HEALTH, DISEASE AND HEALING IN MEDIEVALCULTURE

Also by Sheila Campbell

THE MOSAICS OF ANTIOCH

THE MALCOVE COLLECTION

THE MOSAICS OF APHRODISIAS IN CARIA

Also by Bert Hall

THE TECHNOLOGICAL ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE 'ANONYMOUS OF THE HUSSITE WARS'

STUDIES IN PRE-MODERN TECHNOLOGY AND SCIENCE (co-editor)

Also by David Klausner

RECORDS OF EARLY ENGLISH DRAMA: HEREFORD AND WORCESTER

Health, Disease and Healing in Medieval

Culture

Edited by

Sheila Campbell

Bert Hall

David Klausner

Centre tor Medieval Studies, University ot Toronto

© Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto 1992

Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1 st edition 1992

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission.

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claims for damages

First published 1992 by MACMILLAN ACADEMIC AND PROFESSIONAL LID

Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London

Companies and representatives throughout the worid

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Health, disease and healing in medieval culture. 1. Medicine, history I. Campbell. Sheila D. (Sheila Diana) 1938- 11. Hall, Bert III. Klausner, David 610.9

ISBN 978-1-349-21884-4 ISBN 978-1-349-21882-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-21882-0

JERRY STANNARD

(1929-1988)

Inmemoriam

Contents

List of Illustrations ix

Abbreviations x

Preface xi Sheila Campbell. Bert Hall. and David Klausner

Introduction xiii Faye Marie Getz

Notes on Contributors xxi

1 The Disease That We Call Cancer 1 Pauline Thompson

2 The Anglo-Saxon View of the Causes of Disease 12

Audrey Meaney

3 A drynke flat men callen dwale to make a man to slepe 34 whyle men kerven hem: A Surgical Anesthetic from Late Medieval England Linda E. Voigts and Robert P. Hudson

4 The Third Instrument of Medicine: Some Accounts of Sur- 57 gery in Medieval Ieeland IanMcDougall

5 Mythic Mediation in Healing Incantations 84 Edina Boz6Jcy

6 Anointing the Siek and the Dying in Christian Antiquity and 93 the Early Medieval West Frederick Paxton

7 The Healing Power of the Hebrew Tongue: An Example 103 from Late Thirteenth-Century England Mark Zier

8 Changes in the Regimina sanitatis: The Role of the Jewish 119 Physicians Luis Garcfa-Ballester

viii Contents

9 The Sickdish in EarIy French Recipe Collections 132 Terence Scully

10 To Prolong Life and Promote HeaIth: Baconian Alchemy 141 and Pharmacy in the English Learned Tradition Faye Marie Getz

11 The Visions of Saints Anthony and Guthlac 152 M. L. Cameron

12 Three Not-So-Miraculous Miracles 159 lohn Wortley

13 Great Figures in Arabic Medicine, According to Ibn al-QiftI 169 Franr;oise Micheau

14 The Introduction of Arabic Medicine into the West: The 186 Question of Etiology Danielle lacquart

Index 196

List of Illustrations

Figure4.1: Late medieval fresco, Ottestrup Kicke, Denmark 61

Figure4.2: Copenhagen, Royal Library, MS. NKS 84b fol., 62 fol. Ir

Figure4.3: Copenhagen, Royal Library, MS. NKS 84b fol., 68 fol. 3r

Figure4.4: Copenhagen, Royal Library, MS. Thott 57 8vo, 71 fol. 77v

Figure4.5: The layers of the head, from Magnus Hundt, 72 Anthropologium

Figure 7.1: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud. Or. 174, 105 fols lr-v

Figure 7.2: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Laud. Or. 174, 106 fol. 62v (ftyleaf)

Figure 13.1: The Arab physicians according to Ibn al-QiftI. 180 Distribution by religion and by period.

Map 13.1: The Arab physicians according to Ibn al-Qifti. 174 Places of activity, 750/950.

Map 13.2: The Arab physicians according to Ibn al-QifF. 176 Places of activity, 950/1050.

Map 13.3: The Arab physicians according to Ibn al-Qifti. 178 Places of activity, 1050/1230.

ASE ASPR BL BN c. ca. CCCM CNRS CP EETS fF fl'S

KINM ME MED MS(S) N.F. n.s. OE OED ON o.s. PG PL TLS

Abbreviations

Anglo-Saxon England Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records British Library (London) Bibliotheque nationale (paris) century circa Corpus Christianorum, continuatio mediaevalis Centre national de la recherche scientifique Cistercian Publications Early English Text Society fslenzk Fornrit Journal ofTheological Studies Kulturhistorisk leksikonfor nordisk middelalder Middle English Middle English Dictionary manuscript(s) Neue Folge new series Old English Oxford English Dictionary OldNorse original series Patrologia Graeca Patrologia Latina Times Literary Supplement

Preface

The papers published in this anthology are aselection from those given at a conference entitled "Medieval Medicine: The Causes of Sickness, the Secrets of Health", held at the Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto, 24-26 February 1989. Many of the papers presented here have been substantially revised from their conference presentation. The reason for these revisions sterns not only from the usual changes from oral to written format, but also from the very dynamic interchange that took place during the conference, as scholars from many academic disciplines met, exchanged theories, and developed a synthesis of their ideas. If one theme emerged above all others it was the unanimous conviction of the diversity of academic disciplines needed to fully understand the history of medicine in its broadest aspects. We hope the results that follow will add to the general knowledge of health and medical practice in the Middle Ages.

