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‘Actingup’:Howisthepoliticalidentityof‘Zuma’constructedthroughthediscursivemechanismsof

JacobZuma’s‘performancesofdress’?

65165

FacultyofSocialSciencesandLaw

UniversityofBristol

TerrellCarver

WordCount9,948

Thisdissertationissubmittedinpartialfulfilmentoftherequirementsforthe

awardofthedegreeofBScinPoliticsandInternationalRelations

June2016

Fig.1

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DeclarationThisdissertationcontainsnoplagiarism,hasnotbeensubmittedinwholeorinpart

fortheawardofanotherdegree,andissolelytheworkofCandidate65165.

Date:28/04/2016

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DedicationsThisdissertationisdedicatedtoAdrianFlint,AlecFennell,AlisonThompson,David

Roberts,ElizaThompson,ElspethVanVeeren,HannahParrott,HarrietBottom,Ivo

Videnov, Janie Preece, Jonathan Park, Joshua Prior, Jutta Weldes, Karen Tucker,

LauraWilbur,MarkThompson,MartinWalsh,MichelleCini,PackerWilbur,Phillip

Hawes, Sebastian Thompson, Simon Gates, Simon Kinder, Sophie Landau, Terrell

Carver,TheoParker,TimFowlerandWillCusack.Youhavecontributedtothispiece

ofworkinyourownrespectiveways.

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Tableofcontents

1. Abstract…………………………………………………………………………......……...…………….52. Listofabbreviationsandacronyms.……………………..……………………...…….…..73. Listoffigures……………………………………………………………………………………..…8-94. Introduction…………………………………………………………….……………………….10-18

a. Background………………………………………..…….……………….…………………….10b. Outlineofproblem………………………………………………….……………....…...…10c. Rationaleandaimsofprojectfocus…………………………..…...……...…...…11d. Terminology……………………………………………………...…….…………….......……12e. Objectscollectedfordatageneration………………….…….…….……..…...…14f. Methodologicalprolegomenon………………………………….…....…….……..…14g. Limitstotheresearchstrategy………………………………….……………..……17h. Originalityoftheproject………………………….………………………………..……18i. Ethicalconsiderations……………………..…………………………….….……………18

5. Chapter1–‘tribalist’outfits………………………………………..….……....……..…19-31a. The‘traditionalZulu’commonlycoordinatedoutfit……...….….…20-26

i. Fighting-stick..…….…………………………………………….…….…………..…20ii. Leopardskin..…….………………………………..….…………………………..….22iii. Kingship..…….………………………………………….…………………………..….24iv. Shaka..…….………………………………………………………...………………..….25

b. The‘tribal/formal’commonlycoordinatedoutfit………………….…27-29i. Bricolage..…….…………………………………………...………………………..….27ii. Hybridity..…….……………………………………………………...……………..….28

c. Cartoonassessment…………………………………………………………...…30-316. Chapter2–‘militarist’outfits……………………………………………………....…32-41

a. The‘allblack’commonlycoordinatedoutfit……….........................…33-35i. Bespokeuniform..…….………………………………………………..………..….34ii. Disingenuousmistakes..……………………………………………………...….35

b. The‘secondliberation’commonlycoordinatedoutfit……….....…36-39i. Secondliberation..…….…………..……………………….………....….……..….36ii. Leapinggesture..…….…………………………………………………………..….37iii. Lighting..…….……………………………………………………………….……...….38

c. Cartoonassessment…………………………………………………………...…40-417. Chapter3–‘populist’outfits…………..……………………………………..……..…42-52

a. The‘sports-fan’commonlycoordinatedoutfit……………………...…43-46i. Theteam..…….……………………………………………………………..….…..….44ii. Springboks..…….……………………………………………………...…………..….45

b. The‘working-class’commonlycoordinatedoutfit……………......…47-52i. Poloshirt..…….………………………………..………………………………………48ii. Clenchedfist..…….…………………………………………………….………….….49

c. Cartoonassessment……………………………………………………………….…51-528. Concludingremarks……………………………………………………….……...…..……53-559. Bibliography……………………………………………………...…………..…………...……56-6110. Appendices……………………………………………………...…………..…………...…...…62-90

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Abstract

It is perplexing that President Jacob Zuma has achieved such political success

despite embroilment in scandal. This project is founded on the premise that this

political success is partially due to his resilient political identity of ‘Zuma’. This

identityispartiallyconstructedbyJacobZuma’s‘performancesofdress’-definedas

alliterationsoftheentireproductionofthevisualappearanceofJZ’sdress,ingiven

moments on the political stage. This construction occurs through a process of

iteration(Derrida,1978).Thisiswherecommunicativeobjectsencompassedbyall

reference to Jacob Zuma through any medium, are repeatedly interpreted

synchronically, and as such, contribute discursivemeaning to the construction of

‘Zuma’.Thisrepetitiveandcumulativeprocess,whichoccursinJZ’sperformancesof

dress,createstemporarystructuresofknowledgeabout‘Zuma’.

Thisproject is focussedspecificallyonthediscursivemechanismsof JacobZuma’s

dressasopposedtoanotheraspectofhispoliticalspectacle.Thisisbecausedressis

abasicfactofsociallife.Assuch,itconstructsknowledgeofhimaslegitimatelyas

other facets of his political spectacle, despite the prevailing attitude in political

sciencethatdressistrivial.

In this project, I adhere to the post-structuralist tradition, as a result ofmy anti-

foundationalist epistemological characterisation of ‘Zuma’. I use interpretive

methodology,which allowsme to deploymy ‘socio-cultural resources’ (Schwartz-

SheaandYanow,2006:178)togeneratedataforanalysis.Iusesemioticmethodsto

analysetheinterpretivemeaningsofthevisuallanguagewithinthisdata.

Specifically, I generatemydata by interpreting over 20,000photographs of Jacob

Zuma to ascertain the most powerful, distinctive, and recurrent, discursive

mechanisms across all instances of his performances of dress. I then select

commonly coordinated outfits that contain the most of these ascertained

mechanisms.Oncetheseoutfitsareidentified,Iselectexemplaryphotographsthat

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most pertinently exemplify each of these commonly coordinated outfits

respectively. I then semiotically analyse how these commonly coordinated outfits

construct ‘Zuma’, as exemplified in the photographs. To bolster the credibility of

this interpretive analysis and to constrain undesired bias, I check my postulated

theoretical positions against Zapiro’s interpretive views of ‘Zuma’, which are

instantiatedinhiscartoons.

The ultimate aim of this projectwas to uncover something specific about power.

Explaining the mechanisms through which discursive points of knowledge

pertaining to ‘Zuma’ are constructed, allowed better understanding of how Jacob

Zuma’spoliticalidentityismadepopularinthegiveninterpretivecommunityofSA.

By explaining interpretations of thesemechanisms, somethingwas learned about

theexerciseofpoliticalpower,facilitatedbytheconstructionof ‘Zuma’.Thisisthe

powertoinfluencepoliticaloutcomes,suchasoutcomesofelections,orinenabling

retention of office despite scandal. This project did so, through this better

appreciation for the taken-for-granted discursive codes in Jacob Zuma’s

performances of dress, which construct ‘Zuma’ as part of his wider political

spectacle.

[476words]

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Listofabbreviationsandacronyms

ANC– AfricanNationalCongress

EFF– EcononicFreedomFighters

JZ– JacobZuma

MK– ‘uMkhontoweSizwe’,militarywingoftheANC

PoD– PerformancesofDress

RWC– RugbyWorldCup

SA– SouthAfrica

SSA– Sub-SaharanAfrica

Springboks– SouthAfricanrugbyteam

UK– UnitedKingdom

Zapiro– CartoonistidentityofJonathanShapiro

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ListoffiguresFigure 1 – Shapiro, J. (2014) Partial cover image. In Shapiro, J.Democrazy: SA’s

Twenty-Yeartrip.SouthAfrica:JacanaMedia.

Figure2 –Getty images. (2014)PrinceMangosuthuButheleziandPresidentJacob

ZumawithZuluKingGoodwillduringhisweddingatOndiniSportsComplexonJuly26,

2014 in Ulundi, South Africa. Available at:

http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/prince-mangosuthu-buthelezi-

and-president-jacob-Zuma-with-news-photo/470620684 [Accessed 25 February

2016].

Figure3–GettyImages.(2008)FormerSouthAfrica'sPresidentNelsonMandela(C)

poses with ANC (African National Congress) President Jacob Zuma (L) and current

SouthAfrica'sPresidentThaboMbekiduringhis90thbirthdaycelebrationsonJuly19,

2008athishouse,inQunu.Mandela,theanti-Apartheidiconwithhisfamily,andthe

wholevillagearecelebrating.Heserved27yearsasaprisonerforhisleadingrolein

the fight against the whites-only Apartheid regime before being released in 1990.

Available at: www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/former-south-africas-

president-nelson-mandela-poses-with-news-photo/82002187 [Accessed 25

February2016].

Figure4–Shapiro,J.(2010)NewageremarksonZuma’sclothesas‘outfitstunning’.

Availableat:www.zapiro.com/cartoons/100819tt[Accessed25February2016].

Figure 5 – Shapiro, J. (2006) Zuma: ‘my credibility intact’. Available at:

www.zapiro.com/cartoons/060509indep[Accessed25February2016].

Figure6–GettyImages.(2010)TheSouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumaandPrince

Philip,theDukeofEdinburghinspectthetroopsattheceremonialwelcomeonHorse

Guards Parade, as part of his three day State Visit to the UK, March 03, 2010 in

London, England. Available at: www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/the-

south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-and-prince-philip-news-photo/97396575

[Accessed25February2016].

Figure7–Getty Images. (2009)AfricanNationalCongressleaderandpresidential

favouriteJacobZumaleapsintotheairwhiledancingonstageduringanANCvictory

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celebrationApril23,2009indowntownJohannesburg,SouthAfrica.Withmostofthe

resultstallied,therulingANChaswonanoverwhelmingvictoryinnationalelections

held Wednesday. Available at: www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/african-

national-congress-leader-and-presidential-favorite-news-photo/86184649

[Accessed25February2016].

Figure 8 – Shapiro, J. (2006) Bring me my machine gun. Available at:

www.zapiro.com/cartoons/060309mg[Accessed25February2016].

Figure9–Getty Images. (2011)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumasharesajoke

withCaptainoftheSpringboksJohnSmit(L)duringasendoffceremonyonAugust29,

2011 at the presidential guesthouse in Pretoria before their departure for New

Zealand. JacobZumatoldtheSpringboksMondaythattheywere 'warriors'whohad

the backing of 50million South Africans when the RugbyWorld Cup kicks off next

monthinNewZealand.'Youarewarriors.Theentire50millioncitizensofSouthAfrica

willbebehindyou,'saidZumawhenhewishedthedefendingchampionsgoodluckat

the presidential guesthouse in Pretoria. Available at:

www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-

shares-a-joke-with-news-photo/122828946[Accessed25February2016].

Figure 10 –Getty Images. (2013) South African president and ANC leader Jacob

ZumaaddressespeopleofKa-NyamanainNelspruit,MpumalangaonJanuary8,2013

during the birthday of the ANC ahead of the manifesto launch on Saturday. Jacob

Zuma vowed onWednesday that his ANC party will rule Africa's wealthiest nation

'forever' as the countrygearsup for elections expectedwithinmonths. Available at:

www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-and-anc-

leader-Jacob-Zuma-addresses-news-photo/461385501 [Accessed 25 February

2016].

Figure 11 –Shapiro, J. (2014)ANCstruggle legacy-creditextendedonlyto2019.

Availableat:www.zapiro.com/cartoons/140508mg[Accessed25February2016].

Figure 12 – Shapiro, J. (2006) The thinker and the poser. Available at:

www.zapiro.com/cartoons/061005indep[Accessed25February2016].

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Introduction

Background

Jacob Zuma (hereafter ‘JZ’), President of South Africa (hereafter ‘SA’) incumbent,

wonconsecutivegeneralelectionsin2009and2014afterhisappointmentasANC

President in 2007. This is notwithstanding substantial controversy in the years

leadingupto,andduring,histimeinpower:

i. Perceived Ignorance – While Vice President in SA, where in 2014 an

estimated 6,800,000 people live with HIV (UNAIDS, 2014), JZ erroneously

claimedthat throughshoweringafterunprotectedsexwithanHIV-positive

woman, he ‘minimised’ the possibility of contracting HIV (Sidley, 2006:

1112).

ii. Misogynistic Comments – While on trial for rape in 2006, he made the

statement thathe couldn’t ‘just leaveawoman if she is ready… todeny…

sex,thatwould…[be]tantamounttorape’(Vincent,2009:216).

iii. Alleged Corruption - JZ allegedly engaged in corruption with his former

financialadvisor,SchabirShaik.JudgeHilarySquires,whileconvictingShaik

ofcorruptionandfraud,accusedJZofinvolvementwithShaikina‘mutually

beneficialsymbiosis’(BBC,2009).In2009,shortlybeforetheelection,atotal

of ‘700 charges against … [JZ] were dropped’, with the prosecutor citing

‘politicalinterference’(Smith,2013).

