geopolitics of india & greater india (1943) by dr s.srikanta sastri (www.srikant

8/10/2019 Geopolitics of India & Greater India (1943) by Dr S.srikanta Sastri (Www.srikant

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Geopolitics of India and Greater India (1943) by Dr S.Srikanta Sastri

www.srikanta-sastri.org Page 1

Geopolitics of India andGreater India

(Study of Pre-war and Post-war Indian Geopolitics)

Dr. S. SRIKANTA SASTRI

Edited with introduction

Dr. M. V. Srinivas

MADHU'S PRINTERS & PUBLISHERSBangalore - 560 022


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Contents

1. Foreword............................................................................3

2. A Note on the manuscript S.Naganath........................4

3. Preface M.V.Srinivas....................................................7

4. Geo-politics Its Nature & History.............................20

5. The General nature of political development.............29

6. India and Greater India Territory...........................32

7. Population........................................................................38

8. Government......................................................................42

9. Sovereignty.....................................................................50

10. Law...................................................................................55

Appendix..................................................................................60

Appendix 2 SAARC.............................................................62

Appendix 3 Jambu Dwipa....................................................64

Select Bibliography.............................................................65


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Foreword

In this monograph I have touched only the fringeof a very complex but important topic which is asignificant development of current politicalthought. Apart from the sensational claimsadvanced on behalf of geopolitics, there are someelements of enduring value in it and the statesmanand administrators cannot afford to ignore the

harsh facts of political geography and geopolitics.In India the immediate interest has centred roundthe problem of winning independence and preserving

political unity. But India cannot afford to beindifferent to the wider questions of aninternational world order and of the possibility ofan Indian Supra-National Union. Therefore in thelight of Indian tradition and history, it is pointed

out that Indias natural affinity is with thoseeastern countries which once were a part of hercultural empire. It may be objected that no clear

picture has been presented here. It is partly dueto the lack of adequate data and this shortcomingcan be removed only by a thorough investigation ofall the relevant economic, social and politicalfactors by an Indian Geopolitical Institute.Meanwhile this is presented as a tentative sketchfor serious consideration at the hands of all the

patriots and well wishers of India and the East.

MysoreAugust 1943 S. Srikanta Sastri


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note on the Manuscript

This brief monograph was written by my father, late Prof.

S. Srikantha Sastri in August 1943. I can only speculateabout the reasons that prevented my father from

publishing his work, The major reason must have been theglobal changes wrought by the Second world war. MoreoverIndia achieved independence at a great cost within fouryears of writing of this track. The tragic partition intoIndia and Pakistan must have been a traumatic experienceto the intellectuals of that generation.

The tone of the manuscript is undoubtedly idealistic. Iwonder how could a conscientious historian resort to day-dreaming and fantasy. It is indisputable that a certainamount of idealistic out-look is a necessary pre-requisiteof a Historian.

Prof. S. Srikantha Sastri was extremely unfortunate in notgetting his valuable works published on time. Acombination of factors, natural and man-made successfullydelayed his works from seeing daylight, His firstimportant research work "The Sources of KarnatakaHistory" Vol I (which is a foundation work) was written asa Doctoral thesis in 1927-28. A well wisher of my fathertook away the manuscript, on the pretext of reading. butnever to return it, He was encouraged to re-write it at agreat cost. The second manuscript was knocked off byanother well meaning scholar. The then Vice-Chancellor ofMysore University Prof. N. S. Subba Rao advised my fatherto re-write for the third time in 1938-39. It was finally

published by the University of Mysore in 1949, after a gapof 12 years. He wrote his much acclaimed book on IndianCulture -"Bharatiya Samskrithi" in 1944. This was

published by the grateful university in 1954. after a lapseof ten years. Even the other works of my father like

"Hoysala Vastushilpa", "Purathathva Shodhane , "PrapanchaCharitreya roopu-rekegalu",' Roman Chakradipatya Charitre"


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and collected Kannada articles often consumed decadesbefore they were published. A renowned publisher tookaway his collected English & Kannada articles in 1968 with

the promise of early publication, only to return them inits original form after four years. His collected Kannadaarticles were published posthumously by Kannada StudiesCentre, University of Mysore. His collected Englisharticles, reviews and the sources of Karnataka History VolII (written in 1963-65) are yet to find a publisher, theenlightened authorities of Prasaranga, University ofMysore took away the unpublished works of Prof. S.

Srikanta Sastri after his demise in 1974. It languishesfruitlessly in the store rooms of the Prasaranga till 1987.Even to get back the manuscripts I had to run from pillarto post endlessly. The persevering quality of this text andhow it weathered the storm all these years amounts to amiracle. Most of my father's published books are out of

print. The eager research scholars are disappointed by notfinding them on book-shelves. There is an urgent need for

publishing unpublished and out of print books. I sincerelythank Sri B. V. Krishnamurthy of Madhu's Printers &Publishers, Bangalore-27 for having taken up thischallenging and ardous task of publishing Geo-politics andgreater India. The various State Government organisations,Quasi-Government bodies and Universities, who are supposedto espouse the cause of scholarship, have shown remarkabledegree of apathy and callousness in this regard. Theircomplacency truly deserves l)r-n:rJaticr of the highestorder.

The Geo-politics theory discussed in this text has a greatrelevance to us. What E.E.C., N,A.T.O. and Warsaw Pactcountries have achieved could be achieved by Asiancountries through mutual co-operation. The KarlHaushofer's concept of 'Vital Space' is still adhered to bysuch countries as Israel, China and U. S. A. The United

States of America considers North and South America as itsarea of influence. The little island Granada was occupied


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by America in the name of safe guarding Americaninterests. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, theIran-Iraq conflict over two small strategic islands in the

Gulf and Russian refusal to part with two islandsbelonging to Japan, all speak clearly of the importance ofGeo-politics. India looks upon Siachen Glacier as its areaof strategic importance. But Pakistan is not prepared toconcede this point. Prof. S. Srikantha Sastri successfullydemolishes the white-race supremacy theory, by quoting theexample of Japan's march towards progress. According tohim India could very well play a dominant role in Asian

politics given its area, population, resources and strength.Such things as over-population, economic and educationalbackwardness and an adherence to traditional values neednot be obstacles to hinder a Country's progress. it comes asa revelation to know that Marxian economic ideas weresurreptiously adopted by Maynard Keynes and others.

Through wars we cannot solve human problems. It may provide temporarily employment to millions. But the havoccaused by the wars is too well known to be enumeratedhere. It is only peace as advocated by Mahatma Gandhi thatholds a promise to the much beleaguered world.

I express ^my deep gratitude to Dr. M. V. Srinivas, Reader,Post-graduate Department of History, University of Mysore,a sincere student of Dr. S. Srikantha Sastri for havingwritten the elaborate preface, a note on SAARC, appendix-2and appendix-3. He has been instrumental in getting thismanuscript from Prasaranga, University of Mysore. Sincetwo years he has been a source of inspiration to this

project. He has consistently encouraged us to proceed withthe publication of the manuscript despite many obstacles. Iam sure conscientious readers would greatly benefit byreading this book, which is seeing the light of the dayafter 45 years.

S. Naganath


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PREFACE

Dr. S. Srikantha Sastri who was a professor of Historyin the University of Mysore (Maharaja's College) is wellknown in the field of Indian History and Culture. Hetaught history to the students of post-graduate studies inhistory in Mysore University for thirty two years. He wasthe author of several books in English and Kannada. Theyinclude the Sources of Karnataka History Vol. 1, Proto-Indic Religion, iconography of Vidyarnavatantra, EarlyGangas of Talkad, and Evolution of the Gandabherunda. Hisimportant works in Kannada are Bharatiya Samskruti,Puratatva Shodhane, Hoysala Vastushilpa, RomanChakradipatya Itihasa and Prapancha CharitreyaRuparekhegalu.

