Good Cops, Bad Cops? Prospects for Police Reform

Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval

Presented in the ECPR Joint Sessions

Salamanca 2014

Section 18: Regime Legitimisation Through Institutional

Reform: Analysing its Dimensions and Effectiveness

Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval

Department of Public Policy and Administration

Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Israel

Gbp@som.bgu.ac.il

Draft: Please do not cite!

Good Cops, Bad Cops? Prospects for Police Reform

Guy Ben-Porat and Fany Yuval

Police legitimacy has become a growing concern in many states and cities,

especially in diverse societies where cultures, religions and competing national

identities challenge the existing order. Violent events where police clash with citizens,

on the one hand, and diminishing trust in police on the other hand, demonstrate that

police in many cases have yet to develop the capabilities to engage with diversity and

overcome its own biases and prejudices in order to enhance its legitimacy. Police

reforms in various countries have attempted to enhance public trust in police, trust

that would allow police to perform better, performance that would further strengthen

public confidence, often focusing on minorities among which trust was especially

low. Police reform, however, requires not only willingness of the police to examine its

policies towards minorities but also an understanding of the problems and the

available solutions. In a detailed study of two minority groups in Israel - Arab citizens

and immigrants from Ethiopia – we explore the relation between police and minorities

in order to, first, identify problems and, second, the potential of common reforms.

The Weberian definition of the state as the holder of the monopoly of the

legitimate use of physical force (or, violence) alludes to the importance of two

institutions, the military and the police. Interestingly, while the study of the military

has been part of political science literature, police and policing have remained almost

alien to the discipline. Considering the role police performs in everyday lives of

citizens, the power entrusted to police officers and the growing concern of citizens

with public safety, this neglect seems quite surprising. Contemporary questions of

policing are especially pertinent for political scientists as growing tensions between

states and minority citizens often involves the police., in cases where police racism

instigates violence, when police is assigned the task of public order when minorities

protest, or in the everyday task of proving security to minorities reluctant to

cooperate.

In spite of changes that have occurred in many police forces, which are now

more educated, diversified and open than ever before, the amount of change of

policing that has actually occurred is questionable (Skalansky, 2007). Public distrust

of the police may inhibit the ability of the police to control crime, reduce police

effectiveness and, consequently, again, increase distrust of the police. Police reform

requires not only the willingness of the police to examine its policies towards and

treatment of minorities (Chan, 1997; Kelling and Moore, 2006), but also an

understanding of the problems and the available solutions. Examining public

preferences for police reform is an important public policy tool as it points to the

problems that need to be addressed and focuses on the needs and concerns of

minorities rather than on their general perceptions of police. If successfully addressed

and identified, reforms would improve police practices, have a significant impact on

public trust and confidence in the police, and increase the public's willingness to

cooperate with the police (Weitzer and Tuch, 2004).

In this article, we frame the question of police and minorities in a wider

context of legitimacy and trust and within a general question of public policy and

diversity management. The relation of police and minorities, in other words, often

reflects a problematic relation between the state and minorities. Similarly, proposed

police reforms could be described as questions of representation, cultural sensitivity

and citizen involvement. We begin this article with a general, theoretical discussion of

trust in police, relations between police and minorities and police reform. In the

second section, we describe our case study, the Israeli police and two minorities, Arab

citizens and Ethiopian immigrants. The third section, based on our research findings

and a comparative angle, will evaluate the potential of police reforms. Specifically,

the potential of recruitment of minority police officers to enhance police legitimacy,

part of a comprehensive reform in Northern Ireland and the city of Los Angeles, will

be examined in Israel.

Policing, Trust and Legitimacy

Police and policing are a relatively neglected topic in main political science

and public policy literature. This is somewhat surprising considering the impact of

police on many aspects of private and public lives. Policing, among other things, is a

display of effective sovereignty, measured by governance, law and order, and the

protection of personal safety and public order that underscore a stable democracy and

economic growth. The link between policing and governance suggests that policing is

a public good, a part of the collective modes of regulating social matters (Kohler-

Koch 1998a; Mayntz 2004: 66) and, consequently, that a consensus exists about its

goals. In practice, however, policing is often a controversial topic that involves

different questions regarding the provision of services, the accountability of police

and the ability of citizens to oversee police work. In addition, the power that police

possess is essential for the protection of fundamental freedoms required for

democracy, but also a potential power for severe abuse of these freedoms (Jones,

Newburn and Smith, 1996).

