. Persons of Chinese descen\ accounted for

over one-third of the total population of Phnom Penh in 1962: proportions in other administrative units ranged

from a low of .'3.45C in :v1oIldolkiri Province to a high of

] 0.4 % in Kampot Province. Since ~'1arch 1970, hO\vever,

there have been reports of a significant exodus of Chinese

to Hong Kong, \1acao, and other more peaceful area~ of Southeast Asia.

The Yietnamese also tended to be townspeople. In

1962 about 2·5% of their number lived in Phnom Penh: subsequent estimates indicate that this number had increased to perhaps 3.'3)( by thf' late 1960\. Most of thE' remainder reside in to\\'ns a'long the Mekong or near the South Vietnam border. However, the border regions in the southeast also have numerous rural sett'lernents inhabited by Yietnamese. and there were YietIlamese fishing communities along the shores of the Tonie Sap lake, the Gulf of Thailand, ~'1d the Stung Sreng river in Battambang Province As' a result of Cambodia's discriminatory policies toward them. Vietnamese began leaving the country as early a5 1963. and in 1966-68 Cambodia offered free- transportation. to those wishing repatriation. Since the broadening of Indochinese hostilities into Cambodia in ]970. 'well over 200.000 Yietnamese have been repatriated.

The Cham, who are culturally akin to the Jvlala\'s and are predominantl~' Mmlim. live in compact \.:illages north and east of Phnom Penh (mainly in Kompong Cham Province). along thE' banks of the Mekong and thE' Tonie Sap. and in the southern coastal area near the cit\ of Kampot. The Lao arE' principally cultivators in th~ northern province of Stung Treng. The Khmer Leou predominate in the northeastern provincE'S of \-tondolkiri and Ratanakiri. ThE' geographic distribution of ethnic groups is shm.vn in an inset on the Summary \-tap. Figure 61.

The government has undertaken programs of resettlement. but primarily for political or economic rather than demographic reasons. Since 1958 the government has been resettling tribespeople awaY from the northern and northeast border areas in order to'isolatE' them from the Vietnam Communists and to further their assimilation to the Khmer. but this program did not meet with great success. Since ]960 some Khmer have been resettied from densely populated regions to arable lands: in less populated areas. Provinces involved in this program have included Battambang, Pur~at. Ratanakiri, Stung Treng, and Mondolkiri. No estimates are available on the numbers of persons involved.

10

\1arriage is considered to be a social obligation except

for permanent members of monastic orders. A man

usually marries bet"\\'een thf' ages of 20 and 25 and a girl

bet'\'een 18 and 22. The legal minimum age is 14 for girls and 18 for hoys. but special exceptions may be made for

bo~'s between the ages of 15 and 18 and girls he tween 12 and 14. Those belO\,' 18 cannot marry without the consent of their parents. There are ~an\ Chinese­Cambodian marriages, but marria,e;es betwee~ Cambodi­ans and Europeans or \'ietnamese are rare. Polygyny is sanctioned. but the practice is gradually dying out. Generally only upper class persons. high civil servants. and wealthy Chinese can afford to maintain a polygynous household. Divorce is legally possible but infrequent; ho\\oever, a divorced man or woman rna\" remarry without loss of social prestige. There is no birth control program, either government or private.

D. Structure and characteristics of the societv (C) •

1. Social structure

Cambodian society traditionally has been segmented into five distinct groupings: the former rovaltv and nobility. the bureaucracy. the Buddhist priesthoo'd, the peasantry, and the urban business-services group. Except for the peasantry each of these is in turn stratified intemall~. The individual groupings have tended to be racially homogeneous-the first three composed of Khmer. the peasantry made up primarily of Khmer with the exception of plantation laborers. who have been mosth Chinesf' and \'ietrwmese, and the business­services group dominated b~ Chinese and Vietnamese. \Vithin this segmented social structure there has been some limited lateral mobility. with the bureaucracy recruiting its members from the old rovaltv-nobilitv and from among the more educated Khme: seg'ment. a~d the Buddhist priesthood obtaining its members from all Khmer groups but from the peasantry in particular. \" E'rti cal movement has alw~ys been possible to some extent within the various social groups.

SincE' independence, the traditional lines of social stratification have been increasingly blurred by ne" criteria for status achievement. mainly through expanded edul'ational opportunit~ and resulting occupational improvement leading to economic advancement. As might be expected, this is most apparent in the urban communities, although more and more Cambodians in all sections of the countr! are becoming a ware of the possibilities for improving their lot. \Vith the ending of the monarchy the status of the rovaltv-nobility has sharpJy decli~ed. but it still retains - residual pr~stige, particularly in the rural areas. At the same time the size and prestige of Cambodia's military force has increased rapidl~, and military service has become an important avenue for social adyancement among the Khmer.

a. THE I\.H?\·IER

The Khmer. who are the base of Cambodian society, are the end product of centuries of intermixture with

other ethnic groups. As a result, wide variations in

ph ysical t raits occur. They generall y tend to be robust and short (the average male height being 5 foot 3 I'.! inches), with light- to medium-brown coloring and black wavy or curl y hair. There are distinct regional variations, especia ll y in facia l types. Ph ys ica l differences a re particularly marked in the cit ies, where Chinese intermixtures are obvious, and in the border areas, where Thai , Vietnamese. a nd Ca ucasoid (I ndian ) as well as Chinese influences may be seen. Rep resentative Khmer physica l types are shown in Figure i1.

( II Royalty-Until the abol ition of the monarch y in October 1970, the apex of the Khmer social pyramid had been the royal family of severa l hundred persons, whose position was buttressed by the widespread tendency, particularly among the peasantry, to ascribe divine qualities to the mona rch. All members of this socia l group a re relativel y immediate descendants o f the kings who ruled in the past 124 years. Co mmoners were rarely elevated to this privileged status. All members of the fo rmer royalty, excluding those who are now in exi le, live in Phnom Penh and maintain few social or economic

FIGURE 11. Representative Khmer physical types (C)

11

ties with the rest of the country; only a handful are of any

current political or military importance.

Since high royal status was best preserved b~

intermarriage of royalty near the main genealogical stem,

marriages hetween extremely close ro~-al relatiq"s \\-ere

common. Anxiety over the los~ of social statm was

probably greatest at the periphery of royalt~-among

those who barely qualified or just missed qualifying as

members. Before thE' abolition of the monarch~ and royal

titles in October 1970. the countr~ ahounded with

persons using royal titles to which they werE' not entitled.

Their claims appeared con\'incing. since all descendants

of the royal house, whether through royal or morganatic

marriagE' or concuhinage. and \\'hether of royal or

commoner status today, were entitled to bear the royal

surname \jorodom or Sisowath. Possessors of either of

these names \VeH" highly eligible as marriage partners;

the~- were frequently able to improve their wcial statm

through marriage with higher members of ro~-alty or their

economic status through marriage with wealth~

commoners. Feeling~ of in group solidarity \vere not strong in the

Cambodian royalty-nobility. This was attributable to the enormous size of ruling ro~al families in the recent past, to the complexity of kinship patterns, and to the lack. among most members outside the former royal family, of economic- resources commensurate with their sucial position v. hich \vould allm\- them to maintain a stYle of life distinctively apart from that of all commoners. TherE' is also a tradition of ri\'alry hetwpen the l'''':orodom and Sisowath branches_ ~evertheless, members of royalty are to ~ome extent bound to one another by a feeling of blood kinship and an awareness of belon~ing to the paramount social stratum

Even prior to the removal of Sihanouk and the establishment of the republic, the social pre~tige of the royalty and nobility had been diminishing. As long a~ the ro~ alty was preoccupied \"'ith innocuous ceremonial activities, as it was under the French protectorate, its members were shielded from public scrutin~ and attack. \\lith active involvement in politics and government in recent years, however, the participating memhers of royalt~, including the royal family, had been unable to avoid re~ponsihility for their acts. In the long run, the resulting criticism could not help but detract from the publiC' esteem of the royalt~ as a whole. Among the well­educated bureaucrats, Buddhist monks, and students there has long been an 'undercurrent of feeling that there are too many prince~ a-nd that "they are getting to(J much gravy." and there was considerable doubt whether thE' royalty or even the royal family had a genuine function in Cambodia. Some of the royalty have shart'd this feeling to some extent. This is especially true among the Sisowath branch, v.'hich wa:.. deprived of the throne when ~orodom Sihanouk became king in 1941. ]\"otable among these is Sisowath Sirik \1atak, who while Deputy Prime \1inister. was a principal figure in Sihanouk's deposition.

12

{21 Bureaucracy-The bureaucracy consists of all

Cambodians in direct government employ, such a~ the

regular career officiab Ijonctionnaircs,! in the ministries,

other e:"o..ecutivE' agencie~. and provincial and count~

office.',: policf' officers: medical and veterinary officers:

public school im:pector~ and teachers: cust()m~ officiah:

public works pE'rsonneL and postoffice and telecommuni­

catiom staff. In rank they range from members of the Council of Ministers, \yho are ~enerally career government officials. to typists, clerks, and SWE"eper:... Although the royalt~- is not part of the bureaucracy. a fe\\ member~ of the royal class havp assumed positions within it

Memhers of the bureaucracy constitute almost the entire well-educated segment of the Khmer population Under presE"ntly underdeveloped f'conomic conditions, thf' bureaucracy provides virtually the sale job outlet for Khmer youth with secondary or higher education who aspire to positions commensurate with their skills. Even if other outlets were open, the bulk of the educated youth would still be attracted to the bureaucracy, since it is the only channel aside from the military. through which positions of great prestige and pO\I.:er can t)f' obtained. \1oreover, it provides the easiest if not the only means for the Khmer to accumulate \vealth. hecause the Khmer find it difficult to compete successfully with the Chinese and the \'ietnamese in husiness and finance, and because bribery and graft are widespread in the bureaucracy. l\evertheless. the hulk of the bureaucrats. though representing the best educated segment of the Khmer population. are young, inexperie-Ilced and. by \Vestern standard~. poorly trained for the rE'sponsibilities th('~

must a~sume. Onl~ a handful of individuals in high office are properly qualified by virtue of a university education in France, the United States, or elsewhere and, for some of the older members. tbeir experience in the colonial administration.

Bureaucrats are also frE"quentl~ criticized for their preoccupation with the external ~ymbols of office and their concomitant lack of attention to duty. They are extremely conscious of rank and it~ accompanying title~ and perquisites, and are quickly offended when they do not receive deferential treatme~t from subordinates and social inferiors. This may be the result of consciousness of their parvenu status and the continuing influence of the old French colonial service, which emphasized prestige (the colonial service had t\,,'o categorie~ of personneL ,. excellenc~' and office boy, according t(l a French administrative expert making a survey in Cambodia for a Cnited Nations agency). Although lethargy and indolence pervade the bureaucracy, they are most pronounced among the top officials.

Lack of initiative is another characteristic of the Camhodian hure3ucrac~-, resulting partially from the formE'r ,-ill-pervasive presence of Prince Sihanouk and the reluctance of civil ser\'ant:.. to make sf'emingl~

insignificant decisions without his implicit or explicit approval. Under the n('\\ regime. until better channels of communication are- established, more efficient proce-

dures become routine, incumbents gain more experience.

and better trained technicians ~re recruited. bure~llcrats

\'v'ill understandably be slow to <let.

(.3) Buddhist priesthood~ The priesthood plass a domin:.lnt role in shapin~ the ethos of the population. It is the professional custodian and purveyor of Theravada i.Hinayanal Buddhism. which is almo",t universally accepted by the Khmer <lnd is explicitly recognized in the national constitution as the st<lte religion. Theravada, which emphasizes individual salvation based on personal faith and conduct and a simple \vay of life, exerts considerable influence in matters of morals, religion, and traditional learning through its network of pagodas extending to all villages.

The priesthood consists of possibly- .50,000 monks who helong either to the \·1ohanikay or to the much smaller Thomayut monastic order. 2 Although both orders are hierarchically structured. the :\flohanikay is far morE' elaborately organized. It constitutes. in effect, a self­contained and tightly centralized subcommunity with its own administrative apparatus, communications network, inspection system, courts, and school system for trainine; monks and educating male children. The administrative structure parallels that of the civil bureaucracy: it is manned by a hierarchy of monks who are assigned rank according to seniority' and authority held at the central. provincial. county, and village levels. Assistants to chief monks at J.ll levels above the 100·ve~t village pagodJ. units act J.s transmitters of instructions to and inspector~ of subordinate pagodas. Immune from civil jurisdiction, monks are subject to trial and litigation in three levels of ecclesiastic courts.

The recruitment process imparts to the priesthood its remarkablv egalitariJ.n character. Because of its celibate nature, the priesthood does not constitute J. hereditary social group like the royalty. Since education is not a prerequisite, monks are not, as are the hureaucrats. recruited principally- from the w·ealthier, urbanized groups. )Jevertheless, all groups, including the former royalty. hJ.ve been represented in the priesthood, because most Cambodians formerly felt obligated to serve as novice monks sometime during their adolescent and eady adult years. Many individuals. primarily of peasant background, chose to remain monks the remainder of their lives after serving their novitiate. Most Cambodians. hO\VeVeL returned to secular life after a period of :3 months to a year in the pagodas, Youths sometimes become monks in order to continue an education which they otherwise could not afford.

Because of its unique role in society, the priesthood's social prestige is difficult to assess. Traditionally, all monks, regardless of rank, are highly respected. even by members of their immediate families, and honorific terms are used when speaking to them. In palace functions, the first dish offered to top Buddhist dignitaries was served hy

?fhe Thomayut monastic order draws d larger portion of its following from the upper social levels, and adheres to more orthodox religious practices than does the '\1ohanikav. There are. however. nu important doctrinal differences between them.

the King himself. In the villages. the chief of the local

pagoda is the spiritual leader of the community Jnd often

\vields secular influence as well. However, many young-,

\\"estern-nriented Camhodians feel that much of the

permanent bod~' of monks (the Sangka) is made up of bz~. ne>er-do-well elements. and that the Sangka

COII.'>titllte'> d. severe economic drain which the country

call ill afford.

Despite its monolithic appeJ.rance. the Cambodian

body- of monks is divided in its religious. social, and even political outlook. This is not readily discernible. however, since clerical leaders are usually successful in maintaining discipline. noninvolvement in politics, and an outv,iurd show of unity- throughout the hierarchy·. IVloreover. thE' ovenvhelming mJ.jority of Sangka uSllall;.-' is politically inactive, insulated from the pressing issue of the moment. and preoccupied \vith religious endeavors.

(4) Peasantry-The typical Khmer peasant. engaged for the most part in subsistence agriculture and oriented to\ .... ard a traditional Theravada Buddhist way of life. is generally characterized as easygoing, amiable, and gentle. with a value system that 5tresses comervatism. tolerance, patience, and unconcern for material possessions. The peasant often is viewed by \Vesterners as indolent and l~thargic. resisting innovation and passively accepting 10\1,-" levels of living even though improvement lies within his re:.lch.

Khmer pe<lsant society is simple and egalitarian, heine; generall\" devoid of wealthy bndlord or country g('ntr~ groups, on the one hand, or of extremely impoverished groups on the other. Almost all Khmer pemants are smallholders usually engaged in rice fanning_ \Vealth in land is not highly esteemed because 'of the relative abundance of arable land and the Khmer's disinclination to grow more rice than necessary to meet minimal needs. Prestige. respect. and the accumulation of ., merit·' for a later life are more often won by righteous conduct and faithful service to the pagoda (,-rat I. Village society. how-ever, is not totally unstructured; the me phum (village headman) and the achar (lay leader of the pagoda) occupy influential positions of leadership.