Dr. Srikantha Sastri belonged to a rare generation ofscholars who had proficiency in several disciplines and

subjects. His scholarship was not limited to history.Besides a deep understanding of that subject, he was

proficient in subjects like Religion, Literature, andCulture. Music, Architecture, Archaeology, Epigraphy. Dr.Sastri studied various branches of history, and hisresearch embraced several branches of history. His commandover Sanskrit and many Indian languages and his knowledgeof several European languages came handy in unravelling

many unknown chapters and aspects of history. He studiedthe original Sources and Came out with new interpretationsand explanations. He had firm beliefs and clear convictionson several problems. He was bold and forth right in hiscriticism. Because of his original views and his differenceswith established historians, he was involved in manycontroversies during his life time.

\ He was a scholar, a guide and a well-wisher to a largenumber of students not only in history but also to


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students of Kannada, Telugu and other disciplines. Most ofhis books were published during his life time. A volumecontaining his research articles was published in 1975.

This script remained unnoticed all ! these years amidst hiswritings. This is a significant revelation as it is the onlywork on the modern period by this scholar who wasconsidered as an authority in Ancient Indian History.

The author has discussed several current issues of the period in his monograph. He has taken up the analysis ofan interesting subject namely Geopolitics which was just

then developing (during the forties) besides discussing suchSerious topics as geopolitics and nature of politicaldevelopment of India and greater India, Dr. Sastri hasoffered a scheme for the future constitution makers ofIndia. He examined various views and theories put forwardby several scholars regarding the future of India andcomes out with his own solutions, namely the constitutionof supra-National Indian Union.

The term Geopolitics is an objective study of politico-geographical factors. it is a study of power and politicalspeculations. The term Geopolitics was coined shortlybefore First world war and spread throughout Europebetween the two world wars and came into world-wide useduring second world war. Geopolitics attempts to explainworld political developments in terms of geographic space.According to this theory the world contains only a limitedamount of space and all countries are involved in a neverending struggle among themselves to get enough to survive.Geopolitics tries to describe the relationship between spaceand foreign policy.

The roots of its concepts go back to 1904 when a Britishgeographer Halford J. Mackinder known as the founder ofmodern geopolitics delivered a paper to the Royal

Geographical Society. Mackinder entitled his paper, 'TheGeographical Pivot of History". In it, he drew a


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geographical sketch of the globe, identifying the innercore area of Eurasia as the "pivot area" of world politics.The key characteristics of this pivot area were its

extensive continuous flatlands and its inaccessibility tosea power.

Mackinder advanced a theory of Geopolitics that emphasisedthe importance in world politics of nations that controlledgreat land areas. He called the great land mass of Europe,Asia and frica the "World island . All other areas were

only satellites. The central land of Europe and Asiaincluding Germany and Russia was the heartland. Thecontrol of the heartland was supposed to be the key toworld power. Mackinder foresaw the rise of the powerfulstate occupying the "pivot area". In Mackinder's strategicconceptions a land power that gains control over a large

part of the Eurasian and African land mass could harnessthe vast resources of its land base in constructing theworld's most powerful navy and in overwhelming allremaining insular powers. in his well-known work"Democratic ideals and realities", Mackinder issued hisfamous dictum "who rules East Europe commands the heartland; who rules the heartland commands the world island;who rules the world island commands the world". In another

prophetic comment to the idealists of his time. he warnedthat the heart-land would again become a centre of a worldwar.

German geopolitician; especially Karl Haushofer combinedMackinder's theory with some of their own theories anddeveloped geopolitics into a pseudoscience. They argued thatmodern advances in transportation and communication hadopened great spaces of land and increased the power of thecountries controlling that land. Oceanic countries wouldhave to grant living space to the newer and more dynamic

continental countries. German geopolitics is the logical product of a materialist and deterministic school of


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thought which had progressively gained sway over theGerman mind until it reduced man to the status of a bio-chemical entity. Geography came to be considered as the

main spring of power.

Karl Haushofer studied and debated the geopoliticaltheories of Mackinder, Ratzel and Rudolf Kjellen andadopted Mackinder's conceptions into a blueprint forEurasian hegemony. Haushofer advised not only Hitler butalso Stalin prior to the German invasion of the SovietUnion.

Nicholas Spykman who was professor of internationalRelations at Yale University accepted Mackinder'sgeographical view of the world. He proposed a solution onthe well known balance of power principle with all theworld area divided into regional groupings each under thedirection of a dominant power. He however issued adifferent dictum counter to Mackinder and declared "whocontrols the rim land rules Eurasia; who rules Eurasiacontrols the destinies of the world". The theories ofgeopolitics continued to attract followers in everycountry. James Burnham who was working for the office ofthe Strategic Services adopted Mackinder's geopoliticalconception. He proposed a policy of liberation as analternative to the policy of containment.

George T. Renner of United States also argued that worldcontrol was simply a matter of recognising and acting uponcertain facts known as geography. Gen. George Marshallstated recently that "the army which knows the mostgeography will always win a war". "How else we may askourselves could two second rate powers (Germany and Japan)and a third rate one (Italy) came so close to defeating theworld. The answer is that they found all the available

political facts and all the discoverable geographical facts

at the same time. when you add political facts togeographical facts you get the only secret weapon which


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the axis had possessed and it was secret because thedemocracies had never used it. Global war and itsaftermath have finally driven home to the democracies the

awareness of geographical facts arrived in terms ofgeopolitics for which Renner pleaded. Geopolitics wasimplied in every major decision arrived at in the top levelAllied Nations conferences which determined the overallstrategy of the campaigns of 1942-1945.

The rise of American interest in geopolitics coincided with

increase in American interest in the geopolitics of India.This was the period when a heated controversy was going onin India over the Muslim League's demand for the partitionof India on the basis of religion. This issue had seriousgeopolitical overtones. Many people in India and outsideargued that separate Muslim State in India was not viable.Dr. Srikantha Sastri naturally pleaded that vivisection ofIndia should be prevented. Both the supporters and theopponents of the partition of India swore on the basis ofgeopolitics. The Indian Nationalists always believed the

proposal of Pakistan was an imperial strategy to weakenIndia. Several imperial writers suggested that the area ofPakistan was a strategic area and access to this region

provided many advantages especially against a future waragainst Soviet Russia.

It is true that geopolitical concepts do not providestatesmen with specific policy prescriptions, setting forthwhere it is appropriate to use such tools as militaryforce, economic and military assistance, or covertoperations. Rather geopolitical concepts offer a globalframework within which both grand strategy and specific

policies can be formulated and implemented.

As Mackinder so keenly recognised over 60 years agodemocracies often succumb to the temptation of basing their


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foreign policy on ideals rather than on geopoliticalrealities. Dr. Srikantha Sastri rightly upholds theelements of enduring value in geopolitics and warned that

statesmen could not ignore it. Subsequent developments inthe post-war period have clearly demonstrated the wisdomof his argument regarding the application of geopolitics inshaping the foreign policy of India.

No part of geopolitics is wholly acceptable to the world atlarge; but several ideas have been taken over in modified

form. Dr. Srikantha Sastri has rightly remarked that thereis an element of enduring truth in the geopoliticalemphasis on space. He mentions how Aristotle, Montesqiew,Bodin, Buckle, Seligman Cunningham and others recognisedthat geographical location, structure, climate and naturalresources influence political evolution.

However he finds fault with the geopolitics as developed inGermany. He rightly points out that it ignored some of themost important elements of culture that enter into

political geographies namely, morality, decency, justice andfairness. Dr. Sastri aptly remarks that in practical

politics it had led to the doctrine of might opposed todemocratic moral rights. He also points out that it is areversion of Kautilya's dictum

that the neighbouring state is a potential enemy. Dr.Srikantha Sastri mentions some specific theories andmethods of geopolitics such as organic frontiers. He pointsout how these theories had been used as justifications forthe barefaced territorial expansion. In this connection hementions the foreign policy of Lord Curzon who wanted tofix the western frontier of India near the Persian Gulf. itis significant that Dr. Sastri has touched this vital aspectof British policy. Curzon's policies as well as his views

have great geopolitical significance and deserve an indepth study by students of geopolitics.


