gligor mihai funerary discoveries tr xix 2010 suppl.5 1

8/2/2019 Gligor Mihai Funerary Discoveries TR XIX 2010 Suppl.5 1

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Introduction

THELUMEANou settlement is located in the north-eastern part of thecity of Alba Iulia (Alba county, Transylvania, Romania) on the second ter-race of the Mure River and was discovered by chance in 1942, while car-

rying out some town planning works. Several archaeological campaigns took

place here between 1942-1947, 1961-1963, 1976, 1995-1996, 2002-2008. Froman archaeological and topographical point of view, it is divided into: zoneA/sector I, zone B/sector II and zone C/sector III. At present, following the exten-sive archaeological excavations and the establishment of research units in dif-ferent parts of the site, we can state that the surface of the settlement is largerthan 40 ha (Fig. 1). Zone A/sector I offered the most complex stratigraphy: Vinaculture (B1-B2, C), Lumea Nou and Foeni group, also Petreti habitations,the developed phases A-B and B (Gligor 2009, 21-58, Pl. I, XX-XXI).

The Lumea Nou site is part of a chain of Neolithic and Eneolithic siteson the Middle Mure Valley, together with settlements of high importance,such as Mintia-Gerhat, Deva-Tuala, Ortie-Dealul Pemilor, Turda-Lunc,Trtria, Limba, Nolac. The settlement from Lumea Nou is situated approx-imately midway from the extremities of the Middle Mure River flowing course.

Funerary discoveriesin neolithic settlement from

Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou(Romania)Multiple burial or ritual centre?

MIHAI GLIGOR

Study financed through ESF, POSDRU, 89/1.5./S/61104 (2010-2013) Project


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234 TRANSYLVANIAN REVIEW VOL. XIX, SUPPLEMENT NO. 5:1 (2010)

Archaeological context

DURING 20022008, archaeological research was carried out exclusivelyin the form of rescue excavations, aiming at discharging the areas intend-ed for building homesteads of archaeological information. The results

of this research were indicative of intense habitation belonging to the Foeni group.Out of the complex controversy surrounding the archaeological research from

the Neolithic and Eneolithic settlement from Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, we wantto bring to attention a series of discoveries, quite cutting-edge for Romania,

specifically relevant for funerary archaeology and mortuary practices.Among the human bone remains, both skulls and long bones, found in Sp.II/2003 (square C), from approx. 0.75 m, there were also identified adobepieces of various dimensions, most probably coming from the remains of the sur-face dwelling L1, very well evidenced in squares A-B (Gligor 2009, 31-32, Pl.VI, CCIII/1). The G1/2003 pit marked by stones placed on the exterior contourhas a variable diameter comprised between 1.50-1.70 m. A large number of boneremains belonging to human skeletons were discovered inside the pit (Fig. 2).Within the upper levels, the bone remains were randomly distributed, leaving theimpression that parts of the body were rather thrown in the pit.

This idea is also strengthened by the observation that many bones, especial-ly long ones, were discovered in a slanting, even vertical position (Fig. 3). Thisclearly specified archaeological context suggests that the parts of the respectivebodies were emaciated in this position. A total of 23 human skulls was identi-fied. Taking into consideration the number of long bones, pelvises or spines iden-tified, it is very unlikely that 23 complete skeletons were buried inside the pit(Fig. 4). Towards the bottom of the pit, part of the bones of at least one skele-ton were found in anatomic connection, crouched, on its right side, with aNE-SW orientation (Gligor 2009, Pl. CCV/1). Also, a copper ring has beenfound close to a skull (Gligor 2009, Pl. CCV/3-4). In the given archaeologicalcontext, the artifact could be interpreted as a funeral inventory object.

An agglomeration of human bones was found among the Sp. III-2005 (squareB), at0,65 m. It is noteworthy that the bones were mostly found within the

area delimited by the debris of the vertical sides of the surface dwelling identi-fied during excavations. The skeletons were not found in anatomic connection(Fig. 5).

