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Andrea McCullough

Dr. Johnson

ANTH 45U

13 December 2012

Greetings and the Expression of Hierarchy in Modern Day China

Used countless times a day, almost unthinkably, greetings are an inextricable piece of

many societies. Comprised of the verbal act of salutation and the nonverbal cues that accompany

it, greetings are necessary parts of face-to-face communication and require significant cultural

knowledge in order to be successful. To greet another person inappropriately could put an

individual at an alarming disadvantage in business, personal, or friendly social interactions.

Although they appear arbitrary and are frequently overlooked as self-evident, greetings are an

important aspect of culture that can illuminate other features of a society such as the social

hierarchy.

Hierarchy can be defined as the system consisting of a group of people ranked according

to economic, social, or professional standing. An individual’s status in a social hierarchy is often

defined by the other categories as well. Someone’s workplace position could put them above

other people, as well as their financial situation or special abilities or all of these factors

combined. Regardless of a particular status, every person in the social hierarchy expects a

particular sort of treatment indicative of their status. In fact, in regards to greeting, every person

of a different social status expects and requires a different type of interaction (Chen 56).

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In modern day China, the greetings expected in many different social situations reveal a

strict and social hierarchy. From interactions with superiors, to colleagues, to societal equals, to

family members, Chinese greetings express a fundamentally ordered social hierarchy in which

everyone is intimately aware of their own place. This may seem to be a generalization

encompassing a nation as geographically massive, ethnically diverse, and religiously

multifaceted as China, but in fact the country is united by many underlying cultural factors.

First of all, the Chinese nation is historically united. It is an incredibly old society to

begin with; the first dynasty known is the Xia dynasty existed from around 2000 to 1400 B.C.

(Loewe 72). Also, its political history dates from 221 B.C. due to the unification of the warring

states under the first emperor Qin Shi Huang and continues to modern day (Fairbank 221).

Unlike the relatively new nation of The United States, China’s long political history provides a

strong foundation of unity.

Also, China is brought together by a powerful dominant culture: that of the ethnic Han.

Although many other ethnic groups exist within the nation—there are fifty-five governmentally

recognized minorities in China—the ethnic Han comprise more than 92% of the current

population (Harrell 40). Today, over 70% of the Chinese population speaks the Northern dialect

of the Han language, and it is the preferred written language in all of China (Chang 310). Cleary,

China’s society is controlled by the cultural and demographic dominance of the Han.

Lastly, the ideological tradition of Confucianism has shaped the Chinese culture greatly

since the Han dynasty in the 3rd century BC. Originating in China, Confucianism was first taught

by the sage Confucius between 551 and 479 B.C. (Yao 14). At first, practitioners were

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persecuted, although after the Han’s acceptance of the ideology as the state norm it quickly

spread and took root in Chinese culture. Today, although only a small part of the Chinese

population identifies as Confucian, the underlying values of conformity, collectivism, and duty

still bring together such a multifaceted nation (Yao 4).

As established earlier, greetings are an integral part of any society that can illuminate

underlying characteristics of the culture. Greetings in regards to superiors for instance, can

demonstrate many factors dictating communication such as expectations, politeness, and social

hierarchy. As a baseline, a superior is anyone who is or is perceived to be ranked above the

individual in question. In modern day China, many different people could be considered a

superior, including, but not limited to, a boss or supervisor, a landlord, a teacher, an elder, a host,

or someone with higher socioeconomic status. In China, the standard way of greeting a superior

is “Nin Hao”, which translates to “Greetings, “Good day,” or “You are well,” where Nin is the

formal you pronoun, comparable to the Spanish “usted” or French “vous” (Wenzhong 21).

In business relationships, it is shown, that especially with workplace superiors, there is an

increased sensitivity to the superior’s needs. In a study from the University of Southern

California, Chinese participants were found to react to a boss’s face even more quickly than to

their own, showing an increase in self-processing (Liew 1). This is atypical in that most humans

will react the quickest to their own face over any other individual’s. It was found that this is due

to an increased fear on the part of the Chinese individual of negative evaluation by the superior

(Liew 5). In the end, it became readily apparent that Chinese participants were incredibly

sensitive to their boss’s presence, even more so than their own.

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Superior greetings, as well as all other types of greeting, are not accompanied by any sort

of physical contact, unlike in the West, where a handshake is expected. For the Chinese,

handshakes are not used in greetings, so it would be incredibly inappropriate to greet them in

such a way. If at all, handshakes are used in parting, after a short parting between friends, and to

convey special warmth (Wenzhong 25). Oftentimes, the act of shaking hands is unnatural and

bizarre reflecting the imposition of the ritual on Chinese culture (Zhou 14). Also, physical

contact of any sort is discouraged. Even after what would be considered in the West as a long

relationship a hug or friendly kiss are viewed as very rude and unwarranted (Mazzacco).