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On the whole Dr. Sastri concludes that geopoliticserrs in emphasising the physical environment, conflict and

war and ignored religion, cooperation and similar factors.He particularly notes the sinister change undergone in theGerman geopolitics.

Admitting the limitations of geopolitical methods and philosophy Dr. Sastri has attempted to apply some of theconsiderations to the future development of independentIndia.

Surveying the general development in the world Dr.Sastri notes the evils that plagued the western world.Then he takes up the specific question of economic and

political basis of an Indian Supra-National Union. Heexamines the following main factors namely 1) Territory 2lPopulation 3) Government 4) Sovereignty and 5) Law whichan independent India will have to face. He argues that landspace cannot be ignored and suggests that independent Indiashould form a broad regional union comprising of a SouthAsia. This was the ancient Jambudwipa where Indian cultureflourished. He briefly states that geopoliticalconsideration and historical claims could be advanced toshow that from Hindukush and Afghanistan in the west tolndo-China, Siam, Java, Bali, Sumatra, Borneo, Malaya andPhilippines in the east, and from the Himalayas in thenorth to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in the south the whole regionwas culturally and economically homogenous" Thus on thebasis of strategic considerations he sug3ests that Indiashould form a compact union with all the countries ofSouth Eastern Asia up to the natural frontiers. He alsostates that apart from territory the fertility of the soilshould be taken into consideration. He provides theexamples of China and Japan and pleads that the Asiancountries should be awakened to a sense of duty. It is very

strange that he suggests that Japan should be allowed todevelop some of the under-developed countries


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commercially. He takes stock of the territory, naturalresources of the proposed Indian Supra-National Union,extending from the coast of Africa and the Hindukush to

the South China sea and emphasises that India's interestsin forming this union should be political security, mutualbenefit and cultural co-operation. He rightly points outthat even in the early centuries, India has taken upcolonization in this region solely for culture andreciprocal trade. This should be the aim of India in thefuture.

Dr. Sastri analyses the defects in the industrialisation policy in India and suggests remedies like proper locationto Indian industrialisation. The vital industries should beestablished not only in such regions where raw materials,labour and transport facilities are available but also witha view to strategic needs. The author obviously opposes anyattempt to vivisect the country and f eels that it was notjustified on geopolitical grounds. Ourtirr3 Ratzel andother authorities he came out with the suggestion of an"economic totalitarianism" to break down the separatisttendencies.

Dr. Sastri's suggestion was not for the formation of a mere political union. He suggests that the natural resources inthe region should be systematically exploited He refutesthe often repeated view that India was incapable of meetingher food requirements. He defends the indigenous system.He maintains that the birth rate need not cause alarm Helays more emphasis on the abolition of economic mal-adjustments. He hopes that India could build an invinciblenational army, navy and air force. This is before theadvent of the nuclear age and Dr. Sastri's fond hope maynot be taken seriously. He also points out the labouravailability and the efficiency and skill of Indians andrefutes the imperial propaganda of inferiority of the

Indians. Similarly he also argues that capital was alsoavailable in India. Here again he draws from his vast


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knowledge of Indian history and points out that Englishsupport could not be indispensable. He quotes from thesoviet examples to support his argument. In the next part

he provides details of the structure of the Government inthe post-war period and arrives at the conclusion that thesupra-national Indian union was the best solution.Discussing the question of Sovereignty, Dr. Sastrisubscribes to the nationalists, point of view and pleads fora strong union of strategic military and economic fronts.Discussing the question of law he argues that the Indian

private and public law should not be diversed from

morality and justice. He pleads for the supremacy of morallaw and establishment of peace. He upholds the idea of realreligion based on morality and freedom from fear.

While writing about the system of government, Dr. Sastriaptly admits that he may be dubbed a visionary given towishful thinking. He points out the difficulty offorecasting the precise system of government. When oneexamines the validity of his forecasts and relevance of his

proposals his apologies appear to be unnecessary.

Though Dr. Sastri pleads for unity the author clearly points out "the unity enforced by military necessity cannotbe expected to survive". He insists that we must evolve anorganisation suited to the genius of Asiatic people. Herejects both a federation and a confederation and feelsthat the creation of a supra-national union would be thebest solution. Acco rding to him this union will be astrong confederation of federations preserving thetraditional autonomous republic but integrating them intoa democratic government for certain specific purposes". Heenvisages a clearly refined legislative, executive andjudicial powers to this union. Several thinkers, statesmenand constitutional experts have pointed out the lapses ofthe present state system. It is pointed out that the state

had grown fast in free India and that it wielded enormouscoercive power. As one writer pointed out India had become


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a nation of many states instead of a state of many nations.Mahatma Gandhi saw nation as a spontaneous association andinteraction between diverse people. But in the post-

independence India there was an attempt to transform Indiainto a homogeneous nation state a la France. Severalintellectuals began to express concern about the growth ofthe state. "Too close an embrace of the state might resultin abandoning democracy. Dr. Sastri emphasises the factthat state should not be strengthened at the cost of theindividual liberty.

Dr. Srikantha Sastri's suggestion of a supra-NationalIndian Union also has several supporters. Several writers,statesmen and administrators have come out with thesuggestion of forming a bigger union in south Asia andSouth East Asia. Several proposals have been made for aneconomic association of India and Pakistan with other Asiannations. The formation of SAARC (south Asian Associationfor Regional cooperation) is of course the crowning tributeto Dr. Sastri s proposal made nearly forty five years agofor the formation of a similar union. The constitution andthe working of SAARC resembles to a great extent the

proposals made by our author on the basis of his ownexperience and knowledge. This work of Dr. SrikanthaSastri, is a significant contribution to the field of modernhistory and deserves serious consideration by all studentsof contemporary history. It not only throws valuable lighton a contemporary and crucial topic but also presents analtogether unknown aspect of the author's erudition. DrSastri chooses a contemporary and controversial topic likeGeopolitics. He makes an up to date and exhaustive surveyof the subject. He provides an excellent critique of thetheory of Geopolitics. He promptly points out thedistortions of the subject and makes an objective analysisof its value to the statesmen and administrators.

The most valuable part of his work is his application ofthe theory of Geopolitics to Indian setting. Very few had


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attempted such an application during the forties when itwas known only to a few scholars. The author recognisesthe enduring elements in the discipline of Geopolitics and

points out how India can benefit by a careful 'study of thisbranch of knowledge. Dr Sastri unhesitatingly accepts theneed for allotting the pertinent aspects of Geopolitics Hequickly upholds the universal appeal of the Geopoliticsand analyses superbly the development of Geopolitics sinceits origin.

As mentioned earlier Dr. Srikantha Sastri treads on a

slippery path. Many experts who have written on thecontroversial subject of Geopolitics have erred on way orother. Dr Sastri has tried to steer clear of theextremities and takes a balanced view. He has beensuccessful to a great extent to free himself from the

prejudices of several kinds in dealing with this topic.Equipped with vast experience in all branches of historyhe recognises the extreme views and the bias in thewritings of various scholars regarding the development ofGeopolitics. He stays above the regional as well asideological prejudices. Thus he condemns the Britishimperial arguments as well as the Nazi interpretations.