The basic Khmer social unit is the small famil~ nucleus consisting of a married couple and about four or five children. Euch family group occupies a separate house, usually raised on mangrove pilings, sometimes as much as 10 feet l Figure 121; owns its rice paddy and vegetable

FIGURE 12. Typical housing in a Cambodian village (U/OU)

garden; and functions as a separate unit. Tht' Khmer do

not maintain highly structured family system:" nor do

the~' generally believe that the family constitutes the link

hetween past and present generations. Filial piety is a less

compulsive moral obligation than among thr Chinese or

Vietnamese, hut respect for one's elders is expected of all. The Khmer woman is highly regarded hy the men in her family and occupies a key position in thE' household; in many wa~'s the prosperit~. \ ... ·ell-being. and development of the family as a unit revolve around her

Although village society has remained simple and tradition oriented, with few indications of cultural change, urban society is far more eomplex. This is especially true in Phnom Penh, where heterogeneous ethnic groups mingle even though they tend to reside in voluntarilv segregated subcommunities. and where ""'estern modE'S. methods, and values competE' and often conflict with the traditional

(5) Basic values and attitudes~Cambodian

values are rooted in an elabomtely hierarchical structure of society with dearly defined roles. Cambodiam tend to conceive of their societ~ as a system of multi pit' hierarchies. Status: consciousness is most pronounced in the dearlv articulated hierarchies of the royalty. priesthood. and bureaucracy, but it i!> also evident in the ill-defined and relatively equalitarian hierarchies of peasants and townspeople. The latter groups show their status consciousness in thE'ir defE'rential behavior toward members of the previom threE' groups.

Factors that enter into the assignment of status are family background (particularly in tht' erst\\·hile royalty), formal rank and office (in the bureaucracy and clergy). wealth, educational attainment, and occupation (in the urban business-services group), and age. All other factors remaining equaL older persons are generally deferred to, and when age difference~ are great elders of a lower status group are entitled to respect from ~iOunger people of higher status. Just as status tends to be clearly defined, various roles are relatively circumscribed. Interpersonal relationships are governed by formal patterns of behavior-condescending. familiar, or deferential­depending on the relative status of the individuals. Departures from these patterns are seldom condoned.

In addition to making sharp distinctions in status roles. Cambodians tend to compartmentalize them. A .political leader, for example, is less subject to criticism for his personal behavior outside his status role in politics than is his counterpart in U.S. society. The Cambodian leader may engage in questionable business transactions or keep numerous mistresses, but as long as he performs his official functions satisfactorily. hi~ activities in thE' concurrent status-rolE'S of businessman and husband­father do not affect his political fortunes.

Cambodians seem to have no difficulty in making abrupt changes in important status roles. \\lhen a layman becomes a monk for example, his values and attitudes. as well as his behavior toward others and that of others toward him (including that of his parents). are drastically transformed. Similarly. devout Buddhists eschew killing

14

any form of life, but when inducted into the army they

hecome quite prepared to take human life, as

demonstrated in the lndochind hostilities.

Most of the dominant values in Camhodian s()cipt~

flow from the basic Buddhist tenets. which in most

instances are complementary to the \ ::dues derived from

indigenom sourct:'~. They explain the meaning of life and

give purpme and direction to daily living. Buddhism. as understood in its simplest form hy Cambodians. stresses the concept of man as a sum total of his merits and demerits. An individual's present ~tatm-whether or not he continues to enjoy wealth. prE'stige, and good health­as weI! as his future status-whether hp be reborn a king. a commoner. or Jess fortunately. a dog-is contingent upon his scale of merits and demerits. Merit is accumulated through offering. not receiving: through self-achievement. not undeserved inheritance; and through the accomplishment of virtuom deeds such as service to the communit~-, pagoda, and nation. and living the self-denying existence of monk!... not gratifying one's visceral appetites. Demerits are received because of wrong or evil conduct. and when they outweigh the total of merits. they lead to the possibility of consignment to a lower order of life in a futurE' reincarnation and of ill fortune in the present life owing to vulnerability to attack from the spiritual world Acceptance of thi~ merit­demerit concept and preoccupation \vith merit­accumulation decrease the importance of matf'fial \vell­heing to most Cambodians.

The Camhodian conception of "equality" offers an interesting example of \'alue rationalization. l'nderlying all Buddhist teachings is the postulate that all human beings are ultimately equal~all men are equally entitled to life and all have equal opportunit~' to accumulate merit by leading eXE'mplary lives so that all may achievE' hetter reincarnations or even attain the ultimate goal, nirvana. In actuality. however. inequality is clearly and rigidly institutionalized in the elaborate hierarchies of status roles in Camhodian societ~, deriving from persistent indigenous. and Hindu influences. Accordingly. it is believed that certain individuals occupy higher status roles than others hecause- they led more exemplary lives and accumulated more merit in a previous existence. They deserve their present status because they havp earned it. Thus, Buddhist \'alues, rather than serv'ing as a leveling. democratizing influence, function as a rationale for existing conditions.

i\:lan~ of the \'alues derived from tradition and Buddhism are reinforced by the normally placid and simple agricultural lift' of the majority of the people. The~t' \'alues product on the positive side a Camhodian who is a happ~. carefree individual. On the negative side, he is apt to be tradition oriented. unambitious, and passivl' hecause he conceives of hi~ present life as ephemeral. predetermined. and largel~ unomtrollahle. \\lhen he become~ involved in a new or distasteful situation, he tends to resign himself to it, assume a new status role (e.g .. retreating to a pagoda and becoming a monk). or movt' to a ne\\- locality.

Most Clmbodians have only a vague concept of

matters beyond their immediate surroundings. and such :.lttitudes as exist toward other societies are based on hearsay information. Khmer in general are conscious of helonging to a national community of which they regard the central elements to be their history. the government in Phnom Penh. their religion, and their language. :"Jationalistic attitudes. however, are intense among the elite. ;'dost Khmer have little kno'\vledge of, or interest in. foreign societies except those of their immediate neighbors. Of these. they- dislike the Vietnamese, suspect the Thai. and perhaps feel somewhat superior to the Lao. Through their contact with the local Chinese. the Khmer are vaguely a\\'are of China, perceived as d strong external power. The idea of political neutrality. \vhich is really a reflection of basic Khmer traits such as an amiable inaction and uversion to violence, has a strong appeal and has been strongly fostered by the government. The attitudes of the educated elite toward foreign ~ocieties appear to be influenced by feelings of inadeq uacy <1nd se-If-consciousness.

In the past. Cambodians have been personally friendly to t .S. citizens. Beginning in t963, former Chief of State Sihanouk publicly expressed suspicion of and resentment toward the t nited States and \\-'as able to stimubte anti­American feeling among Cambodians. Since his ouster. however, relations with the LT nited St<1tes and attitudes toward Americans have shown marked improvement.

(6) Social mobility-Social status is defined both hy hirth and hy attained position \vithin the religious or civil hierarchies. Limited social mobility is provided by the Buddhist monkhood, which draws members from Khmer of all groups; by the bureaucracy. which is becoming more accessible to youths of modest means <1S educational opportunities expand; and by the military ~ef\:ices. The pagoda schools and government elementar:: schools are open to all classes. At the college level. government and ulumni scholarships are available to those who can qualify in competitive examinations. Educational achievement has led mainlv to the highl\' coveted positions in the civil sef\'ice~ ~lthough o~he'r fields-the military, commerce, and teaching-are attmcting attention. Status upgrading can also be :.lchieved through wealth. Though economic status in itself carries less prestige than in \Vestern societies, wealth C<1n be used to advantage. It makes possible, for instance, a favorable marriage into an influf>ntial family. It is also important in providing the means for a hetter education, which in turn C:.ln lead to rising status in the political or religious structure.

h. THE ~H:;.,jORITIES

The Chinese and \'ietnamese communities have made up the mercantile and artisan middle class and the pbntation laborers of Cambodia. They tend to form cultural islands. in large part separate from e:.lch other and from the Khmer, ~ithough there is more assimilation among the Chinese than among the Vietnamese. \-1embers of the upper social level in these communities possess \\-'ealth and playa predominant role in economic

affairs, but they do not possess high social statm among

the Khmer :.lnd are only OIl the outer fringE' of the circle

that holds politic:.li power. Both of these ethnic minorities

retain :-,trong extraterritorial loy-alties, and there is

evidence of pro-Communist activity Llmonl? them,

The Chinese. most of whom Llre urban oriented.

dominate the important businesses of the country. They

excel :.lS bankers. moneylenders. and contractors and control the import-export, retailing, and transportation fields. The Chinese have :.l virtual monopoly over the coastal fishing industry and are the local merchants and moneylenders for the Khmer peasantry. Despite Khmer resentment toward them. the Chinese as a \vhole are envied for their economic: talents and personal \vealth and :.lre eagerly sought as m:.lrriage partners. As a result there has been considerable intermarriage between upper-class Chinese <1nd Khmer, resulting in an important Sino-Khmer elite element which is influential both in business and government. The existence of this group has helped to mitigate ronflict bet\\-een the two ethnic elements.

The Vietnamese minority, which also has traditionally been concentrated in the urban areas, has a much lower social and economic status th:.ln the Chinese. Most \'ietnamese e:J.rn their living as skilled <1rtisans, petty merch<1nts, professionals, white-collar workers, and domestic servants. Those \\i-ho live in the rural areas are engaged primarily in rice farming, plantation work. <1nd fishing. They live in segreg:.lted sections of cities and villa.ges. where they form fairly' close-knit communities. although lacking the formal cultural institutions of the Chinese. There is <1 tradition of intense antipathy between the Vietnamese and the Khmer stemming from historical Vietnamese aggression and also from the fact that Vietn<1mese occupied many ~econdary positions in the bureaucracy during the French colonial period. Although the Khmer have more or less <1ccepted economic exploitation by the Chinese, the:' find the samE" treatment by the Vietnamesp highly objectionable. Expanded Vietnamese milit<1ry activity in e:J.stern and southern Cambodia since t\.-brch 1970 has resulted in :J. marked worsening in relations between the Khmer and Vietnamese populations and in the repatriation of many­thousands uf Vietnamese to South Vietnam.

The predominantly :vluslim Cham rank fourth in numerical size among C<1mbodia's ethnic groups. (The Cham communities include a Malay element which is almost completely assimilated.) In urban areas they' enter trade :.lnd industry, :.lnd in rural areas they engage in fishing. agriculture, commerce. water transportation, <lnd cattle breeding. The Cham have excellent relations with the Khmer and are allo'\ved religious and cultural :.llltonomy. although most Khmer consider them inferiors.

The tribal hill peoples. know'n collectively as Khmer Loeu, or "upland Khmer." are dispersed throughout the saVann:.l forest and denuded hills east of the \'lekong in sparsely populated northeast Cambodia, particularly along the borders with Laos <1nd South Vietnam, with minor groups in the Chaine des Cardamomes and Chaine

l.5

Rhode family, village of Ban Klong Mil, Mondolokiri Province (C)

Mnong Biet tribes people in village of Pak Kle, Krotie Province (C)

Tompuon tribespeople near labansiek, Ratanakiri Province (C)

'-.~

Girls of Stieng tribe, Kratie Province (U / OU)

FIGURE 13. KHMER lOEU TRIBESPEOPlE

de I'Elephant moun tain ranges in the southwest. The

tribal peoples (Figure 13 ) a re sociall y, pol iti call y, and economically outside th e mainstrea m of Ca mbodian life and culture. Their primiti ve social organi zation is based essen ti ally on kinship, they are a nimists rather than Buddhists, a nd the y depend on slash-a nd -b urn agriculture, hunting, a nd gathering for subsistence. Despite some ethnic affinity to the Khmer, the triba l peoples a re loo ked down on because of their backwa rdness a nd their traditional stat us as slaves. Although the government' s resettlement program that began in 1958 was aimed at making the tribal groups more accessible and at integrating them into the national communi ty, it d id not affect the majority of tribesmen , and some have reta ined separa tist sentiments. During 1968 resentment against government rest ri ctions on traditional farming and hunting methods, req uirements for compulsory labor, a nd general lack of concern for tribal interes ts caused tribal d iss idents , incited by Vietnamese Communists, . to wage guerrilla warfare

16

aga inst Ca mbodi a n a rm ed forces in the three northeastern provi nces. During the late 1960's, and particula rly sin ce the large-scale North Vietn a mese incursions beg inning in earl y 1970, Vietnamese an d Cambodian Communist elements have been able to ma ke co nsid e rabl e inroads a mong the tribes­pa rti cul arly the Jarai and Rh ade-Iocated respectively in the northeastern provin ces of Ratanakiri a nd Mondolki ri, and have employed th em to transport su pplies a nd to act as guides.

2. Languages

The pri ncipal lang uage of the co untry is Khmer (commonly ca ll ed Ca mbodian ). which is ,pa rt of th e non tonal , monosvll abic, Mon- Khmer linguistic gro up. It is spoken by the' Khmer a nd is the secondary tongue of most members of minority g roups who live among the Khmer. Lingui sti c di versity exists, however, because of th e va ri ety of eth ni c min o riti es with mutua ll y unintelligible languages such as C hin ese, Vietnamese,

and Cham. the continuing importance of French as the

language of government and of the educated people. and

the me of Pali and Sanskrit for religiou~ purposes by the

Buddhist community. Cambodian \vas adopted in 19,5:1

as the national language to replace French and is

beginning to be used increasingly within the government.

In the schools the number of hours devoted to instruction

in Camhodian is beine; increased as more textbooks in

that language become available. \Vider use of

Cambodian is impeded, how-ever, by a vocabulary

deficient in technical terms, a writing sy:stem for which

there is as yet no uniform system of romanization and transliteration, and the continued preeminence of French in intellectuaL official, and commercial affairs.

French remains the professional and intellectual language of virtually the entire educated segment of the population. Some high-ranking officials are more literate in French than in their native language. The importance of French is indicated bv the fact that the dailv bulletin of the government press service is published in that language, as well as in Khmer.

Languages spoken by the principal ethnic minorities are Chinese, Vietnamese, ar:ld Cham. The latter, a mixed language of Mala~/O-Polynesian stock is spoken by the Cham peoples, but Malay and Arabic are commonly used for reading and writing. Vietnamese is spoken by the Vietnamese minority and is also the common language of the market place. \Vhen bargaining over prices \vith Vietnamese or Chinese merchants, the Khmer usually speak Vietnamese. considering their pr~mary language too dignified. The Chinese minority speak one or more of five different southeastern Chinese dialect groups (Ch'aochou, Cantonese, Hokkien, Hakka, and Hainan­esel. only two of which are mutually intelligible. Mandarin. taught in all Chinese schools, has been encouraged as a Chinese lingua franca in both Peking and Taipei. Owing to the lack of a common Chinese di~lect and to their predominant economic role, the Chinese more than any other ethnic group aTe bilingual or multilingual.

Lao is spoken in northern Cambodia by the small ethnic Lao,/Thai population there and hy some Cambodians who received schooling during the occupation by Thailand of Battambang and Siem Reap Provinces from 1940 to 1945.