Controversies that surround police and policing are especially salient in

diverse societies where trust in police differs between ethnic and religious groups.

While policing rests on implied consent, the disenfranchising and de-incorporation of

certain citizens from the structures of government and the use of the police to require

minimum levels of social compliance implies that “in many respects policing is

against the resistance of certain communities in order to retain the respect of other

communities” (Findlay, 2004: 7). Police, on their behalf may also complain that

citizens do not respect them or defer to their authority (Weitzer and Tuch, 2006).

Consequently and “us versus them” perception can become part of police structure

and citizens perception.

Police work, relies on the public's support and cooperation and, particularly in

democratic societies, have to ‘earn’ legitimacy and trust for their actions from citizens

(Kaarianien, 2007). Public distrust of the police may inhibit the ability of the police to

control crime, reduce police effectiveness and, consequently, again, increase distrust

of the police (Brown and Benedict, 2002; Decker, 1985). Measurements of trust in

police require careful attention as citizen’s support of police is a “fuzzy” concept.

Different groups may have different perception of what good policing means based

upon different concerns, interests and experience. For some groups police will be

measured by its “efficacy”, ability to “protect and serve”, while for other groups it is

about the “image” of police, the way it treats citizens and its commitment to equality

(Worall, 1999). Studies about public confidence and trust in the police find a gap

between levels of trust among minorities and the majority population (Wortley and

Owusu-Bempah, 1999).

Literature and experience point to two central issues in police-minority

relations that can be described as "under-policing," the neglect of minority

neighborhoods, and "over-policing," an aggressive approach than singles out

minorities (Ben-Porat, 2009). Over-policing implies mistreatment of minorities by the

police, either by excessive use of force towards minorities or by discriminatory

practices against them (Findlay, 2004:101). "Racial profiling," the most common

practice of over-policing, refers to the use of generalizations based on race, ethnicity,

religion or national origin as the basis for suspicion in directing law enforcement

actionsthat creates tensions and mistrust between the police and minorities (Closs,

2006; Smith, 2006; Wortley, 2003; Wortley and Tanner, 2003). Under-policing,

conversely, is largely about police neglect of minorities and their needs. Under-

policing is manifested in the neglect of poor and ethnic neighborhoods (Brown and

Benedict, 2002). Police absent themselves from those neighborhoods they regard as

"hopeless" and, as a result, poor urban communities suffer from unresponsive policing

and high crime rates. While citizens of various backgrounds may feel that their

communities are under-policed when police services fall short of needs and

expectations, for minorities the perception of under-policing is regarded, rightly or

wrongly, as a form of discrimination. Under-policing can also mean the police's

neglect of complaints about racial harassment and the overlooking of domestic

violence characterized by the police as "cultural" or “normative” in these

communities (Brunson and Miller, 2006). Over and under-policing are not mutually

exclusive. Indeed, minorities, especially “visible minorities,” may suffer from a

combination of the two. As noted above, problems of policing and the ranking of their

importance differ between and within groups and influences perceptions of police and

reforms.

The study of police reform is embedded in the broader context of political

responses to diversity and of institutional change. Cultural diversity is common to

most contemporary states that, contrary to their image of homogeneity, must contend

with a multicultural and at times multinational reality (Connor, 1994; Tully, 2002;

Walker, 1994). While multiculturalism has many definitions and interpretations

(Carodozo and Musto, 1997; Inglis, 1996; Kymlicka, 1995; Taylor, 1995), its

relationship to public policy is first and foremost an acknowledgment of the fact that

society is made up of different cultural groups with different needs that are translated

into policy demands. Institutional change, therefore, is required in order for state

institutions to accommodate the needs of minorities and provide for their integration.

Literature on institutional change in political science addresses two main questions:

Why and when do institutions become susceptible to change and what form should

this change take? Institutional change is a dynamic and incremental process based on

positive and negative feedback. Change is more likely when negative feedback that

sheds light on specific policies and processes increases and feasible reforms are

available. The issue of policing is significant for minority integration and equality

because of the nature of police work and the type of engagement it entails (Brunson

and Miller, 2006; Fleras, 1992; Howell, Perry and Vile, 2004).