Dr. Sastri's warning and forecasts reveal the presence ofan astonishing foresight. This combination of soundscholarship, a strong sense of history and the propheticvalue of his statements raises him to the stature of aRishi (thinker far ahead of his generation). His patriotismdoes not make him blind to eternal values (ethical oraccepted) and universal (global) principles. It is fortunatethat he is not ideologically obsessed and insists thatrelevant lessons should be learnt, whether they are fromthe east or west. His patriotic stance does not dim hisreliance on solid facts. Writing at a crucial period in the

history of the county when national and other sentimentshad overshadowed the horizon, he remains unruffled and his


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writings reveal a remarkable level of impartiality. Thoughhe sounds an idealist when he proposes an impracticableunion of South and South East Asian nations he bases his

arguments and proposals on hard realities. He stands on afirm footing of constitutional and legal realities andwrites with a clear vision and understanding. Dr SrikantaSastri's writing like his other writings is bold andoriginal. His scathing attacks were not limited to Nazidictatorship and barbarism. 'He was equally critical ofBritish imperialist policies particularly economicexploitations of India. His criticism of national state and

emphasis on individual liberty indicates hisforesightedness.

The, author's opinions and proposals contain a mix ofopposing ideologies. He admires several basic tenets ofMarxism. But he subscribes to Gandhian nationalism and hisidea of Government. He subscribes to Mahathm as concept ofnation as ! a spontaneous association and inter-actionbetween diverse people. Finally a close study of thismonograph reveals Dr. Sastri's open mind and his vastknowledge of history in his writing His wide sweep ofknowledge is truly astounding. An acknowledged authorityin ancient Indian history, an erudite scholar in thehistory of Karnataka, he is equally proficient whiledealing with the various aspects of European history. Hededicated himself to the cause of history. Besides a masteryover several branches of history he had studied variousother disciplines too. But inspite of his varied experienceand unmatching erudition he is moderate in his views andmodest in his assertions. What he stated once regarding his

presentation and prediction holds good in case of his proposal on the future status of India. "New evidence mightsurface and upset my conclusions but that will remain tobe in the future", with all his erudition and experience heis aware of his responsibilities and the dangers of

irresponsible writing. He emphasised the duties of ahistorian and importance of reliance on facts.


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"History will punish you if you say anything contrary tothe facts. The people of the future who read your writings

will laugh at you and say what absurdities he has written;what nonsense he has perpetrated. The true andconscientious historian must always safeguard his own andhistorical consciousness ".

All those who are familiar with the life and works of Dr.S. Srikanta Sastri and those who can perceive the wisdom ofthe present work will have no doubt that he has

safeguarded his own historical consciousness with hisdaring assertions and his scintillating thoughts. With hisvast and varied experience and uncompromising integrity,Dr. S. Srikanta Sastri remains for ever an ideal tohistorians for all times to come.

Mysore Dr. M. V. SRINIVAS


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1

Geopolitics - its nature and history

Geopolitics as distinguished from politicalgeography claims to be a new science and a new political

philosophy and because of some spectacular results obtainedby Dr. Haushofer's Geo-Political Institute at Munich, ithas achieved a sensational value throughout the world. Itsdevelopments in recent times may have obscured its originbut the Geopolitical philosophy of the westernimperialisms is but an aspect of European Civilisation. inGermany it is derived from the Kantian conception ofinternal concentration and self sufficiency and from theHegelian doctrine of a Germanic mission and externaldomination. Stein, Clausewitz, Treitschke and Bismarck

developed Pan-Germanism into a dynamic political philosophy. On the doctrinal side, following Rittel andHumboldt, Friedrich Ratzel first laid down the specific

principles of geo-politics (though it was Rudolf Kjell, aSwede, who was the,. first to use the term in 1917). InRatzel s POLITICAL GEOGRAPHIC, published in 1997, we havethe definite theory that Space and position determine thegeographical value and the ultimate destiny of the people,

Worked out according to the laws of scientific determinism.Regarding the importance of position Ratzel says that "a


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certain area, it's location being unchanged alwaystransmits the same impulse to the states and nations, justas a stream enters a turbulent section of its course or

resumes its quiet, even flow at some location." I The otherfactor space has always been the major aim of people'sambitions. All wars have been for the conquest of space."Similar to the struggle for life, the basic aim of whichis to gain space, the struggles of peoples are almostalways struggles for the same object. In modern history,the reward for victory always was or meant to be a gain ofterritory". 2 The spacial effect on national character and

history is of supreme importance. "The relationships of thedifferent regions to the earth as a whole are notabstractions - they exist and are an active force now andfor all time to come". 3

Ratzel analyses the nature of the French, Spanish andBritish colonial activities according to the urge toconquer and the pioneer spirit existing either only in theelite or the masses or in both. He concludes that theFrench empire in North America was the result of the urgeof only a few leaders; the Spanish empire in America wasdue only to the spirit of the masses but the elite wereindifferent. Therefore these two attempts at colonizationfailed, where as among the Anglo-Celts both the masses andthe elite desired conquest and possessed the pioneeringspirit. Therefore the British Empire flourished up to theclose of the nineteenth century 4. To obtain completesuccess in colonization and commercial expansion,farsighted domination of space must be the objective of thestatesman and the people should have the necessaryadaptability and mobility.

1. Ratzel : Politische Geographic. 1897, Berlin, P. 180 2. Ibid : P. 27O 3. Ibid : P. 250 4. Ibid : P. 266


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Geopolitics claims to have an organic conception of thestate. It originates, develops and decays like any otherorganism. The material basis is the soil and the people

possess a spiritual affinity with the land they inhabit.Only one political power can be supreme in the world atone time, the other powers are eclipsed and dominated byit. Apart from the physical basis, the human materialcannot be ignored. In the modern world there are peopleswithout land and lands without people confronting eachother, forming a geo-political slope. Therefore the organicexpansion of the state is inevitable.

H. J. Mackinder 5 elaborated further the geo-politicalconcepts. He divided the world into four regions : the twomonsoon land areas, one towards the Pacific and the otherfacing the Indian Ocean. The third region is the land ofthe Five Seas (the Caspian, the Black Sea, theMediterranean, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf). Thefourth region is Europe. He considered the inner area ofEur-Asia (Eastern Russia, Siberia and central Asia) the

pivot of world politics for the great migration of nomadictribes started from this region. But it is the hugecrescent embracing Great Britain, South Africa, Australia,U,S,A.. Canada and Japan.

The ideas of Ratzel and Mackinder have been furtherdeveloped by Walter Vogel and Richard Hartshorne 7. OttoMaull 8 asserts that economic penetration is a perfectsubstitute for a real military domination and Drs. Schachtand Funk have given practical effect to this theory by

preparing

---------------5. H. J. Mackinder : Democratic Ideals and Reality - A Study in

Reconstruction. 1919, 19426. Walter Vogel : Politiche Geographic und Geopolitik, 1909 - 1934 7. R. Hartshorne : Recent Developments in Political Geography.

American Political Science Review. 19358. Otto Maull : Das Wesen der Geopolitik , 1936


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The ground for political conquest by economic dominationin the Baltic and Balkan Regions. It was Rudolf Kjellerhowever who first used the term 'geo-politik' and whose

work "Staten som lifsform" is of utmost importance for therecent developments of geopolitics. He recognises fivedivisions of political science : Krato-politik-the legalorganisation of the power of the state; Geo-politik-thestate as a realm in space; Demo-politic-dealing with theforms of political organisation of the masses; Geo-politik-the organisation of the production and consumption ofgoods; and Socio-politik. The states are living organisms

and the struggle for space is the main ambition of thestate to become united with the soil 9. Vitally strong stateswith a limited area of sovereignty are dominated by thecategorical political imperative to enlarge their area bycolonization, by union with other states or by conquests ofdifferent types. This expansion as a means of self

preservation means the extermination of small states evenas primitive people are isolated, exterminated or driven tothe periphery in an expanding World of Culture.

The doctrine of "Vital space" is cardinal to the HaushoferSchool Karl Haushofer 10, a scholar and soldier with a

profound knowledge of the Far East, definitely converted political geography into geopolitics. Political geographyrepresents the science of the distribution of political

power by and its dependence on the surface features climateand cover. But geopolitics is dynamic, "a way of educatingthe masses in the concept of space", and therefore adifferent study. The Geopolitical institute founded byHaushofer in 1924 in its organ "ZEITSCHRIFT FUR GEO-POLITIK" thus states the objects and methods ofgeopolitics.