Knowledge of English is very limited but there is growing interest among the elite in its use as a medium of communication in foreign commerce and international relations. An English-language program financed by AID was discontinued when Sihanouk ousted all Americans in late 1963, but the teaching of English is now expanding in Phnom Penh.

E, Ylanpower and labor (C)

1. Labor force

:v1anpower resources are relatively small because of the vouthfulness of the population. According to the 1962 census the labor force (age 10 and over) totaled about 2.5

million persons, or 4:3% of the total population. In

addition, there \Vas a labor reserve of about 1..5 million

over age 10, consisting primarily of housewives. students,

and retirees. \vhich gave Cambodia total manpower

resources of some 4 million persons. or approximately

70% of the population. \-1ales <1ccount for .38% dnd fem<1les for 42% of the

active labor force. Female pdrticipation varies, since it usually £0 110 \,,-'S seasonal patterns relating to the harvesting and transplanting of rice. The labor force is composed primarily of peasant farmers, petty traders, and handicraft workers. Only a small percentage of those in industrv and handicrafts are skilled industrial workers in the vVestern sense, however. The composition of the labor force by occupation for 1962 is presented in Figure 14. Although the percentage of workers in certain categories. such as industry' and especially the armed forces (which had mushroomed to over 200,000 by early 1972), has increased since 1962. the overall picture of the labor force shown in Figure 14 is not believed to have changed Significantly.

The agricultural and government sectors are composed primarily of Khmer, whereas other sectors are dominated by the ethnic minority groups. The industrial \vorkers are primarily Chinese and Vietnamese; the latter also constituted the major labor force in the rubber plantations. The Chinese dominate the country's commercial life. In order to bring more Khmer into these sectors, a sporadically enforced law forbids non-Khmer

Farmers, Fishermen, Hunters, loggers

(79,..,.,)-

Sales Workers (S.4%,)

Craftsmen, Production Workers, and Laborers

(4.1%)

Defense, Serviees, "nd Rec:reiltion Personnel

(4.5%,)

Professional, Tec:hniui. and Relilted Workers

(2.6%)

TOTAL 2,499.7 (in thousands)

'"11""' liliiii'" "'"11'" "'1ItI1I1 "'''""'

'"1111'" 1111 I J<.5

II1II11"'1 /028

HlllII'" 'I /I J./

"'"" .5.1

Tnln5pOfi and Communiatlons Workers tt 2/.5 " . ..,.,)

Administrative. Exec:utive, and Manatwill Work""'$ I 5.5 .. ..,.,)

"'""'" "'""'" "'""'" "'"11'" '""'''" 1:998

, =10,000 Persons Miners and Quarry Worken 1.8

(0..1%)

unClaS:Sifi~.~)n.mployed ttft 38.0

FIGURE 14, Active lobar force, by occupo';on, 1962 (U/OU)

17

participation in any of 20 specific: oc('upatiom and fiAe~

the proportion of non-Khmer who may be employed in

industrial or commercial organizations at ,100;:;: of the total

personnel. Non-Khmer also are forbidden hy 18\\· to own

land.

The dearth of qualified manpower is an important

factor in the slow pace of industralization in Camhodia

Only a small percentage of the labor force has worked in

the modern sector of the economy and. as a result. a great

shortage of administrative and entrepreneurial skill exists. In addition, most educated Khmer have an aversion to semiskilled and technical labor; the majority of the Khmer population considers manual labor. apart from agricultural work. degrading.

C nemploY'ment j~ not yet considered to be a major problem. \\lith the increasing succes~ of the nationwide education program. hCl\vever. a greater number of secondary ~chool graduate~ have' heen coming into the cities seeking white-collar job~. especially in government. which is the major employer of educated Cambodians. The demand has far exceeded the limited numher of such positions, however. and the grov,!ing number of educated, unemployed. or dissatisfied youths has been a eontinuing problem for the government. Doubtlessly, wartime mobilization has reduced outright unemployment.

Underemployment in the agricultural sector j~ a seasonal problem. since only one important rice crop is grown each year. Agricultural labor is full~ occupied during rice planting. transplanting. and harvesting season~. which together take 6 month.<.. hut is underemployed during the remaining half of the year. Some farm families. however. engage in handicraft activities. cultivate sugar palms. or find temporary employment in urban areas during the slack season.

2. Labor laws

Since independence the Cambodian Government has enacted a number of laws, decrees. and regulations extending or modifying earlier French legislation. The most significant change-that concerning the employ­ment of foreigners-is aimed at giving Khmer citizem greater opportunity to find employment in the nonagricultural fields. \vhich previously had been almost monopolized by Vietnamese and Chinese. Other postindependence legislation pertains to leave and holidays. family allowances. labor organizations and strikes. and industrial records and reports. Nevertheless. the basic labor code is still that promulgated by the French in 1936. Although a new, comprehensive labor code embod~/ing the current laws and regulations has been developed with the assistance of the International Labor Organization, it had not, as of 19/0. beet"J passed into Ia w. In general the application of labor regulations is more strict with regard to public and mixed enterprises than with respect to private enterprises.

Labor legislation has not become a political issue. Non-Khmer resent the regulations banning them from certain occupations. but have not been overly vocal against this discrimination. Even though Sihanouk's

18

govC'rnment allowed complaints to be aired in hi~

:r\ational C()ngres~-in thf'ory a "pt'ople~s forum" \\'hich

permitted an~- citizen to f'xprf's~ hi~ opinions heforf' it­

there was \'ery little complaint over labor mattE'rs. <lnd

practicall~' none regarding labor legislation. In general.

agricultural workers. who form the maiorit~- of the labor

force. are UTWWan--' of tbe rq!;ulatiom protecting them.

3. Labor organizations

The economic. ~ociaL and political environment in

Cambodia has not given trade unions a real opportunit~ to develop. There an' nn genuine trade unions. but the government does permit the formation of "professional associations. ,. which only superficially resemble \Vestern trade unions. These professional as~ociations register employees. provide somE' insurance. agree to work rates. und suhmit petitions to government and management. Membership is confined largely to the Khmer. the Chinese having their own trade guilds and secret societie.<.. In 196-;- there \':ere onh- three acti\'e labor trade organizations. with a total membership of <lround 1.500. The~ rna, noL however, affjliate internationally or engage in collective hargaining. Public employees. moreover, may not organize. \Vhile strikes theoretically are legaL the government considprs them harmful to the economy in its present stage of development and has in effect suspended the right to strike.

Because effectivp unions do not exi~t. the government has assuITIt'd primary responsibility for the protection of \\'orkers' rights and the <lrnelioration of \vorking conditions. Although there are legal provisions for conciliation and arbitration. these are seldom used and the government. through the ciyil courts and its ministerial departments. plays the predominant role in the settlement of diff€'rences, most of \vhich arE' of an individual rather than of a collective nature.

4. \-Vages and working conditions

\Vages vary greatly throughout the national economic structure. In 1969 the average annual per capita income was estimated at about CSSIOO. In 1964 unskilled and semiskilled laborers. '\vho make up the hulk of the nonagriculturaL nongovernmental employees. earned an estimated average salary of $:300 per annum. A skilled \vorker may reccive hvice as much as one who is unskilled. The average government employeE' earns approximately $800 a year. A univerSity-trained professional civil servant, on the other hand, ma~- have a beginning salary as high as $L500 and later earn up to $3.000 annually.

The <.:lverage peasant income per capit<.:l in 1964 was equivalent to about $63. \'\·hil'b often had to bE' supplemented by borrowing. In most cases net income is considerably lower after deducting such item" as interest pavments on loans to Chinese merchanb (rates are often lOO>r.), living expenses while working away from the vilbge. contributions to the local pagoda. and hrihes which are demanded and expected hy locaJ officials for giving attention to routine requests. Often in debt to the

moneylender to whom it sells its crops. the average

Cambodian peasant family' has an annual disposahle

income equivalent to about 8100. The peasant, hO\vever,

is for the most part outside the money economy.

\Vorking conditions in general and even in many

important industries are substandard, in spite of the

comprehensive legislation on the books. Health and

safety' regulations ure poorly enforced in small establishments, vV'hich employ the largest portion of the nonagricultural labor force. Typical of the:-.e are the numerous Chinese machine-repair shops, the older factories. and the rice mills. On the other hand. some of the newer and larger plants, both privately und publicly owned. provide excellent working conditions. as do also some of the plantations. Most cigarette factories and the textile factory \vhich is o\vned and operated by the state provide many facilities for personnel. Perhaps in no other Cambodian enterprises did workers enjoy as good working and living conditions as on the rubber plantations, especially the larger ones in Kompong Cham Province. prior to the plantations' destruction or seizure by the Communists in the fighting which erupted in early 19,0

F. Health and welfare (C)

1. Health

a. DIET

Health levels are probably 100ver than in neighboring South Vietnam and Thailand but higher than in Laos. The basil' Cambodian diet. extremely low in nutritional value, consists mostly of fish and rice. Tuk-trey sauce, made of fermented. highly spiced fish oil. is a diet staple for people at most social levels, Prahoc, a spiced paste made of salted dried fish, is also a staple. Supplements to the basic diet. depending on seasonal availability and individual income, are vegetables, meat (beef, pork. and poultry}, eggs, and fruits. particularly bananas. Tea is taken generally between meals and water after meals. The :.1verage Cambodian consumes about 2,200 calories per day, three-fourths of this provided by rice, but a daily food ration of approximately ·3.200 calories is standard for laborers on rubber plantations. The spread of hostilities through much of Cambodia since mid-1970 has undouhtedly brought about a general worsening of diet. medical care, and health conditions.

Although dietary staples are plentiful and hunger and famine are not common in Cambodia, malnutrition does exist because of the ignorance of the principles of nutrition, particularly among the rural population. It has been estimated that at least 15% of all children are malnourished, and beriberi and other diseases related to Vitamin B deficiency are common in most age groups.

b. SANITATIOt\" AND WATER SVPPLY

Marketing of food products, storage and refrigeration facilities, sanitary controls, and transportation are primitive. Flies and other insects as \\:ell as rodents abound. and meat is exposed to contamination. :Yleat inspection se~ice is limited largely to the capital city, In

Phnom Penh there is some health control over markets

and restaurants. but effective sanitary controls over food

processing and distribution are generally nonexistent.

Pasteurized milk is generally not available, but conden~ed milk is manufactured. using milk products imported from .-\ustralia.

Although water is abundant. less than ,3% of the rural population in 1964 had access to uncontaminated water for bathing and drinking because of seasonal floods and inadequate se\vage and waste disposal sy·stems. In Phnom Penh three or four water purification plants provide adequate treatment. but the water is often contaminated during distribution. \-Vater supplies in other principal towns are purified to some degree by means of alum. sand filtering, and chlorination, Some smaller towns and villages have simple purification plants and limited distribution systems, but in general the supply and distribution of purified water are inadequate, and large sections of the population depend on \vater supplies that may be polluted. Although a substantial number of rural wells have been drilled in recent years, many are shallow and there is still much contamination. As a general practice \vater in all areas needs to he boiled.

Sewage and waste disposal practices are reasonably adequate in Phnom Penh. Septic tanks or fields are used for the disposal of most sewage. and an expansion of the sewer sysiem was undertaken during 1966. Phnom Penh also has a regular garbage collection service, and the population generally cooperates with the authorities in keeping the city dean. Some observers regard it as the cleanest appearing city in Southeast Asia. In most other areaS, however. \vaste disposal practices are primitive. The great hulk of the population is dependent on the pan system for sewage disposal; the sewage is collected for distribution as fertilizer or is disposed of in rivers, streams, or lakes. The high ,"vater tahle in many areas retards absorption of excrement by the soil, and frequent flooding of such areas brings about widespread fecal contamination of soils and of water in streams and wells. Hotels, other tourist accommodations, and European residences have waterborne septic or sewage systems, but usually the systems are not linked with treatment works. Some plantations have septic systems.

A village house usually consists of matted walls attached by rattan ties to a bamboo framework; roofs are thatched. These materials are breeding places for insects and rodents. Many homes are built on piles above muddy ground, and domestic animals are quartered under the houses. The pattern of village living and the overcrowded housing conditions contribute to the spread of communicable diseases. In addition, the flooded ricefields and stagnant water near or surrounding thatched homes offer favorable conditions for the propagation of disease vectors.

c. DISEASE

Malaria is endemic in over two-thirds of Cambodia, and constitutes the country's major health problem. Although the incidence of malaria has decreased, partly as a result of an aggressive mosquito elimination program

19

instituted in the mid-1950'!" it \\'as estimated in 1964 that

17% of the population had the disease. Additionallv.

thomand~ of cases of tuberculosis, a disease which affects

an estimated 20% of the population, go unrecognized

and untreated, Clinical reports and surve~'s have shown

that the other major diseases v,,·hich create public health

problems are intestinal parasitism. acute respjrator~

infections. yaws. typhoid fever, childhood disease~.

dysenteries, trachoma, and venereal diseases. In addition.

typhm, dengue fever. and leprosy have been on the

increase, In the hill regions smallpox still present~ a

health problem. Epidemics of cholera and plague occasionally occur. A cholera epidemic reached serious proportions in the mid-1960·s. figure 15 shows the number of recorded deaths from communicable diseases in 1964, the latest year for which relatively adequate data are available.

A tropical country. Cambodia is host to a great variety of fauna which spread disease or are othenvise harmful to man. Mosquitoes bearing malaria, filariasis, and dengue fever are found in the foothills and also near the streams and rivers during the- dry season when the flo\,' of water becomes sluggish. The common housefly. which transmits enteric disease~ and trachoma. is found countryv,!ide and is most prevalent during the rain: season. Fleas which transmit typhus and other disease~ are also prevalent. Leeches are found in wet place~ during the rainy season: their bite is painless, but secondary infection may develop at the site of the \vound. Crocodiles inhabit the southern part of the country and are responsible for a number of deaths annually. Thert' are a number of venomous snakes, including the coral snake, krait. seasnake, and cobra. Throughout tht' country are rodents \vhich are reservoirs of typhus and plague' and transmit leptospirosis.

d. i\1EDlCAL CARE

Sanitation and disease control programs have been initiated by the government: since 1962 the fight against malaria has been reorganized and strengthened by the' creation of a cadre of public health agents. Laboratories and area offices have been set up in the malarial provinces; because of these sustained efforts the parasitic

FIGURE 15. DEATHS FROM COMMUNICABLE DISEASES. 1964 (U/OU)

NUMBER OF

DlSE.o!.SES DE."THS

----------------Tu berculosis . _ Malaria. Dysentery. ,. enereal Disease.

Cholera . Jaundice. Typhoid Fever. Hepatitis. Encephalitis. Diphtheria. Smallpox. Poliomyelitis.

20

154

74 38 25 14

12 11

8 8 4

1

indexes have been lowered substantially. Intensive

immunization campaigns against smallpox and cholera

have alread~ resulted in a decrease in the number of cases

of those disea~es. and in 1965 the government created an

antituberculosi~ service at the national level. Campaigns

against yaws. using penicillin. arE' directed toward

breaking the man-to-man infection cycle.

The regulation of health and :,anitation i~ patterned on

the French system. The authorit~ of the Ministry of

Public Health extends over the entire country; it sets

standards for entrance into nursing and technical schools.

initiates curriculums. gives examinations for licenses.

makes staff appointment~ of doctors and other medical

personnel. authorizes transfers of an individual doctor's or dentist's office from one area or one province to

another. issues licenses for thE' sale of certain drugs, and

promulgates municipal ordinances on sanitary measures.