Some of the human bones have traces of burns, with the mention that someof them that were not burnt were found nearby (Gligor 2009, Pl. CCXI/1-2).Closely connected with the agglomeration of ancient human bone remains, towardthe northern profile of square B, at1.05-1.15 m, the consistency and chro-matics of the soil demarcated an oval pit (G1/2005), with the dimensions of


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1.35x1.65 m. A significant percentage of long bones were traced in slanting posi-tion, thus supporting the idea that the bodies of the dead did not benefit fromany attention at the moment of the burial, but were piled up/thrown inside thepit. Another hypothesis would be that they were buried in an already fragmen-tary state. The skulls were laid/placed mainly inside the pit, while the long bo-nes were found towards the upper part of the pit and at ground level, aroundthe pit. Upon emptying G1, a large number of human bone remains, mostlyskulls, were retrieved. The maximum depth of the pit is 2.10 m. On the east-ern vertical side of the pit, we were able to notice a layer of ashes of approx.0,50 m, on the lower part, while on the western vertical side, the traces of thefiring are of a brick-red colour. Undoubtedly, the presence of the massive layerof ashes and brick-red coloured traces of fire over the walls and up to the bottomof the G1 pit represents the traces of an intense fire (Gligor 2009, Pl. CCXII/3).

In the end, approximately 84-85 human skulls were collected and identifiedin the entire perimeter with human bone remains (Fig. 6). It is difficult to advancea precise number, as it is possible that more skullcap fragments found veryclose to one another may belong to a single skull. Taking into account the extreme-ly fragmentary state of the skeletons, an estimate of the people buried in this areamay be provided by the inventory of the human skulls. Even if this is a correctand extremely used procedure for the funerary discoveries, we should also con-sider the possibility of finding a higher or lower number of skulls than the

number of people actually buried because of the rituals practiced by the com-munities in the area.

The corroboration of the two funerary discoveries, separated by only 12-13m, leads to the conclusion that approximately 100 people-or more exactly, humanbone remains from approximately 100 people-were buried in this area. Similarly,it seems probable that this funerary complex comprises a larger number of skullsthan whole skeletons.

The processing of the archaeological material associated with the funerary dis-covery allowed for a cultural classification under the Foeni group bearers (Gligor2009, 38, 213, Pl. CIII/1-2, CIV/2, CXIV/4-5, CXV/3, CXVI/1, 4, 7, CXVI-II/2-4, CXXXI/1a-1b, CLII/11a-11c, 12a-12c, CLIX/1, CLX/1a-1b, CCXI/4).

The Lumea Nou site is a habitation protected by fortification works. Threeditches have been identified so far, two of them in Sp. VI/2005, to which we willrefer next. The first ditch has the following sizes: upper rim 1.75 m and1.45m in S I; 2.80 m and 1.45 m, in S II. The second ditch has an upper rim of3.30 m and2.30 m in S I; 3.10 m and 2.20 m in S II, and in S III the upperrim is 3.60 m and2.50 m. This second ditch, wider and deeper, has graveland sand on the bottom. Both ditches have a triangular profile, with a round-ed bottom in S I and a straightened lower part, strongly flattened in S II. The

HUMAN HERITAGE AND COMMUNITY 235


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distance between the two ditches is 12 m and they are oriented towards NE-SW (Gligor 2009, 39-40, Pl. XIV/2, XXI, XXVII/12, CXC/1). Most likely,the ditches are connected with the end of the Foeni habitation. The lack of aculture layer or of some complexes confirms the fact that in this area lies the south-ern border of the Lumea Nou neolithic habitation. The trajectories of the ditch-es are very similar and they provide an overview of an enclosure, without pal-isade, arranged in parallel and oriented in the same direction. It is probablethat the ditches border the funerary discoveries/ritual complexes found in SP.II/2003 and Sp. III/2005.

AMS C14 Data

BONE MATERIAL, taken from skeletal remains, has been analysed and theC14 data obtained allows us to draw a clear conclusion: the humansfrom the funerary discoveries of Sp. II/2003 and those of Sp. III/2005

were contemporaneous. We are therefore witnessing a single funerary complex,with two closely spaced contexts. The chronological timeframe given by the 7C14 dates analysed spans between 4600-4450 calBC (Fig. 8). This period rep-resents, in our opinion, an interval within which human remains were manipu-lated and deposited in the Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou settlement.