------------

9. Kjeller : Staten som lifsform (Der Staat als lebensform) 10. See Bibliography


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"Geo-politik is the science of the determination andconditioning of the political development of the earth.Broad based in geography, especially political geography,

it is the science of spatial organisms and their structure.Terrestrial space provides the frame for geo-politikwithin which political processes must proceed if they areto have permanence. Sooner or later spatial relationsassert themselves. Geopolitik will furnish the implementsto political action and be a guide to political life. Itbecomes a technology capable of leading practical politicsto action, Geopolitik will and must become the geographical

conscience of the state".Kjeller considered war an experimental field forgeopolitics. The recourse to war as a means to adjust thefrontiers is implicit in the classification of frontiersadopted by Haushofer - for aggression, ambush, balance,

protection and strategy. Dr. Burgdorfer, the greatestexpert in population problems takes over the old idea ofoppressing areas of low and high demographic pressureconfronting one another in a "geo-political slope" and thusdefines his theory of "Vital space". "Geo-politik is one ofthe most powerful weapons in the struggle for a more justdistribution of the vital spaces of the earth, adistribution based on the capacity to work and the culturalachievements of peoples rather than settlements imposed byforce". Haushofer united within the space concept the ideasof national sufficiency and Germanic mission abroad. He hasmarked out the areas where Germanic culture has been inthe ascent in Europe and divided the land area into two

parts : the East-West axis and North-South axis crossingeach other in Central Germany. Haushofer's North-Southaxis found political expression in the erstwhile Rome-Berlin axis. The East-West axis was to a limited extentrepresented by the Tokyo - Berlin axis but it is wellknown how Haushofer's dictum of a strong alliance with

Russia as


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absolutely necessary for Germany was ignored by Hitlerwith dire results for the Reich. The Germanic theories of

geopolitics have fascinated the minds of the British,American, French, Italian and Japanese statesmen 11.Geopolitics has been elevated to a mysticism professing togo beyond the mere science of geography. Alfred Hettner 12,the foremost authority on geopolitical methods andobjectives asserts that "The geographers must make thetransition between scientific and political thinking".Geopolitics has been. converted to power-politics. It has

become so de-humanized that many political thinkers areunwilling to concede it the name of science. Space and power are not the sole factors that have dictated theforeign policy, military strategy, economic expansionismand social organisation. Geopolitics professes not toexclude the human elements but it insists that since the

physical configuration of the earth is the only constantfactor, the development of nations should follow the lawsof nature as determined by the geographical features. Thehuman material is variable and adaptable and hence doesnot provide as accurate a guide as the environment whichis not so easily changed, in spite of the rapid means ofcommunications and mutual contacts between nations. Allhistorical movements can be explained by "blood and mud" -the conservative forces of nature and the revolutionaryattitude of man to overcome the limits imposed by nature.

There is a considerable element of truth in thegeopolitical emphasis on space. It was long ago recognizedby Aristotle, Mentesquien, Bodin, Buckle, Seligman,Cunningham

-----------------11. See bibliography 12. Alfred Hettner : Die geographic : Thre Geschichte, ihr Wesen und

ihre Methode, 1927


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and others that the geographical location, structure,climate and natural ! resources influence politicalevolution. Willoughby however denied that a definite

territory is an indispensable attribute of the state, foreven nomadic people possessing a political organisation canconstitute a state. But this is no longer true of themodern world. The connection between the people and theland has become so close that each nation has its owncharacteristics. in the past the natural barriers separatedand isolated peoples who were small in numbers and poor inengineering ability. The great civilisations and empires of

the ancient world rose and flourished in the fertile rivervalleys of the Nile, the Euphrates and the Tigres, theIndus and the Ganges, the Hoang Ho and the Yangtisikiang.The climate also affects the birth rate, the age ofmaturity, temperament and the stamina of the people. Thenatural resources-vegetable, mineral and animal have beenof great importance. Political parties and organisations,theories and practical enactments may follow geographicallines and even the general aspects of nature influencesociety.

But geopolitics as developed in Germany is a pseudoscience.It ignores some of the most important elements of culturethat enter into political geographies, namely, morality,decency, justice and fairness. it is a deliberate distortionof the facts of history, economics, politics andgeographical relations. The so called laws of geopoliticshave no absolute validity. They are mere trends relativelyimportant to particular states. Kjeller himself admits that"Science stops and Belief begins". In practical politics ithas led to the doctrine of might opposed to democraticmoral rights 13. I n a sense it is a reversion to Kautilyas dictum that the neighbouring state is a potential enemy.

--------------

13. Isaiah Bowman: Geography versus geopolitics. The GeographicalReview, October, 1942


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"bad neighbour" policy cuts at the root of the moral basisof democracy, namely the consent of the governed and therespect for the rights of the individual. war and greed

have to be rationalized as "the inevitabilities ofgeopolitics".

Regarding the specific theories and methods supposed to be peculiar to geopolitics, we care say that the doctrine of"Organic frontiers" may have some justification in anorganic theory of the state. but it is easily made an excusefor barefaced territories ! expansion as was done by Curzon

who wanted to f ix the western frontier of India near thePersian Gulf . The history of the north west frontier ofIndia clearly shows the futility of trying to establishfrontiers by force instead of trusting to gradual change by

peaceful and natural means. The totalitarian governmentshave followed on the footsteps of British empire builders.The dogma of Ratzel regarding ',Lebensraum" has been

proved to be unsound 14. Though German geopolitics considersthe air factor, it's relation to economic and industrialstrength is ignored. The frontiers depend more oninternational cooperation and understanding than ongeographical factors and virtues. But to Maull the frontieris merely an abstraction, a hiatus between power-politicalconditions. To him the only objective reality is thegrowing state and it's dynamic life, "defying internationallaw and treaties". As to the "Scientific method" ingeopolitical study, Maull's Politische Geographikmechanically puts facts into a series and invents mnemonicschemes. The nations are classified by area and population.Liberia and Norway are included in the same group andAfghanistan and Chile are equalised. The so-called colonialquotients are equally misleading, e.g. England 8.4, Germany0.215.

----------------14. K. R. Kuczynski: Living Space and Population Problems, l94O15. H. W. Weigert: Haushofer and the Pacific. Foreign Affairs

July 1942 P 732


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Amongst the various factors that influence politicalevolution the physical environment, the economicconditions, race and nationality, conflict and war, social

institutions, great personalities, religion, scientificknowledge, political theories, cooperation and imitation,geopolitics errs in emphasizing the importance of the firstfour categories and in ignoring the rest. Politicalgeography at least considered itself a part of humangeography - a discipline to analyse, classify and compare

particular states. But German geopolitics has undergone asinister change ignoring the role of cooperation, mutual

under-standing and benefit. However the value ofgeopolitics cannot be totally denied for it continues toanimate the imperialisms. Admitting the limitations ofgeopolitical methods and philosophy, we propose here toapply some of these considerations, liberalized, humanizedand synthesized with the time concept, to the futuredevelopment of an independent India and the Far Eastwithin a supra national union, which itself will be a partof the cooperative World commonwealth.


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2

The General nature of Political Development

The fundamental problem of political science is toreconcile the mutually antagonistic elements in the modernstate - the liberty of the individual with the authority ofthe state, the need for political security with thenecessities of international trade and exchange,nationalism with ever-growing world Communications,sovereignty with the protection of culture, associationwith the rest of the world with the retention of the powerto work out one's own national destiny. Geopolitics as it isat present attempts to give a simple and sure solution butit has led to illusion, power politics and worldwide misery.The ultimate considerations must be spiritual and moral.Justice and cooperation can be achieved only on the basisof Truth and Non-violence.