\1edical services are additionally provided b: the

Cambodian Anned Forces Medical Service under the

Ministry of National Defense: however. there is little­organized liabon hetween the tv,IO ministries. Se-veral civic and religious organizations such as the :\fational Mutual Health Association. thE' h1edical Assistance Society for the Religious. and the Cambodian Red Cross Society contributE' to the improvement of public health services.

The greatest obstacle to the improvement of public health. apart from the apathv of the rural people, is the shortage of personnel trained in medicine. public health. and administration. Health education programs art' hampered by the low literacy rate and the substandard training offered in most schools. Prerequisites for selection to the Faculty of Medicine and Paramedical Science at the L"niversity of Phnom Penh are a baccalaureate degree and a I-year premedical course of instruction. The 6-year course at the university for a doctorate in medicine is government operated, and i~struction is in French. In December 1970 a total of 5.38 students were enrolled in the university for courses in medicine and dentistry; of the~e, 452 ' ... ·ere preparing for the degree of Doctor of \1edicine and 86 were preparing to be dentists, In addition, there is a School for Health Officers with a 3-year course for subprofessional personnel-health officers-v,:ho are used to augment physicians. Graduates of this school may, after some years of experience. enter the Faculty of Medicine at the .3d-year level and receive a full M.D. degree after.3 years of study. These graduates, however, lack the prestige of those who obtain their degrees through the full medical school course, Graduate training for medical personnel is taken predominantly in France.

In 1971 there were 232 medical doctors, 205 health officers, and 45 dentists, including those in medical practice. If health officers (but not dentists) are included. the doctor-population ratio in earl~ 1971 approximates 1:16.000. The acute shortage of physicians is intensified by the concentration of medical practitioners and doctors in Phnom Penh. Additional personnel in the field include

75 pharmacists, 2,091 nurses and attenda nts, 1.345 midwives, a nd 472 heal th agents.

Hea lth facilities also a re inadequa te. Acco rding to the Minist ry of Public Heal th , Cambodia in Janua ry 1971 had 27 civilian hospitals-25 public and two private­with a to ta l of fewer than 4.000 beds. Two additional BOO-bed hospita ls in Phnom Penh were bei ng readied fo r usc. There a lso were 19 dispensa ries, 29 1 infi rmaries. six health centers, one leprosa rium, and several hundred ru ra l obstetrica l posts. Th e Mfnistry est imated that as o f ea rl y 1971 the re was an average of one bed for every 1,000 persons in the country's hea lth facil ities. Most of the bet ter hospitals are in Phnom Penh a nd the provincial capitals, leaving poor or no coverage in the rural areas. In fact, since March 1970 man y of the facilities in the villages have been taken over by the Co mmunists or destroved in the figh ting. Among the more modern facilities is the Khmer-Soviet Friendshi p Hospital a t Phnom Penh shown in Figure 16, funded and initially staffed by the U.S.S. R. In practice, man y of the hospita ls are limited to first aid cases and simple outpatient services, and most lack proper diagnosti c and trea tment facilities and are without water supplies or toilets.

2. Public welfare

Although most of the population by Western standa rds is poorl y clothed, fed , and housed, Cambodi ans appea r to be generall y satisfied with a life in which there a re few extremes of wealth and poverty. The average peasant's diet of fish and rice is easil y atta ined, his home is easy to build a nd maintain, and credit is not difficult to obta in from the loca l moneylender. The typical famil y is able to mee t its food requirements and retain a small cash surplus for clothing, taxes, and festivals. The small , educa ted, Western-oriented class living mainl y in Phnom Penh is the onl y gro up exhibiting any significan t discontent stemming fro m socioeconomic inequities.

No co mprehensive government hea lth insurance, welfare plan , or social security system exists in Ca mbodia, A re tirement, disability, and survivor pension system is, however, provided for civil servants, milita ry forces, and

FIGURE 16. Khmer-Soviet Friendship Hospital, Phn~m Penh (C)

police. This system is fund ed bv a 6% deduction from employees' salaries plus a government co ntribu tion from

the Civil Pension Fund . Since 1962 special survivor benefits have also been paid to fa milies of civil ians or military personnel killed as a resu lt o f military action.

Some o f the larger private co mpanies have their own

retirement plans, and in 1967 a govern ment publication

repo rted th at pension plans were in effect for most of the state and mixed ente rprises. A system of paid sick leave applies on ly to civil se rvants, but all wage earners may receive temporary disability a llowances res ulting from on-the-job accidents and job-related illnesses. There a lso is social legislation re lating to working hou rs, wages, fam il y allowances , and workman's co mpensa tion but enfo rcement is irregu la r.

An arm of the Ministry of Socia l Action and Labor, has general responsibility for giving fin ancia l and materia l ass istance to home less vic tims of calamities. It also supervises a boa rding school for need y children and a center for the aged a nd disabled. Another entity of the Minis try includes a mon g its respon sibiliti es the resettlement of Khmer Krom, Ca mbodia n refugees from South Vietnam. A more generally directed publi c welfa re service, the National Mutual Aid Association (Oeuvre Nationale d'Entr'aide) was crea ted in 1949 to provide those in need with funds, food, a nd clothing.

Not in itself a welfare institution, a cooperati ve system regulated by the Royal Office of Coo peration performed important welfare function s. By 1967 the members of the cooperatives and their families made up as much as o ne­fourth of the population , a nd the syste m's purchasi ng, vending, a nd cred it faciliti es had a substa ntial impact upon the welfare of the people. The most important services were in connectio n with credit extended for the costs of planting and marke ting of the rice crop. In addition. legis lation permits and prescribes rules fo r the establishment of mutual assistance fund s by business enterprises. The status of this system under the Republi c is not known, but a cooperative system still exists under the name of the National Office of Cooperatives. Until the spread of hostilities in 1970, the government had increasingly relied on the armed forces to carry out nonmilitary programs, including civ ic action projects that contributed to the improvement o f living conditions and promoted security in remote areas. Medical care was g iven through civic action programs to military personnel and their fami lies a nd also to the hill tribes. The military also has participated in the national health program on a modest scale by providing the civ ilian population with X-ray services, a mala ria control program, and hospitali ­za tio n and outpatient services a t regional infirmaries.

Primary responsibility for tbe welfa re of the bulk of the peasantry, however, remains within the fam ily c ircle, with supplementary ass istance provided on occasion by the village and the pagoda and a few private welfare organizations. For centuries the pagoda has been a type of welfare organization devo ted to the ca re of the body, mind, and spirit. The various private welfare associations and societies, which include the Ca mbodian Red Cross,

21

arc- usually semiofficial in nature, in that th{'~ urf' headed

or ~upported hy governnwnt leaders and their wi\'cs. The

Chinpsf' and \"ietnamese minoritiE'5 generall~ assume

respunsihilit~ for their own welLre prohlem~ through

local community associations,

Cambodiu has few of thf' sociul problem~ which occur

in the more industrialized natiom. Alcoholism is almost

unknown. Drug addiction is rare in rural area~. although

it has traditionally been widespread among the ChinesE'

and Vietnamese in thE' cities. In thE' mid-1960's thp

government imposed stringent controls on opium traffic

and usage. Gambling is. an extremely popular pastimE'.

Legal outlets, however. arE' llrnited to a state lottery. A

government gambling casino in Phnom Penh opened in

February 1969 but was closed dO\vn in early 1970

follo\\'ing charges that it was a source of official corruption and a drain on the income of the poor. Illegal gambling dpm and lotteries are knO\\'n to exist. hO\ .... eveL and a casino is still permitted to operate in Kompong Som

Buddhist precepts of moral conduct are an important factor in regulating personal behavior. 1\ onviolencp is an important precept, and crimes of violence, such as assault, rape, and murder. are infrequent. Infanticide is unknovm. Although petty thievery is common. juvenile delinquency is \'irtually nonexistent.

C. Religion (C)

Buddhism is wC'ognized in the constitution as the- state religion. Cambodian societ~ traditionally presume.., all citizens to he Buddhists; neither baptism nor uny other C'onfirmator~ rite is necessary. Other reli~ions in Camhodia are, with few exceptiom, confined to the non­Khmer minorities. Buddhism as practiced h~ the Camhodians is strongly infused with Brahmanism and animism. hut this is not popularly regarded as heing in conflict with Buddhist tenet,. \1ost Cambodians helieve in supernatural beings and perform propitiatory rites to appease the spirits, often within the Buddhist temples and with thf:' participation of the Buddhist monb.

The bf:'liefs and practices of Buddhism are the basis of the value system of Khmer society, influencing the daily life of thE' Khmer at all levels, shaping their outlook on life. and determining their everyday behavior. It has tended to inculcate in thE' people such characteristics as passivity. tolerance. fatalism and egalitarianism. Almost all Khmer adhere to the Theravada (often called Hinayana, or "Lesser Vehicle") doctrine, which also predominates in Thailand, Laos, Burma, and Ceylon. By emphasizing the transitory naturE' of earthly existence, Theravada Buddhism teaches that it is better to acC'umulatr- merit through good \vorks-so that a rebirth at a higher level might be achieved-than to lay up a store of earthly goods. The consequent unconcern for material things militates against economic development while the maintenance of the numerous pagodas and the building of new ones ahsorb a great deal of the country's limited resources. Overall, religion acts more as a force for

:22

the perpetuation of thp traditional th<1n as. an inspiration for creath/it~.

Nevertheless, Buddhism has served to imify the

countr~. AWdre of ttlf' ussets represented hy th~ religion,

thp Sihanouk government emphasized the trinity of

Buddhism. the monarch\", unci the fatherland as an

object of allegiance for all truC' Camhodiam. Prior to

Octo her 19'71 the head of the f()~'al family wa~ the protector of the state religion and nominally headed the Theravada Buddhi~t mona~tic estahlishment. \\'hich is composed of two orders-the M()harHka~ (Great Congregation) and the Thoma~'ut (Adherents of the Doctrine). Since the abolition of the monarchy. the Chief of Stute has assumed these roles.

The \1ohanikay is the older and larger order; it administers almost exclusively to the masses and is \"irtuall~ unchallenged in the rural areas The government i~ theoretically impartial in ib relations with the two orders, whose theological differences are minimal to the outside obseryer. The Thoma~'ut order waS previously of great importance because memhers of the royal family and other upper class groups usually adhered to it. Tht" Thomayut pagod~s are located mainly in Phnom Penh, where the royal court financed them, or in the capital cities of the provincE'S. Since the establishment of the Republic, the Thomayut Order has presumably declined in importance.

The Chief of Statp (renamed President in mid-\1arch l!:r72:1 appoints the superiors (sangkaneayuk), who are the functionin!! heads of the monastic orders, and the higher ranking monks Each province has a religious head (mckon) who i~ directl~' rE'sponsible to hi~ superior. Each district is hE'aded b\ a monk tanouckon) who is responsible for all the temples in his district. Each temple is headed by a chau athikar \\ ho supervises the monks, novices. and students at thp temple. ThE' superior of the order. thE' provincE' head, and the district head each are assisted by a religious council. A Buddhist monastery. with its staff, is shown in Figure 1'7.

The Buddhist pagoda. situated in or near ever: Cambodian communit\, is often a center for secular activit\, and its chief is generally a respected local leader. There 'are more than 2':800 pagodas in Cambodia and prohably over 50,000 permanent Buddhist monks. The monks (bonzes) are omnipresent in Cambodian life. They perpetuate the moral bws, give instruction in tht:> sacred texts, console the sick and unfortunate, and perform medical service~ which range from magic to genuine, scientific therapy. They are respected by all, and it is a signal honor for the parents ,"vhen a son performs a period of ~eT\r'ice in the monkhood, as wa~ traditional for all Cambodian males.

Despite tl1E' pervasiveness of Buddhist precepts and government propagatioTl of the religion, the role and influence of the religiom estahlishment appears to have declined somewhat since independeTlce was attained. The role of the pagoda as a center of education, information, counseL and entertainment ha~ been gradually changed in rural areas as government services,

FIGURE 17. Buddhist monastery with its stoff (C)

notably in the field of education , have been expa nded . Economic development probabl y will further affect religious values. Buddhism. however, appears to be firmly imbedded in the minds and customs o f the majority of the Khmer, despite criticism' of some of its practices and

of the monkhood. Furthermore, no serious decline in the practice of the traditional faith or in the prestige of the clergy appears probable soon.

Most Chinese and Vietnamese in Cambodia are also at least nominall y Buddhist, but their Buddhism is of the Ma hava na (" Greater Vehicle" ) school that preva ils in thei r ho meland. Many Chinese also practice or are influenced by traditiona l precepts based on Taoism , Confucianism, ancestor worship, and animism. The non­Buddhist seg ment of the population is di vided into ad heren ts of various religions. The Cham are devou t Muslims and support their own mosq ues. A minority of the Vietnamese, a few Chinese, some of the Indians ( Po ndi c herians) a nd most of the small French communiti es a re Roma n Catholic. In 1968, the Catholic Church had a total of 58,000 adherents. There were ahout 2,000 Protes tants in 1962, mostly within the Chinese co mmunity in Phnom Penh. The hill tribesmen arc generally animists; sorcery. naturalism, and magical rites are often emplo yed in an attempt to manipulate the spirit world and tap its hidden powers. Hinduism is not practiced as a formal religion in Cambod ia, but its influence was evident in some ceremonies at the form er royal co urt through the presence of Brahmin priests.

H , Education (C)

Sin ce independence the government has rapidly mobilized its human and economic resou rces to increase levels of education and has ach ieved significant success. All public education was made tu ition free in 1962-63, a nd during L964-67 an intensivc national literacy ca mpaign was undertaken with th e o bjective o f completely eliminating illiteracy. The latter ca mpaign invo lved a 6-month co urse for illiterates from age 10 to 50 and was reinforced by a law making it compulsory for all

citi zens and alien residents within these age lim ib to be able to read and write in the Khmer language and to do simple arithmetic. By July 1969, according to official govern ment claims, 98.86 % of the population was literate, as compared to only 31% in 1958. In recognition of this, UNESCO bestowed the Mohammed Reza Pahlavi award to Ca mbod ia fo r atta inment in national literacy. The gove rnment's claim is believed to be

exaggerated, however; other so urces estimate the natio nal literacy rate to ha ve ri sen only to abou t 5.~ %.

As a result of the eliminat ion of tuiti on fees and large national budget increases fo r edu ca tion , schoo l enrollment increased rapid ly sin ce the ea rl y 1960· s. Bet ween 1960/ 61 and 1968 / 69 primary school enrollm en t a lmost do ubled ; seco nda ry enrollment increased 3 Y.! times ; technica l and vocational enrollment 5 1,6 times ; and higher ed ucat io n 6 'h ti mes. Figure 18 lists the num ber of public and pri vate schools, stud ents. a nd teachers as of the 1968/ 69 school ~ear. This pattern has been significantl y disrupted by the hostilities, however, with man y students from the lycees and hig her level institutions and man y teachers having enlisted in the armed forces. As is typica l of schools in the lesser develo ped nations, males outnumber fema les at a ll levels of the educationa l sys te m, with the discrepancy increasing in the higher institutions. Onl y in the teacher training centers administered by the University o f Phnom Penh is the enrollment of male a nd fema le students about the sa me.