Outlineoftheproblem

It’s perplexing that JZ has achieved political successes despite such scandal. One

must acknowledge that JZ’s ANC leadership role has been instrumental in his

politicalsuccessesandelectoral resilience,becauseof theANC’historicpopularity

derivedfromitsroleinendingApartheid.However,JZ’sholdonpowerbypopular

mandate,despitescandal,isalsoatleastinpartduetoresilientindividualpolitical

identity.Icharacterisethispoliticalidentityas‘Zuma’.Politicalidentitiescanbehave

like‘brands’.Brandshavethebenefitthatconsumersofthebrand‘canbecriticalof

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theactionsof those representing…abrand…whileneverdreamingof switching

one’sallegiance[,]…whatonewantsis“undyingbrandloyalty”’(Robertson,2015:

543-545).Thus,strongpoliticalidentitygivesscopeforscandal,becausethebenefit

ofthe‘brand’canaddresiliencetopoliticalpopularity,asshownby‘Zuma’.

In this project, I adhere to post-structuralist tradition; I characterise the

construction of ‘Zuma’ as having ‘anti-essentialist ontology and … anti-

foundationalist epistemology’ (Torfing, 2005: 13). ‘Zuma’ is ‘continuously

constructedbymeansof[the]narrativeandrhetoric’(CarverandHyvarinen,1997:

5) contained within JZ’s political spectacle. This construction occurs through a

processofiteration(Derrida,1978),wherebycommunicativeobjectsencompassed

by all reference to JZ through anymedium (be it in the auditory, visual or tactile

channels), are repeatedly interpreted synchronically, and as such, contribute

discursivemeaningtotheconceptof‘Zuma’.Thisrepetitiveandcumulativeprocess

accrues discursive meaning to create temporary structures of knowledge about

‘Zuma’,intheformofprivilegeddiscursivepointsconcerning‘Zuma’.

Specifically, considerable construction of ‘Zuma’ occurs through JZ’s political

spectacle. JZ’s political spectacle encompasses the entirety of reader’s visual,

‘iterative, phenomenological–hermeneutic sense-making’ (Schwartz-Shea and

Yanow,2012:91)ofJZ’sappearancesonthepoliticalstage.Acentralvisualelement

ofthisspectacle,andthusapivotalwayinwhichJZ’spolitical identityof ‘Zuma’ is

constructed, are JZ’s ‘performances of dress’ (hereafter ‘PoD’). In identifying the

discursivemechanismscontainedwithinJZ’sPoD,Ithereforeconsequentlyexplain

somediscursiveprocesses,throughwhich‘Zuma’isconstructedtobuildhis‘brand’.

WhilealsogaininganunderstandingofhowJZhasachievedpoliticalsuccessdespite

scandal.

Rationaleandaimsofprojectfocus

I focus specifically on PoD because ‘all cultures dress the body in some way’

(Entwistle andWilson, 1998: 107). Dress ‘is a basic fact of social life’ (Entwistle,

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2000:6),where thebody isprepared ‘for thesocialworld’ (EntwistleandWilson,

1998: 108). Dress is not trivial; although this is theway it’s often perceived. The

necessityofdressmeansitinextricablycontributestothediscursiveconstructionof

individualidentity(despitemanypoliticians’apparentdenialofthisfact…).Indeed,

as non-verbal communication, dress ‘sets the stage for [the] subsequent verbal

communication’ (Eicher and Roach-Higgins, 1995: 16) of identity. If we deem

politicalidentitytobeimportant,wemustdeemPoDsalient.

The ultimate aim of this project is to uncover something specific about power.

Explaining the mechanisms through which discursive points of knowledge

pertaining to ‘Zuma’ are constructed, allows better understanding of how JZ’s

political identity ismade popular in the given interpretive community of SA. The

aiminexplaininginterpretationsofthesemechanismsistolearnabouttheexercise

of political power, facilitated by the construction of ‘Zuma’. This is the power to

influencepoliticaloutcomes,suchasoutcomesofelections,orinenablingretention

ofofficedespitescandal.Thisprojectwilldoso,throughbetterappreciationforthe

taken-for-granted discursive codes in JZ’s PoD, which construct ‘Zuma’. ‘Such

“revelations”canmakepossiblenewunderstandingsand[critical]evaluationsofthe

statusquo,enablinghumangrowthandchange’(Schwartz-SheaandYanow,2006:

92).

ThisprojectisfocusedonJZasopposedtoanotherpoliticalactorbecausehisPoD

areparticularlycharismaticandcontainnumerousdifferent,polysemic,commonly

coordinatedoutfits,eachrichindiscursivemechanisms.

Terminology

PerformancesofDress

AlliterationsoftheentireproductionofthevisualappearanceofJZ’sdress,ingiven

moments on the political stage. This includes bodily gestures that dictate visual

interactionofthebodywithclothing,andbodyadornments.Italsoincludeslighting

thatilluminatesdress.

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Communicativeobject

Anobjectcontaininginterpretivelyunderstandablediscourses.

Discursivemechanism

The language function of a communicative object, which operates conditionally

withinaninterpretivecommunity.

Dress

The phenomenon where the body visually interacts with clothing and body

adornments. It isnotconcernedwith itemsofclothing,asartefacts,divorcedfrom

thebody.

Commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Coordinationsofclothingandadornmentsunitedwiththebody,whichareiterated

indifferentinstancesofanindividual’sPoD.

Politicalidentityof‘Zuma’

That concept of JZ, ‘continuously constructed by means of [the] narrative and

rhetoric’ (Carver and Hyvarinen, 1997: 5) arising from interpretation of the

discursive mechanisms contained in all references to JZ through all conceivable

mediums.

Politicalstage

An event of national political ‘significance’, i.e. subject to coverage in the national

press.

PoliticalspectacleofJZ

Theentiretyofallreader’svisual,‘iterative,phenomenological–hermeneuticsense-

making’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2012: 91) of all appearances of JZ on the

politicalstage.JZ’sPoDarecentrallyincludedwithinthis.Thechannelsofauditory

andtactileperceptionareevidentlyexcluded.

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Objectscollectedfordatageneration

Iutilisetwobanksofarticlesforthecreationofresearcher-generateddata:

Bank1–PhotographsthatfeatureJZundertakingPoD:

Tocollectthese, Isearchedfor ‘JacobZuma’onGettyImages.co.ukon25/01/2016,

which delivered 11,546 photographs, and did the same on the ‘GovernmentZA’

Flickr.com page, which delivered 9,019 photographs. This search was

comprehensive as Getty Images is the world's largest photo agency (BBC, 2014)

with ‘the deepest digital archive’ (Getty Images, 2016), and Flickr has over 3.5

millionnewimagesuploadeddaily(Jeffries,2013).

Bank2–CartoonsbyZapirothatfeaturerepresentationsofJZ:

Tocollectthese,IsearchedthroughallimagesonZapiro.comon25/01/2016.This

deliveredacollectionof4350cartoons.

Methodologicalprolegomenon

Interpretiveresearch

‘Zuma’ is constructed by discursive mechanisms arising from the communicative

objects contained within JZ’s PoD. These are not objects ‘independent of us’

(Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2006: 9) as foundationalism theory asserts. These

objectshavenopriorontologicalexistenceandcannotbecollectedorexaminedina

strictlypositivistmethodological sense.To answerhow ‘Zuma’ is constructed, the

methodologyacknowledges that ‘Zuma’ isconstructed througha languageprocess

indivisible from human intuitive meaning-making practices. A process whereby

readersusepriorknowledgeandunconsciouslyinternalisedcodes(Hall,1997:22)

as a ‘mediating factor in sense-making’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2006: 10) of

discursivemechanisms. These codes are embeddedwithin ‘a socially constructed

systemofrulesandsignificantdifferences’(LaclauandMouffe,2001:107).

Accordingly,IutiliseinterpretivemethodologytoexamineJZ’s ‘personalidentity ...

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produced in language usage’ (Carver and Hyvarinen, 1997: 5). This methodology

allowsmetodeploymy‘socio-culturalresources’(Schwartz-SheaandYanow,2006:

178) togeneratedata foranalysis (asopposedtocollecting it),using theresearch

focusasguidance.Italsoenablesmetoanalysetheintuitivemeaningsofthevisual

language within the generated data. The interpretive knowledge I use to do this

does‘notneedtobeexplicitlyarticulated…tobeused’(Schwartz-SheaandYanow,

2006:92).

Togeneratethedataforexplanatoryuse,Iusethearticlebanksasfollows:

Bank1–Iinterpretthephotographstoascertainthemostpowerful,distinctiveto

JZ, and recurrent, discursive mechanisms across all instances of JZ’s PoD. I then

select commonly coordinated outfits that contain the most of these ascertained

mechanisms.Oncetheseoutfitsareidentified,Iselectexemplaryphotographsthat

mostpertinentlyexemplifyeachofthesecommonlycoordinatedoutfitsrespectively

inaPoD.Iuseonephotographperoutfittoexemplifytheoutfitswithinthebodyof

thisproject,andthenanalysetheseexemplified instancesof JZ’sPoD. Iaffirmthat

this specific analysis also largely applies to other iterations of the outfit, and

ultimately‘Zuma’.Photographsofotheriterationsoftheoutfitsareattachedinthe

Appendices.

Bank2–Iinterpretthebankofcartoonstoascertainwhichcartoonscontainmost

satiricalreferencescorrespondingtothediscursivemechanismsIhaveidentifiedin

myanalysisofthephotographs.

Semioticresearchmethod

Ianalysethegenerateddatawiththemethodofsemioticanalysis.

JZ’sPoD isaphenomenonwithdiscursivemeaning throughvisual communicative

objects. Thus, to analyse it, one must use visual analysis. Semiotic analysis is

suitableforthisasit’s‘concernedwitheverythingthatcanbetakenasasign'(Eco,

1976: 7) and ‘how meanings are made’ through visual discursive mechanisms,

wherebyonething'standsfor'somethingelse(Chandler,2001:8).

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The conceptual tools I use from within this un-institutionalised method; are the

following:

i. Abduction

ii. Aestheticcode

iii. Anchorage

iv. Articulation

v. Binaryoppositions

vi. Bricolageandpastiche

vii. Denotation

viii. Icon,indexandsymbol

ix. Interpellation

x. Intertextuality

xi. Kineme

xii. Naturalisation

xiii. Paradigmsandsyntagms

xiv. Rhetoricaltropes-metaphorandmetonym

xv. Transference

I use these conceptual tools, with reference to dress, primarily using the various

theoretical approaches of the following scholars:Barnard (1996),Barthes (1972),

Baudrillard (2002), Birdwhistell (1970), Chandler (2001), Davis (1994), de

Saussure (2013), Derrida (1978), Eco (1976), Fiske (1989), Hall (1997), Jameson

(1992),Kristeva(1982),Levi-Strauss(2008),LurieandPalca(1981),Peirce(1993),

Polhemus(1978),Rose(2011),Simmel(1957),Weldes(1999),Williamson(1978),

andWilsonandEntwistle(2001).

Theanalysisisorganisedintothreechapters,dividedinaccordancewiththegenres

of thediscursivemechanisms that constitute ‘Zuma’, contained in each commonly

coordinatedoutfit.Twodifferentcommonlycoordinatedoutfitsareanalysedineach

respectivechapterusingthephotographsthatexemplifytheseoutfits.Eachchapter

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is chiefly concernedwith analysing thesephotographs, to ascertainhow ‘Zuma’ is

constructed.Secondarily,Iusethecriticalreadingsof‘Zuma’byZapiro,exemplified

in the cartoon data included in each chapter. I do this to give my interpretive

readingofthediscursivemechanismscontainedwithinthephotographsadditional

credibility,butnotstrict‘validity’inpositivistterms.