Anthropological Data*

OUT OF the whole batch of ancient bone material under research fromG1/2003, the sex, age and height of only 2 skeletons could be ascer-tained: a male, 164 cm in height,


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Significant anthropological analyses and remarks were made on five of the skull-caps, which were also found in Sp. III/2005 (Panaitescu et. al. 2008, 263).

The skull no. 13 consists of four skull cap fragments with anthropologicalfeatures that indicate a male skeleton. A bottomed fracture of 3.2/2.7 cm, approx-imately circular in shape, may be found on the left parietal fragment (Fig. 7/1a),and an area of 5/3 cm having the external panel detached may be found on theright half of the frontal scale close to the coronal suture and on the right pari-etal bone (Fig. 7/1b). The skull no. 24 has skull cap fragments and two frag-ments of the two maxillae ascribed to the alveolar process in the teeth sockets; theycome from a male teenager skeleton aged 16-17, if the anthropological state ofthe bone is to be taken into account. A bottomed fracture of 3/2 cm may be found2 cm laterally from the left branch of the suture lambdoida (Fig. 7/2a), and anoth-er one of 5/2cm may be found on the parietal bone (Fig. 7/2b). The skull no.26 contains partially carbonised skull fragments, and a circular bottomed frac-ture of 3.4/3 cm (Fig. 7/3a) may be found close to the suture lambdoida; an abra-sion zone may be found on the half left side of the frontal bone (Fig. 7/3b). Similarly,he skull no. 62 (Panaitescu et. al. 2008, 265-266, Fig. 8) and skull no. 7 (Panaitescuet. al. 2008, 266-267, Fig. 9-11) present the same characteristics.

There are no facial bones or skull basis bones nearby any of the five skulls.Conversely, the existence of a bottomed fracture of a similar shape (approximatelyoval-circular) and having a similar size may be identified on the left parietal bone

on each of the above-mentioned skulls.

Discussions

FOR THE present-day territory of Romania, we cannot discuss analogies forthe Neolithic and the Eneolithic period (Lichter 2001; Schuster et. al.2008; Debois 2008). Concerning the human remains from Lumea Nou,

we initially presented the funerary discovery from this site under the name ofmultiple burial or multiple tomb - the simultaneous burial of several subjects(Gligor 2006, 16-21). The preliminary archaeological information suggested the

fact that at a certain moment the local community faced an unusual number ofpeople who died at the same time. This might have been caused by an epidem-ic or a massacre resulted from a large conflict, which determined the change inthe typical burial procedures (Crubzy 2000, 23; Beyneix 2001, 341-342; 2007,80-90; Guilaine, Zammit 2005, 82-95; Chambron, Leclerc 2007, 289-293).

The anthropological analyses of the Lumea Nou human remains rule outan epidemic (Panaitescu et. al. 2008, 268). Moreover, a collective death as a resultof violence, also seem very unlikely, since no traces of wounds were identified


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on the skeletal remains, inflicted by arrows or weapons made of lithic material.At the same time, following archaeological research, no arrow tips or axes wereidentified in connection with human bone material.

The bottomed fractures are the result of the impact produced by the activesurface of a blunt object with the curved surface of the skull. The intensity ofthe blow determines the morphological features of the fracture and the gravityof the symptoms. The calvarium fracture is produced only if the distortion impart-ed by the traumatic agent exceeds the elasticity limits. When the elasticity ofthe skull bones is exceeded, the traumatized segment gets pressed or bottomed,leading to linear fractures, radiating from the point of impact. Bottomed frac-tures allow for the identification of the active face of the traumatic agent, asthey preserve its imprint (shape, size). Polished stone axes - so common to theNeolithic and Eneolithic age - through their technical characteristics, such asthe slightly rounded neck/edge, lend themselves to being used in such situa-tions (Panaitescu et. al. 2008, 265-267).

Lesions resulting from abrasion were created with a laminar agent, which madethe abrasion possible. It is likely that these bone lesions, charred bones, the scalp-ing of the skull basis and of the facial skeleton (for all investigated caps), aswell as the fragmentation of some bones, were sometimes produced during rit-uals. It is difficult to assert whether the injuries were made before or afterdeath, but the abrasion areas would rather confirm the fact that they were

made post-mortem.If at the current state of research for the present-day territory of Romania there

are no analogies for the Neolithic and the Eneolithic, we have remarked sever-al approaches in the specialist literature, which treat funerary discoveries in neigh-bouring areas, belonging to the period under discussion.