Police reform, while necessary, is often a long and arduous process related to

the bureaucratic organization of the police that tends to reject oversight and criticism

(Fleras, 1992: 116). Consequently, the history of policing is "filled with instances in

which police forces throughout the world succeeded in foiling or diluting reforms"

(Weitzer and Tuch, 2006: 124). However, police organizations operate in a political

arena and their mandate is defined politically (Manning, 2006), which makes them

susceptible to pressure. Reforms aimed at improved working relationships with

minorities may be the result of public pressure following significant incidents of

violence or police brutality, or acknowledgment by the police that reforms would

improve its efficacy and public image (Brown and Benedict, 2002). In addition,

because strained relations between minorities and the police have served as the

catalyst for large scale civic unrest, building strong relationships with minority groups

became a priority for the police and other criminal justice institutions (Stenning,

2003; Wortley and Owusu-Bempah, 1999). While recognizing the need for change is

a necessary condition, it is insufficient because the direction of change must be

accurate, meeting the needs of the community in order to make a difference (Pempel,

1998; Pierson, 1994, 1996; Streeck and Thelen, 2005; Thelen, 2003; Vigoda, 2002).

In many democratic countries there is broad support for the general principles

of good policing (use of minimum force, impartiality, fairness and accountability), but

surprisingly little is known about the level of popular support for specific kinds of

reforms (Weitzer and Tuch, 2006:37). For the police, the challenges include the

provision of services that suit all segments of society, the diversification of the police

force so it will mirror society, an improvement in the image of the police among

minorities, and serious engagement with hate crimes against minorities (Oakley,

2001). Differences among various non-white ethnic groups and within ethnic groups

suggest that measurements of support for the police must be operationalized in

multidimensional terms (Worall, 1999). Second, as in other fields of public policy

planning, police reform has to take into account not only the needs of individual

citizens but also of communities (or “target groups”) that have specific needs and

requirements. Accordingly, police in different democratic states shifted from an

impersonal, bureaucratic approach to strategies aimed at gaining legitimacy by greater

involvement (Herbert, 2006) and, later, a multicultural approach was incorporated that

included effective engagement with different cultural groups, review of

discriminatory policies and provision of services designed to strengthen police

legitimacy across society (Chan, 1997; Kelling and Moore, 2006).

Police reforms can be divided into three central areas that together tackle the

central issues of over-policing and under-policing: (a) patterns of recruitment; (b)

training of police officers and revisions of police practices, and (c) community

involvement and civilian oversight of the police. The relationship between the

different reforms and their potential for making a significant change requires an in-

depth study of specific minorities, their needs and demands (Stenning, 2003).

Recruitment of minorities relates to the wider debate over "cultural diversity" in the

work place, both private and public, and its benefits and difficulties (Brief, 2008;

Williams and O'Reilly, 1998). The diversification of the police force can be an

important reform. Increased representation of minorities on the police force can

narrow distance between the police and minorities and change the police force from

within. Research, however, shows no conclusive support that hiring minority officers

will positively affect perceptions of police (Brown and Benedict, 2002). In addition, a

police subculture can be maintained through the assimilation of new recruits or their

marginalization so that minorities will see no change in policing (Coderoni, 2002;

Desroches, 1992; Stevens, 2007; Tinor-Centi and Hussain, 2000). Finally, minorities,

especially when suffering from over-policing may be reluctant to join the police if

they perceive it alien or hostile (Ben-Porat and Yuval, 2008).

Reform of police practices can be achieved by training police officers to be

culturally sensitive (Stevens, 2007) and uprooting discriminatory practices offensive

to minorities, such as racial profiling. “Cultural training” might be of limited

importance if the problem deep rooted racism or animosity and the training will

remain separate from actual behavior and practices. Similarly, tackling discriminatory

practices would require a significant effort (rather than formal statements) and

consistency in order to change negative perceptions among minorities. Community

involvement and oversight of the police includes community policing and other

practices that link the police and community members together in the joint pursuit of

local crime prevention (Fleras, 1992: 74; Roberg, Kuykendall and Novak, 2002: 56).

Community policing, however, may be considered by the police and the minorities,

especially those suffering from under-policing, as "too soft" and ineffective. Finally,

community involvement and oversight provide not only formal and informal channels

for communities to convey their needs and concerns, but also the ability for citizens to

oversee police work (Lewis, 2005; Perez, 1994; Stone and Bobb, 2002). Police boards

can be established to allow civilian oversight over the police and include civilians in

decision-making (Lewis, 2005; Perez, 1994; Wortley, 2003).

Measures of recruitment and training of police officers, reform of

discriminatory practices and the involvement of the community itself in policing, are

all part of police reform and adaptation to a multicultural setting. However, because

minority groups have different concerns, needs and demands, proper measures for

choosing and implementing policies must be used rather than simply assuming which

policies would be best.