In place of physical contact, a nonverbal cue such as a bow or slight nod is appropriate,

although it is important to note that the bow is not at the waist which would signify that the user

is Japanese. Another nonverbal form of greeting is cupping one’s hands to one’s chest to show

gratitude. This greeting is acceptable at all times of the year, but is only commonly used on New

Year’s Day (Zhou 16). In addition to these nonverbal options, there is the kowtow (Zhou 15).

Traditionally, the kowtow requires the individual to place their forehead on the ground, as a sign

of deep respect, and was usually only used for superiors who are very high above the individual

such as the Emperor. Today, one does not have to place their forehead on the ground to show

respect, but simply kneel (Zhou 15). The kowtow can also be used with any type of superior,

only on the condition that the individual wishes to show deep respect or gratitude.

In addition, to these nonverbal greetings it is also common for people to use terms of

address in greetings with superiors. Using terms of address emphasizes the distance between the

inferior and superior, making the greeting more polite and respectful (Chen 55). Also, using

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terms of address follows the Chinese tradition of avoiding pronouns. Since Classical China, the

second person pronouns “er” and “ru,” as well as the first person pronouns “wu” and “wo,” have

been discouraged as impolite (Hong 205). They were considered far too intimate to use with

anyone but very close relations. That tradition continues to today when people will frequently

defer to kin terms, surnames, and professional titles in place of pronouns (Hong 204). Common

formal terms are “xiansheng” meaning mister and “taitai” meaning madam. Professional titles

are also used to replace pronouns; terms include “zhuren,” “zhang,” “shifu,” and “laoshi,”

translating to director, chief, master, and teacher respectively. In conjunction with titles an extra

dimension of respect can be added by combining a name with an adjective (Li 70). For example,

an individual could use the adjectives “gui,” “zun,” and “de” meaning noble, respected, and

great, respectively, when referring to the superior person. When referring to his or her own

person the individual could use “bi” translating to humble or shabby (Li 70). Like using the term

of address in the first place, combining it with an adjective increases the sense of distance

between the two speakers making the greeting even more respectful of that distance.

Another type of greetings is between peers. A peer can be defined as someone whose

status is equal or perceived to be equal to that of the individual. Some examples of peers in

Chinese society are coworkers, fellow students, and individuals in the local community. There is

the most variety in the type of greeting used in this category, showing a fundamental social

sensitivity (Hong 204 and Li 67). Each greeting is selected carefully according to situation,

propriety, and the individual being greeted.

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The most common peer greeting is “Ni hao.” Having the same meaning as “Nin hao”,

“Ni hao” is the informal version, usable with practically anyone below a superior (Wenzhong

21). The typical response is “Ni hao” back. Of all the options for peer greetings, “Ni hao” is

considered the most foreign and formal of the greetings, representing a Western influence on

Chinese culture (Chen 55).

Another option is “Ni qu nar?” Which translates to “Where are you going?” (Wenzhong

22) Like “How are you?” the typical Western greeting, “Ni qu nar” is not a genuine question; the

statement is idiomatic (Chang 321). The speaker is not looking for a truthful answer on the

person’s exact plans. The usual polite response is either a curt statement about the place the

individual is going or a generalized answer vaguely referring to the direction the individual is

going, accompanied by pointing (Wenzhong 23).

A third option is “Chi le ma?” meaning “Have you eaten?” (Wenzhong 23) Again, like

“Ni qu nar”, “Chi le ma” is not a genuine question. The greeting is not meant to be a heartfelt

inquiry but a friendly acknowledgement (Chen 55). The polite response is “Yes, I have eaten” or

“No, but I am planning to eat.” It is considered incredibly rude for the receiver to tell the speaker

they have not eaten, even if that is the case, because it is taken to be a request for an invitation to

join the receiver for a meal (Zhou 3). This would be seen as an imposition on the receiver,

because as a societal equal the individual should not expect the receiver to treat them to dinner or

owe them a favor.

The fourth category is very simple compared to the others. In China, it is appropriate for

the speaker to simply make an observation about the receiver’s action (Wenzhong 24). For

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example, a greeting in this style would be the equivalent of “Oh, you’re going to the market” or

“I see you are waiting for the bus.” This is typically answered by an observation on the speaker’s

actions. Although it appears arbitrary, this type of greeting shows acknowledgement and

solidarity on both sides of the conversation. This solidarity brings the two participants together,

so it is typically used between closer acquaintances and friends (Zhou 7).

The last option is completely nonverbal. In some situations, the individual can simply

give the receiver a slight smile or nod. Men and women view this greeting differently; women

preferring to use it to display dignity and men using it to show reserve (Chen 55). Usually, this

type of greetings is used when the speaker does not feel very close with the receiver, such as a

new acquaintance or even a stranger. The other person would be expected to respond with the

same gesture.

It is important when examining peer relationships to remember that in Confucianism

there is no truly equal relationship. Of the five main relationships in Confucianism—emperor to

magistrate, father to son, husband to wife, older brother to younger brother, and older person to

younger person– not one is considered equal (Hong 206). In other words, what is appropriate for

one person in the relationship is never viewed as appropriate for the other, no matter what

situation the individual is in (Li 56). Although there can exist so-called equal relationships,

individual’s are constantly observing and reacting to changes in status and interaction in order to

adjust their relationship appropriately.