A major deficiency in the ed ucational program has been the lack of adequate numbers of teachers to meet the growth in public school enro llmen t. Largely as a result of increased wages and accele rated training, howeve r, the number of personnel in the educa tional field doubled between 1963 and 1969, a nd the pupil­teacher ratio in the public schools improved, particularly on the secondary level. In the prima ry grades this rat io decreased only from 46.5 to 1 in 1964/ 65 to 44.4 to 1 in 1968 / 69. but on the secondary level it decreased from 34.5 to 1 to 22 to 1 in the sa me period. Nevertheless, the

23

FIGURE 18. :\e:\IBER OF SCHOOLS. STCDENTS, AND TEACHERS. 1969,70 (IT/or"1

,,"eMBER Of"

C .... TEGORY ""UMBER OF SCHOOLS STt:DE:!'fi'S :SUMBER OF TEACHERS

Primary: Publir* Private.

5.275 424

Total. 5.699 Secondary:

Public'" . Private.

148

24

Total. 172 Technical and Vocational:

Public* . Private.

43 64

Total. 107 Cniversities. 9

Total. 5.987

"'Includes pagoda and other Buddhist schools.

overall quality of education continues to be hamperE'd by

the paucity of well·trained teachers as well as by

inadequate facilities and a shortage of textbooks.

Public primary education. consisting of 6 years. is

conducted in government. private. and pagoda schools.

The latter are staffed hy Buddhist monks and provide

lower elementar~ education. usually the first three

grades, to village children. Pagoda schools are still important in the villages. but until 1970 efforts were

being made to replace them with public primary schools

and to upgrade the professional qualifications of the

monastic teachers by having them enroll in teachers' courses at the Buddhist University in Phnom Penh. The primary program is divided into two 3-year cy·cles. the first kno\o\'n as cycle pnmaire elementaire and the second as cycle pri11Ulire complementaire. Although primary education is compulsory by law, beginning at the age of 6. many students are forced to drop out after the first 3 years because of the shortage of 6-year schools. In 1965/66, 2,097 out of a total of 3,521 primary schools offered only the first 3-year cycle. Khmer replaced French as the language of instruction in the public primary schools in 1958./59.

Public secondary education consists of ODe 4·:'ear period and one 3·year period, offered respectively in colleges and lycees. In 1962 approximately' 25% of the secondary level teachers were French and almost all instruction was in French. Although the percentage of French nationals in the teaching corps has since decreased. there were reportedly ahout 300 French teachers in the country in 1969, mostly in the secondary schools. The number remaining since the outbreak of hostilities in 1970 is not kno\'I,:n. In 1965/66 Khmer was made the language of instruction in the secondary system except for courses in mathematics and science and for

24

935,938 22,607 53,536 1 .404

989,464 24.011

111 ,309 5.035 8,679 25i

119.988 ,) .292

3,006 ,581 2,792 95

b ,798 676 (encompassing 9,162 1.205 (including 310 47 faculties foreigners~

and centers)

1,124,412 31,184

vocational instruction. Despite the expansion of thE'

educational system. the number of students who move

from the secondary school system to higher education still

is limited; of the 4,503 who ::.at for the terminal or second

part of the baccalaureate examination during the

1968/69 school vear, onh 939 passed. Students are selected from among those passin~ this examination to go

on to technical or higher schools.

The number of technicaL agriculturaL and vocational educational facilities has increased substantiall~-: in

1968/69 there were 100 schools and institutes in these

categories with about 1,100 students. compared with seven schools with 1,290 students in 1960/61. Unlike schools at the primary and secondary levels, most of these institutions-59 of 100 in 1968/69-are private.

ThE" training of primary and secondary teachers falls within the jurisdiction of the Faculty of Education of the University of Phnom Penh. Primary teacher~ are recruited at the lower secondary diploma level. at which time they have completed 10 years of study. They receive professional training in two centers supervised by the University: the Phnom Penh Teacher Training Center, and the Kampong Kantuot Teacher Training Center in Kanda] Province. The former provide~ a I-year accelerated course to meet the pressing need for instructors. Cambodian officials estimate that the educational system needs some 2,000 new primar: teachers each yeac in 1967. 540 prospective teachers completed this course. (In 1965, m.ving to heavy demand. hundreds of lower secondary graduates were pressed into service as teachers 'without an~ further training,) The second center gives a fuller. 2-year course: in 1967 it graduated 390 students, half of them females. Teachers for the lower secondar~ level of education are recruited by competition from among those \vho have completed

the full secondary cvcle and passed the final

baccalaureate examination. They <1re certified as

instructors after a I-year training course. Teachers for the

upper secondary level are still in large me;lsure recruited

from France.

Opportunities for university level education have

increased substantially, with enrollments expanding from

a reported 116 in 18.5,'; to 1.726 in 1960/61 and 11.094 in 1968,/69. ~'1oreover, there has been a broadening of the curriculum along more practical lines, as reflected in the establishment of technical, vocationaL and agricultural institutions. mostly on the junior college leveL The quality of instruction, equipment. and research facilities, however. still leaves much to be desired. As in the upper secondary level. many universitv instructors and professors at one time were French nationals. Their number is decreasing, however; in 1968/69 almost 75% of the university: teaching staff \vas Cambodian.

Cambodia has nine universities: University of Phnom Penh, Buddhist Cniversity', Technical University, Fine Arts University, University of Agricultural Sciences, University of Kompong Cham. LTniversity of Takeo­Kampot. People's Cn~versity. aod University of Battambang. Of the 9,162 students enrolled in 1969/70, over .50'l'C \vere at the C niversity of Phnom Penh. where they could study at the Faculties of Law and Economic Sciences, ~ledicine and Paramedical Science, Arts and Humanities. Science. Pharmacy, Pedagogy. or Com­merce and Education. In addition, academic organiza­tions known as centres are affiliated to some of the Cniversity of Phnom Penh facultie~. Thus, the Center of Judicial Studies is affiliated to the Facultv of Pedagogy. The requirements of the University of Phnom Penh are about equal to those of a French university. The Technical University, the second largest school of higher education, has jurisdiction over the Soviet-Khmer Higher Technical Institute, which originally \vas financed and largelv staffed bv the U.S,S,R,

Until recent years. the government recognizing the lack of suitable opportunities for higher education at home. encouraged qualified students to go abroad for study. In 1962 there \vere 549 studying overseas~242 in France. 1-l1 in the United States. and smaller numbers elsewhere. In subsequent years increasing numbers \ .... ent to the Soviet Cnion, Eastern Europe, and the People's Republic of China. (Among those studying in China were hvo sons of Prince Sihanouk.) During the mid-1960's. however. the government restricted this flow of students, largely for political reasons. \1oreover. Sihanouk \vas displeased \\/ith the leftist orientation of some of the returning students. particularly those who had studied in France. By 1966 the overall number of students abroad had dropped to S7, of whom :31 \vere in France, most of the remainder in various Communist countries. and a few in the United States, with which Sihanouk had broken relatiom the previous :'ear.

The typical Cambodian curriculum at all levels has traditionally consisted of a strictly academic education in the French mold. This curriculum is suited to the average

graduate's goaL which was. and still is, to migrate to an

urban area and become a civil servant. i'v'1anpo\ver

requirements for civil servants have long been filled.

ho\vever. and prior to 1970 (\\<'hen the military's manpo\ver needs became acute} the gro\ving number of unemployed youths with a liberal outs and humanities background had become a problem of some magnitude A.lthough the government is stressing technical and vocational educ<1tion, and is encouraging graduates to remain in their communities and employ their education and training in local development and production. there is considerable reluctance on the part of Cambodians to do so.

The rdative importance of private schools in Cambodi<1 has decreased over the years as a result of the introduction of free public education in 1962 and subsequent moves by the government to bring private schools under its control. Private school enrollment plummeted from ll, 1,3;} in 1964/65 to 8,679 in 1969 /70. Religious denominational schools. run mo..,tly by French :.lOd Vietnamese Catholics, apparently continue to be of importance, but statistics on numbers and enrollment are lacking. Private schools operated by ethnic minorities. mainly Chinese and Vietnamese, have long sened as means for these groups to enable their children to study their own language and culture. The government had become increasingly concerned about the quality of the education provided in these schools. hmvever. as well as suspicious of Communist subversive activities within them, and they were closed by government decree after the outbreak of war.

In 1966 private schools were placed under supervision of the public school directorates of the government while in 1967. all Chinese schools above the primary level \vere banned and special rulings further expanded government control over all ethnic minority schools. These regulations included provisions for government reviev,! of textbooks and records.

The most notable advances in the private school sector have taken place at the vocational and technical level Coti! 1964 there \vere no schools in this category: in 1964/65 there were 32, \vith an enrollment of 1,9:38; and by 1969/70 there \vere 64, with an enrollment of :2.792.

I. Artistic and cultural expression (U IOC)

The artistic and intellectual life of modern Cambodia is overshadowed by the greatness of the past; surviving: stone monuments, stelE'S, temples, <lnd statuaries of the Angkorean period (802-14321 attest to ancient artistic glory. Two of the greatest temples. Angkor \Vat and the Bayon of the imperial city of Angkor Thorn (Figure 19), located near Siem Reap in the north\\o'est, \vere built in the 12th and 1.3th centuries. \:1any of the kings excelled as scholars, and Sanskrit literature was raised to ne\v heights by royal patronage. Indian scholars, artists. and religious teachers were welcomed in the Kambujan courts at :\ngkor. and many Khmer traveled to India. Architectural remains reflect a cultural debt to that country. A precipitolls decline in cultural achievement

25

Constructed os a temple dedicated to the royal cult of Vishnu, one of the three major Hindu de ities, the temple­tomb of Ang kor Wat (above ) later came to be used a s 0

Buddhist shrine . Nine lotus-bud towers, originally gilded with gold leaf, decorate the corners of the inner gallery and the central mass, which at the center reaches a height of more than 200 feet.

Sculptured face on one of the towers of the Bayon of Angkor Thom, built by Jayava rma n VII around 1200 A.D. The characte rization is Mahayana Buddhist ra the r tha n Hindu in . tyle. (Uj OU)

FIGURE 19. RUINS FROM THE ANCIENT KINGDOM

began by the l..Jth or 15th centuries, however. caused hy u succession of Thai and Annamese (Vietnamese) attacks a nd possibly hy widespread disease. Craftsmanshi p today is limited largely to creating tourist items wh ich endlessly repea t the a ncient themes. Th en> is also a small team

under the direction of a French curator wh ich is doing restora ti on work at Angkor. C reative painting and sculpture appea r to be lost a rts. Modern C;J mbodia n literat ure is a minor element in the national cultu re in terms of works produced and thei r impact. Despite a near century of French rul e, French culture has h~ld rela ti vely li tt le impact except a mong th e sma ll eli te gro up.

Th e fo rm of a rtistic ex pression most co mmon in modern Cambod ia is singing to traditional music with improvised lyri cs concerning the famili ar, c(J ntell)porar~

scene. Si ngers use throat tones rather tha n th e deepe r chest tones. Wa r songs a re rarely heard-onl y so ngs of love or o f the joy of li ving a nd songs celeb rat ing good cheer and drinking are popular. Another form of popubr am usement is the playing of musica l instrumenh . Both th e making a nd playing of musical inst rumenh arc tfiJditional arts in Cambodia. A full orch est ra might consist of three xylophones, two with wooden hurs and onc with meta l bars; a komthom, a large. horseshoe­shaped in st rument on whi ch th ere are 16 fl at gongs struck with two wooden ma llets by a playe r sitting in the center

26

of the horseshoe ; a few one- a nd two-stringed \'io lins: several wind inst ruments. including flut e~, fl ageolets , and bagpipes: and a se ries of long drums of different sizes.

The recounting of old stori es and lege nds, usually in

poetry form . is another popular pastime. These ta les a re genera ll y taken from such ancient Hindu epi cs as the Ramayana or from Cambodian myth~ a nd legends. BudJ.hi st relig i oll ~ be lich arC' ~ tr()ngly ev id ent­pa rticuhtrl y the doctrin e of karma , whi ch teaches th ut one's stat ion in life is a result uf co nduct in past reincarnations and that what is done in the prese nt determin es life in future reincarn;.l ti om.

The a ncient l egend ~ and s tori e~ provide themes for n ea rl ~ ' a ll Ca mbodian dramati c prcsentut ions ( Figure 20). These occur in the following four main fo rms, ranked in order of prestige : the Camhodian B ... lle t. th(> Nationa l Theater. the sh ... do\\ p lay (in whi ch th e reflections of puppets are cast on <.I screen ). an d the popula r or folk thea ter. Th ere is no tradition of rea listi c acting: truditional drama , except in the sh ... dow play, co mbin es pantomime. singing. a nd dancing. R()le~ a re danced in pantomime with traditional s tep~ . postures, and ha nd movement ~. wh ile the s tor~ ' i ~ sung by a cho rus with o rchestra l accompaniment.

Th e {am/hom, th e o nl \' form of ·· fo lk·· dan cin g still seen toda~' , is popula r among a ll classes. Da nced bo th by

FIGURE 20. Monkey-god and demon, enacting an ancient legend, du·el with wooden daggers (Uj OU)

couples and gro ups, the lamthom combines features of Western social dancing with the classical ballet. Couples dance together, simulating cou rtshi p, bu t do not touch. Here again, footwork is subordinate to graceful posturing with the body and the hands in the tradition of the Cambod ian ballet.

Traditional ·litera ture combines themes borrowed from the Hindu a nd Buddhi st religions, and reflects as well as

reinforces the dom inan t values of Ca mhodian society. Modern literatu re, on the other hand, which dates from World \OVar II , exp resses the new va lues a nd attitudes

held by young intellectuals. Patrioti sm and d issatisfac­tion with traditional society a re the two dominant themes

of the more provocative wo rks. The first modern novel written in the Ca mbodian language, Tuk Tonie Sap (Waters of the Tonie Sap), by Chheng Ha k, appeared in 1942. In a later novel, Kia I-I an, by Rim Kin , ancient Angkor is used as the setting in which the author attempts to show that wealth and prestige may be gai ned by one's conduct in this life, not by that in past reincarnations. One should, the author a rgues, achieve merit for a reward not onl y in a future life but in this life as well. Sign ificantly, the patrioti c works appeal to love of country and not to cha uvinisti c sen timents concern in g the glorious past; they are often po lemics against Cambodia's neig hbors, the Thai and the Vietnamese, but not against the French. In Phkar Srapon (The Fading Flower), the author, Nou Hach, describes a tale of patrioti c anguish over the cession of Battambang province to Thailand during World Wa r II. The sufferings inflicted by the Vie tnamese on the Cambodians is told in Memay Man IV/uon (The Courageous Widow) by Thach Thuon , a patriotic poem dedicated to a ll those who had fallen in battle for the honor of Cambod ia. The tendency of man y yo ung Cambodians to seek emplo yment in the government is dealt with in two novels: the hero of Vanna, by Chay Choun, goes into the army as the best way to se rve his coun try; the heroine of La Destinee de A1ademoiselle iVa Kri, by Souy Hyieng, urges her fia nce to go in to business to help save the co untry from the economic control of the Chinese and Vietnamese.