Israel: Police and Minorities

The police in Israel is predominantly composed of Jews and is tasked with the

dual roles of ordinary crime control and internal security (Hasisi and Weitzer, 2008).

Officers enjoy extensive legal powers under the emergency laws (Hofnung, 1991) and

accountability is quite limited (Herzog, 2000). Public evaluations of the police show a

steady decline in trust in the police and a general perception of “under-policing,”

because the police are perceived as being unable to effectively fight crime and

provide security. Because frustrations of citizens in general and minorities in

particular have grown stronger and trust in political institutions has eroded (Galnoor

2004), the role of the police is ever more critical as it often finds itself in the forefront

of civil unrest. Arab citizens and Ethiopian immigrants, the two groups studied here,

pose significant demands for police reforms as clashes with police and accusations of

police discrimination demonstrate. The study of relations these two minorities with

police, however, must account also for the differences between the groups. Not only

group size, Ethiopians being a small minority and Arabs constituting almost 20

percent of the population, but also in their relation to the state. These differences, as

will be argued later, underscore different perceptions of policing and police reforms.

The Jewish-Arab divide is probably the deepest division in Israeli society

because Arab citizens of Israel are a non-dominant, non-assimilating minority who

debate their identity vis-à-vis the state. Jewish and Arab citizens remain distanced

from one another and relations have worsened since October 2000 (Ben-Porat, 2008).

Arab citizens constitute a large minority of 20% of the 7.3 million citizens of Israel, a

population of about 1 million people divided into three major religious communities:

Muslim (81%), Christian (9%) and Druze (10%) (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2009).

Arab citizens suffer from higher rates of poverty, low quality of public services and

are under-represented in the public sector and political life. Arab citizens have

described themselves as placed under "extreme structural discrimination policies,

national oppression, military rule that lasted until 1966, land confiscation policy,

unequal budget allocation, rights discrimination and threats of transfer" (Future

Vision, 2006).

The politicization of Arab citizens translated to various struggles designed to

achieve individual equality and/or struggles for collective recognition. Arab citizens

in Israel and the police have an ongoing history of tense relations whose peak was in

October 2000 when 13 Arab citizens were killed by police officers during riots in the

Northern part of Israel. An inquiry commission established after the events found not

only fault in the police actions but also, and more importantly, deeper structural

causes relating to the political, social and economic status of Arab citizens. In the past

decade, Arab citizens are also suffering from high levels of crime and violence in

their neighborhood. This could be explained, on the one hand, by declining authority

of traditional structures and, on the other hand, poverty and limited opportunities.

Overall, they suggest that Arab citizens may be suffering from under-policing, related

to neglect, more than over-policing.

About 80,000 Ethiopian Jews live in Israel, most arriving in the mid-1980s

and the early 1990s. They suffer from high rates of poverty and unemployment, are

concentrated in poor neighborhoods and segregated in practice from Israeli society

(Ben-Eliezer, 2004; Kaplan and Rosen, 1994; Shabtay, 2001). Complaints about

police targeting of Ethiopian young men and their mistreatment have been reported in

the popular press and by political representatives (Knesset, 2005). Unlike Arab

citizens Ethiopian immigrants are not politically organized, have not developed a

separate ethno-national identity and their complaints against police were not

systematically studied. In different media reports, however, young Ethiopian

immigrants complained of police brutality and for being singled out because of their

skin color. In addition, a state campaign directed against African migrants and

refugees has had negative impacts on the relations of police and Ethiopian

immigrants. Ethiopians, when suspected of being illegal immigrants are stopped by

police for identification. For Ethiopian immigrants, therefore, the greater issue is

over-policing.

Research goals and methods

This study identifies two theoretical concepts that capture the major problems in

police-minority relations – over-policing and under-policing – and three areas of

reforms – recruitment, training of police officers and revisions of police practices, and

community involvement and civilian oversight of the police. In order to study police-

minority relations in Israel we undertook a comparative study of minority groups in

which distrust, its sources and potential remedies are examined. Given that our

working hypotheses suggest that different minority groups suffer from different

problems, we suggest approaching the problem from the minority point of view in

order to understand existing problems and potential reforms (Williams and Murphy,

2006). Accordingly, our study refers to the normative policy analysis approach toward

resolving public issues. Such an approach is based, first, on a description of the policy

processes from the various viewpoints of the relevant actors; second, an investigation

and understanding of current practices and their impact and, third, an identification of

new policies and their potential for ameliorating problems.