Limitstotheresearchstrategy

The ‘necessary interpretive nature’ (Hall, 1997: 42) of this project, is its primary

limitation, as my ‘own sense-making’ that I use to generate data, prohibits any

claimsof incorporealscientificobjectivity.This isbecausewhenusinginterpretive

research methods, one is unable to isolate and analyse data with disembodied

rationality, which is required for ‘internal validity’, in positivist terms. However,

‘withmethods,aswithpeople, ifyou focuson their limitationsyouwillalwaysbe

disappointed’(Masoud,ShapiroandSmith,2004:35).Thecostof‘internalvalidity’

tomakecredibleanalyticalobservationsas tohow ‘Zuma’ is constructed isworth

scientific doubt. Indeed, tobolster the credibility ofmyanalysis Iwill, reflexively,

‘assiduouslyandcontinuouslycheck…[my]postulatedtheoreticalpositionagainst

the evidence that the investigation throws up’ (Davies, 2014: 242), to constrain

undesired bias. Such reflexivity is the ‘interpretive counter-point to positivist

objectivity’ (Schwartz-Shea and Yanow, 2012: 99). I will achieve this partially by

usingZapiro’srepresentationsof‘Zuma’thatprovide‘windowson…[the]nation’s

psyche’ (Hammet, 2010: 89) through their interpretation of the communicative

objectsofJZ’sPoD.Zapiro’scartoonsfeature,amplifyandsatirisethekeydiscursive

componentsofJZ’sPoD,andconsequently‘Zuma’.AlthoughZapirohasadissenting

readingof‘Zuma’andhisideologicaloeuvreis‘satireandsubvertingthepowerful’

(Dodds,2010:120).Zapiro’scartoonsshowaseditiousbut‘commonsenseviewof’

(Greenberg,2008:184)‘Zuma’,asiftheydidnot,Zapirowouldnotbesopopular.‘If

oneisunabletorelateoridentifywiththeobjectofsatire,onewillnotunderstand

itspoint…[andthejokewill]fallflat’(Baletal.,2009:232).

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Originalityoftheproject

Thisproject’s focusonhowdress can turn ‘flesh into something recognisableand

meaningful to … culture’ within a social meaning-making system (Entwistle and

Wilson, 1998: 109) is not unique. The argument that dress conveys meaning

linguistically in fluid, arbitrary, meaning-making systems is well established,

particularlyinrelationtofemaledress.Forinstance,Polhemus(1978)arguesdress

can be used to communicate attractiveness. Eicher and Roach-Higgins (1995),

Simmel (1957), and Veblen (1953) argue that dress can be used to communicate

class identity. Butler (1990) argues that dress can be used to communicate a

distinctly gendered identity. Entwistle andWilson (2001) argue thatdress canbe

usedtoconveyoppositiontomainstreamcultureatlarge.However,thefocusofthe

projectisdistinctfromthisotherliterature.Tomyknowledge,itisuniquebecause

ofitsfocusonasingularindividual’sreal-lifedress,letaloneapoliticalactor.Brief

assessments have been made of Madonna (Evans, 2001) and Bowie’s (Hawkins,

2009)useofcostumes;howevertheseprojectswereundertakenunderthedistinct

pretence of costume, and therefore fiction. The project is also unique because it

doesn’t focus on a singular outfit of an individual but contrasting outfits, whose

languages convey contrasting messages that together have discursive interplay,

whichhelpconstitutethecompleteidentityoftheindividual.Finally,anothernovel

aspect of the project is its deployment of the oppositional reading of JZ’s PoD by

Zapiro,toenhancethecredibilityoftheinterpretivereading.

Ethicalconsiderations

This research involves no contact with human subjects and sources used are

publically available. Therefore, this project does not face ethical concerns

concerningconfidentialityandanonymity.However,becausephotographsarebeing

reproduced in the project, I will request the permission of copyright owners of

selectedphotographsbeforereproduction.

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Chapter1–‘tribalist’outfits

Inthischapter,Iexplorehowcommunicativeobjectsinoutfitsofthe‘tribalist’genre

areusedtoconstruct‘Zuma’.Thesecommunicativeobjectsmobiliseasetofimages

that are ‘traditional’. These discursive mechanisms have corresponded with the

creationofaconstructed‘politicalconstituency’(Harries,1993:123)of‘traditional’

interpellants who identify with this constructed element of ‘Zuma’. One can

speculate that this construction, ‘tugging at ethnic, traditionalist and conservative

heart-strings’ (Gumede, 2005: 404), has contributed to JZ’s attainment of an

electoralmajority in the densely Zulu populatedKwa-ZuluNatal (Makulilo, 2013:

197).

20

‘TraditionalZulu’commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Figure 2 exemplifies JZ’s (Right) ‘traditional Zulu’ outfit (see Appendix 1). It’s

iterated mainly at Zulu cultural events. Such as weddings and court, where he

addresseslocal‘grievanceslike[a]…tribalchief’(Russell,2010:258).Thisexample,

featuresthefollowingmaincomponents:

i. ‘Amashoba’–Cow’stailswornonarmsandknees

ii. Fighting-stick

iii. ‘Ikehla’–Decoratedhead-ring

iv. ‘Injobo’–Furwaistadornment

v. Leopardskinchestadornment

Fighting-stick

Thefighting-stickJZwieldsisasynecdoche,aformofmetonym,ormorebroadly,a

trope.It’sametonymbecauseit‘stands’forthepracticeof‘stick-fighting’,‘ParsPro

Toto’,wherebya ‘part’ represents the ‘whole’, in a ‘substitutionofpart forwhole’

Fig2.

21

(Lanham,1969:97).Thefighting-stickconstitutes‘part’ofstick-fightingasessential

apparel fora fightand in thiswayrepresents the ‘whole’. Invocation, throughthis

metonym,ofthepracticeofstick-fightingissalientasstick-fightingisawidespread

Zulumale ‘riteofpassage’ (CartonandMorrell, 2012:51),with importance ‘since

the days of Shaka’ (Russell, 2010: 239). It is a, sometimes fatal, landmark life

moment(Kapff,1997:55).

Thismetonyminvokesthebinarydifferencebetweenstick-fightveteranswhohave

completed the rite and those who haven’t. This differentiates those of the

11,587,374 Zulus in SA (SouthAfrica.info, 2015), who are both ostensiblymature

andbravemaleswhohavecompletedthisrite,notonlyfromotherZulumenandall

women, but also from the rest of the SApopulation. By deploying this binary the

fighting-stick communicates difference and constitutes ‘in-grouping’ of thosewho

areinthe‘privilegedgroup’thathaveundertakenstick-fighting,andthosewhoare

outside. This creates subject positions and concurrently, social antagonism

(Howarth,2000:104).Thewieldingofthefighting-stickconstructs‘Zuma’asastick-

fighter,andassuch,amemberofthisvalorisedgroupofstick-fightingveterans.This

invokesnotionsofcommonalityandempathyfor‘Zuma’byreadersofJZ’sPoD,who

themselves identify with the subject position of stick-fight veterans, due to this

processofinterpellationwherebythese‘subjectpositionsoridentitiesarecreated’

(Weldes,1999:105).

The point of a stick-fight is to be considered ‘Amasoka’ - ‘most attractive to …

women’,asopposedto‘Amagwala’-‘effeminateboy’(CartonandMorrell,2012:42).

This is achieved by forcing the opponent to submit in adherence with a strict

conductcode(Kapff,1997:55).Showingofpainisdisallowed(Coetzee,2000:99),

andthewinnermustwashthe loserswoundsandabandonanimosity(Cartonand

Morrell,2012:41).Constructionof‘Zuma’asaprotagonistofstick-fighting,assigns

characteristicsassociatedwiththisvaluesystemofstick-fighting,totheconstructof

‘Zuma’. These characteristics are discipline, honour, masculinity, bravery, and

conciliation.

22

Leopardskin

The leopard skin dressing JZ’s chest has polysemic discursive meaning. Two

possibledenotationsofleopardskinarepromiscuityandprostitution.Thisisdue,in

part,toourintertextualknowledgeofpopularfilmsthatdepictsexworkersclothed

in leopard skin print. However, due to the coordination of the various

communicativeobjectsofthe‘Zulutraditional’outfit,wededucethatthe‘genre’or

‘particularconventionsofformandcontent’,whicharesharedby(Chandler,2001:

158) these communicative objects, is traditional Zulu. Thus, richest meaning is

ascertainablewithreferencetotheconventionsofthisgenre.

Indeed,discursivemeaning in thewholeoutfit is largely coded in traditionalZulu

dress convention’s ‘distinctive dialect’ (Duncan, 1973: 77), with deep but not

definitetypologiesofmeaning.Zulutraditionalistsupholdthesetypologiesasthey

‘arebydefinitionconservative: they seek topreserve their [dress] culturedespite

the threatof changeand instability’ (Polhemus,1978:22).Assuch, thisoutfit isa

relatively‘closed’textthatstronglyinspirescertaininterpretation(Eco,1981),and

is resistant to 'aberrant decoding’. That is, interpretive decodingusing a different

codetotheoneusedtoinitiallyattemptto‘encode’meaning.

JZ’s leopard skin is another synecdochal trope. Leopard skin is an internal

metonymicpartof theanimalandthusrepresents it.The leopard ‘isarichsource

domain formetaphor inZulu’ (HermansonandduPlessis,1997:49).The leopard

hasbeenanthropomorphisedbyZulu‘praisepoets’inaccordancewiththeleopard’s

perceivedhumancharacteristics.As such, themetaphorof the leopard represents

anenriched ‘imagerybankforeloquentcommunication’(Biyela,2014:639);oran

‘aesthetic code’, with poetic and expressive function. These anthropomorphised

characteristicsofleopardsare‘blended…asinnootheranimal’(Biyela,2014:639),

and are notably those characteristics of a ‘good leader [,] … a leopard is

independent, cunning, strongand invincible’ (Kapff, 1997:19).Theaesthetic code

institutedbythispopularisedanthropomorphisminfluencesconstructionof‘Zuma’

through transference (Williamson, 1978: 25). Perceived human characteristics of

23

the leopard,whose skin prominently adorns JZ, are consequently associatedwith

‘Zuma’,bythosefamiliarwiththisaestheticcode.

AnalogoustotherelationshipofswanstotheBritishMonarch, inZuluculture,the

Kinghashonoraryresponsibility‘forthewelfare’ofleopards(Biyela,2014:639).‘If

a leopard is killed, the skin has to be handed over to the King’ (Kapff, 1997: 19).

Connectedtothisculturalconvention,isadressconventionthatstipulatesonlythe

royal family are permitted to wear leopard skin (Kapff, 1997: 19). Anecdotally,

royalty‘have[previously]respondedwithrageatthewearingoftheleopard’sskin

by ordinary citizens’ (Biyela, 2014: 639). As a result, leopard skin serves as an -

albeit capricious - indicator to thosewithin theZulu interpretive community, that

thewearerisofroyallineage.

Thisculturalconventionevokesastrongbinaryoppositionbetween‘noble’and‘lay’

people. The corresponding valorised denotations of authority and wisdom, and

legitimacyareon the ‘noble’ axisof thisbinary; inferiorityandsubmissionareon

the ‘lay’ axis. As JZ is ‘not of chiefly stock’ (Russell, 2010: 236), he subverts this

traditionalsocialconventionindressingasthoughhewerenobility.Theintertextual

knowledgeofthissubversionfacilitatesunconventionaldiscursivemeaning,arising

fromthissubversion.JZ’sadornmentinleopardskindoesn’tjustsimplyerroneously

indicate noble blood. This identification of ‘Zuma’ can be read as ‘authentic’, in a

nuanced sense, in that it identifies ‘Zuma’with thehierarchical trancheof royalty

less prescriptively. The aforementioned denotations of this hierarchical tier of

nobility, such as authority, can be interpreted as ‘authentic’, in relation to JZ’s

ascendant democratic political mandate. Although, this interpretation could be

displaced with the oppositional reading of the leopard skin constituting a

masquerade. In Figure 2, JZ and King Goodwill Zwelithini wear this leopard skin

with upright and puffed out posture. This denotes confidence in their dress and

therefore signals intuitively to the reader that both JZ and Zwelithini are

comfortablewith,andendorseJZ’smembershipofthishierarchicaltranche,which

leopardskinindicates.ThisconstructionofJZ,withinthesamepoliticalhierarchical

24

tranche as royalty, is afforded additional complexity in light of the intertextual

knowledge that via the ‘amount of leopard skin worn … one can immediately

recognise theseniorityof thewearer’ (Kapff,1997:19).Thisevokesanadditional

valorised hierarchical division, the division between Zwelithini and JZ, whowear

approximatelythesameamountofleopardskin,andotherlessprominentadorners

of leopard skin. This further intensifies construction of ‘Zuma’s tiered political

position.

Kingship

Each component of this outfit constitutes an individual communicative object.

However, the outfit, wedded as a complete syntagmatic set (the totality of all

constituent units), or ‘diegesis’, which encapsulates ‘the sum of the denotive

meaningsofanimage’(Rose,2011:78),constitutesaunitedcommunicativeobject.