Even a popular boo k does not receive wide circu lation. A normal edition is only 500 copies, wh il e 3,000 indi cates a bestseller. Few foreigne rs a re able to read works in the Khmer language. while man y educated Camhodians who can afford to buy books prefer .to read works in French. Th e offi cia ls, teachers, and students who comprise the bulk of the read ing publi c ca n hardl v afford to purchase books. In addition . poor publi shing and distribution fac ilities contri bute to th e high cost o f books. As a result, writers in Cambodi a cannot live solely on their royalties but must suppo rt themselves thro ugh full­t im e emp loyme n t as journalis ts, teachers, a nd government offi cials. Their chief sa tisfaction in writing books comes fro m seeing their works in prin t.

Ca mbodians have little proclivity toward intellect ual theo ri zing which wou ld create schools of thought. The people genera ll y accept life as it is. New in tellect ua l t rends unquestionably have been stirring fo r so me ti me, howeve r, especiall y in the universities, a nd intellect ua l life is passing through a trans itiona l period. The govern ment is in the process of adopting a modern ed uca tional sys tem; this factor a nd increased co ntact with the outside world have so mewhat lessened the do mina nce of old ideas. Additionall y, local interest shown in the Cambod ian vVriters Association , the

27

Facult\ of Letter~ and Humanities, the l\ational

Theater. the School of Art. and the School of Music

indicates that a transition is taking place in the fields of

artistic and cultural expression. Cultural institutions

inc.:lude three national museums and a National Librar~·.

J. Public information (C)

:Ytodern mass communicatiom media are not well

developed for the country as a whole. Communication

facilities are concentrated largely in Phnom Penh, though

some an: located in the larger provincial capitals.

Although word-of-mouth communicatiom remaim

important. radio has in recent years become the primar~

medi urn for disseminating news and information.

~e\\'spapers and periodicals are aho significant. but

circulation is confined largel~ to the urban centers.

Television serves but a limited number of people in the

Phnom Penh and Bok Kou areas. In the toww, motion

pictures are an important medium for information as well

as entertainment. The government has set up information

centers in the provinces. i~ extending its radio facilities.

and is otherwise seeking to reach a larger audience in

rural areas. The homogeneous nature of Khmer society

and the accessible geographical configuration of the

countr~ make travel and the transmission of ideas and messages relatively easy.

Prior to the deposition of Sihanouk in iVlarch 1970, the government controlled the communications media through direct operation of some outlets and through broad restrictiom upon the others. Radio and television broadcasting services were and still remain government monopolies. A significant portion of the press was either owned or subsidized hy the government. which still operates the sole domestic news agency. Privately owned newspaper:, were subject to postpublication censorship which operated under a set of rule~ permitting the government \\ide discretionary powers. Linder Sihanouk the Ministr~ of Information was under the guidance of French advisers. some of them leftist. wh(l exerted considerable influence on government policy toward communications media. and Sihanouk was personall~ involved in the information process m a director of newspapers. a producer of films. and an author of pres~ and radio releases and editorials. Before the deposition of Sihanouk. newspapers and magazines published abroad ""ere allowed to enter Cambodia only if they did not violate the government' s definition of propaganda and did not offend the leaders. All domestic and foreign motion pictures \vere subject to government restriction: film imports had to pass censorship before exhibition. There were also strict limitations on the entry of foreign. E'specially \\,'estern, journalists

After the e\'enb of :Ytarch 1970. most of thesE' restrictions were lifted or eased. Foreign, non-Communist journalist~ have been permitted entry. and restrictiom on thE' entry of \Vestern publications have heen relaxed. The domestic press has exerted a greater degree of

28

independence and has managed to stave off formal

censorship. although agreeing to certain self-imposed

limitatiom on expression.

The basil' news organ in Cambodia is the daily Bulletin

of the Agencc Khrncrc de Pres,'J'c (AKP), the official news

agency. This lengthy publication. printed in both French

and Cambodian editions. includes official news releases,

('ompletc te\t.~ of official spt'eches. and selected foreign

news items obtained primaril~' from French and other

Ilew~ service.<.. The number of other newspapers has

\"aried widel\" as a result of changes in government

policies. Some 2.S papers and pe-riodicals ceased

publication around the time of thE' \1arch 1970 change in

government: in July 1970 only six or seven Cambodian~

langua~e dailies. two French~language dailies. and fivE'

weeklie~ and periodicals were being published in Phnom

Penh. During late 1970 the' government imposed

censorship rules requiring the paper:- to submit copy to

the Ministry of Information before publication. This

move was strenuously resisted. and most publications

accordingly clmed or \\ere closed down by early Januar~

1971. This controversy was resolved by mid-January \vith

a compromise agreement in which the government

rescinded its censorship ruling in return for a promise by the Cambodian Press Association, which represents the

private press, to abstain from printing subversive material

or material critical of the republican form of government

and to puhlish only factuall~ substantiated charges of government corruption, a fa'vorite pres~ target. Since then

all of the papers have resumed publication. Total

ncwspaper circulation was estimated in 1969 at around

70,000. or slightly more than 1 cnp~ for every 100 persons.

In addition. some newspapers and periodicals come in from other countries. French publications. such as Le !\londe, have long been popular in Phnom Penh. until the deposition of Prince Sihanouk in March 1970. China and 1\orth Vietnam airlifted large quantities of propaganda material into Phnom Penh. Although this has been discontinued, Communist materiaL mostly from North Vietnam. is being distributed in the Communist­controlled area~ of Cambodia. ll.S. ne'wsmagazines banned by Sihanouk aTf' again permitted distribution in government-controlled areas.

Book puhlhhing is not a significant industry. Only 358 books and pamphlets were published in 1967. ~1ost were in the literary and fictional field. with only a small percentage dealing with history. geographY. and the social sciences. Library facilities are also limited. According tn F!\'ESCO figures thc~ consisted in 1966 of the National Library in Phnom Penh, with 34,000 v()lllm('~. 1:3 university lihraries. with a total of 57.000 volumes, and ].'31 schoollihraries.

\1otion picture~ have been an increasingly important medium for entertainmE'nL information, and propa~

ganda. For urban d\\.·eller~. motion pictures aTf' agents of cultural as well as id('"ojo2;ical change, but they are seen

by relatively fe\ ... · rural people. The government has

limited itself to production of newsreels and documenta­

ries and maintains a tight censorship on all film imports.

Most feature films are imported. although there is a small

Cambodian motion picture industry devoted principally

to the production of entertainment films of the lo-ve story

and thriller type. During his rule. Prince Sihanouk

produced an eclectic group of about 10 full-length

feature films, in most of \vhich he and members of his

entourage acted. and which carried various ideological.

patriotic. or historical messages. The major sources of

films have in the past been India. China, Hong Kong,

Japan, and France. Indian films. generally modern

representatives of old religious legends or swashbuckling

adventure stories. are very popular. Since Sihanouk's

deposition. restrictions on the importation of Chinese

films have been instituted. U.S. "westerns" are enjoyed

for their sweep of action and scenery. and American

comedies and the Tarzan series are also enjoyed. Limiting

factors in the use of foreign films as vehicles of

information and propaganda for the mass of the

Cambodian peasantry an:; the lack of theaters in the

outlY'ing areas and the inability of many people to

understand foreign languages or to read Khmer subtitles.

Radio exerts considerable influence on public opinion.

\t1ost Cambodians of all classes in both urban and rural

areas have access to daily broadcasts. In 1967,

Cambodian officials claimed that virtually everv home

had a radio. In addition to listening over privately owned

receiver~. people visiting urban market areas rna}! hear

broadcasts from a public address system installed by the

municipal government. \'lost Buddhist temples have receivers. and the monks disseminate and interpret ne\vs to the villagers.

The only radio service, Radiodtffusion SationaJe Khmere (R~ K L is operated by the Ministry of Information. As of 1970. R~K programs were broadcast over 10 transmitters. eight of them located in Phnom Penh and one each in Battambang and Kep. Almost all of these modem facilities were the gift of the People's Republic of China. which presented and installed the first transmitter in 195i. Non-Communist nations are providing the Cambodian Government with equipment to expand its broadcast capabilities.

RNK has separate broadcast services for Khmer- and non-Khmer-speaking audiences. As of 1970, the Khmer­language service could be heard over transistor sets throughout most parts of the country. "lost broadcast time was devoted to music. interspersed with paid commercial advertisements. public service announce­ments. and over 2. hours of daily news broadcasts devoted mainly to communiques. decrees. and information on the Indochina hostilities. The RNK also has shortwave broadcasts in a number of languages capahle of reaching audiencE'S in mainland Southeast Asia.

Television facilities. consisting of a main station at Phnom Penh, largely serve the urban upper class.

Initiated in 1960 with only 6 hours of telecasting time per

week. the system had expanded to 16 hours bv 1970. In

t970 there \vere an estimated 25.000 licensed TV sets.

Programming consists brgely of newsreels und

documentar: films acquired from French and other

foreign sources.

\Vord-nf-mouth communication remains an important

meuns of relaying information and shaping opinion.

particularly in the more remote rural areas. The Buddhist

temple is a key point for distributing information to the

peasant: the monks ure popular figures and their views

are respected. rvlonks also often act as channels for

complaints which the peasants are unable or un willing to

express to government representatives directly. Chinese

restaurants und Chinese and Vietnamese shops and

marketplaces are popular places for congregating and

passing on information and views.

K. Suggestions for further reading (U /OC)

American liniversity, \Vashington. D.C.. Foreign Area

Studies Division. Area Handbook for Cambodia. Government Printing Office. Pamphlet No. 5.50-50. 196.13.

Comprehensive general \vork.

Camhodia. Le Journal Officiel du Cambodf!e I The

Official Journal of Cambodia) Phnom Penh. December

196.5. Includes data on the system <lnd content of

second<lry education. Cambodia. :vtinistry of Planning. A.nnuaire Statistiqae

du Camhodge I. Statistical .-\nTlual of Cambodia'i. Phnom Penh. ---. Resultats Finals du Recensement General de la

Population, 1962 (final Results of the General Census of the Population, 1962). Phnom Penh. 196,3.

Coedes, George. The ,\.faking of South-East ,~,ia.

Berkeley: The Cniversity of California Press. 1967. The history of the Indochinese peninsuiu prior to the coming of the French.

Le Bar. Frank M .. Hickey. Gerald c., and ~Iusgrave. John K. Ethnic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia. 'slew Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press. 1964. Thorough compilation of material on ethnic groups and subgroups of the region.

Oliver. George. Les Populations du Cambodge \ The Populations of Cambodia 'i. Paris: Librairies de {Academic de ;Yfedecine. 19,56~ Principal source for physical characteristics of the variolls ethnic groups.

Tooze, Ruth. Cambodia: Land of Contrasts. :\e\\ York: Viking Press. 1962. Interesting, first-hand descriptive survey. with major emphasis on social customs.

enited :'-lations EducationaL Scientific and Cultural Organization and the International Association of Universities. Higher Education and Development in Southeast Asia, vol. 2. Paris. 1967. Detailed data on Cambodian higher education system.

U.S. Department of Commerce. Joint Publications Research Service. The Cambodian Peasant. JPRS no.

29

14709. 1962. (Translation of Delcert, Jean. Lc Payson Cambodgien. Paris and The Hague: Mouton and Co. 1961.) Thorough studv of rural society: particularh useful for descriptions of TUfal communities, housing, clothing, and the Vietnamese minority. ---. The Urbanization of Cambodia, jPRS no.

43397.1967. (Translation of Garrv, Robert. "L'Urbanisa, tion du Cambodge," Cicilisations, vol. 17, pp. 83,108, 1967.) Recent. informative data on urban communities.

30

Williams, Maslvn. The Land in Between: The Cambodian Dilemma. New York: William Morrow and Co. 1970. Recent journalistiC' account of Cambodian histor~, politics. and culture.

Willmott. William. The Chinese in Cambodia. Yancouver: University of British Columbia Press. 1967. Valuable information on the Chinese community and on relations between the Khmer and the Chinese and Vietnamese.

:'\fOTE

A series of governmental changes initiated in Phnom Penh in early· ~''1arch 1972-after this General Survey on Cambodia had been essentially completed-indicate that some of the discussion under Government and Politics dealing \vith the structure and functioning of government may soon be outdated. These changes included the resignation of Chief of State Chen?; Heng, who turned over his authority to Prime Minister Lon Nol, and the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, a body' which up to then had been engaged in preparing a oe\v republican constitution to replace the present one dating from 1947. Lon Nol subsequently named himself President, a title not recognized bv the 1947 constitution, and appointed a ne\v cabinet which he ap­parently- continues to chair despite his selection of veteran political leader Son :\igor: Than as "First Minister." Later in ~'1arch, Lon :'\Jol appointed a commission to com­plete the drafting of the new constitution "within 2 weeks" and proposed the holdin~ of parliamentary· elections in areas under government control within :3 month~. Al­though details have thus far not been revealed, the ne\\-" constitution is expected to provide for a strong presidential system rather than for the prime ministerial form of government that has existed up to now. It \vill presumably call for a wide number of changes in both the executive and legislative branches of the government. Lon :\o\'s mercurial temperament and the continuing wartime conditions throughout much of the country, however, raise serious doubts as to the government's determination to proceed with promulgation of a new constitution, the holding of elections, and the institution of a ne\"· pariiament.

Despite the fluidity and uncertainty of developments in Cambodia, no ba~ic chan?,:E's in political dynamics appear imminent.

Government and Politics

A. Summary and background (S)

Cambodia \vas declared a republic in October 1970

and officiallv calls itself the Khmer Republic. During the

ensuin~ year it functioned under a parliamentary system

of government whose structure was virtually unchanged

from \vhat it had been under the monarchy headed by

Prince Sihanouk until he \vas legally deposed by the

legislature on 18 MLlrch 1970. In October 1971, however,

pariiamentLlry rule ended \"hen the term of office of the bicameral legislature expired. By decree of Chief of State Cheng Heng, it \\-'as transformed into a Constituent Assembly with the sole function of passing on the ne\v republican constitution that was being drafted. Since then, Cambodia has been ruled by executive decree, with the actual locus of power in the hands of Prime Minister Lon No\.

\vhich has been important to the stability of the nation in

the past and which still undergirds the government,

whose actions have involved Cambodia in broadened

Indochina hostilities and subjected the country to open

attack by Communist Vietnamese forces.

The ethnic, cultural. and religious unity of the people forms the foundation of a strong sense of nationalism

After centuries of shifting hct\veen independence and dominance by Thailand or Vietrrdm, Cambodia came :J.nder French rule in lS6,'3. The monarchy was maintained under the French protectorate, and in 1941 Prince Norodom Sihanouk. at the age of 19, was elected by the Crown Council under French colonial pressure to the throne. The Japanese replaced the pro-Vichy French regime in 1945 and directed King Sihanouk to declare the independence of Cambodia, \\-·ith Son 1'\' goc Thanh, the popular anti-French nationalist leader, as Prime Minister. \Vhen the French returned a few months later following the end of World War II, they arrested Thanh but attempted to mollify the Cambodians' desire for independence by signing a modus vivendi in January

:31

1946 which recognized Cambodia as "an autonomOllS

kingdom within the French Cnion" hut which in fact

allowed only a limited degree of internal aut{)nnm~. A

Constituent Assembly was elected in September of the

same year. and a constitution wa.'. promulgated iII M<1~

194"7. The convening of the lower and upper houses of the

Cambodian legislature in January and February 19..J.S

marked the heginning of parliamentary government. Political instabilit~ emerged almost immediatel~.

hO\ovever. stimulated primarily by follm\lers of Son Ngoc Thanh. who opposed Sihanouk's gradualistic approach to

independence. Thanh's supporters included the legal Democrat Party and some of the illegal Khmer lssarak (Free Khmer) dissidents. \ .. ·ho conduckd insurgent activities against the government from the Thai border and in southeastern Cambodia. Further harassment was provided b~' Communist Yiet lvlinh guerrillas. who were active primarily in the eastern provinces. To forestall complete chaos. Sihanouk dissolved the National Assembl~ in September 1949 and ruled for nearly 2 years without it. assisted by ministers of his own choosing. follo\\'in~ the September 1951 electiom. "hich the Democrats won overwhelmingl). Son :r'\lgOl' Thanh returned from exile, and an unstable period of parliamentary government ensued. Threatened once more with arrest Thanh fled to the Thai border area to .ioin elements of the Khmer lssarak. In June 19.52. Sihanouk again assumed direct rule which lasted until Februar~ 1955. a period known as the Royal I\1andate.