Acts of group violence have been proven at Talheim (Wahl, Knig 1987, 6671,Abb. 1, 3, 2441, 46; Beyneix 2001, 332), Germany (Fig. 9) and Asparn-Schletz(Windl 1996, 10-14, 27-28, Taf. 3, Taf. 11/A-D, Taf. 13/A, Taf. 14/A-D; Teschler-Nicola et. al. 1996, 47-64, Abb. 12/A-D; Beyneix 2007, 89), Austria (Fig. 10),belonging to Linearbandkeramik culture (LBK) and indicate the execution of awhole community, regardless of sex or age, through surprise attacks, which creat-

ed panic and a lack of reaction from the population onto which the violent actswere directed, probably as a result of the intent to occupy new territories.The funerary discovery from Herxheim (Germany) belonging also to LBK

culture has had different interpretations in the last decade: slaughter and war, rit-ual centre, or cannibalism (Huer 1998; Huer, Haidle 1998; Orschiedt et.al. 2003; Orschiedt, Haidle 2007; Schmidt 2004; Golitko, Keeley 2007; Zeeb-Lanz, Haak 2006; Zeeb-Lanz et. al. 2009a; Zeeb-Lanz et. al. 2009b; Boulestinet. al. 2009; Haak 2009).



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The structures excavated from Herxheim indicate a village inhabited between5300 and 4950 BC, Flomborn phase of the Linearbandkeramik culture (Boulestinet. al. 2009, 969). After the last excavations it has been observed that the siteis a trapezoid enclosure of 5ha measuring some 250230m (Fig. 11). Whatinitially was believed to be ditches (Huer 1998, 61, Abb. 55; Huer, Haidle1998, 2324) has proven to be oblong pits (Schmidt 2004, 336-346, Abb. 3-16; Boulestin et. al. 2009, 969).

Investigation of the skeletal remains evidenced discovery of more than 400calottes (Fig. 14), which were severed following identical procedures in a peri-mortal stage, even in those cases where separations were incomplete (Orschiedt,Haidle 2007, 158-161). The typical treatment of the Herxheim dead is bestdescribed by the peri-mortem cut marks and the post-mortem intentional shap-ing of the skullcap (Orschiedt et. al. 2003, 381).

According to Orschiedt and Haidle, the absence of any signs of violent killing,the fact that no lethal trauma could be identified, as well as the evidence ofsystematic manipulation of the human remains, conclude that the function of theHerxheim enclosure can be seen as as a central place for ritual purpose and anecropolis (Orschiedt et. al. 2003, 381; Orschiedt, Haidle 2007, 163-165).The total numbers of individuals deposited in the Herxheim elongated pits hasbeen approximated to about 450, coming from a time span of a maximum of50 years, about two generations (Orschiedt, Haidle 2007, 163-165).

The last article which discusses this subject (Boulestin et. al. 2009) analyzesthe context for the central place of Herxheim, presenting strong evidence thatcannibalism played an important part in this site dedicated to ritual activities. Theauthors assume that more than 1000 individuals are in fact involved, by takinginto account that on almost half the enclosure there have already identified about500 human remains. Another aspect considered is the high quality of the potteryfound in the pits, which is coming from various ceramic traditions spread overan area of 300 square kms around the main site (Boulestin et. al. 2009, 971-972;Zeeb-Lanz et. al. 2009a, Abb. 5-7).

The conjoining sets of human remains and ceramics from deposit 9 (Fig.12) have been shown to be deposited together, in a single event, unlike the

pottery and bones of the southern end, which are to be considered separatelyas they are barely mutilated and still connected partially (Boulestin et. al. 2009,974). There are a lot of human-induced modifications that indicate strong sim-ilarities to typical butchery techniques: destruction of both the posterior partof the ribs and of the transverse processes on thoracic vertebrae, skinning tech-nique applied to the skulls, breaking of the skulls, marks on the lingual surfaceof the mandible indicating the tongue was cut out (Fig. 15). Moreover, thelong bones of the limbs were defleshed and had the marrow cavity exposed.