Thesecomponents,inadditiontothefighting-stickandleopardskin,arethe‘Ikehla’

and ‘Amashoba’. This united communicative object, where communicative objects

operate in discursive intratextuality with others on the syntagmatic axis, is

completed by the sum of these components. It characterises the minimum

requirementforthe‘Zuluroyalmale’hierarchicalsyntagmaticset.

The Zulu convention that on any Zulu occasion, the most important man at the

occasionhas‘thefinest…head-dressonshow’(MertensandSchoeman,1975:61),

gives this communicative object supplementary meaning. JZ dresses in the most

ornate‘Ikehla’,rivallingeventhatofZwelithini,whichdenotes‘Zuma’s’membership

of the highest level of the hierarchy of Zulu royalty. This hierarchical denotive

functionofthe‘Ikehla’alters‘thewayinwhichelements[oftheoutfit]relatetoeach

other syntagmatically’ (Barnard, 1996: 93-4), and therefore the meaning of the

unitedcommunicativeobject.Due to thisornateness, the communicativeobjectof

the outfit, here, powerfully iconically represents, ZuluKingship, and consequently

constructs ‘Zuma’ inaccordancewith thismotif. Indeed,evenwithoutappropriate

knowledge of the ‘Ikehla’, an unenlightened reader can understand this Kingship

motifthroughtheimmediate,comprehensiveiconicresemblanceofJZ’sentireoutfit

25

to Zwelithini’s. This construction of ‘Zuma’ as ‘Kingly’ is potent, as the concept of

‘Zuluness’ is ‘strongly tied to the person of theKing’; theKing is ‘the outstanding

symbol of the Zulu nation’ (Harries, 1993: 115). This construction interpellates

readers as political subjects of the politically legitimated, ‘King’ ‘Zuma’, and

resultantly ‘Zuma’benefits somewhat from the ‘powerful focus’of the ‘loyaltiesof

ruralZuluspeakers’toKingship(Klopper,1996:57).

Shaka

Duetoreaders’‘on-goingprocessofinterpretation’(Abulafia,2015:72)usingtheir

knowledge, a chain of commutability ensues where notions of Zulu Kingship

subsequently invoke the concept of Shaka, because of the concepts’ substantial

contiguity. This invocationof the concept of Shaka is an exampleof semiotic play

(Derrida,1978),wherebyaconceptthatisdiscursivelyinvokedbyacommunicative

object, subsequently invokes a further concept. This process occurs outside of de

Saussure (2013) and other structuralists’, stable and predictable, structure of the

‘signifier’andthe‘signified’.

ZuluKingshipinvokestheconceptof‘Shaka’,theprimordialZuluKing,becauseZulu

ethnic consciousness is inextricably tied to the concept of Kingship via ‘historical

processes’ (Carton, Laband, and Sithole, 2008: 35). These processes have

constructed the concept Shaka as ‘the primary symbol of Zulu culture and unity’

(Harries, 1993: 118) (immortalised in statue, Appendix 2.1). This Zulu ethnic

consciousnesshasbeenbasedonrearticulationofthe‘Orientalist’binaryopposition

(Saïd, 1980) of the Zulu as part of the ‘Other’, against the civilised ‘West’. The

invocation of ‘Shaka’ as the ideal formof ‘Zuluness’, is a central part of this. This

rearticulationcanbecharacterisedasSelf-Orientalism,andistheprocess‘whereby

theOrientalist gaze’ is exploited to turn the Self into anOther through ‘profound

complicity’ in order to essentialise the Self. ‘It should not be confused with

Occidentalism’, it ‘is not focused on or against the West’ (Huisman, 2011: 25).

Rather,itisfocussedon‘orientalising’theSelfbyuniquelyconstructingZuluswith

exclusive ‘Zulu’ or ‘Shakan’ qualities, in a passive strategy to counter Orientalism

26

andmaintainastrongandpositive‘culturalidentity’(Huisman,2011:25).Themain

constructors of this identity, and Shaka as the ideal form of the Zulu, are IFP

PresidentPrinceMangosuthuButheleziandtheTVseries‘ShakaZulu’.Buthelezihas

wielded‘enormousinfluenceintheconstructionofthepublicidentityoftheZulufor

morethanthirtyyears’(Firenzi,2012:422).Inaddition,theTVseries‘ShakaZulu’

has been ‘seen bymore than 350million people’ (Mersham, 1993: 80). As these

textsare‘necessarilyreadinrelationshipto’(Fiske1989:108)thisoutfit,theSelf-

OrientalistdiscursivemeaningtheyenrichtheconceptsofZuluKingshipandethnic

identitywith,reinforcestheconstructionof‘Zuma’.

27

‘Tribal/formal’commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Figure3exemplifiesJZ’s(Left)‘tribal/formal’outfit(seeAppendix3).It’siteratedat

eventswhereothersaredressed inWesternbusinesswear.Abespokeamalgamof

Western businesswear, and ‘tribal-influenced’ styles of clothing or adornments,

dressed with JZ’s body. In it’s various iterations, Nehru or Madiba Shirts and

Dashikis are influences, in addition to components, modified, from the ‘Zulu

traditional’outfit.Thisexample,featuresthefollowingmaincomponents:

i. BlackWestern-stylesuitjacketarms

ii. ‘Madibaprint’onthejacketbody

iii. Nehru-stylejacketlapels

Bricolage

The pre-existing discursive mechanisms of traditional tribal and Western formal

dressinteract inthesyntagmaticsetcomprisedbyofallcomponentsofthisoutfit.

They do so in a bricolage, the ‘intertextual authorial practice of adopting and

adapting signs from other texts’ (Chandler, 2001: 245). Bricolage is the non-

Fig3.

28

nihilistic process where new meanings are made from the interplay of various

‘materialsandstylestakenfromthepast’(Barnard,1996:180).Inapracticalsense,

theprocessof gettingdressed ‘is amatterofbricolage’,wherewe selectdifferent

clothing and adornments to combine ‘to create a finished appearance' (Wilson,

1992:248).Conceptually, it’s impossibleto ‘cut’newmeaning ‘outofwholecloth’,

duetothe‘necessityofborrowingone'sconceptsfrom…aheritage’(Derrida1978:

285). However, some dress comes closer to pastiche than others, which is,

‘immediateandtotalrecyclingofpastforms’(Baudrillard,1993:88).

The ‘tribal/formal’ outfit, as a united communicative object, is a literal hybrid of

traditionaltribalandWesterntextiles,inarichbricolage.Assuch,itisadiscursive

reconstruction of the pre-existing conceptual ‘materials’ (Levi-Strauss, 1966: 21)

containedbythesegarments.Areconstructionthatcreatesnewbespokemeaning,

intandemwithbespokelymanufacturedgarments.

Hybridity

TheNehru-style jacket lapels are a novel creation. They are based on theNehru-

collar, which is commonly worn in Sub-Saharan Africa (hereafter ‘SSA’), but

elongatedtoresembleaWesternsuitjacket’scut-awaylapel.Intheparadigmaticset

that concerns ‘types of collar’ (Barnard, 1996: 9), JZ makes novel permutation,

inspiredbybothofthesestyles.Thejacketbodyfeatures‘Madibaprint’,whichisa

traditionalSSAcustomisationofJavaneseBatikprintwithmorecolour,andbolder,

thickerpatternedlines. ItwaspopularisedbyMandela’sshirts,whichfeaturedthe

print.Thesuitsarms,incontrastwiththisprint,areWestern-styleandplainblack.

These features all constitute independent communicative objects; however, they

haverichestmeaningasanensemble.Theoutfitisafantasticblendof‘blendofrural

and urban, traditional and progressive, old and new’ (Russell, 2010: 258). Each

elementofthisensembleisinspiredbyatraditionalorWesternarticleofdressbut

withthe'charmofdifference'(Simmel,1957:320)ofbricolage.Thejacketfitshim

asthoughtailoredspecificallytohim,contributingtothis‘bespoke’constructionof

Zumainthisoutfit.

29

TheBatikprint,duetoitstraditionaltribalorigin,subtlydenotesmanyofthesame

discursive constructions of ‘Zuma’, as the aforementioned ‘Zulu traditional’ outfit.

However,italsopartiallycountervailstheoutfit’spartisanconstructionof‘Zuma’,as

theprintisnotassociatedwithaparticularSAtribe.Italsocountervailsthisoutfit,

because the print, as a constituent component, represents a synecdoche for the

‘Madibashirt’.ThissubsequentlydenotesMandela,afterwhomtheMadibashirt is

named.Thisdenotationcountervailsthedivisivenessofthe‘Zulutraditional’outfit

becauseMandelawasnotonlynon-partisanpolitically,butalsoaXhosa,thelargest

SAtribeaftertheZulu.

Formal political dress convention informs us that Western-style dress is the

dominantdressconventionatformalpoliticalevents.JZ’ssubtlehybridofWestern-

stylearmsandBatikprint,inthesyntagmaticsetofthejacket,generatesbricolage

meaningbybreakingdownthebinarybetweentraditionalandWestern.Theblend

of the clothing styles, and insistence on integrating aspects of traditional dress in

clothesworn at formal political events, denotes loyalty and acknowledgement for

tradition,andalsorevisionismandrecontextualisationoftraditionforthemodern.

The hybrid produces newmeanings in relation to ‘capability of moving forward’

(Makulilo, 2013:197),while retaining tradition.More specifically, thesemeanings

can be interpreted in the context of Thabo Mbeki (Right in Figure 2), JZ’s

predecessor. They can be interpreted as a ‘contemptuous reaction to the

intellectualismandworldlinessofMbeki’(Mokoena,2010:50)andhisassociations

withblackapologism.

30

Cartoonassessment(Chapter1)

Fig4.

Fig5.

31

Cartoons constitute ‘intersemiotic translations’ (Jakobson, 1959: 261) that have

iconicityontwolevels;ontheleveloflinguisticcode(e.g.metaphor)andalsointhe

visual code,where referential nonmetaphorical objects are depicted (Nöth, 1995:

473).They transplant a text fromone context into another, to satirise, subvertor

rearticulate themeaning (Fairclough,1993:123).My interpretive identificationof

‘tribalist’ discursive mechanisms that construct ‘Zuma’ is corroborated in both

Figures. In Figure 4, Zapiro subverts the construction of ‘Zuma’ as ‘King-like’ or

‘Shakan’, due to the cartoon’s thematicdepictionof the linguisticmetaphorof the

storyofthe‘Emperorwithnoclothes’.Withinthistheme,thecartoonsubstantiates

my identified construction of ‘Zuma’ as ‘King-like’, through translation of the

conceptofregalityintothevisualmetaphorofacrownon‘Zuma’s’head.InFigure5,

interpretiveanchorageisprovidedbytheinscriptionof‘ZumaZuluCulture’onthe

cape, whichmediates it’s meaning and infers JZ’s appropriation of ‘Zulu’ culture.

This supports my focus on JZ’ use of hybridity and ‘Zulu’ imagery to construct

‘Zuma’. The leopard print, depicted on the cape for the purpose of iconic

representationof‘Zuluness’,reinforcesmyfocusonthisparticularcomponentofhis

Zuludress.

32

Chapter2–‘militarist’outfits

In this chapter, I explore how communicative objects in outfits of the ‘militarist’

genreareusedtoconstruct‘Zuma’.Thesecommunicativeobjectsmobilise‘asetof

imagesthatconstruct‘Zuma’inadistinctivenon-traditionalmilitaryimage,whichis

simultaneously serious, anti-institutional, progressive, patriotic and determinedly

revolutionary.

33

‘Allblack’commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Figure6exemplifiesJZ’s(Centre)‘allblack’outfit(seeAppendix4).It’siteratedon

every, frequent occasion, where military officers in rank accompany JZ.

Permutations to the outfit are less accessories, tie colour, and, rarely, dark grey

suits.Thisexample,featuresthefollowingmaincomponents:

i. Blackgloves

ii. Blackscarf

iii. BlackWestern-styleovercoat

iv. BlackWestern-stylesuit

v. Plaintie

vi. Tintedglasses

vii. Whitedress-shirt

Fig6.

34

Bespokeuniform

The ‘dress-for-success ensemble’ of the formal suit, is dictated by ‘ludicrous

prescriptiveness’ (Lurie, 1981: 26),with conventional ‘musts’ and ‘nevers’ (Davis,

1994: 53). These conventions have remained almost constant ‘for two hundred

years'(Hollander,1994:4).Inmostcontexts,only ‘certainhues’ofblack,greyand

navyareacceptable,onlya‘choiceofshirtandtie’isstandard,andeventhischoice

‘maybevery limited’(LurieandPalca,1981:183).Theseconventionsconstitutea

uniform,appropriateforthebroad,formal,context.