The following questions will be studied: (a) Do the minorities examined suffer, or

believe themselves to be suffering, from over-policing and under-policing? What

differences exist between the groups? (b) How do minorities perceive police work in

general and their treatment in particular? (c) What differences exist between

perceptions of the police among the different minorities and between these minorities

and native Israelis (the control group)? (d) What practices do minorities find

offensive? (e) Would recruitment of minorities for the police change attitudes and

practices? Are minority members willing to join the police?

To answer these questions and to obtain a general and reliable picture of the

relations between the police and the minority groups studied, we use two

complementary research methods in two stages of research for each of the groups.

The first method, qualitative focus groups, was selected in order to gain access to the

groups selected, allow respondents to raise issues openly that might not come up in a

structured survey and bring up important topics for the research through an interactive

discussion. In the second stage, the quantitative stage, a survey was conducted among

the adult population (18 years old and above). We compare the results obtained

among the two minority groups (two more, ultra-Orthodox Jews and Russian

immigrants, are not presented here) with a “control group”, Israeli citizens that don’t

belong to any of the four minorities. Our aim is to map the general perceptions of the

police in the targeted groups, identify problems of over-policing and under-policing,

and evaluate the potential of different reforms. Accordingly, the following

propositions will be examined:

a. Minority groups, compared to the control group, will have stronger

perceptions of over-policing and under-policing.

b. Arab citizens will have the strongest feelings of both over-policing and under-

policing.

c. Ethiopian immigrants, a visible minority, will be likely to report over-policing

and in poor neighborhoods also under-policing.

d. Ethiopian immigrants will be more likely than Arabs to have more positive

feelings about joining the police force and the positive impact of

diversification.

e. Arab citizens will be more likely to support revision of police procedures and

training.

Arab Citizens and the Police

General questions of trust (i.e. “do you trust the police”) used in our survey

demonstrate that trust is a “fuzzy” concept that does not necessarily differentiate

between groups. In Israel this might also be explained by the fact that trust in police in

general tends to be rather low which blurs the differences between groups. Responses

to the statement “I have full confidence in the police” on a scale from 1 (completely

disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) averaged 3.17 among Arab citizens and 3.21 among

our control group, a small but significant difference. Differences, however, were

found in the more detailed questions in the survey that pertained to different and more

specific measures of trust.

Under-policing appears a major topic among Arab citizens (Ben-Porat and

Yuval, 2011). Arab citizens feel, more than Jewish citizens of the control group, that

police provided them with security, and also agree more with the statement that

security was improved in their neighborhood in the past year. This, however, stands in

stark contradiction to their everyday feeling of insecurity and police neglect. The

contradiction could be explained by the growing level of violence and, consequently,

dependence on police performance. Police has taken some efforts to increase their

presence in Arab neighborhoods, efforts that receive mixed responses and are yet to

enhance police legitimacy.

“We, Arab citizens, obey the police because we fear them, not because we feel they

are here to protect us and our interests. On the contrary, we feel that it works against

our interests” (Daburiah Resident, Female).

Arab citizens expect more than the control group to be treated badly by the

police if they were to report a crime. Similarly, they perceive police services in their

neighborhood as lacking in comparison to adjacent neighborhoods. Also, in

comparison to the control group, they estimate that in case of an emergency the police

will be slower to respond to a call. In the focus groups respondents differentiated

between police’ commitment to fight terrorism, their ability to provide security in

some areas and the lack of security in their own neighborhoods. All in all, the

differences between Arab citizens and the control group (Jewish citizens) suggest that

the former perceive the neglect of police as a form of discrimination. In the focus

groups, these feeling of discrimination were explicit and related to police racism.

“If an accident or a murder happens in Jewish neighborhoods the police would go out

of its way to work the case, in Arab neighborhoods they will do the bare minimum,

just to show they are doing something” (Nazareth Resident, Male).

“When Jewish citizens call the police, they come right away. With Arab citizens it

takes hours. When we call the police to report a riot, they arrive hours later when the

victims are already in hospital” (Nazareth Resident, Female).

“It doesn’t make sense that police, with all its power and authority, cannot stop the

shooting and murder. It can harass the people who illegally hold guns and we are

willing to cooperate. But police has no interest” (Daburiah Resident, Male).

“Sometimes I feel as if it the police interest to let Arabs fight and kill among

themselves and stand aside as part of a political game” (Nazareth Resident, Female).