During the period of dire-ct rule, Sihanouk devote-d hi5 energies to obtaining further c()n('es~iom from the

French. Following a world tour. Sihanouk in June 19,33 went into a brief, voluntary exile in Thailand. swearing to return to Cambodia only after receiving assurance.', from France of full independence. which he successfull~

negotiated in .\"ovember 1953. A separate agreement signed at the 1954 Geneva Conference on Indochina pro\"ided for the \\'ithdra\\'al of all Viet fv1inh for('e~ and French units. except for a French training mission. from Cambodia by 20 October 1954. These developments firmly established Sihanouk as Cambodia's most popular figure: Son J\goc Thanh faded into relative obscurity in exile, and the fortunes of his Democrat Party and insurgent movement declined rapidly.

In order to engage more freely in political activity, Sihanouk abdicated the throne in favor of his parenb in March 1955 and began building his personal political vehicle. the Sangkum Reastr Niyum (People'~ Socialist Community), commonly called the Sangkum. This movement sub~equenth' held a political monopoly. completely dominating the I\ational Assembly electiom in 195,5. J962. and 1966. Upon the death of hi, father in 1960. Sihanouk refused the throne but consolidated his position by creating and assuming the office of Chief of State which embraced all the powers of the \'aeJ.nt throne.

Although a meaningful and cohesive political opposition did not come into being and Sihanouk appeared on the surface to retain most of his popularity

32

and influence, di::.satisfaction with his leadership hecame

more pronounced after about 1967. This \\'35 stimulated

b~' Sihanouk"s luck of patience in the administration of

government and b~ his limited grasp of economic

matters. \1uch of the business c{)mmunit~· \\"a~ l1p~et b~

the stagnation that followed the rapid nationalization of

much of the economy· begun in late 196:3, and the general

public became increasingl~ disappointed because economic and social reforms were not forthcoming. Government appointments were often made on the basis of personal loyalt~, and governmental efficienc~' was hampered further b~ a shortage of trained and experienced administrator." and hy the prE'valence of bureaucratic corruption. The intelligentsia and urban elite became progressively di~enchanted \\'ith Sihanouk's leadership.

Although Sihanouk attributed the outbreak of dissidence in Battambang Pro\'ince in early 196, and its expansion into other province.'. to the Khmer Rouge, or Communists. it was prompted basically by peasant dissatisfaction wi th the gO\ ernment' s rice control measures. In fact. communism has never made significant progress among the Khmer ma.iority; instead. the most vulnerable elements have been the Chinese and Vietnamese minorities, the Khmer Loeu (upland Khmer) tribes. and young educated Cambodians. The most immediate cause of the move against Sihanouk in ] 970, according to the new Cambodian leadership, was the PrincE"s refusal to take decisivE' steps to remove \'ietnamese Communist forces from Cambodian soil. when' they had established sanctuaries and were using Cambodia for logistical purposes in the conduct of the war in South Vietnam.

ThE' primary objectives of Cambodian national policies during the Sihanouk years were to maintain an independent Cambodia and gain acceptance by the outside world of Cambodia> territorial integrity. In pursuit of these objectives, Sihanouk declared his countr~ to be politically nonaligned in foreign policy matters, and he followed opportunistic and flexible tactic~ in his c()untry'~ relations with its neighbors and the major world powers. Convinced that China vmuld eventually become the dominant influence in Southeast Asia, Sihanouk's policies assumed an increasingl~ pro-Communist orien tation after ] 9,55. Consf'quently, Cambodia's relations deteriorated \\lith the anti-Communist countries in ~eneral and with the United States in particular. "C. S. economic and militar~ assistance was terminated ahruptly by Sihanouk in 196.'3, and diplomatic relatiOn<; between Phnom Penh and \Vashington \vere suspended from May 196.5 until July 1009. Although the new leadership in 1970 did rIOt result in any essential chan!!.E' in national objectives, and neutralism remains an avowed ba~ic premisE' of Cambodia 's' foreign policy. the Communist-leaning neutrali~m of Sihanouk has hf'en repJaced h~ a decidedly anti-Communist orientation The ne\\ leaders hold the vie\, that close ties with thE' United St;Jtes and other \Vestern countries are essential to prevent a Communist conquest of Cambodia and to

rehabilitate the nation's failing economy'. The

convulsions generated hy Sihanouk's deposition and the

ensuing conflict with Vietnamese Communist forces in

Cambodia have resulted in the restoration of relations

\ .... ith Thailand and South Vietnam, \ .... hich traditionally

have been regarded with sLlspicion and fear by the

Cambodians. ~onetheless. Cambodia'::, relations with

both countries are likely to be hampered hy animosities <1rising from past differences.

Widespread fighting between Cambodia and the Vietnamese Communists, whose forces on Cambodian soil actually' outnumhered those of the Cambodian Army in earl y 1970. erupted soon after Sihanouk" s ouster, although there had been small-scale engagements throughout 1969. Once they \vere convinced that Lon ?\ol had no interest in reaching an accommodation which would enable them to maintain their sanctuaries and sources of supply in Cambodia, the Communists began attacking government positions and toyvns in the southern border area. The large-scale movement of South Vietnamese and V.S. forces in Cambodia in early \·1av forced the Communists to vacate some of their bases in the eastern border areas and to move farther into Cambodia. By late June the Communists had consolidated control of Cambodias thinly populated but strategic northeast provinces. had penetrated into the northeast as far as Angkor \Vat, site of the ancient capital of the Khmer Empire, and had initiated a campaign of harassment against key roads and major population centers. Sihanouk. v,,·ho was abroad at the time of the move to unseat him. proclaimed in Peking the formation of a Royal Government of National Union (RG;..J"U). China. ~orth 'Vietnam, and the Provisional Revolution­ary' Government of the Republic of South Vietnam (successor to the ~ational Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam) withdrew their representatives from Phnom Penh and recognized Sihanouk's government. In early Ylay 1970, Sihanouk served as chairman of an "Indochinese People's Summit Conference" in China

which included Communist representatives from :'\Iorth Vietnam, South Vietnam. Laos. and Cambodia and apparently was intended to promote cohesion and unity of purpose on the Communist side while denouncing the new Cambodian Government as a creature of the "imperialist" forces, led by the United States.

For its part, the Cambodian Government soon appealed for foreign assistance to cope with the Communist threat. The United States agreed to provide military assistance. South Vietnam and-to a much lesser extent-Thailand provided material assistance. South Vietnam, in particular, provided military training, air and ground support. and captured Communist stocks of arms and equipment. A regional confere-oce was held in Djakarta in mid-May 1970 to discuss and evaluate the crisis in Cambodia and its regional implications, but China and 0lorth Vietnam rejected invitations to participate. Nevertheless, action stemming from the 12-nation conference did gain some international good ,"viII for Cambodia. Since the upheaval in Cambodia is

primarily a part of the broader Indochina conflict.

how'ever, it appears that stability for Cambodia has

become dependent OIl conclusion of a broader political

settlement in the Llrea.

B. Structure and functioning of the govern­ment (C)

1. Introduction

The removal of Sihanouk by the Cambodian legislature in ~v1arch 1970, led by Prime iVlinister Lon :'\jul and then First Deputy Prime Minister SisO\vath Sirik rvlatak (Figure 21). caused no immediate structural changes in the governmental system. National leaders did declare their intention to abolish the monarchy, hm\'ever, and the Khmer Republic ,"vas subsequently proclaimed on 9 October 1970. Revisions of the constitution necessitated hy the change to a republican system \vere initially attempted jointly hy the ~ational Assembly (the lo,"ver house of the legislature.l. a Committee of Intellectuals, and private organizations. but no agreement ,"vas achieved. In late NIay 1970 the task of revising the constitution \vas entrusted to a Constitu­tional Drafting Committee composed of some 23.5 governmental officials, assemblymen. and private individuals. The charter of this committee expired after the tramformation of the legislature into a Constituent A.ssembly in October" 1971. The Constituent Assemhly worked on the new constitution until 10 .\1:uch 197:2 when Lon NoL expressing dissatisfaction \vith its accomplishments. dissolved it. Later in the month Lon ~ol publicly announced that he had appointed a committee under his personal supervision to complete the constitution "within :2 weeks." The new document is

expected to provide for a strong presidential system of government.

From \-1arch 1970 until his resignation on 10 :\t1arch 1972, the Cambodian Government was nominally headed bv Chief of State Cheng Heng (Figure 22 i. who had been chairman of the :'\jational A.ssembly prior to Sihanouk's deposition. The transfer of authority from Sihanouk to Cheng Heng \vas accomplished through legal, constitutional procedures. Both houses of the legislature met in plenary session and decided unanimously to relieve Sihanouk of the title of Chief of State. Cheng Heng, who had in fact been named Acting Chief of State at the time of Sihanouk's departure from Cambodia on an extended trip in early January, \vas sworn in as Chief of State on 21 March 1970.

The actual locus of power in the post-Sihanouk government has been the Prime Minister. This position was held by General (no\l,l Marshal) Lon i'\ol from August 1969 until February 1971. when he suffered d stroke, designated Sirik ~v1atak as Acting Prime rvlinister. and went to Hawaii for medical care. \\'hen Lon Nol returned in April, he tendered his resignation but was persuaded to continue in office and form a new government. Although the ailing Lon ~ol remained as titular Prime \;1inister, Sirik ~ .... 1atak \vas given the new title of Prime \;linisterial

:33

Lon Nol (C) $isowoth Sirik Molak (C)

FIGURE 21. CAMBODIA'S LEADERS

FIGURE 22. Cheng Heng (C)

Delegate and assumed primary responsibility for running th e government. Later in 1971. as his health improved, Lon Nol resumed an increasingl y active role in the direction of governmental and military affairs . On J 8 October 1971 he fai led to renew th e ma ndate of th e legislature (elected in 1966 ) when its constitutional term expired and converted its membership into a Constituent Assembly. This new bod y was given no legislative function other than to pass on a new constitution. Lon Nol further announced that he would henceforth rul e by decree. A further consolidation of Lon Nor 5 power took place in March 1972 when he replaced Cheng Heng as Chief of State following the latter's resignation. H e . assumed for himself the title of President and dissolved the Con stituent Assembly and the cabinet. Lon Nol also has the milita ry rank of marshal and is both C.ommander in Chief and Chief of Staff of th e military forces. Although a new cabinet was formed on 20 March, with the popular Son Ngoc Thanh as First Minister-a newly

34

c rea ted position-and Foreign Mini ster , Lon Nol continues to chair the cabinet and shows no sign of voluntaril y slackening his hold on th e key elements of governmental and military power.

2. Constitution of 1947

The Cambodian Government is highly centralized , with local government merel y a minor appendage of the national administrat ion in Phnom Penh , the capital. In additi on , the executive branch clea rly do min ates the legislature and judiciary. Moreover, during the yea rs he was in power, Prin ce Sihanouk frequentl y resorted to extracons titutional mea s ure s, and constitutional guarantees have also been ignored on occas ion since hi s deposition. This has been justified by the Lon Nol gove rnment on th e basis of the emergency situation resulting from Sih ano uk's fall and th e threat posed by th e presence of North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces in Ca mbodia.

After a semblance of representati ve govern ment under th e French protec torate , the first constitution of Cambodia was promulgated by King Sihanouk in May 1947. 1t was modeled on a draft consti tution prepared for France in 1945 but subsequentl y rejected by the Fr~nch electorate because of th e extensive powers it granted the President. The system of government created by this constitution, as subseq uentl y amended, is a constitu­tional monarchy consisting essentially of the King (a position left vacant after th e death of Sihanouk's father in 1960); a noorova! Chief of State (exercising the full powers of the throne since 1960); a Council of Ministers (ca binet ) headed by a President of the Council (Prime Minister); a bicameral legislature, a judiciary of limited powers, and an ad visory National Congress. The constitution guarantees basic freedoms similar to those in the U.S. Bill of Rights. At th e same time, however, Article 15 of the constitution provides that if th e nati on is proclaimed by the King, or Chief of State, to be "in

•

danger," certain specified righh relating to freedom from

arrest v,:ithout due process of law and to freedom of

speech, press, and assemhly can be suspended "\vithin

limits and according to forms prescribed by la\\-',"

Constitutional amendments can be initiated by the Chief

of State, Prime Minister, or by the President of either of the two legislative houses, and they then must be approved by three-fourths of the lower house, or National Assembly. The rights of the Chief of State and the principles of liberty and equality, hO\vever, cannot be clHtailed by amendment.

After Sihanouk's abdication of the throne and subsequent organization and victory of the Sangkum in the 19,5.5 electi()n~, several provisions of the 1947 constitution were amended. The principal 1956 reform~ \vere: the establishment of Cambodian as thf' official language of government; extension to women of the right to vote and to hold public office; provision for recall of :"Jationai Assembly delegates by displeased constituents; and the creation of provincial assemblies (dissolved by popular referendum in late 1959 and indefinitely suspended bv law in Y1arch 1965).

The formal structure of government (Figure 23) follow~ the 1947 constitution closely except that the Commander in Chief of the Cambodian Armed Force~ is nominally directly responsible for operational matters to the Chief of State, a relationship that bypasses both the Prime Minister and the :Vlinister of National Defense in a manner not foreseen in the constitution. Since Sihanouk's removal, however, the Commander in Chief'~

operational responsihility has reverted to the Prime

•

'\1inister. Another constitutional deviation was the

creation of the extraconstitutional High Council to the

Throne in 1955 which functioned as a privy council, but

this five-man body was abolished by decree in April 1970.

3. Chief of State

The constitution of 1947 is described as the grant of the

King to his people, and all executive, legislative, and

judicial pll\VerS arc exercised in his name. The Chief of State, who has held all the powers of the vacant throne since June 1960, is bound by oath, hmvever, to observe the constitution, and most of hi~ acts must be countersigned by the Prime .\1inister and one or more appropriate ministers. He promulgates la\\'s, signs treaties, and summons and dissolves the :r\ational A~sembly upon the advice of his ministers. The Chief of State also appoints the Prime 1\:linister, members of the cabinet, magistrates and judges, diplomatic representa­tives, and provincial governors; "creates and bestows" civilian and military ranks; and grants pardons. He is also Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. After becoming Chief of State in .\1arch 1972, Lon :'\lol changed the title to President.