Also in conjunction with this category would be greetings with friends and family,

although a certain amount of respect is due to different family members, usually they are

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considered very close to the individual and thus have a different style of greeting than would be

expected for a superior or peer. For friends, an example of a common greeting among modern

Chinese students is “Zheng me yang?” With the response being “Ting hao ya.” (Mazzacco) This

would equate to the Western greeting between friends, “What’s up” and “I’m good.” The

language used is much more informal than other greetings. Another option between friends is the

greeting “Ni hao ma?” which is “Ni hao” formed as a question. Unlike “Ni qu nar” and “Chi le

ma”, “Ni hao ma” in Chinese culture is perceived to be a serious inquiry into the person’s

personal life, explaining why it is only used between friends (Letts).

In regards to family, most of the time there is no proper greeting; it is simply accepted to

use the family member’s name. For example, a daughter could run into the room and only shout

the phrase “Baba” meaning “father.” In the West, this is often perceived as being a question, but

in China individuals use a falling intonation to signify a greeting as opposed to an inquiry

(Wenzhong 22). For family greetings, this makes kin terms incredibly important. The Chinese

kinship terminology system is bifurcate collateral, meaning every family member has a different

term (Dzeibel 501). There are too important components to each term: age and sex. The first

part, age, takes into account the family member’s generation and their birth order within that

generation. Sex, incorporates what sex the individual in question is and whether they are from

the maternal or paternal line (Hong 207). For example, two terms for uncle are “shushu” and

“bobo,” although they both mean the same thing, “bobo” is a term for a paternal uncle that is

older than the individual’s father while “shushu” is the name for a younger uncle (Li 70).

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Kinship terminologies are also important in interactions outside of the family as within

Chinese society it is common to use kinship terms to incorporate outside individuals into a preset

familial role. For example, if a father feels particularly close to a male friend he will ask his son

to call the friend “bobo,” not only showing the type of relationship he expects the two to have,

but his respect for his friend by introducing him as an older uncle and thus above the father

(Hong 206). This also traces back to Confucianism where there is a belief that “within all four

seas all men are brothers and sisters.” (Li 68) and “one family under the sky” (Hong 206) leading

to a Chinese tendency to label non-members of the family group as kin in order to define their

relationship more closely or socialize them into a role.

Logically, the next category would be greetings with inferiors. It is important to note that

how an individual treats a superior is how the individual expects to be treated by an inferior. The

relationship expectation applies both ways. When an individual encounters an inferior, they wait

to be treated as a superior, so it is redundant to speak of greetings with inferiors.

The final type of greeting in Chinese society is a greeting with an outlier. For the purpose

of this paper an outlier will be defined as a person who falls outside of the social hierarchy. In

China, this is a small category but would contain some strangers and foreigners. When

encountering this type of person the individual would either not use a greeting in any way,

expect to be treated as a superior, incorporate the person in question into an existing relationship

— in much the same way as kin terms are used– or finally overcompensate in terms of formality.

For example, when the Chinese first encountered foreigners they had difficulty translating and

understanding the Western concepts of Mr. and Mrs. As a result, to replace the word Mrs., they

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began using the term “fu ren” which is derived from the word of the mother of a Han emperor,

clearly a gross overstatement (Hong 208).

In China, each individual knows their place within the greater social hierarchy according

to their family situation, professional achievements, and economic status, and is very aware of

the places of others. Simply the variety of greetings available for the peer category show the

conditional nature of the greetings themselves, reflecting a Chinese sensitivity. Individuals are

constantly evaluating their own position, others positions, as well as the proper relationship and

interaction due to that person, such as in the case of superior facial recognition. This is due to

the underlying influence of Confucianism, where every single person is owed some sort of ideal

relationship based on the five main relationships. The ideology’s guiding points, “ren” and “li,”

shed light on why Confucianism would so profoundly affect the expression of social hierarchy.

“Ren” represents manhood as well as the ideal relationships between people. “Li” is the expected

means by which an individual will seek to obtain manhood and these relationships (Li 68). Both

of these philosophies impact modern day Chinese greetings through the deep cultural belief that

there is an ideal way to act and there are specific rules through which to obtain that state of

being. Contrast that attitude with the beliefs of the West, where independence and autonomy are

valued over all other things, including relationships (Liew 1).

In the end, the principals of Confucianism illuminate the modern Chinese tendency to

quickly react, adjust, and choose the appropriate greeting upon meeting another individual,

whether they are ranked above, equal to, or below the individual. The underlying driving force is

the belief that there is always an expected pattern of prompt and reply usable to obtain an ideal

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relationship with the person in question. Overall, Chinese greetings demonstrate the ability of the

greeting to illuminate different aspects of culture, in this case, hierarchy.

Works Cited

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