JZ’s‘allblack’outfit,understoodasaunitedcommunicativeobject,isyetmorerigid

than the ‘dress-for-success ensemble’, and constitutes a bespoke uniform for the

specific context of an inspection of military officers in rank. The only habitual

permutationofasinglecomponent,orparadigmaticcategoryofthisoutfit,isthetie.

This bespoke and self-enforced uniform, used in a military context, has enriched

discursivemeaningintheinterpretivedelimitationofSSA.Wherenumerouselected

leaders(Kenyan,Ugandan,Nigerian,Zimbabwean, forexample)andJuliusMalema

(Appendix 5.1), head of the EFF and political rival of JZ,wear traditionalmilitary

uniforms iconically resembling those used in active combat. Theydo so in formal

military contexts suchas this, andalso in civil contexts.These traditionalmilitary

uniforms,whicharelargelyexternallyprescribed,invokeabinarybetweenciviland

militaryleadershipandacorrespondingbinarybetweencivilandmilitarysocieties.

Theiconicresemblanceoftheseprescribeduniformsbetweeneachother,expresses

thesegroupidentities,asonecandiscernanindividual’smembershipofthemilitary

group through this resemblance. Additionally, these prescribed uniforms often

locate thewearer in a strict hierarchy, sometimes even giving information about

theiraccomplishments.This is throughadornmentssuchas ‘battle ribbons’ (Lurie

andPalca,1981:19),or‘theuseofdifferentmaterials’inuniforms(Forty,1986:80-

1),whichindicatesenioritythroughrelativegarmentquality.Theseuniformsforce

individuals, to a large extent, ‘to repeat dialogue composed by someone else’ and

‘giveupone’s right toactasan individual… in termsof speech’ (LurieandPalca,

35

1981:17-20).

Thus,JZ’sself-enforcedbespoke‘allblack’uniform,andhislackofuseoftraditional

military uniform, allows free to ‘Zuma’ express group identity within the civil

society side of the clarified binary military/civil binary, despite being an MK

veteran. This subsequently allows those readers interpellated into the subject

positionofamemberofcivilsociety,toidentifyinthisgroupalongside‘Zuma’.This

group affinity with ‘Zuma’, distinct from the traditional military, is particularly

relevant in the intertextual context of the geographical delimitation of SA. This is

because the state military and police were the historic enforcement agents of

Apartheid oppression, and any association of ‘Zuma’ with these forces would be

verypoliticallyproblematic.

DisingenuousmistakesAs previously discussed, this outfit is rigid in its lack of permutation in its

paradigmaticcomponents.Due to this, thechief indexicalsimilarity (Peirce,1993)

betweenthecomponentsoftheoutfit,‘blackness’,isreinforced,aseveryconsistent

componentisblack,exceptingJZ’sshirt.Thecombinationofcolours ‘selectedfrom

the paradigm of colours’ in this outfit are ‘considered syntagmatically … judging

whether or not a colour goes with another’ (Barnard, 1996: 91), and black is

accentuated. This is significant to construction of ‘Zuma’, because although black

may,throughaestheticcode,denote‘death,disease,misery’(Holden,1997:126)in

somecircumstances, in this instance,blackmoreprominentlydenotesseriousness

and formalitydue to itsmaterialisation ina formalsuit.Due to thesedenotations,

‘blackness’ complements theuniformmetaphor.Moreover, thecombinationof the

tinted glasses, scarf, gloves and overcoat also metaphorically emphasises

commonality via catachresis - a ‘disingenuous mistake’, or ‘inappropriate

deployment of an object for emphasis’. The tinted glasses belong to the binary

category of summer adornments and the scarf, gloves and overcoat, are winter

adornments. The combination of both of these seasonal binaries in one outfit

emphasises their common property, ‘blackness’, as opposed to their seasonal

incongruity.

36

‘Secondliberation’commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Figure 7 exemplifies JZ’s (Centre) ‘second liberation’ outfit (see Appendix 6). It’s

iterated at everyANC rallywhere JZ sings the, lyricallymilitaristic, song ‘Awuleth

UmshiniWami’,whichtranslatesto‘bringmemymachinegun’(Mbanjwa,2008).MK

military veterans in uniform often accompany it. This example, features the

followingmaincomponents:

i. GreenandyellowlightsilluminatingJZ

ii. Leatherjacket

iii. Leathershoes

iv. Legsinaleapinggesturestrainingelasticatedtrousers

v. Poloshirt

Secondliberation

Incontrast to theaccompanyinguniformedofficers, JZ,dressedmilitaristicallybut

uninstitutionally,isabletoexpresseshimselfasanindividualwiththesamerelative

Fig7.

Fig7.

37

freedoms as the ‘all black’ outfit. This outfit is more informal and refers to the

specificmilitaristconceptofthe‘secondliberation’.

The ‘second liberation’ movement is the continued struggle, post-Apartheid, for

advancement of those who were oppressed politically and economically by

Apartheid. ‘AwulethUmshiniWami’ is performed in synchronicitywith this outfit.

Thesongisdiscursivelyinvokedbytheoutfits’communicativeobjectsandits’lyrics

incite militarist violence to achieve the aims of the ‘second liberation’ (Makulilo,

2013: 196). This is why the outfit may be characterised as militarist. It can be

speculatedthatthisconstructionof‘Zuma’asa‘secondliberation’protagonist,and

thedifference thisconstructsbetween ‘Zuma’andhis ‘antithesis’Mbeki’s (Russell,

2010:253)conciliatorypost-Apartheidapproach,isachiefreasonthatJZ‘ascended

totheoffice’(Southall,2011:617).

Leapinggesture

Disembodiedtrousersarediscursivelyconflatedwithmasculinity,‘theycanbeused

to stand for it because they have become exclusively identified with it’ (Tickner

1977: 56), for example in their iconic use in bathroom gender-distinguishing

signage. However, trousers in this outfit ‘constitute a totality’ with the body and

gesture, that if ‘pulled apart’ only grants us a ‘partial snapshot of the dress, our

understanding limited’ (Entwistle, 2000: 111). The communicative object of the

leapinggesturecomprisesa ‘multiplicity’,or ‘polysemy’(Rose,2011:92),of iconic

gesture(Peirce,1993).‘Nosoonerisaformseenthanitmustresemblesomething’

(SilvermanandTorode, 2011: 248).As such, the gesture resembles adance ‘step’

performedinthreeSAdances,‘Ngoma’,‘Gumboot’and‘ToyiToyi’.

‘Ngoma’ is a Zulu dance (Marre and Charlton, 1985: 50), practised in the specific

context of cultural ceremonies (Appendix 1.3). ‘Gumboot’, developed in SAmines

inspiredby‘Ngoma’,mustbeperformedwearing‘Gumboots’.Itispractisedwidely,

including at the 1995 RWC (Fargion, 1998: 110). ‘Toyi Toyi’ is a ‘high-stepping

liberation dance’ (Russell, 2010: 237), which was used during protest during

Apartheidresistance.

38

Theleapinggesture,here,mostprominentlycommunicatesthe‘ToyiToyi’,although

there are a ‘confusingnumberofpossibledenotivemeanings’ (Barthes, 1977:38-

41).Thisisduetoabduction(Eco,1976:131)-wherebyreaderspositmeaningby

applying simple rules familiar to them. This outfit denotes the ‘Toyi Toyi’

interpretation of the leaping gesture through abduction, as it is a rule that

‘Gumboots’aremandatorytoconstitute‘Gumboot’,and‘Zulutraditional’clothingfor

‘Ngoma’.Theseareabsentcomponentsofthisoutfit;insteadJZwearsleathershoes,

apoloshirtandajacket.

Thisdenotationof‘ToyiToyi’hassubsequentdenotationviasemioticplay(Derrida,

1978).Thissubsequentmeaning is ‘AwulethUmshiniWami’,viacausalsynecdoche

(Lechte1994:63),whicharisesduetothedance’sobligatoryroleasavisualcueto

commencearenditionofthesong.It is ‘Zuma’strademarksong’(Mbanjwa,2008),

and through its violent lyrics it reinforces ‘Zuma’s warrior-like’ (Hunter, 2011:

1121) liberation-fighter construction. Indeed, the socio-historical knowledge that

this song was chanted accompanying the ‘Toyi Toyi’during Apartheid resistance,

also reinforces this construction by reminding us of JZ’s role during the exile

movement(Russell,2010:242)andonRobbenIsland.

Lighting

PoD‘mustbeseenbefore…[they]canbeappreciated’(Mumford,1985:46),asthey

arevisualphenomenon.Lightis'appropriatetotheproductionandreproductionof

dance’, and of this outfit (Taplin, 1979: 47). Therefore, the green and yellow

illuminatory lights, in their visual interaction with JZ, constitute part of the

communicativeobjectcomprisedbyJZ’swholeoutfit.

Theilluminatorylightsdonotsimplyilluminatetheoutfit‘toanacceptablelevelof

visibility’;theyareinvolvedinthe‘definitionof’theoutfit‘inrelationshiptospace’

(Mumford,1985:46).Theyemboldenedallcomponentsof theoutfit inrelationto

the surroundings. They impact response to the entire outfit. While the pigment

colouringJZ’soutfit‘maynotchangeitsproperties[,]…thecolourthatweperceive

doeschange’becauseoftheselights(Mumford,1985:49-50).

39

TheseilluminatinglightshavetheindexicaldenotationsoftheANCandtheSAflag,

andvariousotherSAtokens,duetotheircommonbasiccolours.Theinscriptionof

‘ANC’ on JZ’s Jacket provides a linguistic anchor (Barthes, 1972), so that these

colours are interpreted, not, for example, in relation to Brazil or Jamaica. This

constructs‘Zuma’andtheilluminatedoutfitaspatriotic,nationalistandadedicated

ANCmember.

Theyellowlights focussedonJZ,also, throughthe indistinctpoeticaestheticcode,

denote‘cheerfulness,youthandhope’(LurieandPalca,1981:197),whichdistracts

from,andtosomeextentalleviates,themoreviolentdenotationsoftheoutfit.

40

Cartoonassessment(Chapter2)

‘Politicalcartoons…exploitthemostobviousorgrotesquefeaturesofaleaderand

putthemondisplay[to]…attackpoliticalimage’(Baletal.,2009:230).Theobvious

grotesque featureof ‘Zuma’,portrayed inFigure8, is themilitaristic incitementof

violence.Thissubversion is represented through thevisualmetaphorof theAK47

held by ‘Zuma’. This metaphor corroborates my assertion that the outfits in this

chapter aremilitaristic. He is depicted as singing ‘AwulethUmshiniWami’ by the

wordswritten in the balloon that ‘indicate direct speech’ (Nöth, 1995: 473). This

referenceshis ‘secondliberation’heroconstruction.Moreover, ‘Zuma’isportrayed

inablacksuit, referencing the ‘allblack’outfit.Thecartoonalsosubstantiatesmy

focus on the communicative object of the leaping gesture as all characters in the

cartoonusethisgesture.Additionally,theothercharactersaredepictedbehindand

‘following’‘Zuma’,whichsupportsmyassertionthattheleapinggesturefunctionsas

a popularly acknowledged ‘cue’. Finally, Zapiro’s choice to depict ‘Zuma’ in an all

Fig8.

Fig8.

41

black suit, as opposed to a more obvious traditional military outfit, supports my

analysis that the ‘all black’ bespoke uniform is ubiquitous in JZ’s dress in overt

militarycontexts.

42

Chapter3–‘populist’outfits

In this chapter, I explore how communicative objects in outfits of the ‘populist’

genreareusedtoconstruct‘Zuma’.Dresspotentlyvisuallydistinguishes‘thecourtly

fromcommon’(Entwistle,2000:44),and‘pecuniarystanding’(Veblen,1953:119).

As such, the communicative objects in these outfits construct ‘Zuma’ as close to

‘common people rather than to the elites’ (Makulilo, 2013: 196), in his guise as

‘100%Zuluboy’. This guise is JZ’s conversion of a label used to refer to ‘the Zulu

bastard’ (Reed, 2006) ‘pejoratively’ (Mbanjwa, 2008), by former ANC elites, ‘into

political capital’ (Makulilo, 2013: 196) (evidenced in Appendix 10.1). He

rearticulates this label to utilise his ‘humbleupbringings’ (Russell, 2010: 237) for

political appeal.Hedoes thisby reversing the impliedvalorisations,or contingent

‘privileged’ essences (Howarth, 2000: 37), ever present in the binary oppositions,

pertainingtothe‘Zuluboy’guise(Derrida,1974).Thesearethebinaryvalorisations

between rurality/urbanicity, illiteracy/education, conviction/intellectualism, and

labour/management.Onecanspeculatethat ‘Zuma’srise totheANCpresidency…

[wasa]consequenceofMbeki’shubrisandauthoritarianism’(Feinstein,2009:250),

which triggered ‘disaffection amongst’ (Hunter, 2011: 1108) the poor, combined

with,thepopulist,‘Zuluboy’constructionof‘Zuma’.