Concerns regarding over-policing pertain to the perceived fairness of police

and the greater support among Arab citizens to the statement that “police should be

fair and courteous even at the expense of deterrence.” In the focus groups different

complaints were raised against police treatment of citizens and certainty that Arab

citizens are treated more harshly by police:

“I was stopped by a police officer who asked for my ID. When he saw my (Arab)

name he gave me a citation, for no reason. He never even bothered to explain why and

for what” (Daburiah Resident, Male).

Similarly, Arab citizens tend to agree more than the control group that “oversight of

police should be strengthened.” Regarding the idea that “police should be given more

powers so that it could perform its duties”, Arab citizens are split between those who

agree and those that do not. Here again, the dilemmas of an ethno-national minority

surface, on the one hand a desire for a stronger police that would provide needed

security, but, on other hand, a concern that a strong police would be abusive.

Ethiopian Immigrants and Police

General questions of trust, also in the case of Ethiopians, provide limited

information on the problems and difficulties of police and policing. Ethiopian

immigrants are a small minority, part of the Jewish religion/nation that, in spite of

discrimination and racism seeks to integrate and become part of Israeli society. While

the average general trust in police among Ethiopian immigrants and the control group

is almost similar, there is a greater variety among Ethiopians. Both the percentage of

those who strongly trust the police and the percentage of those who strongly distrust

the police is higher than in the control group. Like Arab citizens, Ethiopian

immigrants believe they receive police services of lower quality in comparison to

other neighborhoods and that police would be slower to respond in case of

emergency. While Ethiopians immigrants report a similar level of respect towards

police and policing, they also demonstrate strong feelings of reluctance regarding

police treatment. This ambivalence may reflect the desire of Ethiopians to belong and

their frustrations with discrimination and racism and their political weakness.

The political weakness can explain the problem raised both in the survey and

more so in the focus groups of over-policing. Ethiopian immigrants believe more than

the control group that they are treated unfairly by the police, report of being stopped

by police and perceive their treatment as negative or unfair. In the focus groups this is

directly related to society in general and police, in particular, racist attitude, and to a

weak community that struggles to protect its rights.

“Police treat us like criminals. They would never dare to that in a neighborhood where

people have money and political power and where families will take stand. With us,

veterans and newcomers we are all the same, the parents will blame the children.

Police charges our young people with different things and ruin their lives, their

parents don’t understand the consequences and how to get involved…we are weak

and the police knows it” (Resident, Netanya, Male).

“I think police exercises more force and violence against Ethiopians, for them an

Ethiopian is a criminal, they see black skin and act…they stop and arrest Ethiopians

more that others (Resident, Hadera, Female).

“If a white kid is in trouble with the police, his mother will come to the station and

raise hell. Us? We don’t have that kind of power so they use our weakness. That is

how an officer’s mind works.”

Complaints of under-policing and doubts about police’ commitment to provide

security were also raised in the focus groups. But, over-policing and feelings of being

singled out for being a “visible minority” were the major frustrations among young

Ethiopians, especially young men. These frustrations, we believe, explain the lower

level of trust in police, mediated somewhat by the strong desire to belong and be part

of Israeli society.

Police Reform

Police legitimacy is often lacking among minorities that perceive the police to

be abusive in various ways. Reforms to improve legitimacy were attempted in

different places, often following a wider political change or in the wake of a crisis. In

Northern Ireland, police reforms were part of a comprehensive process of post-

conflict institution building that included the creation of an effective, professional,

fair and accountable police service (McGarry and Oleary, 1999). Police reforms were

part of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement that included the independent Internal

Commission on Policing that provide guidelines for the future. The reforms included

the re-definition of police authority, accountability, training of police officers,

symbols and representation, recruitment of police officers and oversight of the

changes. The implemented reforms were largely successful in spite of some

unresolved issues and concerns of the Catholic minority (Ellison, 2007).

In Los Angeles, police reform followed the riots of 1992 when police officers

charged with the beating of an African-American citizen were acquitted by the court.

A commission established has found that police has used excessive force, exacerbated

by racism and bias. Several years later, a different scandal in police has led to a

consent decree by the US Justice Department and comprehensive reforms under the

consent decree. The reforms included tracking systems for police stops, management

systems to govern the use of force by police officers, change of leadership, attention

to recruitment patterns and the training of police officers, new and serving. A recent

research has demonstrated that the reform has been successful both in the

effectiveness of police (crime reduction and public perceptions of safety) and the

legitimacy of police, especially among minorities (Stone, Foglesong and Cole, 2009).

