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Hardline Posture Counterplan

Hardline Posture CP 1nc Shell2

Hardline Posture CP 2nc AT Xi-Trump Summit = High Relations4

Appeasement DA Net Benefit 1nc Shell5

Appeasement DA Net Benefit 2nc Impact Calculus9

North Korea DA Net Benefit 1nc Shell10

North Korea DA Net Benefit Trade Pressure China Say Yes13

North Korea DA Net Benefit 2nc Yes China Leverage14

Xi Bad DA Net Benefit 1nc15

Xi Bad DA Net Benefit UQ 2nc Ext19

Xi Bad DA Net Benefit Link Trade Liberalization Xi Power20

Xi Bad DA Net Benefit Link High Relations Xi Power22

Xi Bad DA Net Benefit Impact Third Term CCP Collapse23

Politics DA Net Benefit Agenda Good25

AT US-China Relations Adv26

AFF Trade War DA27

AFF Global Protectionism/Economic Stability DA29

AFF AT Tariff Threats Good30

AFF AT North Korea Net Benefit32

AFF AT Appeasement Net Benefit34

Hardline Posture CP 1nc ShellThe President of the United States should threaten the Peoples Republic of China with: Retaliatory trade tariffs and defensive cyber response if the PRC fails to regulate IPR theft, dumping, and offensive cyber operations Secondary sanctions, trade tariffs, and additional installation of BMD in allied territory if the PRC refuses to enforce existing sanctions on North Korea and impose additional sanctions Regular US Naval freedom-of-navigation operations in the Spratly and Paracel Island territories if the PRC continues to build militarized islands in the South China SeaThe CP solves first impressions between Trump and Xi are key taking a hard line puts Xi on the defensive and allows Trump to re-take control of US-China relations

Auslin 4/4

(Michael Auslin, frequent contributor to National Review and the author of The End of the Asian Century, How Trump Can Seize the Initiative with Xi Jinping, April 4, 2017, http://www.nationalreview.com/article/446420/trump-meets-xi-jinping-first-impressions-matter)

On trade, the administration might be less inclined to punish tariffs than it earlier indicated, but Trump should put Xi on notice that the U.S. will no longer tolerate cyberattacks and the theft of intellectual-property rights. He can make clear that he is willing to sanction individuals and companies that are involved in stealing or profiting from American firms, and he can also intimate that America has its own cyber capabilities in response. He can communicate as well that his administration will actively look at specific sectors where Chinese dumping might be occurring, thus putting pressure on Xi to deal with the problem before the Americans decide to act. Next, Trump has to make pressuring North Korea a priority for Xi. North Korea has become the administrations first international crisis. It is also a headache for Trumps relations with China. Not only has Beijing pressured Trump to freeze military exercises with ally South Korea, in exchange for a purported North Korean freeze on nuclear and missile tests, but it has also vociferously objected to the installation of a new U.S. missile-defense system in South Korea. Ironically, this has helped China seem the peacemaker, paternalistically warning that America and North Korea are recklessly heading toward conflict, and urging both sides to calm down. In this light, Xi looks more responsible and more influential in Asia than the American president does. By now, it is clear that Beijing has little political leverage over Kim Jong-un. However, Chinaa economic power is real. Threatening sanctions again and even access to the global financial system, Trump should demand that Xi crack down on both Chinese banks and the hundreds of companies doing business with North Korea. Beijing might not even know every entity involved in the multibillion-dollar cross-border trade, but past administrations have failed to impose any costs on China for propping up Pyongyang. Further, Trump can threaten to widely provide ballistic-missile-defense systems to U.S. allies beyond South Korea, including Taiwan and India, in response to the growing North Korean threat. This is something China wants to avoid, seeing it as aimed ultimately at its own missile capabilities. More broadly, Trump can wrestle some of the initiative on security issues away from China. Beijings apparent statesmanship on the Korean peninsula does not extend to its own security interests. Just last month, the Chinese military threatened a U.S. Air Force bomber flying over the South China Sea, claiming that it was in Chinese airspace. That wont deter U.S. military operations in the region, but it reveals the belligerent mindset in Beijing on display in December, when the Chinese navy briefly seized a U.S. Navy underwater drone. Moreover, China continues to militarize the islands it has constructed in the disputed Spratly Islands group. Trump should act decisively to uphold international law by announcing to Xi that the U.S. Navy and Air Force will undertake a regular schedule of freedom-of-navigation operations in the contested waters around the Spratly and Paracel Islands, and we will invite partner navies to join. More specifically, he can let his guest know that any move to militarize the Scarborough Shoal, off the Philippine coast, will result in a constant U.S. naval presence and the provision of significant arms sales to regional states. Its possible that none of these policies will succeed in change Beijings own calculations, but they will let Trump set a baseline for SinoU.S. relations over the next four years. They may also slow down Chinas momentum and force Xi to consider just how adversarial a relationship he wants with the United States while his own economy continues to slow down dramatically. First impressions among world leaders make a difference. Ronald Reagan put Mikhail Gorbachev on the defensive, a position from which he never recovered. John F. Kennedys seeming weakness encouraged Nikita Khrushchev to build the Berlin Wall and put nuclear missiles in China. Donald Trump needs to send a message that he takes seriously the necessity of getting relations with China right, for U.S. interests above all.