4, Council of Ministers

The operation of executive po\'ver is in the hands of the Council of Ministers (cabinet), which is headed by a President, ll.Sually referred to as the Prime Minister. The Council of Ministers consists of ministers and secretaries of state \\'ho may be, and often are, members of the ~ational Assembly; they also may hold more than one

I

cabinet post. Cabinet memhership is limited cunstitu­

tionally to 16 persons, but cabinets in recent years have

included as many as 17 ministers and secretaries of state. 3

Accordin~ to the constitution, the King (or Chief of

State) chooses and appoints the Prime Minister, as well as

the ministe-rs propost'd by him, but these persons must be

confirmed by the :r\ational Assembly. The cabinet

discusses all problems relating to the general functioning

of the state and govt'rnmental machinery and may

irlitiate legislation. It is empo\\'ered to executp the laws

passed b! the National Assembly, which it does by

promulg<Jting decrees (kret) and regulations. Cnder the

constitution the cabinf't is collectively responsible to the

:\'ational Assf'mbly for the general policies of the

administration.

In a g(l\"ernment reorganization on 1 July 1970 the

position of counselor to the government was established,

and seyeral prominent personalities have since bf'en

appointed as counselors. Although largely honorific,

these posts provide salaries <Jnd emoluments equivalent to those of cabinet ministers.

The constitution specifies that the :r\ational Assembly, through a yote of censure or no confide-nce-, can force the­re-signation of individual members, as well as the collective resignation of the Council of I\1inisters. In such a case, the- outgoing ~overnment, with the exception of the Prime !\'·1inistt'r and the l\-1inister of Interior. continues in being until a new one- has been appointed by tht' Chief of State and acceptf'd by the assembly.

5. Legislature

Camhodia's bicameral legislature consisb of a lower hous€'-the National Assembly-and a relatively impotent upper house-the Council of the Republic. However, the legislature- ceased to exist on 18 October 1971 when its constitutional term of office expired, and its title and functions were changed to those of a Constituent Assembly. Government spokesmen have stated that the legislature would be reinstituted following adoption of a new constitution and the holding of elections in 1972. \Vartime conditions, however, ma~ delay or even prevent ele-ctions for a new legislature.

According to the 1947 constitution, the National Assembly is elected by direct universal suffrage and holds sole lawmaking authority. It meets at least twice a year for a minimum of 3 months, and its deputies, who cannot he unde-r 25 years old, are elected for ~-year terms as represent<Jtives of the entire nation, rather than <J

particllL.u district. Representation in the assembly is proportioned on the basis of approximately 1 deputy for evcry 30.000 voters; in 1971 the assembly had 82 seats. The constitution provides for the assembly to vote on the national hudget and to approve the administrative accounts of the provinc('"s.

3for a current listing of ke~· government officiah ("omult Chicf~ of State and Cabinet Memhers of Foreign Govcrnments. publish",d monthl~ by the Directorate of Intf'lligenc-e. Centr;.]1 Intelli)!plce

Agenl"~

:36

Thr- Council of the Republic is an advisory bod~

selected b)· limited suffrage and appointment. It is

composed of 24 members; two are appointed by the

Chief of State. two are elected by the National Assembly.

and 20 (10 representing geographic regions and 10 the professions and trades) are chosen by restricted elections.

\1embers of the upper house, who must be at least 40

years old, serve 4-year terms. The Council of the Republic

studies and comments on proposed legislation and may

suggest changes, though only the lower house can

actually enact laws. Since the members of the upper

house are considered "elder statesmen," their advice and suggestions command respect.

Under the constitution, the National Assembly may be dissolved bv the Chief of State upon the advice of the Council of Ministers. The as~embly can also be dissolved by the Council of Ministers after advice from the president of the assembly if the assembly votes twice against the government within 18 months. In the event of the assembly's dissolution, the Council of X·Hnisters, \vith the exception of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Interior, remains in office to carryon the ordinar~

business. The president of the dissolved National Assembly then becomes Prime Minister and selects a Minister of Interior, who arranges f~r nev .. · assembly elections, which must take place within 2 months.

The 1947 constitution provides for a ~-year term of office for both houses of the legislature. The duration of the legislature mav be prolonged for I year by the Chief of State if circumstances make it impossible to hold new elections. The constitution makes no provision for further extension other than by national election. Since new elections were not considered feasible in wartorn Cambodia in October 1971 when the incumbent legislature had completed 5 years in office, it simply ceased to exist.

6. National Congress

The National Congress, which was originally organized in 1955 by the Sangkum and was given official status by constitutional amendment in 1958, has not met since the deposition of Sihanouk. Prior to that time, semiannual meetings of the congress were open to all citizens to provide a forum for discussion of national problems and policies. Although it had no legislative powers, it made recommendations to the National Assembly and the government.

7. Judiciary

During the French colonial period, the administration of justice in Cambodia was divided between French courts, operating under French laws, and the native Cambodian judicial system. Although the French system was aholished when Cambodia achieved full independ­('fleE', the legal codes that form the judicial system toda~ ;'Hf' hased Iargel~ on french principjps that were illcorporated during the colonial administration.

The Camhodian constitution of 19 .. j."; provides for ct"ftain kgal guarantees, including: flO arrP~t without (ill('

process of [a\\', a limited right of habeas corpus, the

assumption of innocence until guilt is proved. prohibition

of punishment by exile. and the right to petition the

government for redress. According to Article 1.5 of the

constitution. however. these rights may he suspended in

times of national emergency. and evt'n in a normal

situation the average citizen cannot he certain that his

rights will be observed hy the law enforcement authorities.

The penal code defines offenses, enumerates penalties. prescribes methods of enforcement. and stipulates circumstances under which penalties may be reduced. Offenses are divided into two general categories: public and private. Crimes directed against the person. reputation. or property of an individual are considered to be in the private category, \vhile actions endangering institutions such as the state and religion are termed public offenses. Punishments are defined according to degrees of severity and determined by the magnitude of the crime. ranging from small fines to life imprisonment or death. These penalties may be accompanied by a loss of civil rights, depri'vation of the right to administer personal property, payment of damages, and travel restrictions.

The courts are organized into a hierarchy' of civil and criminal courts. \Vithin each province there are usually several justice of the peace courts (sala lohuc'l, \vhich are presided over by magistrates to decide minor civil suits and misdemeanors. In areas where the population is sparse. the district chief (\vho heads the civil administration) often will also be the magistrate. On the provincial level the courts of the first instance (sala dambaung) have jurisdiction over civil matters, misdemeanors, and lesser felonies, while the criminal courts (sala oukret) preside over criminal cases. Both courts use professional judges-appointed by the central government-and juries. Civil judgments of courts of the first instance can be appealed to the Court of Appeals (Sala Qutor) in Phnom Penh. but criminal court decisions can be appealed only to the highest court. the Court of Cassation (5ala Vinichchay) in Phnom Penh. The Court of Examination (Sala Kramchet"l in the capital is concerned solely with allegations of improper legal procedures. and the highest tribunal, the Court of Cassation. rules only on questions of law. The higher courts in Phnom Penh are presided over by a panel of judges. ~o judicial institution exists to examine the constitutionality of a law, since the right of constitutional interpretation rests solely with the National Assembly.

The constitution created a High Court of Justice as an extraordinary instrument to deal \vith offenses of varying natures committed by high government officials. In 1964 this court was replaced through constitutional amendment by the People's TribunaL whose jurisdiction also encompassed acts detrimental to state finances and to the economy. This tribunal, however. has been inactive since its establishment. The Special Military Court was ·established in September 1959 as an extraordinary tribunal with a broad and vaguely defined

jurisdiction related to the preservation of national

security. It has a limited but renew'able mandate and is

authorized to deviate from the penal code in pre~cribing

penalties. There is a widespread belief among

Cambodians that the courts and the :"vlinistry' of J mtice

and Parliamentary Relations, :.l.long with the Customs

Service. are the most corrupt elements \)f government.

8. Administrative structure

Camhodia is divided for administrative purposes into .21 provinces (khet). Two of these provinces-Oudong ~vleanchey and Vihear Suor-were only established in :Vlarch 1972: they were carved out of the provinces north and east of Phnom Penh, principally to bcilitate the direction of military operations in the area. Cntil late 1971, there were also five autonomous municipalities­Phnom Penh, Bokor, Kep. Kompong Som. and Kirirom. but in early 1972 the status of these cities was being reviewed; reportedly. only' Phnom Penh and Kompong Som \vill retain autonomous municipal status. The provinces are divided into districts (srok) composed of tf.l\vnships or communes (khum). Each commune includes several villages (phuml. In 1968 the government approved the creation of a new administrative unit-the subprovince (anukhetl-between the province and township levels. :\ few of these have been formed in areas of western Cambodia that previously lacked sufficient administrative infrastructure: they appear to have little if any autonomous po\\'ers. The provincial government is the major operative level of local government. The Chief of State appoints pro .... incial and municipal governors. who supervise all local government operations and are responsible to the \'tinister of Interior. Each district is headed by a chief (chauuay srok), \vho is appointed hy the Minister of Interior upon the recommendation of the governor. Each township has a Council of ~otables. which selects a mayor who is responsible to the district and provincial administrators. Most ministries of the central government have representatives to oversee the workings of the provincial administration. and the distrid and tmvnship chiefs are primarily involved in transmitting instructions from a higher leveL Since the dissolution of the provincial assemblies in 19,59, there has been very little popular participation in local affairs.

The jurisdictions of the central ministries are often indefinite. leading to considerable overlapping and administrative confusion. Entire units are often transferred from one ministry to another, sometimes in such a \ .... ay that a ministry itself can go out of existence. The departments reportedly have difficulty' in communicating and cooperating with each other. and their \vork is retarded by reluctance to accept responsibility and by cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. Fairly well trained and experienced personnel usually direct the work of each department. but because many of the more capahle people hold sevE"ral positions their efforts <lre often too widely' diffused to be effective. In the middle ranks, there is a dearth of qualified civil servants; under Sihanouk, initiative at this level was

,'37

discouraged, with all important and mam trivial dt'ci~ions coming from his office_ Dt'cisiom, E'ven'on small matters, ~He still usually refprred to the ministerial level

In 1946, when thE" nation hecame an autollomous monarch~' within the French l- nioTl, Cambodia wa~ estimated to have only ahout L50 persons with sufficient training to assume responsiblf:' governrnpntal position::, The government graduall\ undertook thl:' task of building a staff of professional civil servants, Some of- them­particulart~- at high levels. were trained in France. hut th~ mujority \\'erE' origina!l~ trained on the job. learning from older Camhodian civil servant~ or from former French supervisors acting in an ad\'isor~ capacity. Subsequently. expanded educational facilities and administrativE' training courSE'S have produced an increasing resE'rvoir of ('i\·il service candidates. ~

A~ Camhodia moved toward indepl:'ndence during the 19.50's. more and more administrati'\!e johs were transferred from the French or their Vietnamese assistant5 to Cambodiam. In such cases. pspeciall~ in the higher echelons of government appointmenb werE' made In- the King and his immediatE' I:'ntourage, This established the prf'cE'deflt for a spoils systE'm, \Vhen the opposition Democrat Part~- came into power in 1951. most civil sen-ants \~'h() were out of sympathy with the governing party wert' replaced, and there was a consequent lowering of administrative standards. Only some of the lower post.<­wprE' filled through competitivE' examinatiom,

After Sihanouk assumed direct power in 1952, a civil service study commission was set up, and m a result of its work a hasic civil servicE' la ". wa.<- promulgated in 19.5,'3, In August of that vear a ~eries of decree~ brought most government jobs u~der civil <,ervice and estahli;hed fivE' major categories in which posts were to be filled primarih th rough open competitive examinations, Besid~s attempting to establish rules for the appointment. promotion. and n-tirement of civil servants, thp government al-"o improved the administration by pstablishing the Royal School of Administration in 1956. h~ ~ending:, students abroad-mainl~ to France and the lTnitE'd States-for public administration studies. and b) setting up a committee (sometimes at the cabinet level with a secretary or undersecretary of state I to guard against corruption.

Despite these efforts the Cambodian civil sen.'ice is still weak in mam respects, The key role of personal relationships in the social S\'stem adversely affects the bureaucracy. If an individu~1 of some infh~encE' cannot gE't satisfaction through normal channels, he can usualh do so via \vell-placed relatives or friends, The lack of ~ tradition of public service. the low pay of most government employees. and the vulnerabilit~ of the principal money group. the Chinese, to official extortion arE' among the factors contributing to continued corruption despite periodic '·cleanup" campaigns

C. Political dynamics

I. Problems of the new regime (S)

ThE' CClmhodians' strong sense of nationalism i~ one of the main reasons the government ha~ been able to

.'38

maintain political unih in the face of attack h\ Communist Vietnamese 'armed force~, The govprnmen't has successfully weathered a most difficult initial period of war. managing to reorient the countn.'s foreign policY. establish closer ties with neighborinl! n~tions, and buiid an arm\ almost from scratch, while keeping at ba\ a resourceful and determined enem\, - '

Politil'al powt'r i~ based primarii y on the support of the armed force~, Although during the Sihanouk period thn generall~ restricted themselves to the- performancE' of miliL.l.f~ duties, their leaders. as exemplified tn- General (no\\' j\'1arshal) Lon ~ol. became increasingly d'issatisfiE'd with Prince Sihanouk's leadership and policies and supported thE' Prince's deposition in \1arch 1970, Since that time. militar~ support has constituted the mainsta\ of the Lon Nol government. Although theft' are c1iqu~s and ideological shadings within thE' present military leadE'rship, the military by and large appear~ to be united' in support of the government's anti-Communist and anti­Sihanouk policies,

Other important elements in the power structure are the traditional elite, the Buddhist clergy and the students, Of thesE' groups, the traditional e1it~ is in alliance with the arm~, Many in the Buddhist priesthood, \vhich pIa\,-" a dominant rolE' in shapillg the ethos of the populatio~, feel some ambi\'alence toward the government The students, often a critical group. have continued to support the repuhlican government even though somE' officials they have charg'ed with corruption co~tinue t() hold office. Some student and Buddhist element~ have becomE' increasingly critical of ,,-hat the\ consider to be a trend toward authoritarian rule. A leadi~g target of their criticism has been Prime \1inisterial Delegate Sirik Matak. Lon Nors capable and long-time lieutenant. The failurE' of Lon Nol to include him in the nE'W cabinet formed in \1arch 1972 was probabl: largely in responst' to vehE'ment student demands. The peasants, despite their traditional lo\'alty to t-he monarch have been largely apathetic to\~'ard" the ne\\' g{)vernme~t. Most own their own land, and as long a~ thE' price~ of essE'ntial commoditiE's do not rise beyond their means and thE' government can emphasize that the disruption of life is camed by harassment from the Communist \-iet Cong and Korth \'ietnamese, the regime can count on acceptancE' in the c()untrvside.

Politics for some time' is bound to bear the unique stamp of Sihanouk's long stewardship, Regarded at first as a playboy-a major factor in his selection bv the French-Sihanouk (Figure 24) quickly develop"ed a serious interest in government. achieved independence for Cambodia in 1953, and, for all practical purposes, becamE' the personification of Cambodia over the following :--'pars, \~/hile he encouraged a degf(>(' of participation b: others in the formulation and execution of domestic policies, he maintained exclusive control over foreign affairs.

Although Sihanouk's political preeminence seemed assured by his control over the principal sources of political power, there were evidences of discontent with his domestic and foreign policie~ as thf' 1960's drew to a