In Israel, the events of 2000 in which 13 Arab citizens were killed by police

during riots has led to the establishment of an investigation commission. The Orr

Commission report found fault not only in the police actions but also, and more

importantly, deeper structural causes of discrimination and neglect affecting the Arab

minority. The report recommended that police presence be increased in Arab towns

and villages in order that police would become a service provider, law enforcement in

Arab towns and villages, training of police officers to engage with Arab citizens and

the establishment of a dialogue with Arab leadership. These reforms have been

implemented but limited by budget concerns and police priorities. More recently, a

report commissioned by the Ministry of Internal Security from RAND has suggested

that Israel police requires a more effective strategy for developing and maintaining

public support. Specifically, the report recommendations include measuring police

performance for accountability, survey public’s satisfaction and police culture of

integrity, examine interaction between police and public, provide the public with data,

explore options for civilian oversight, modernizing the workforce and training of

police officers (RAND, 2013).

Unlike the top-down reforms in Northern Ireland and Los Angeles, the reform

of Israeli police has been less binding and subjected to budgetary constraints, different

priorities and internal opposition. Israeli police in the past decade has been suffering

from a continuous decline of public trust and confidence. Wars between criminal

gangs that took place in residential neighborhoods that received high exposure in the

media, allegations against police officers and privatization of police services are part

of the reasons for the declining status of police. Yet, as discussed above, there is a

difference between general trust, related to satisfaction with police services and

particularized trust that relates to specific perceptions of police and policing.

Specifically, while Israeli citizens in general feel that police fails to provide adequate

security, Arab citizens and Ethiopian immigrants lack of trust can be related with

perceptions of discrimination. For Arab citizens, this is mainly about under-policing,

or neglect, associated with police indifference. For Ethiopian immigrants, it is about

over-policing, related to racism and weakness of the community.

Police, for reasons described above, might decide to adopt reforms that can be

described as "multicultural." This approach is underscored by recognition of police

that its functions must be broadened so it can engage effectively with different

cultural groups, take part in conflict resolution and problem solving, provide services

that will strengthen its legitimacy across society and critically examine its policies

towards and treatment of minorities (Kelling and Moore, 2006; Chan, 1997). Yet, are

these reforms likely to make an impact and improve police legitimacy. Because of a

lack of space, we will present and discuss here only one reform, recruitment of

minority police officers.

A Representative Police force

In Northern Ireland, recruitment of Catholic police officers was a major tenet

of the reform that sought to turn the police away from being a force associated with

Protestants to an inclusive police force serving all communities in Northern Ireland.

In Los Angeles, demographic changes have also had their impact on police as many

African-American and Hispanic officers have joined the force. Recruitment of police

officers from minority groups often plays a significant role in reforms. As a policy

measure, recruitment is relatively easy to execute and to publicize shortly after

execution. In addition, it is expected that recruited minority officers will enhance the

image and legitimacy of police and possibly bring new knowledge to the police that

would improve its interactions with minorities.

In practice, however, even if police is genuinely interested in recruiting

minorities, there are two major and interrelated potential problems. First, minority

groups might be reluctant to join the police if its legitimacy among the group is low.

Those who would join for material benefits may do so only because of a lack of

alternatives and may not have an influence on their communities. And, second,

minority communities may be indifferent or hostile towards those who join the police

and suspicious towards the intentions of the reform. The two case studies, Ethiopian

immigrants and Arab citizens, provide some insights on the potential of recruitment,

under different terms, to enhance police legitimacy.

The question of recruitment to police is a very sensitive topic among Arab

citizens. On the one hand, under-policing and the growing sense of insecurity provide

strong incentives to join the police and make change. Also, the police force could

provide needed employment opportunities for Arab citizens. But, on the other hand,

police is part of the security apparatus of the state that takes part, even if indirectly, in

demolition of unauthorized houses in Arab towns, is considered discriminatory and

has a history of clashes with Arab citizens. Survey results reflect this ambivalence as

the number of Arab citizens that would consider joining the police is smaller than

among the control group. In the same vein, a greater number of Arab citizens declare

they will not support a friend or family member if he would choose to join the police.

Finally, Arab citizens do not perceive Arab police officers on the force as providing

better security.

In the focus groups, the ambivalence and disagreements have also surfaced.

While the majority expressed objection to Arabs serving in the police, others thought

this should be encouraged and supported.

“I don’t like the idea of Arab citizens serving in police, they will have no real

authority, be assigned the less popular task or use the authority they have for their

personal benefit rather than for the public good” (Nazareth Resident, Male).