Hardline Posture CP 2nc AT Xi-Trump Summit = High RelationsThe Xi-Trump summit doesnt solve any of the net benefits no new agreements announced and Syria strikes were show of weakness hardline action now is key to compel Chinese action

Chandler 4/10

(Clay Chandler, Fortune, The Trump-Xi Summit Was a Showdown That Wasnt, Fortune, April 10, 2017, http://fortune.com/2017/04/10/trump-xi-summit-showdown/)

It's been another wild week in Trumpworld. On Tuesday Trump banished Stephen Bannon, mastermind of his campaign victory, from the National Security Council. On Thursday, he ordered air strikes on Syria, reversing his long-standing opposition to entangling the United States in conflicts in the Middle East. But the big stunner came on Friday, when Trumps much-touted face-off with Chinese president Xi Jinping mostly fizzled, ending in warm declarations of good will and mutual respectbut little more.

What a let-down! For weeks global pundits had stoked expectations that the worlds two most powerful men would go mano a mano at Mar-a-Lago. Hadnt Trump had railed against China on the campaign trail for stealing American jobs? Hadnt he vowed to officially label China a currency manipulator on Day One of his presidency? Didn't he promise to slap Chinese imports with 45% tariffs?

In the days ahead of the summit, Trump himself fueled speculation of conflict, taking to Twitter to blame China for Americas massive trade deficits and job losses, and predict his meeting with Xi would be a very difficult one. His aides told The New York Times the White House was planning to roll out its first concrete measures on trade and hardening its position on China. In an interview with the Financial Times, Trump warned that if China didnt do more to pressure North Korea to abandon its nuclear testing program, the U.S. was prepared to take unilateral action.

Many reports suggested Xi, too, was girding for combat. A host of pundits speculated the Chinese president, taking a page from Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe's playbook, was preparing to outfox Trump with a long list of tweetable deliverables -- vague but seemingly significant proposals purporting to increase Chinese investment in the U.S.

As it turned out, the summit was all smiles. At the conclusion of talks Friday, Trump hailed the meeting as having made tremendous progress and declared the U.S. China relationship outstanding. He predicted lots of very potentially bad problems will be going away.

Xi was similarly upbeat. We have engaged in deeper understanding, and have built a trust - a preliminary working relationship and friendship, he said. I believe we will keep developing in a stable way to form friendly relations.

The two leaders seemed genuinely at ease with each other. There was none of the awkwardness and personal tension that marred Trumps meetings with German chancellor Angela Merkel (with whom Trump famously refused to shake hands), or Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull (whom Trump lambasted for pressing a dumb deal on refugees when the two men spoke by phone). On their first night, representatives from the two countries dined on pan-seared Dover sole with champagne sauce and dry-aged prime New York strip steak--an upgrade from the Big Mac dinner Trump vowed on the stump to serve Xi in their first meeting.

But there were no details, either. No new agreements were announced. There was no indication of the two nations had come to any sort of specific understanding about how to deal with the North Korean nuclear threat, improve access for U.S. companies in China, or curb the U.S. trade deficit with China.

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