43

‘Sports-fan’commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Figure9exemplifiesJZ’s(Centre)‘sports-fan’outfit(seeAppendix7).Thisiswhere

sport-appropriate SA team fan merchandise is worn on the torso. Often

complementedbyatracksuit,shortsorcap.It’sprimarilyiteratedbythesub-setsof

football,netball,Olympicandrugby‘sports-fan’outfits.Peculiarly,thisisdespitethe

SAcricketsiderankingnumberoneinallformsofcricketin2012(ESPN,2012),and

SA’s hosting of theODI andT20world cups, in 2003 and 2007 respectively. This

example is a rugby ‘sports-fan’ outfit, which features the following main

components:

i. Greenandgoldtie

ii. GreenSpringbok-fanblazerwithSpringbokinsignia

Sportingdiscursivemechanisms ‘appealsimultaneously todiverseelementsof the

population’ (Southall, 2009: 235), because sport is an activity that links

Fig9.

44

‘heterogeneous social groups’ that do not ‘coexist socially under different

circumstances’(Christodoulouetal.,2014:5-11).Sportingdiscursivemechanisms,

thus,arepopulistastheypetitionarangeof‘ordinary’people.

Theteam

The sporting insignia embellishing JZ’s blazer indexically represents the SA rugby

team (hereafter ‘Springboks’) as it depicts their team mascot, the springbok.

Dressingwiththisinsigniadenotes‘Zuma’s’affiliationwith,andmembershipof,the

Springbokfan ‘team’.Thisaffiliation isaconstructionof ‘Zuma’that is ‘simpleand

direct’ (Vincent, 2011: 3), and this construction allows him to resonate with

‘ordinary’people,whoidentifywithatypeofSpringbok-fansubjectpositionthatis

meaningfulintheirowneyes(Weldes,1999:105-106).Thosewhoidentifywiththe

subjectpositionof theSpringbok fan,which ‘Zuma’ isconstructed into,aredrawn

into the emphatic ‘victories and defeats’, contained by the ‘conceptual metaphor’

(Johnson and Lackoff, 1980) of sport that ‘rally or disband’ (Christodoulou et al.,

2014:11).Springbokfans,andfansmoregenerally,areemotionallyinvestedinthe

results of the endeavours of their chosen team. The Springbok fan is a position

wherein the binaries of intense disappointment and excitement, are experienced

because,correspondingly,thevictoriesoftheteamarenecessarilydefinedbytheir

binaryoppositiontodefeats (Derrida,1976:313-16). ‘Zuma’s’constructionasone

of these fans, facilitates readerswho are Springbok-fans to feel empathy towards

‘Zuma’astheyrecogniseexperientiallythatthesubjectpositionoftheSpringbokfan

isemotionallydemanding.Thisdiscursivemeaningenablesunitywith‘Zuma’tobe

felt by those readers in this subject position. Indeed the structural homology, or

isomorphism (Chandler, 2001: 252), between rugby and other sports’ wins and

losses,allowsreaderswhoidentifyasfansofothersportingteamstoalsoempathise

withthisconstructionof ‘Zuma’.Thisempathyandinvocationofreaders’previous

emotions,allows ‘Zuma’ tobeconstructedasa ‘ordinary’person,possessingthese

shared‘normal’emotionalexperiencesinsolidaritywithallreadersthatidentifyas

sports-fans.

45

Springboks

The communicative object of the blazer, complemented by the tie, has further

meaning, with certain socio-historical knowledge. This intertextual knowledge is

twofold. The first is that, during Apartheid, the Springbok team exclusively

containedwhiteplayers,andservedasaquasi-eugenicsymbolforwhitesuperiority

and domination over blacks in SA. The second is that, in a spectacular gesture of

reconciliation in 1995,Mandela awarded theRWC to the Springbokswearing the

Springbok jersey (Appendix 9.1). Due to this, ‘ordinary’ people who had ‘such

antipathy toward the Springboks’, because of what they represented, ‘that they

rooted for opposing teams and applaudedwhen the Springboks faulted’ (Koelble

and LiPuma, 2011: 2), applauded the team’s victory. The moment was stark

evidence that ‘modes of support and the structural and informal organisation

thereof’ are constantly subject to ‘changes in accordance with … socio-historical

influences’(Christodoulouetal.,2014:1).

This socio-historical knowledge is textually reconstructed and ‘further

memorialised’(KoelbleandLiPuma,2011:3)intheWarnerBrothersfilm‘Invictus’,

theclimaxofwhich(Appendix9.2)concernsthemomentthatthissartorialchoice

was realised. The ‘low text’ of ‘Invictus’ further enriches the ‘range of textual

knowledge…broughttobearupon’(Fiske,1989:108)thisoutfit.

Thus, complemented by the tie that indexically represents the Springbok colours,

JZ’s blazer acts as bricolage, utilising ‘fossilised evidence of the history of an

individual or a society' (Levi-Strauss, 1966: 22). The ‘mosaic of [intertextual]

quotations’(Kristeva,1986:37)actinguponthisoutfit,strengthenthisconstruction

of‘Zuma’.Althoughtheblazerandtiearenotdirectimitation,orpastiche(Jameson,

1992), ofMandela’s jersey, they exploit themeanings intertexually available from

Mandela’sdress.Thisisbecausetheblazerandjerseyarebothcomponentswithin

theparadigmaticsetofSpringbokupper-bodyfanmerchandise.Thebricolagefrom

wearing these related garments, allows ‘Zuma’, through emulation, to invoke

notions of racial tolerance and reconciliation through rearticulation of notions

46

denotedbyMandela’sinstanceofdressinthejersey.

However,JZ’sblazercarriesnuancedmeaningduetoitsparadigmaticdifferenceor

‘contrastwith’theparadigmaticsartorialalternativeofthejersey(Rose,2011:78).

The blazer draws on the ‘mnemonic function of’ dress with the ‘purpose of

reminding… thoseobserving theuseabout someevent thatoccurred in thepast’

provokingan ‘emotionalreaction’(Holman,1981:8) throughexploitingMandela’s

use of Springbok merchandise. However, nuanced meaning occurs because JZ’s

sports-fanmerchandiseisnotareplicaoftheofficialteamkitlikeMandela’s;ithas

theabsentcomponentofagoldjacket-lining.Thisdissimilaritybetweenthe‘official’

teamand JZ, thins but doesn’tmitigate themnemonic discursivemeaning. This is

becausethepresidents’individualdeploymentsofteam’sitemsofmerchandiseeach

havedifferentiatedsimilaritytotheteam’s‘officialkit’.

47

‘Working-class’commonlycoordinatedoutfit

Figure 9 exemplifies JZ’s (Centre-Left) ‘working-class’ outfit (seeAppendix 8). It’s

iterated at a variety of political occasions, and more frequently than the other

common coordinated outfits. This example has the following main components,

althoughotheriterationscommonlyincludethecomponentsofacapandaleather

jacket:

i. Clenchedfistraisedasfarastheshirtallows

ii. Synthetic yellow,greenandblackpolo shirtwornopenandembellishedwith

ANCinsignia

Fig.10

48

Poloshirt

Thepoloshirt,asacommunicativeobject,derivessubstantialmeaninginrelationto

thebinaryoppositionbetween formality and informality,which correspondswith

thebinaryoppositionbetweenprofessionalandworkingclass.

Thefirstinvocationofthisbinaryisbythecommunicativeobjectoftheshirtcollar.

Oneknowsthecollectiveconventionalcodeof‘openandclosedcollars’withwhich

oneinterprets‘whethersmartnessorcasualness’isdenoted(Barnard,1996:84).A

doneupcollar‘standsfororrepresentsformalityorsmartness’(Barnard,1996:84),

as opposed to the open collar, which, as in this outfit, denotes informality. This

denoted informality is associated with the working-class, whose professions

ordinarilydon’trequiretheformalityofaclosedcollar.

Moreover,thepoloshirt,takenasaunitedcommunicativeobject,affordsreinforced

meaning to this informal invocationof the collar, through the shirt’s components’

compositemeaning.Thisisbecauseanopenedcollarmay,denotethenuancedform

offormality,of‘smartcausal’dress(Wilson,1992:253),whentheshirtisfashioned

from ‘dress-shirt’ fabric. However, because this semi-formal form of dress

paradigmaticallyrequires‘dress-shirt’fabricasopposedtoJZ’spoloshirt’ssynthetic

fabric, the polo shirt’s construction of informality and the working-class is

reinforced.

Thefabricoftheshirt,andthustheshirtasanoverallcommunicativeobject,further

communicates working-class. This is because working-class occupations typically

involve more physical labour, and thus require clothes sturdy enough for the

exerciseofthislabour.Syntheticfabric,asinJZ’spoloshirt,iscomparativelyhardier

than formaldress fabricsand thusdenotesbroadly ‘atwhich level inaneconomy

peopleoperateorwork’(Barnard,1996:64).

Furthermore,due to this typicallyhigher levelofphysical labour inworking-class

jobs, theworking-class are alsodifferentiatedby the level that the colourof their

shirtswilldisplaydirtandwear,‘noapparelcanbeconsideredelegant…[showing]

49

effectofmanuallabouronthepartofthewearer,inthewayofsoilorwear’(Veblen,

1953:120).Whiteshirtsare‘moredifficulttokeepclean’(Barnard,1996:115),and

display thesignsof labourmorestarkly thancolouredshirts.Asaresult, theyare

associatedwiththeeliteprofessionalclass,or‘whitecollars’.Inthisbinarybetween

white and colour shirts, the term ‘blue collar’ refers topeoplewho’s ‘job involves

manual labour’ (Barnard, 1996: 64). This has an associated ‘cluster of meanings

centred on physical labour, ruggedness, activity, physicality’ (Fiske, 1989: 3). JZ’s

wearing of a colourful, green and yellow shirt while undertaking his work,

constructs ‘Zuma’ on the working-class side of the binary, as well as indexically

denotingtheANCandSAflags,aswellasotherSAtokens.

Clenchedfist

The raised clenched fist, which contorts the shape of JZ’s shoulder in his shirt,

constitutes a ‘kineme’ (Birdwhistell, 1970), a gesture that carries associated

meaning.‘Socialcontext’resolves‘thequestionwhether,forexample,thegestureof

aclenchedfistisagestureofanger[,]…theimitationofsomeoneelse'sbehaviour,

or whether it represents, ironically, a friendly attitude’ (Nöth, 1995: 400). Social

context grants indexical and iconic gestural (Peirce, 1993) discursivemeaning to

JZ’sclenchedfist.

The clenched fistdirectly indexically resembles, and thusdenotes, the constituent

componentofthefist, intheANCflag(Appendix11.4),andconsequentlytheANC.

Moreover, the clenched fist also indexically denotes the clenched fist typically

featuredinApartheid-era‘struggleposters’(Appendix11.1),andsubsequently,the

motifof‘thestruggle’.

Richer, iconic meaning is constructed through intertextual interpretation of the

clenched fist gesture in the context ‘inwhich it has lived its socially charged life’

(Bakhtin, 1982: 293). Appendix 11.2 shows the gestures’ most prominent social

existence in SA, as used by Mandela and his wife upon his release from Robben

Island. This moment of deployment of the clenched fist has on-going iconic

contiguity with triumph of the ANC’s ‘struggle’ against Apartheid. This iconic

50

contiguityisexemplifiedbythismomentandthegestures’immortalisationthrough

iteration in popular culture. Examples are the Bloemfontein statue of Mandela

(Appendix 11.5), and frequent fan tributes to Mandela, which reproduce this

particular instance of the gesture (Appendix 11.6). JZ’s emulation of this gesture

(Appendix11.3), in thisoutfit, remindsus that JZhasalsoserved timeonRobben

Islandandservedavitalsupplementaryroleinthe ‘struggle’withMandela.Useof

this gesture, in this outfit, continually constructs ‘Zuma’ as a ‘struggle hero’,

concernedwithservingtheoppressed.