In the development of states the role played bygeographical factors can be too much emphasized but itcannot be denied that the destiny of a country is mouldedas much by the geophysical structure as by the people.Naval powers like Athens, Phoenicia and England, the land

powers like Sparta, Macedonia, Rome and Germany. countrystates and city states, industrial and rural economies,capitalism and socialism - in fact all the material aspectsof human development depend upon geo3ra,rlry. It may be

contended that the moral forces are equally important.Admitting the superior


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claims of the spiritual and moral forces, yet it should beconceded that morality in practice has differed according totime, space and circumstance. Private morality does not

function with the same degree of certainty in a widerimpersonal world. The difference is not only in thetechnique but in what may be called the cumulative

pressure of environment. Power-it's nature, limits, methodsand ends forms the current coinage of politics. Power hastwo aspects - moral force and physical violence and thecapacity of the former to control the latter depends in

philosophy of life whose discipline has been long exercised

and by a process of mimesis induces certain habits ofthought and feeling Such a philosophy is of course not yetuniversal nor without exceptional application even withina small community. A "Christian" way of life was supposedto prevail wherever western civilization had establisheditself according to the idealists of 1gth century. It stoodnot for the revolutionary teachings of Jesus but for self complacency and smugness. The institutional religionstrading on the fear of eternal punishment induced afatalism. It was followed by a reaction in the shape of athorough materialistic interpretation of human activities,first in the economic and political spheres and then in

psychology and other branches of knowledge. Art, philosophy and religion shared the same fate. The attemptto foist on the people a spurious standard of religion andmorality was bound to lower the standard of civilisation asa whole. It is no wonder that an intolerable tension wascreated between the spiritual and material, the moral idealand political reality. Progress was once assumed to beinfinite and it was hoped that the increase in power,abundance and interdependence would spread the blessingsof western civilization all over the globe. In thetwentieth century that power has been abused, abundancegoes with scarcity, interdependence exists side by side withexaggerated nationalism. Poverty, drudgery and isolation

have obtained


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greater significance now because the economic andindustrial revolution in the 19th century seemed toinaugurate a golden era of plenty and security. Some

potent force however stood in the way. internationalcooperation became a dream; the increase in transportfacilities did not bring an equidistribution of thenecessities of life and political isolation became moremarked than ever.

Our present concern is not so much with the ultimate moralbasis of an international order but with the more specific

economic and political basis of an Indian Supra - Nationalunion. The main factors to be considered are 1) Territory 2)Population 3) Government 4) Sovereignty and 5) Law. Thesesuggest the problems that an independent India will haveto face. Territory implies the existence of a geographicalunity, in modern parlance "a place in sun", "a livingspace". The natural resources, climate, the means ofcommunication, irrigation, harbours and sea-lanes etc.,should be reviewed in the light of legitimate self -sufficiency and expansion. Political unity must coincidewith geographical unity as far as possible in a unitary orfederal form of government. Population suggests the

problems of race, religion, language, social habits andcustoms, the military strength to defend and expand, theearning power, standard of life, education, the rights ofminorities and so forth. Government stands for themachinery that enforces the will of the people internallyon the individual and externally it is the visible symbolof national unity. The organisation, function and aims ofgovernment may assume different forms. Sovereigntyinspite of the controversies about it still possesses aglamour though the best minds have come to recognise thatunder modern conditions there can never be undisputed,undivided absolute sovereignty. Finally law - national andinternational, regulating the activities of the people with

moral or physical sanctions will come in for intensiveconsideration.


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3

India and Greater India Territory

Indian history has not always been the story of only that

piece of earth's surface now called India. The ancienthistorians of our country divided the whole earth intoseven regions, specially concentrating their attention onwhat is called Jambu Dvipa which stands for all southernAsia where Indian culture had spread through cultural

penetration 16. Bharata Khanda was but a part of thiscultural empire which had lasted for nearly five thousandyears and especially in the first millennium of the

Christian era the cultural and commercial contacts werevery close because geographically the Arabian Sea, theIndian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal are the high waysnaturally affiliated to India in the centre. Geopoliticalconsiderations as well as historical claims can be advancedto show that from the Hindukush and Afghanistan in thewest to lndo-China, Siam, Java, Bali, Sumatra, Borneo,Malaya and Philippines in the east. from the Himalayas inthe north to Ceylon in the south, the whole region isculturally and economically homogeneous. Geopoliticsdictates that in the struggle between a sea power and aland power, the use of land based aircraft may be adecisive factor even if the sea power attempts toblockade a land fortress. In Sparta and medieval Europethe land armies proved to be formidable but with the

---------------16. See the publications of the Greater India Society, Calcutta


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improvements in the technique of war, the sea powerobtained for a time the ascendency. However Nathan'sconclusion regarding the influence of sea power in history

have proved to be of limited applications17

. The events inEurope and the Pacific shows that even the island to islandstrategy requires the predominance of land armies assistedby the most modern types of aircraft. Therefore strategicconsiderations demand that an independent India must forma compact union with all the countries of South EasternAsia up to the natural frontiers.

The problem of living space cannot be dismissed as afantasy of an aggressive mentality. The Berlin - Rome Axisclaimed that Germany and Italy constitute a solid bloc of150 million people from the Baltic to Libya. The Anglo French bloc from the North Sea to Tunis has a populationof about 120 millions. Japan (including Manchuria) had in1939, 1.5 % of world space; Germany O.5 %, the British 26 %,U.S.A. 7.2 %, China 7.7 %, France 9.2 %, Russia 15.7 %. Themere possession of territory without taking intoconsideration the fertility of the soil, climate and naturalresources, is not of great importance. The Japanese leaderKoichiro Ishihara 18 who is one of the organizers of the ToaKensetsu Kokunin Rehman (the League for the constructionof Eastern Asia) and who has preached the new gospel ofbuilding Japan's hegemony in Asia through a policy ofaction, says that Japan's population makes up 5 percent ofthe world's population but her territory amounts to onehalt of 1 %. The decaying white man is exploiting 85

percent of world's territory where as Japanese industrialexpansion is checked by quotas and tariffs; emigration isbarred; Manchuria has not been profitable because of theclimate and cheap Chinese labour competing

---------------17. Nathan : GeoPolitics of the Pacific Pacific Affairs, 194218. Ishihara : Tenkan NrPPon No Jinro, 1940, Tokyo


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with the Japanese. China is like a girl who has lost hervirginity; her favours go to the strong and wealthy. Shemust be awakened to her sense of decency and duty. In

Europe there is a civil war between the white racesleading to the destruction of the western civilisation. TheAsiatic peoples must rejoice over this self - destruction.The effete whiteman has no future in Asia. Japan caneasily build oriental co-prosperity sphere in Eastern Asiawhich includes Japan, Manchuria, China, Thailand, lndo-China, Malaya, Netherlands & India. British Borneo, NewGuinea, Philippines, Australia, New Caledonia, Portuguese,

Timer and Russian Maritime Provinces. Outside this nucleusNew Zealand, Burma, Siberia, East of Lake Baikal should beadded and further South America, the United States, India,Iran, Arabia, Eastern and South Africa should becommercially developed by Japan. The Whiteman may beassigned Northern Canada, Western Siberia, RussianTurkestan, Europe and Western Africa (including the SaharaDesert). The New Eastern Asia Bloc will include more than700 million people and more than 24 million squarekilometres of territory.

The economic potentialities of colonies have been fullyrealised by the western imperialisms. In 1937 mothercountries received from their colonies raw materials to thefollowing values in millions of Marks ; France - 1042,England-900, Holland - 206, Belgium - 158, Italy - 46,Portugal - 29, Spain - 27. The former German colonieswould have supplied Germany with about 600 million Marksworth of raw materials 19.

Potentially the natural resources of India and GreaterIndia are so vast that all the needs of the peoples can besatisfied if a systematic exploitation is undertaken as inRussia.