“I believe that we, Arabs, have created some of the discrimination against us, why?

Because there are not enough Arab police officers even when it is possible. I believe

police is a good profession and that Arabs should join so that we would have more

Arab officers in our towns” (Dir-el-Asad Resident, Male).

A similar ambivalence regarding Arabs serving on the police force was found. While

a minority expressed some positive feelings, for the majority of participants Arab

officers add little if anything to their negative perception of the police. Like

elsewhere, minority police officers were viewed with suspicion. Arab police officers,

it was argued, are embedded in police culture, need to prove themselves loyal to the

system and, therefore, some interviewers stated they prefer to be policed by

Jewish officers.

“I think an Arab officer does make a difference. When he enforces the law in Arab

towns he is aware of the culture. If he does an honest work it can also have a positive

influence on the police force itself” (Daburiah Resident, Male).

“Recruitment of Arab police officers does not make any difference, they are all

trained the same way. Sometime we can’t even tell that are Arab because they talk to

us in Hebrew (Daburiah Resident, female).

“Because being a Arab police officer is not real acceptable, Arab police officers have

to rely on force rather than persuasion. I think that in many cases Arab people would

rather have Jewish cops…I believe Jewish cops are more educated and more aware of

their duties” (Dir-el-Asad Resident, female).

Ethiopian immigrants were more supportive of joining the police force. The

difference can be explained first and foremost by the fact that the national conflict

does not exist in this case and that Ethiopian immigrants serve in the military.

Consequently, in the survey Ethiopian immigrant show strong support (more than the

control group) that the police be representative of all parts of society, strong

agreement to join the police and support of a friend or family member that would

choose to do so. In the focus groups, the support was explained either by expectations

that Ethiopian officers could better serve the community and improve its image. But,

beside the general the support towards recruitment some skepticism was raised in

regard to the Ethiopian officers to make a difference and whether Ethiopian

neighborhoods should be policed by Ethiopian police officers.

“We need to have Ethiopian officers advance in police ranks, there is a glass ceiling

they are unable to penetrate. As a result they cannot really make a difference where

decisions are made and change the way we are treated. In our neighborhoods we need

officers who are socially minded, thinking, not necessarily Ethiopians” (Resident,

Kiryat Gat, Male).

“I would like to have more Ethiopian officers. Not for us, the young people, but for

the elderly who don’t speak Hebrew well or understand the culture” (Resident,

Hadera, Male).

“I think Ethiopian officers can make some difference. Maybe like in the military, if

people see Ethiopian officers it will change the way they see the community. Also, it

could help if we have some connections in the police, people we could consult with

and help us when needed.” (Resident, Hadera, Female).

“I believe Ethiopian officers are worst, they are more stubborn, have to show more

force, a more macho attitude. Like, I will not forgive this Ethiopian…they are worst, I

hate running into them…” (Resident, Hadera, Female).

Conclusions

We explored in this paper questions of trust in police and police legitimacy

which, as demonstrated in different researches, has a strong impact on police

performance. General perceptions of trust and legitimacy, however, are insufficient as

groups may trust or distrust the police for different reasons related to history or

contemporary needs. Specifically, we chose to focus on two groups in Israel, Arab

citizens, a national minority struggling to achieve recognition and equality and

Ethiopian immigrants, a visible minority suffering discrimination and struggling to be

included in society. While the two groups suffer from both over-policing and under-

policing (different forms of discrimination), they differ in the importance they

attribute to each. For Arab citizens, high levels of crime and violence make under-

policing a pressing issue. For Ethiopian immigrants, a visible minority, over-policing

(also known as racial profiling) is the major problem.

Recruitment of minority police officers has been part of many reforms aimed

at enhancing police legitimacy. But, as our initial findings demonstrate, recruiting in

of itself may not solve the problem of police legitimacy among minorities. Arab

citizens, alongside some support for the idea, show strong reluctance towards

recruitment. Legitimacy in this case may be the condition for rather than the result of

recruitment. Differently stated, for Arab citizens to support this reform police would

have to demonstrate a genuine commitment for serving the Arab communities. While

some changes were made in recent years, they may not suffice to change the

reluctance. For Ethiopian immigrants recruitment to police does not constitute a

problem in itself. But, if police does not change its attitude and modes of operation in

Ethiopian neighborhoods, recruitment might not bring the desired change. Rather,

Ethiopian officers may be perceived part of the system rather than a force for change.

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