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All these lead to the conclusion that the individuals found in deposit 9 have beencannibalised (Boulestin et. al. 2009, 977, Table 1, Fig. 3-5).

Previous cannibalism proofs have been evidenced in relation to the humanremains from Fontbrgoua (France), where several pits containing human andanimal remains dated around 5000 BC have been discovered. Both the humansand the animals have been first dismembered, the bones defleshed and broken,using the same techniques. The human skulls, as opposed to the animal ones, pres-ent clear marks caused by the skinning process applied to them. Evidences of expo-sure of the marrow cavity for eating are present in both human and animal remains(Villa et. al. 1986, 434-435; Guilaine, Zammit 2005, 9597, fig. 22/15).

Conclusions

THE IMPOSSIBILITYof establishing at the current stage of research on thefunerary discoveries from Lumea Nou whether the bottomed fracturesobserved at the level of several skulls were made during lifetime, makes

it difficult for us to express an opinion concerning the practice of human sacri-fices. To support the hypothesis of sacrificial killing we have the positioning ofthe fracture in the same area of the skull, as well as the similar size and shapeof the imprint left by the blunt object which caused the fracture. This suggests

a certain position, both of the person who gave the blow and of the one whoreceived it, as well as the use of a certain type of weapon, causing lethal blows.Concerning the abrasion zones observed on the same skulls, it seems more prob-able that the operations which led to the abrasion of the skull were producedpost-mortem and may be connected with the removal of the scalp from thecap.

The archaeological artifacts discovered in association with the bone remainsconfirms the southern influences and refers to funerary practices that werecompletely new at the beginning of the Eneolithic on the present-day territoryof Romania. The C14 data offers us sufficient arguments to state that these spe-cial funerary practices - accompanied by rituals where the post-mortem manip-

ulation of skeletons and especially of the skulls seem obvious - took place dur-ing a well-defined time frame, around 4500 BC.By analyzing data related to the funerary discoveries like Talheim, Asparn-

Schletz, Herxheim or Fontbrgoua and comparing them with the funerary dis-covery from Lumea Nou, we can assert with certainty the possibility of hav-ing existed at Alba Iulia a ritual centre where the communities belonging tothe Foeni group practiced some organised rituals, which include special treat-ment to human bone remains, especially of skull caps.


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The current state of research makes us believe we do not possess argumentswhich uphold the practice of cannibalism for the Foeni communities from LumeaNou. Some funerary practices similar to the ones in Herxheim might lead usinto not excluding possible analogies between the two. At the same time, we ruleout any direct connection between communities belonging to LBK cultureand the bearers of the Foeni group, first of all because of the chronologicalmismatch, but also because of the nonexistence in our research of any discov-ery of archaeological artifacts which we could assign to the bearers of LBKculture. In line with the current state of knowledge, we are rather inclined to con-sider the fact that certain funerary practices emerge and develop in separatecultural environments.

References

Beyneix 2001: A. Beyneix,Aux origins de la guerre: actes de violence et massacres dans lenolithique europen, RA, 103 (3-4), 2001, 329-342

Beyneix 2007: A. Beyneix, Rflexions sur les dbuts de la guerre au Nolithique en Europeoccidentale, Lanthropologie, 111 (1), 2007, 79-95

Boulestin et. al. 2009: B. Boulestin, A. Zeeb-Lanz, C. Jeunesse, F. Haack, R. M. Arbogast,A. Denaire,Mass cannibalism in the Linear Pottery Culture at Herxheim (Palatinate,Germany), Antiquity, 83 (322), 2009, 968-982

Chambron, Leclerc 2007: P. Chambron, J. Leclerc,Les tombes multiples dans le Nolithiquefranais: ala statistique ou pratique institutionnalise, Bulletin de la Socit PrhistoriqueFranaise, 104 (2), 2007, 289-306

Crubzy 2000: E. Crubzy,Ltude des sepultures ou du monde des morts au monde des vivants.Anthropobiologie, archologie funraire et anthropologie de terrain, in E. Crubzy, E.Lorans, C. Masset, F. Perrin, L. Tranoy (Eds.),LArchologie funraire , Errance, Paris,2000, 8-54