--------------19. Wirtschaft und Statistik, 1939.

Sattistisches Jahrbuch fur das Deutsche Reich 1938 P 148


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The soil is mostly fertile, the climate more or lessequable, the people willing to work. India can be self sufficient except perhaps for oil and rice and even these

deficiencies can be made up by improvement in agricultureand water power.

The various handicaps imposed by nature and man like the poor soil in some parts, inadequate rain-fall, poverty andignorance of the peasants, the, lack of an organised systemof production, distribution, exchange and transport can beovercome only by planning on a geopolitical basis.

Independent India therefore will have no other intereststhan political security, mutual benefit and culturalcooperation in forming an Indian Supra - National Unionextending from the coast of Africa and the Hindukush tothe South China Sea. Just as in the early centuries of herhistory India had been a colonizing power solely forculture and reciprocal trade. India of the future will havethe same mission in South Asia.

Industrialization in India has hither to been on nodefinite plan and from the geopolitical point of viewbeneficial only to a foreign power. The struggle forsecuring adequate protection to Indian industries has beenlong and bitter. The present war conditions have given alittle impetus to certain industries directly necessary for the war, but the sinister moves of corporations like theU.K.C.C backed by the imperial power are clear indicationsof the fact that accelerated pace at present will not bekept up. lf there is any illusion still lingering in theminds of certain Indians that the handful of "Bevin Boys"will work an industrial miracle, as in Russia, the Britishattitude expressed in the memorable phrases "What we have,we hold", "I am not here to preside over the liquidation ofthe Empire", "I am not ashamed of the word Empire" shouldbe enough to dispel that illusion. Therefore the conclusion

is inescapable that only complete independence is the onlyhope of ! Indian industrial rehabilitation.


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A connected problem will be the proper location of theindustries according to economic and strategic needs. The

present transport system of India was primarily designed

for military and strategic purposes. Economic needs come along way behind. The improvements in the methods and paceof transport will release the industries to a very greatextent from the thraldom of the necessity to establish anindustry with a view to cheapness of transport, access toraw materials and markets. It is too much to expect that

peace and international security will ensue immediatelyafter this war. Therefore the vital industries should be

established not only in such regions where raw materials,labour and facilities of transport are available but alsowith a view to strategic needs. Agriculture is no doubt tiedto the more fertile tracts of land but even here by proper

planning it is possible to avert the threat of starvationin case of blockade. When the present war threatened thebig industrial regions in England and Russia, longestablished huge factories were bodily transported toAmerica and the far east to save them from totaldestruction. The busiest centres of manufacture at presentin India are bunched up either near sea coast or in certainsmall localities providing vulnerable targets. There is noreason why an independent India should not relocate itsvital industries inland under the protection of the naturalfort walls like the Himalayas or the Vindhyas whereadequate water and power can be harnessed.

Another important consideration is the necessity tomaintain the unity and compactness endowed by nature andculture. The attempts to vivisect India into Pakistan,Sikhistan, Azad Punjab, Dravidistan etc, can have nojustification on geopolitical grounds. It has been clearlydemonstrated by various writers that such schemes - apartfrom their political weakness, can have no validity oneconomic or cultural grounds. The Indian states in another

way represent the same problem. Buttressed by a foreignimperialism extravagant claims are put forward about their


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so called sovereignty and different cultural traditions tojustify their non-mergence into India as a whole. suchclaims are bound to disappear with the withdrawal of the

foreign power but at least for some time a fight would be put up by the vested interests. The Indian princes will notwillingly surrender and the foreign power will not scrapthe so called treaties and sanads. Short of militarycoercion and the threat of civil war the only effectivemethod of reducing their resistance would be by theenforcements of economic sanctions by an independentCentral Government. The claim that the peoples of the

states are so enamoured of the benefits conferred by the paternal rule of the princes that they would be preparedto resist any attempt to impose an artificial unity cannotstand examination. The peoples of the states are tired oftheir double slavery. The one certain method of compellingthese anachronistic islands of feudalism to march with therest of the country would be on the principle enunciatedby Ratzel that economic penetration can be a perfectsubstitute for a real domination. Drs. Schacht and Funk

prepared the ground for the military conquest of theBalkan states by thorough economic penetration. Most ofthe revenues of these Indian states are drawn fromagriculture. A fiscally autonomous central government canso manipulate the exchange system and mortgage theindustrial future of these states , so that the peasantswill be roused against the artificial barriers and concludefirst an economic and then a political anschlunss.Especially where the revenues of the maritime Indianstates depend on customs duties, this method is even moreefficacious. Such economic totalitarianism seems to benecessary to break down the separatist tendencies.


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4

POPULATION

The population of India is not evenly distributed primarily because it is overwhelmingly agricultural andhence tied to the more fertile parts. Further it isincreasing at a rapid rate, but there is no conclusive

evidence that India if properly exploited is incapable of providing the means of subsistence to even a bigger population. The standard of living has been increasing butnot in the same proportion as the population. It has beenthe fashion with certain Indian economists to lay the blameon certain habits of thought and customs supposed to be

peculiar to India - lack of a sense of the dignity ofmanual labour, wasteful social and religious obligations,

false sense of prestige, habits of hoarding,conservativeness, the desire for large families etc. Thesewise - acres forget the real facts of geopolitics. Thecharge of "anti - social" has been levelled by anti -socialists, afraid to suggest radical ! remedies. Thefollowing regarding the distribution of population persquare kilometre in various countries of the world tell aneloquent tale. The German empire occupying 0.5 % of theworld area and 4% of world population has a density of 135

per square kilometre. Japan with Manchuria has 1.5% of


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area and 0.4% of population with a density of 69.1 per sq.km. China has 7.7 % of world area, 24.4 % of population anda density of 42.2. The British empire occupies 26 % of the

earth's surface with 24.64 % of world population anddensity of 15 per sq km. U.S.A. with 7.2 % of area has 6.8 %of population with a density of 15 per sq km. Italy with2.8 % of world area has 2.5 % of population with a densityof 13.9. France with 9.2 % of area has 5 .2 % of populationwith a density of 9. Soviet Russia occupies 15.7 % of areawith 8 % of population and density of 81 per sq km 20.Britain is now realising that a declining population and

birth-rate constitute a national danger and therefore inthe post-war period every encouragement should be given toincrease the birth rate. This of course has been thedeclared policy of totalitarian countries which by variousdevices-taxing the bachelors and married couples with fewchildren, providing cheap accommodation, propaganda againstbirth-control, penalising the deliberate production ofsterility and abortion etc. have raised the level of

population. Therefore the relative density of population inIndia and the increasing birth-rate need not cause alarm

provided the economic maladjustment is abolished. There isno known method by which we can with certainty determinethe optimum population for a country on a demographicbasis.

Further, the subsistence level is not the sole criterionfor the recent events have proved that small states areweak states and the capacity to defend the country dependsin no small measure upon the labour adequate enough to

produce war material and provide active combatants. Thecapacity of Indian soldiers has been proved beyond alldoubt in the

------------------

20 Kuhn, Staemmler, and Burgdorfer, Enbkunde, Rassenpflage,Bevolkerun geopolitik 1936.


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imperial wars (though when it suits British propaganda, itis asserted that only a few so called martial races are f itfor modern warfare). The Indian Union must build up a

truly invincible national army, navy and air force todefend herself. A national defence force will provideemployment directly and indirectly for at least 1/1Oth ofthe population.

Labour for industrial and nation - building activitiesdepends upon the population, social customs, mobility andsufficient inducement. We are familiar with the complaints

that Indian labour is ill or unorganised, periodicconservative, immobile, unskilled, poorly educated, lackingin stamina and in short "poor black trash" [Japan has givenan adequate answer to such charges of industrial andmilitary efficiency of oriental people ]. The criticsconveniently forget that the lack of organisation is due tothe hostility towards industrial associations, that the

periodicity of employment is due to the lack of propercoordination of agriculture, cottage industries andfactories, that conservativeness is the result of an alienand sketchy system of education and immobility the resultof the absence of adequate transport, the paucity of skilledlabour due to deliberate exclusion from advancedtechnological training and the lack of stamina the resultof chronic under-employment and under-nourishment. Theroot cause is of course the absence of any national planand of a capacity to implement it. In this age of machinery,labour, given enough time and opportunity will becomehighly skilled.