51

CartoonAssessment(Chapter3)

Fig.11

Fig.12

52

BothFigures‘representahighlyvisibleformofsatireusedtoentertainandprovide

alternativeviewsof reality’ (Terblanche,2011:156).Theybothsubversively infer

that‘Zuma’isnotgenuinelya‘manofthepeople’.Figure11depicts ‘Zuma’hidden

fromtheviewofthe‘ordinarypeople’dressedinasuit,whichisavisualmetaphor

forhistrueunderlyingidentity.Figure12alsoshows‘Zuma’inasuit,depictinghim

as a duplicitous ‘working-class hero’. The linguistic anchorage comprised by

‘Zuma’s’ sign’s inscription, ‘today’s pose’, suggests the ‘working-class hero’

construction is disingenuous and premeditated. Zapiro’s identification of this

inauthenticity corroborates my analytical focus on the ‘sporting’ construction of

‘Zuma’ as an ‘ordinary’ person, and focus on his ‘pose’ as a working-class hero.

Additionally,Zapiro’sdepictionof ‘Zuma’performingtheclenchedfistinFigure12

supportsmyassertionthatthisisaniconicandcommonlyiteratedgesture.Thisis

becauseZapiroconsciouslyassociatesofthegesturewith‘Zuma’inthecartoon,and

becausehedepicts‘Zuma’s’fansreactingemphaticallytothegesture.

53

ConcludingremarksIn his persuasive PoD, JZ hermeneutically involves readers using a variety of

communicative objects, and their corresponding discursive mechanisms. This

language gives ‘Zuma’ meaning. However, dress cannot be reduced to a fixed

typologyof language,witharbitrary ‘wordsofdress’ that ‘expressawiderangeof

meanings’ (Lurie and Palca, 1981: 5). JZ’s PoD, as I have shown with Zapiro’s

cartoons, encounter inevitable interpretive slippage whereby meaning

interpretively generated by readers, varies between individuals. ‘There is no pre-

given, self-determining essence that is capable of determining [,] and ultimately

fixingallotheridentitieswithastableandtotalisingstructure’(Torfing,2005:13).

‘Fully formed contexts (or structures) arresting the production of meaning’

(Howarth,2000:41)arealsonotpossible.

Despite this inevitable slippage, JZ’s PoD successfully constructs contingent

knowledgeof‘Zuma’.HisPoDdothisintheformofthe‘privilegeddiscursivepoints’

that Ihavehighlighted,whichbehaveas ‘discursivepools’of ‘organiseddiscursive

meanings’,andcontingentlyfixknowledgeof‘Zuma’(LaclauandMouffe,2001:112-

113).Thesepoolsarecreatedbyreaders’interpretiveutilisationofpervasivecodes

ofdiscursivemeaning,which leads to theaccruementofrelated interpretationsof

‘Zuma’.

Theinterpretivecodes,whichfacilitateconstructionof‘Zuma’andareelucidatedin

thisproject,mayachievenear-universalityintheiruse,butthisdoesnotconstitute

them as ‘natural’ or ‘unconstructed’, although they can appear so. They contain

‘ideology’ (Hall, 1980: 132), and the knowledge they construct, through the

processesIhaveexplained,istherefore‘myth’(Barthes,1972).Criticalawarenessof

these codes constructing ‘Zuma’ is essential in order to mitigate the arbitrary

influence of these discursive mechanisms on our individual interpretive

constructions of ‘Zuma’, so thatwemaymake our own critical opinion of ‘Zuma’;

and as reader, retain this political capacity. A sub-optimal level of thoughtful

54

engagementwiththesediscursivemechanismsleadsustounthinkinglyacceptthe

constructions created by these prevailing discursive codes without establishing

theiroriginsandprejudices.Therefore,Icontemplatethatlackofthissortofcritical

engagement,hindersourabilitytoproperlyappraisepoliticalactors,andthus,hold

themaccountablefortransgression;ashasoccurredwithJZ.

Specifically,asexplainedinthisproject,‘Zuma’isthecompositeconstructionarising

from JZ’s, both conflicting and connected, ‘tribalist’, ‘militarist’, and ‘populist’,

commonly coordinated outfits. This construction concurrently positions him as ‘a

liberationhero, a leftist, a traditionalist andananti-elitist’ (Reznick,2014:336). I

contemplate that it is principally due to these various differentiated identities

within this ‘branded’ construction, that JZ, until very recently, has garnered

unyielding support from an eclectic audience. I assert that this support must, to

some extent, arise because a diverse group of readers in SA interpret the ‘Zuma’

brand’s rich multiplicity of constructed meanings and political affiliations, as

resonating with their own particular political priorities, loyalties, and various

subject positions. ‘The ‘Zuma’ coalition is multiclass … it comprises not only the

unionised proletariat but also … Zulus, traditionalists and pro-Zuma

business[people]’ (Makulilo, 2013: 196), with level numbers of male and female

supporters(Hunter,2011:1120).JZ’spopularitywiththesepoliticalconstituencies

can tell us that, to a certain extent, these particular constituencies have political

concernsthatresonatewiththepoliticalaffiliationsI identifyascommunicatedby

‘Zuma’.

Thus, I suggest that political actors, to garner popularity in SA, may benefit by

constructing their own identities, using PoD that communicate similar political

affiliations to those communicated by ‘Zuma’, in order to similarly appeal to his

constituencies. Equally, political actorsmay exclude certain affiliations, contained

within ‘Zuma’s’ PoD, to provide an alternate political identity for attachment by

readers that do not count themselveswithin JZ’s coalition. This broad strategy of

emulation and differentiation of PoD also constitutes a potential opportunity for

55

other political actors to exercise political power in this way, in the interpretive

contextsofotherpoliticalsystems.

56

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Appendices:

Appendix1-Appendix 1.1: Getty Images. (2006)SouthAfricanPresidentThaboMbeki (R)andFormer South AfricanDeputy President Jacob Zuma (L) shake hands, 11 June 2006,ahead of the celebrations for the Bambatha rebellion centenary in Mpanza, SouthAfrica.Availableat:http://gty.im/71177020[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix1.2:GettyImages.(2007)NewlyelectedAfricanNationalCongress(ANC)President Jacob Zuma (R) attends his wedding ceremony, 05 January 2007, in acolourfulZulutraditionalweddingoutfitatZuma'sruralhomesteadofNkandla,some400 kilometres north of Durban. Zuma married his fourth wife and mother of hisyoungestchildreninaceremonyathishomesteadattendedbysome500guests,localmediareported.Availableat:http://gty.im/78788440[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix1.3:GettyImages.(2008)AfricanNationalCongressPresidentJacobZumajoins Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini ka BhekuZulu (not in picture) together withthousandsofpeopletohonourthebirthofZuluwarriorandfounderoftheZulunationKing Shaka at Kwadukuzu, some 90 kilometres north of Durban on September 24,2008.Availableat:http://gty.im/82990548[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix 1.4:Getty Images. (2010)PresidentJacobZumasingsanddancesduringhis wedding to Thobeka Madiba at Zuma’s rural homestead on January 4, 2010 inNkandla, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-sings-and-dances-during-his-wedding-to-news-photo/95584540 [Accessed 25 February2016].

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Appendix 1.5: Getty Images. (2011) PresidentJacob Zumadances past thegroomsmenat theweddingofhiseldestsonEdwardonOctober8,2011 inNkandla,South Africa. Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-jacob-Zuma-dances-past-the-groomsmen-at-the-news-photo/128810528[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix 1.6: Getty Images. (2012) PresidentJacob Zumaduring his traditionalwedding ceremony toBongiNgemaonApril 20,2012 inNkandla, SouthAfrica.Thepresident, who has been married six times, now has a total of four current wives.Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-during-his-traditional-wedding-news-photo/143300903 [Accessed 25February2016].

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Appendix1.7:GettyImages.(2012)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZuma'sclanholdatraditionalceremonyonNovember25,2012athisNkandlahomestead,SouthAfrica.TheceremonyappealstohisancestorstoprotecthimaheadofcrucialANCNationalConference to be held in Mangaung next month. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-jacob-Zumas-clan-hold-a-traditional-news-photo/156959871[Accessed 25 February2016].

Appendix1.8:GettyImages.(2014)KhulubuseZumawithhisunclePresidentJacobZumaduringhis traditionalwedding toPrincess FikisiweDlamini on September14,2014 inNkandla,SouthAfrica.President JacobZumawasamong5000guestsat theweddingpartyheldatKhulubusesmultimillion-randhome inNkandla. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/khulubuse-Zuma-with-his-uncle-president-Jacob-Zuma-during-news-photo/455716522 [Accessed 25February2016].

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Appendix2-Appendix 2.1: Getty Images. (2010) South African President Jacob Zuma (L) andZulu King Goodwill Zwelithini (R) stand onMay 8, 2010 in front of a 3-meter highstatue of Zulu King Shaka (1787-1828) during the official opening the CentralTerminalbuildingofDurban'snewKingShakaInternationalAirportandDubeTradePort,northofDurban.Availableat:http://gty.im/98922345[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix3-

Appendix 3.1: Getty Images. (2009)President, SeppBlatter (R)andSouthAfrica'spresident Jacob Zuma during the 2009 Confederations Cup Group Amatch betweenSouthAfricaandIraqatEllisParkStadiumonJune14,2009inJohannesburg,SouthAfrica.Availableat:http://gty.im/88483458[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix 3.2: GovernmentZA. (2012) President Jacob Zuma meets withInternationalMonetaryFundManagingDirector,7 Jan2012-President JacobZumameetswiththeInternationalMonetaryFundManagingDirectorChristineLagardeinBloemfontein.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/dMm2NC[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 3.3: Getty Images. (2012) Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, PresidentJacobZumaandDavidMakhuradanceduringAfricaDay celebrationsonMay24,2015 inPretoria, South Africa. President Zuma delivered the keynote address at thecelebrations,andcalledonSouthAfricansto learntheAfricanUnion(AU).Availableat: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/nkosazana-dlamini-Zuma-president-Jacob-Zuma-and-david-news-photo/474955398 [Accessed 25 February2016].

Appendix 3.4: GovernmentZA (2012)Tombstone unveiling of PrinceMgidlanaKaMpande, 11 Aug 2012 - President Jacob Zuma chatting with Zulu King GoodwillZwelithini ka BhekuZulu at the unveiling of the tombstone of the late MntwanaMgidlana ka Mpande, eMkhunyane near Empangeni, in the Uthungulu DistrictMunicipality, KZN. Available at: https://flic.kr/p/dTXkTF [Accessed 25 February2016].

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Appendix 3.5: GovernmentZA. (2012) President Jacob Zuma attends cleansingceremony, 27Dec 2012 - President Jacob ZumaandKingGoodwill Zwelithini at theprayer and cleansing ceremonyof the peoplewhodiedduring violence in eNyokeni,KwaNongomainKwaZulu-Natal.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/dETt2H[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix3.6:GovernmentZA.(2014)InkosiMatomelaHeritageDaycelebrations,6Sep 2014 - President Jacob Zuma addresses the Inkosi Matomela Heritage Daycelebrations at Merthley Lake dam in KwaZulu-Natal. Available at:https://flic.kr/p/p643hS[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 3.7: GovernmentZA. (2015) KwaNxamalala Indlamu dance event, 1 Jan2015 - President Jacob Zuma with dancers at the 14th annual KwaNxamalalatraditionalIndlamuheldatNkandla.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/qpi7Sy[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix4–Appendix 4.1: GovernmentZA. (2011) President Jacob Zuma arrives in France forStateVisit,1Mar2011 -President JacobZumaarrives inFranceona two-dayvisit.President Zuma was welcomed by Mr D Caanepa, Prefect of Ille de France RegionMilitaryGovernonofParis.HewasconductedtotheSalutingDaiswhereheinspectedtheGuardofHonour.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/dApXPD[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix4.2:GovernmentZA.(2011)PresidentJacobZumavisitsOman,14-16Nov2011-(Inthepic-PresidentZumaisintroducedtothereceivinglinebySultanQaboosbin Said). President Jacob Zuma accompanied by his wife Mrs Thobeka Zuma on astatevisittoTheSultaneseofOmaniswelcomedtotheAlAlamPalacebyHisMajestytheSultanQaboosbinSaid,TheSultanofOmanforthewelcomeceremony.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/dPuK8U[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix4.3:GovernmentZA.(2013)PresidentJacobZumainCongoBrazzaville,2May 2013 - President of Congo Brazaville Denis Sassou Nguesso receives PresidentJacobZumaonhisarrivalatMayaMayaInternationalAirportduringhisworkingvisittoCongoBrazzaville.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/egaQNS[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix 4.4: GovernmentZA (2013) 33rd Ordinary SADC Heads of State andGovernmentSummit,17August2013-President JacobZuma inspectingtheMilitaryParade on his arrival in Kamazu International Airport in Malawi for the 33rdOrdinary SADC Summit of Heads of State and Government. Available at:https://flic.kr/p/fxfKnD[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix4.5:GovernmentZA.(2013)PresidentJacobZumavisitsGhana,25-27Nov2013-PresidentJacobZumainspectsthemilitaryguardattheFlagstaffHouseduringhis state visit in Ghana. Available at: https://flic.kr/p/hTbBAP [Accessed 25February2016].