Debois 2008: S. Debois,Approche des comportements funraires dans la rgion du Bas-Danube la fin du Neolithique, Lanthropologie, 112, 2008, 661-690

Gligor 2006: M. Gligor, nmormntri multiple n aezarea preistoric de la Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, Revista Romn de Medicin Legal, 14 (1), 2006, 16-21

Gligor 2009: M. Gligor, Aezarea neolitic i eneolitic de la Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou nlumina noilor cercetri, Ed. Mega, Cluj-Napoca, 2009

Golitko, Keeley 2007: M. Golitko, L. Keeley, Beating ploughshares back into sword: war-fare in the Linearbandkeramik, Antiquity, 81 (312), 2007, 332-342

Guilaine, Zammit 2005: J. Guilaine, J. Zammit, The Origins of War. Violence in Prehistory,Blackwell Publishing, 2005Haak 2009: F. Haak,Zur Komplexitt der Verfllungsprozesse der Grubenanlage von

Herxheim: Zwei Konzentrationen aus Menschenknochen, Keramik, Tierknochen und Steingerten



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der Grabungen 2005 bis 2008, in A. Zeeb-Lanz (Ed.), Krisen-Kulturwandel- Konti-nuitten. Zum Ende der Bandkeramik in Mitteleuropa. Beitrge der internationalen

Tagung in Herxheim bei Landau (Pfalz) vom 14.-17. 06. 2007. Internationale Ar-chologie. Arbeitsgemeinschaft, Symposium, Tagung, Kongress 10 (Rahden / Westf.2009), 27-40

Huer 1998: A. M. Huer,Krieg oder Frieden? Herxheim von 7000 Jahren, Speyer, 1998Huer, Haidle 1998: A. M. Huer, M. N. Haidle, Krieg oder Frieden? Herxheim von

7000 Jahren, n Zur Anthropologie des Frhneolithikums in Mitteleuropa 55004900v.CHr. Bilanz und Perspektiven, Freiburg, 1998, 2324.

Lichter 2001: C. Lichter, Untersuchungen zu den Bestattungssitten des SdosteuropischenNeolithikums und Chalkolithikums, Heidelberg, 2001

Orschiedt et. al. 2003: J. Orschiedt, A. M. Huer, M. N. Haidle, K. W. Alt, C. H.Buitrago-Tllez, Survival of a Multiple Skull Trauma: the Case of an Early Neolithic

Individual from the LBK Enclosure at Herxheim (Southwest Germany), IJO, 13, 2003,375-383

Orschiedt, Haidle 2007: J. Orschiedt, M. N. Haidle, The LBK Enclosure at Herxheim:Theatre of War or Ritual Centre? References from Osteoarchaeological Investigations, in T.Pollard, I. Banks (Eds.), War and Sacrifice. Studies in the Archaeology of Conflict,LeidenBoston, 2007, 153-167

Panaitescu et. al. 2008: V. Panaitescu, M. Rou, M. Gligor, L. Matei, A. Srbu, Cranialfractures identified in a late Neolithic population, exhumed from the Middle Basin of Mureriver-Lumea Nou (Romania), Romanian Journal of Legal Medicine, XVI (4), 2008,261-268

Schmidt 2004: K. Schmidt, Das Bandkeramische Erdwerk von Herxheim bei Laudau,Kreis Sdliche Weinstrae, Germania, 82 (2), 2004, 333-349Schuster et. al. 2008: C. Schuster, R. Koglniceanu, Al. Morintz, The living and the dead.