Neither is there in India a lack of real capital, for inspite of the inflationary monetary policy of thegovernment, India is a creditor country and once politicalsecurity and independence are assured, the capitalinvestments are bound to increase. But Great Britain still

remains the chief customer of India and in the post-war period the British statesmen hope that India should rely


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mainly on British capital goods, confining herself to the production of raw materials. It is difficult to see whyIndia should be eternally bound only to such occupations

yielding low incomes while the ruling power preserves foritself the more profitable industries. The indispensabilityof British capital is as much a myth as of British skill.Russia practically dispensed with foreign credits andwithin two decades dumped into first rank among industrialnations, with the assistance of only a few foreign hiredexperts.

From the geopolitical point of view therefore, the economicinterests demand that the population should not beartificially reduced but that a free economy should prevailthroughout the Indian Supra - National Union. Burma,lndo-china, Thailand etc, have problems similar to those ofIndia. The population of this will be about 600 Millionsknit together by common interests.

This zone will have intimate relations with the Mongolianand Russian Blocs, with a total population of 1500 millionsoccupying 40 % of the world area 21.

-------------21. See Appendix


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5

GOVERNMENT

No one writing on the post-war systems of government canescape the dilemma of being considered a visionary given to

wishful thinking or his practical suggestions may berendered obsolete by the unexpected march of events. It isimpossible to forecast the capacity of individual nations toenforce law and order or the form of a world organisationto abolish international wars. The war-time professions offaith and works are likely to be discarded as soon as theiruse as propaganda is over. The unity enforced by militarynecessity now cannot be expected to survive the exigenciesof peace. Any attempt to maintain even the militarycooperation of the allies in the period of peace-making forthe coercion directly or indirectly of the defeated andneutral nations will bring it s nemesis. It would be evenmore futile to continue the present war-economy so as tocover all the other countries not included in the presentwar. To expect that the economic and military organisationsof the war can somehow be adapted to the conditions of

peace so that in some distant future the fruits of peacemay be grown from the seed of war is a fatal mistake.


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It has been seriously suggested that the present Co-operation in war is a valuable instrument for co-operationin Peace Settlement and can be extended to the whole world

according to practical needs. E. H. Carr22

suggests thatthere should be no attempt to pacify the world immediatelybut that the peace efforts should be confined only to Suchcountries where there is the will and power to enforceCooperation. The failure of the League of Nations has beenattributed to the fact that it attempted too much. It may beequally argued that the League failed because it was

prevented by the few Big powers from going far enough.

The British Statesmen have dismissed the Atlantic Charteras only a statement of Certain broad Principles, committingnobody to any particular detail. Any constitution must as,Burke phrased it, be like a vestment which accommodatesitself to the body. But it does not mean that a tailor is tobe dispensed with. Self-determination and sovereignty maybe mythical in international matters but they are hardrealities to certain nations. The scheme of two zonesAsiatic and European will be but an inflated version ofthe British Empire. The satellite countries will beexpected to cluster round Some strong power, sacrificingtheir autonomy and self determination for the sake ofsecurity. No lasting workable partnership can beestablished on such a basis of inequality. Economicnationalism may be disastrous but this is not always trueof political supra-nationalism. ! It is possible to arguethat even federalism is the enemy of culture for historyshows that the greatest cultural progress of the nationhas occurred in those epochs when the national feeling wasat its height. Nationalism has been made the scape-goat butit is forgotten that universalism may also beget nihilismand authoritarianism. A new totalitarianism, morecomprehensive and efficient,

----------------22. E. t. Garr: Conditions of peace 1941.


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trying to impose order on others, with no creative force initself could be a worse menace to culture than the presentnationalisms. Self-preservation will be the law of

individuals as of institutions so long as there is any selfleft to preserve.

The way out of this dilemma will be by the creation ofSupra-National Unions 23. The Indian Supra-National Unionwill be more flexible than a federation and more rigidthan a confederation, with clearly defined powers. Eachcomponent part of the union may choose its own form of

internal government through duly elected constituentassemblies, on the principle of self-determination. Self-determination may not always coincide with nationalism nordoes it possess an absolute sacrosanct value as "animperative principle of action". Geopolitical considerationsdemand that there must be a considerable degree of fluiditywhereas a rigid interpretation of self-determination isfraught with danger. It can be a power force for politicaland social disintegration and come into conflict withmilitary and economic needs. The total war of modern timesaffects even the neutral states. From the economic point ofview self -determination is even less desirable. Theeconomic blizzards and depressions do not stop short of thenational frontiers. Therefore it being impossible toeradicate the passionate attachment to the principle ofself-determination altogether, in the name of commonsensecertain limitations to it should be recognised. Certaingroups may be formed for particular purposes and the sameor different individuals may form groups for other ends.This will mean the end of the present party system wherethe individuals are lumped together and dragooned for allthe items of the party creed and also of the so-calledautonomous units. Such inter locking of different partiesmay advance the cultural level of the individuals and thestates.

------------------23.V. G. Krishna Murthi: Independent India and a New World Order, 1943


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Within the sphere of the supra-national state which itselfis based upon broad cultural, economic and political needscommon to all the races, units and religions, there is room

for diversity but not for mutual exclusiveness. The problem of correlating one supra-national state withanother in a world cooperative commonwealth may require adifferent machinery of government. The unitary or federalgovernmentswithin a supra-national state will be more workable in thenear future than a blanket new world order smothering allcountries. Carr argues that the principle of self-

determination is applicable only in a limited measure toEurope where the need will be for larger military andeconomic units while retaining the existing or smallerunits for other purposes. But in Asia and Africa thereshould be Balkanization with devolution of powers and avariety of local administration rooted in local needs butthe inter-continental military and economic units shouldbe retained presumably under the "trusteeship" of theEuropean nations. Extrality, mandates, spheres of influenceand other camouflage terms for imperialism will remainfor the purpose of an expansionist European economy.

Carr however forgets that the prestige of the European powers has been shattered beyond repair at Hong Kong,Tientsin, Singapore, in Burma and India so that not all theking's horses and men can put Humpty-Dumpty togetheragain. Asiatic "cunning" will always be more than a matchto European cupidity and hypocrisy.

It is idle to dream of lulling the eastern countries to asense of security and equality under the aegis of someEuropean power or other.


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Specifically we are concerned with British imperialism asmanifested in India and the Far East. The apologists ofBritish Empire like Edgar Snow 24 and W. M. Macmillan 25 are

anxious to demonstrate that only 4 Pounds of Britishincome comes from India, that India absorbs only about 2 %of British exports and that really the British will notlose much if India is granted independence. The magic ofthe British 'way' with the backward people has howeverbeen demonstrated to be sleight of hand tricks of the trade(literally).

The extravagant expressions of loyalty in this war as inthe last by the vested interests have been taken astributes to British impartiality and philanthropy andexploited to discredit dissentient majority parties. But itis forgotten that even the most 'loyal' expect that inreturn for their co-operation their rights would berecognised even to the extent of staging 'a night of longknives' against their opponents. The League of Nationsrejected the principle of racial equality put forward bythe Japanese delegates but it created mandatories as 'asacred trust of civilisation'. The nemesis has followed.

Therefore the administrative system of the British Empire provides no model for the Indian supra National Union. Wemust evolve a different organisation suited to the geniusof Asiatic people. The connection with European nations ha

geopolitics of india & greater india (1943) by dr s.srikanta sastri (www.srikant

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