Appendix 4.6: GovernmentZA. (2015)MatolaMonument, 11 Sep2015 - PresidentJacobZumaiswelcomedbyMinisterofForeignAffairsandInternationalCooperationof Mozambique, Oldemiro Baloi on arrival at the Maputo Military Air Force Base.Availableat:https://flic.kr/p/xx3WcddApXPD[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix5–Appendix5.1:GettyImages.(2015)ThefounderandleaderofSouth-Africa'sfar-leftand anti-capitalist party, Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), JuliusMalema (2nd R)addressesapress conferenceonFebruary13,2015 inCapeTown,adayafter chaoserupted in parliament during the President's State of the Nation address. RadicallawmakerswhointerruptedPresidentJacobZumatodemandhe'paybackthemoney'spentonupgrades tohisprivateresidenceweredraggedkickingand fightingoutofparliament by a large force of security officials. Available at:http://gty.im/463348248 [Accessed 25 February 2016].

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Appendix6–Appendix 6.1: Getty Images. (2009) ANC president Jacob Zuma sings and dancesafteraspeechatarallyonFebruary22,2009inKhayelitshaapoortownshipoutsideCape Town, South Africa. Mr. Zumawent for a door-to-door campaign to drum upsupportforhispartyaheadoftheelections.Mr.ZumawasrecentlyclearedofseveralfraudandcorruptionchargesandheisexpectedtowinthegeneralelectiononApril22, and become South Africa's third democratic elected president. Available at:http://gty.im/98687227[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix 6.2: Getty Images. (2009)AfricanNationalCongress (ANC),presidentialfavourite Jacob Zuma dances at a campaign rally April 19, 2009 in Johannesburg,SouthAfricaas formerpresidentNelsonMandela lookson.Mandela,age90,madeasurpriseappearanceattheANC'sfinalmajorelectionrallyaheadofnationalelectionsonWednesday. TheANC is expected towin by awidemargin but faces its toughestcompetition from rival parties yet, since it came to power in 1994. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/african-national-congress-presidential-favorite-Jacob-Zuma-news-photo/86086766 [Accessed 25 February2016].

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Appendix 6.3:Getty Images. (2010)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZuma,KwaZulu-NatalRegionDeputySecretaryNothisiweKhanyile(left)andKwaZulu-NatalPremierDrZweliMkhizeatarally,heldattheUlundiCSectioncommunityhallonSeptember16, 2010 in Ulundi, northern KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. The rally was held togeneratesupportfortheANCjustbeforetheirNationalGeneralCouncil.Availableat:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-jacob-Zuma-kwaZulu-natal-region-news-photo/104289359[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix6.4:GettyImages.(2010)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZuma(C)dancesduring celebrationsmarking the 25th Anniversary of the Congress of South AfricanTrade Unions (COSATU) on December 4, 2010 in Johannesburg, South Africa. As afederation of 21 unions, COSATU represents over 2millionmembers. The federationhas also been instrumental in fighting for the national democratic revolution andbuilding socialism. Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-dances-during-news-photo/107349367[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 6.5: Getty Images. (2011) PresidentJacob Zumadances on stage at anAfrican National Congress (ANC) election campaign rally in Port Elizabeth, SouthAfrica on 8 April 2011. Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-dances-on-stage-at-an-african-national-news-photo/111973649[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix 6.6:Getty Images. (2011)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumadancesonstageaspartoftheAfricanNationalCongress'electioncampaignonMay10,2011inNokaneng, South Africa. Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-dances-on-stage-as-part-news-photo/114046644[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix6.7:GettyImages.(2014)PresidentJacobZumawithMkhondoWeSizweveteransduringtheANCElectionManifestoRallyatMbombelastadiumonJanuary10,2014, in Nelspruit, South Africa. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-with-mkhondo-we-sizwe-veterans-during-news-photo/486215995 [Accessed 25February2016].

Appendix 6.8: Getty Images. (2016)PuleMabeandPresidentJacobZumadancingduring the 104th ANC birthday celebration rally on January 09, 2016 at the RoyalBafokengstadium.AlargeturnoutofANCsupportersdressedinpartycoloursaswellasPresidentJacobZumaandANCpartyheadsshared inthe festivities. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/pule-mabe-and-president-Jacob-Zuma-dancing-during-the-104th-news-photo/505482624 [Accessed 25February2016].

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Appendix7-Appendix 7.1: Getty Images. (2009) South African President Jacob Zuma (C) ischeered by South African national football team captain AaronMokoena (C-R) andmembersofthesquadashevisitstheteaminSowetoonJune13,2009ontheeveontheFIFAConfederationsCupbeingheldinSouthAfricafrom14-28June.Availableat:http://gty.im/88467903 [Accessed 25 February 2016].

Appendix7.2:GettyImages.(2010)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZuma(C)doestheDiski dance during celebrationsmarking the 50-Day Countdown to the start of theFIFA2010WorldCuponApril21,2010inKimberley,SouthAfrica.Vuvuzelascouldbeheard from miles away as people excitedly waved the South African flag whilemarching down the streets towards the Galeshewe Township. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/south-african-president-Jacob-Zuma-does-the-diski-dance-news-photo/98607777[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 7.3: Getty Images. (2010) PresidentJacob Zumaand ANCYL (AfricanNationalCongressYouthLeague)leaderJuliusMalemaaddressthecrowdgatheredatthe rally and celebration of theANCYL's 66th anniversary, at Coetzenburg Stadium,Stellenbosch on October 30, 2010 in Cape Town, South Africa. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-and-ancyl-leader-julius-malema-address-news-photo/106418486 [Accessed 25February2016].

Appendix7.4:GovernmentZA.(2011)PresidentJacobZumasendsoffSouthAfricanteamtoWorldNetballChampionships,19Jun2011-PresidentJacobZumaaddressesamedia briefing during national netball team send off. Available at:https://flic.kr/p/dFWNoB[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 7.5:Getty Images. (2012)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumadeliversaspeech during a send-off ceremony for the South African Olympics and ParalympicsteamsonJuly12,2012atthePresidentialGuestHouseinPretoria.TheOlympics2012are taking place in London from July 25 to August 12. Available at:http://gty.im/148238993[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix7.6:GettyImages.(2013)SouthAfrica'sPresidentJacobZumaposeswithafootballonJanuary15,2013atOrlandoStadiuminSoweto.Zumahasvisitedtodaythe National Football Team, dubbed the Bafana Bafana at their training camp inSoweto to assure them of the nation's support ahead of the 2013 African Cup ofNationsthatwilltakeplaceinSouthAfricafromJanuary19toFebruary10.Availableat:http://gty.im/159530640[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix8-Appendix8.1:GettyImages.(2011)ANCpresidentJacobZumaaddressedaCongressofSATradeUnions(COSATU)Workers'DayrallyatAthloneStadiumonMay1,2011in Cape Town, South Africa. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-addressed-a-congress-of-sa-trade-news-photo/113560880 [Accessed 25 February2016].

Appendix8.2:GettyImages.(2011)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumadeliversaspeech during an ANC (African National Congress) political meeting on May 15,2011inSoweto.SouthAfricaheadstothepollsforlocalelectionsonMay18,2011in a test of how long supporters of the juggernaut African National Congress arewilling to wait for the promises of 1994 to be delivered. Available at:http://gty.im/114191870[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 8.3: Getty Images. (2012) PresidentJacob Zumadelivers his keynoteaddressattheMangaungstadiumduringcelebrationsofthecentenaryoftheANConJanuary 8, 2012 in Bloemfontein, South Africa. South Africa's ruling party, the ANCcelebrated its 100th anniversary with tens of thousands of supporters gathering atMangaung stadium in celebrationof theanti-Apartheidmovement's100thbirthday.Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-delivers-his-key-note-address-at-the-news-photo/136614449 [Accessed 25February2016].

Appendix 8.4:Getty Images. (2012)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumadeliversaspeechduringtheANCNationalPolicyConference,inJohannesburgonJune29,2012.JacobZumawrappedupkeypolicy talksby the rulingANC todaycalling for radicalchangetospeedupeconomictransformationandcorrectpastinequalities.Zumatolddelegatesat the closeof theAfricanNationalCongressmeeting that the 'conferencehasendorsedtheneedforaradicaleconomicandsocialtransformationprogramme.Availableat:http://gty.im/147416194[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 8.5: Getty Images. (2012)SouthAfricanPresidentJacobZumasingsanddancesduring theopeningceremonyof the53rdNationalConferenceof theAfricanNational Congress (ANC) on December 16, 2012, in Bloemfontein. Available at:http://gty.im/158418476 [Accessed 25 February 2016].

Appendix 8.6: Getty Images. (2014) SouthAfricanPresident andAfricanNationalCongresspresident JacobZumasingsanddancesat theendofhis speechduring thefinalANCelectioncampaignrallyatSoccerCity stadium in JohannesburgonMay4,2014. South Africa's ruling ANC swept aside aweak economy, fierce criticism of itspresidentandquestionsabout theparty's futureatamassiveSowetorally, inapre-election show of force. South Africans go to the polls on May 7 to elect provincialleaders and legislators. The lawmakers will then elect a president from the party,which garners the most number of votes. Available at: http://gty.im/488144335[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 8.7: Getty Images. (2014) Re-elected South African PresidentJacobZumagivesaspeechduringanANCmeetingtocelebratehisvictory,onMay10,2014inJohannesburg.Theparty's62.15percentshareofthevotemeantan'overwhelmingmandate' for a fifth term in government since the end of white-minority rule, saidZuma, speaking publicly for the first time on the vote results. Available at:http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/re-elected-south-african-president-jacob-Zuma-gives-a-news-photo/489408301 [Accessed 25 February2016].

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Appendix9–Appendix 9.1: Getty Images. (1995) South Africa's president Nelson Mandelacongratulates South African Rugby team's captain Francois Pienaar before handinghimtheWilliamWebbtrophyafterhisteam'svictoryoverNewZealand(15-12)inthefinaloftheRugbyWorldCupatEllisParkinJohannesburg24June1995.Availableat:http://gty.im/171622734 [Accessed 25 February 2016].

Appendix9.2:Eastwood,C.(2009) ‘MorganFreemanandMattDamonshakehandsafter Rugby World Cup Final scene’. In Eastwood, C. (2009) Invictus. Burbank:WarnerBrothers.

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Appendix10–Appendix10.1:GettyImages.(2008)SupportersofJacobZuma,theANCpresident,greet him as he arrives onNovember 2, 2008 at Jabulani stadium in Soweto, SouthAfrica. Mr. Zuma is expected to be elected as the 3rd democratic president in thecountry, during the up coming elections on April 22, 2009. Mr. Zuma is extremelypopularamong theblackpeople in thecountryanddespitehismanyproblemswithfacing a corruption and fraud trial, his popularity only increases. Available at:http://gty.im/86017838 [Accessed 25 February 2016].

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Appendix11–Appendix 11.1: End Conscription Campaign. (1986) ‘Towards a just peace: Feed,Teach,House,Employ’. In Arc, S. A. H. and Bo, P. (1992) Imagesofdefiance:SouthAfricanresistancepostersofthe1980s.SouthAfrica:RavanPress.

Appendix 11.2:Getty Images. (1990)ANCleaderNelsonMandelaandwifeWinnieraise fists upon his release from Victor Verster prison, 11 February 1990 in Paarl.Availableat:http://gty.im/52014840[Accessed25February2016].

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Appendix 11.3: Getty Images. (1994) ANC leader Nelson Mandela (L) on thecampaigntrailwithANCNatalrepresentativeJacobZumaduringSouthAfrica'sfirstdemocratic elections on April 16, 1994 in Ladysmith, KwaZulu Natal, South Africa.Available at: http://gty.im/164804869 [Accessed 25 February 2016].

Appendix 11.4: Gross, P. (1999) African National Congress Flag. Available at:http://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/za%7Danc.html [Accessed 25 February2016].

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Appendix11.5:GettyImages.(2012)NewStatueofMadiba-PresidentJacobZumaandgovernmentofficialsatNavalHillonDecember13,2012,inBloemfontein,SouthAfrica. Available at: http://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/president-Jacob-Zuma-and-government-officials-at-naval-hill-news-photo/158360958[Accessed25February2016].

Appendix11.6:GettyImages.(2013)MembersofMaitiboloCulturalTroupeposeonJuly14,2013 in frontof tributes for formerSouthAfricanPresidentNelsonMandelaoutside the Medi Clinic Heart Hospital in Pretoria. Available at:http://gty.im/173435257[Accessed25February2016].