An analysis of the relationship between the two worlds during Prehistory at the Lower Danube,Ed. Cetatea de Scaun, Trgovite, 2008

Teschler-Nicola et. al. 1996: M. Teschler-Nicola, F. Gerold, F. Kanz, K. Lindenbauer, M.Spannagl,Anthropologische Spurensicherung: Die traumatischen und posmortalen Ve-

rnderungen an den linearbandkeramischen Skelettresten von Asparn/Schletz, in Rtselum Gewalt und Tod vor 7000 Jahren, eine Spurensicherung. Catalogue of the Nie-dersterreichisches Landesmuseum N. F. 393. Asparn an der Zaya: Niederster-reichisches Landesmuseum, 1996, 47-64

Villa et. al. 1986: P. Villa, C. Bouville, J. Courtin, D. Helmer, E. Mahieu, P. Shipman,

G. Belluomini, M. Branca, Cannibalism in the Neolithic, Science, 233, 1986, 431-437Zeeb-Lanz, Haak 2006: A. Zeeb-Lanz, F. Haak, Zerhackt und begraben: Herxheims rt-

selhafte Tote, AID, 5, 2006, 813Zeeb-Lanz et. al. 2009a: A. Zeeb-Lanz, B. Boulestin, F. Haack, Ch. Jeunesse,Auerge-

whnliche Totenbehandlung-berraschendes aus der bandkeramischen Anlage von Herxheimbei Landau (Sdpfalz), Mitteilungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fr Anthropologie,Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 30, 2009, 115-126



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Zeeb-Lanz et. al. 2009b: A. Zeeb-Lanz, R. M. Arbogast, F. Haack, M. N. Haidle,Ch. Jeunesse, J. Orschiedt, D. Schimmelpfennig, S. van Willigen, The LBK settle-

ment with pit enclosure at Herxheim near Landau (Palatinate). First results, in D. Hofmannand P. Bickle (Eds.), Creating Communities New Advances in Central European Neolithic,Oxbow Books, Oxford, 2009, 202-219

Wahl, Knig 1987: J. Wahl, H. Knig, G.,Anthropologisch-traumatologische Untersuchungder menschlichen Skelettreste aus dem bandkeramischen Massengrab bei Talheim, KreisHeilbronn, Fundberichte aus Baden-Wrttemberg, 12, 1987, 65-193

Windl 1996: H. Windl, Rtsel um Gewalt und Tod vor 7000 Jahren, eine Spurensicherung,in Rtsel um Gewalt und Tod vor 7000 Jahren, eine Spurensicherung. Catalogueof the Niedersterreichisches Landesmuseum N. F. 393. Asparn an der Zaya: Nieder-sterreichisches Landesmuseum, 1996, 7-29

AbstractFunerary discoveries in neolithic settlement from

Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou (Romania). Multiple burial or ritual centre?

Once the human was aware of death, the funerary ritual became one of the most powerful and com-plex rituals. The current study is part of the project entitled Funerary practices of the Transylvanianhuman communities in the neolithic and eneolithic age, which seeks to analyze the main charac-teristics of the funerary rite and ritual specific to human communities in the Transylvanian areaand to fill a gap in the corresponding literature. A distinct place in my research will be taken by thor-ough study of the funerary discovery in Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou settlement, which we consider excep-tional not only for the present-day territory of Romania, but also for the entire Southern-Easternspace, because the researches have evidenced special treatments identified on the skull cap, whichsuggests that the Foeni communities in Lumea Nou practiced organized rituals.

KeywordsNeolithic and eneolithic, Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, Foeni cultural group, funerary practices, humanbone



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FIG. 1. Aerial view of Alba Iulia-Lumea Nousettlement

FIG. 2. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, human

remains, Sp. II/2003 (G1)

FIG. 3. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou,

human remains, Sp. II/2003 (G1)


human remains, Sp. III/2005;


Sp. II/2003 - G1 (Grundriss)


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FIG. 6. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, Sp. III/2005 (Grundriss)

FIG. 7. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, skulls with bottomed fractures and abrasion areas


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FIG. 8. Alba Iulia-Lumea Nou, AMS C14 data

FIG. 9. Talheim, human remains (apud Wahl, Knig 1987)


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FIG. 10. Asparn/Schletz, human remains (apud Windl 1996)

FIG. 11. The Herxheim LBK culture settlement plan of the excavation

(apud Boulestin et. al. 2009)


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FIG. 12. Herxheim, Deposit 9 view after excavating the upper level



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FIG. 13. Herxheim, Komplex 4 (apud Haak 2009)


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FIG. 14. Herxheim, calottes (apud Zeeb-Lanz et. al. 2009a)

FIG. 15. Herxheim, human bones with marks from the butchery processes


gligor mihai funerary discoveries tr xix 2010 suppl.5 1

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