The editorial committee is grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for a conference grant that made possible the organization and presentation of the colloquium on which these papers are based; to the Centre for Medieval Studies for making available its computer-typesetting, printing, and copying facilities; to the individual contributors, who have all been most cooperative in keeping to deadlines; to Professor George Rigg, who has rigorously scrutinized the Latin translations; to Professor Michael Marmura, who has equally rigorously scrutinized the Arabic transliterations; to Anna Burko for copy-editing and streamlining the whole manuscript; and to the publishers, who had the foresight to suggest that these papers would make an interesting and useful publication.

Sheila Campbell BertHall David Klausner

University of Toronto, March 1990

Introduction

Faye Marie Getz

Every eulture coneeives of health and disease in its own way. Today most people have a firm hope of a long and healthy life, of good nutrition, and of relative freedom from pain. In the more wealthy eountries, at least, we now have well-defined expectations from scientifie medieine: we know mueh about the various medieal professionals and about where 10 find them, and are familiar with institutions such as hospitals and schools of nursing, pharmaey, and medieine. Most developed nations also provide some sort of finaneial help to the siek, either through insuranee or govem­ment subsidy. The medieal fringe is now often separated from the medi­eally orthodox by professionallieensing boards, and most eountries have a body of legal precedent that allows distinetions 10 be drawn between Heit and illieit praetiee. Seienee and social poliey, then, shape the expec­tations held by most eitizens of industrialized eountries today about health and disease: wego to doctors when we are ill, and we expect them toeure us.

For medieval people, the situation was quite different. Medieal prae­tiees and expectations varied greatly from time 10 time and plaee to plaee. In a few of the eities of the period the munieipal authorities lieensed or otherwise regulated physieians, surgeons, barbers, apothecaries, and rarely, midwives. Some eities also sought the help of eivil physieians in regulating publie health (especially by establishing quarantines) in time of plague. Throughout the medieval period many eities experieneed ftour­ishing mercantile aetivity, ineluding a trade in drugs and medieal texts. In scattered locations eharitable hospitals for pilgrims, the siek, the old, and the poor were established, while some eities had universities, where medi­eine, some surgery, and pharmaey were taught by learned men weIl versed in aneient and more modem texts. And at court, the medieal prae­titioner was often an important person, whose aecess to the ruler's most intimate secrets made him a respected and sometimes even a threatening figure.

But many regions lacked a large urban centre or a court eulture, while in the early Middle Ages hospitals and universities had yet to be estab­lished. In many places, the siek and the poor were left to decide for them­selves where to seek medical advice, and in time of plague trusted to God or to their ability to ftee to the eountryside for protection. In rural

xiv Introduction

areas, isolation had both advantages and disadvantages. The rural poor escaped the worst ravages of contagious disease, but a crop failure often meant starvation, and skilled help with such mundane concems as bonesetting and childbirth could be hard to find. Generally speaking, medieval people had no fixed expectations about health and long life from any ''professional'' group. Nor was there any universal assent about what constituted good or bad medicine. The assumptions upon which medieval medicine rested, then, are very different from those of modem scientific medicine.

Medicine in Europe and the Mediterranean basin was shaped by the three monotheistic religions of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Judaism relies on the special obligation Jews have to observe the contract between God and themselves. Christianity, while adopting the teachings of Jewish scholars, broke with Judaism in that Christians believe the Messiah came in the person of Jesus of Nazareth, who suffered, died, and was resur­rected to redeern humanity from the consequences of original sin. Mus­lims give respect to the teaching of Abraham and Jesus; nevertheless, for Islam it is obedience to the teaching of God's final prophet, Mohammed, that informs their belief. All of these religions have in common their foundation in a co11ection of texts, and it is this respect for the written word that helped form the attitudes of the faithful towards the nature of health and disease. Tbe examination, evaluation, and commentary on Scripture was crucial to Judaism, Christianity (in both its eastem and western forms), and Islam, and this habit of mind affected the way in which the medical text was regarded. For better or worse, it is their texts with which historians must work. Medicine in the Christian West is the principal focus of this volume, but, as several of the essays illustrate, the different religious traditions are closely linked, and cannot be understood in isolation.

For the early thinkers of the Christian church, the writings of ancient scholars on medicine presented a difficult problem: certain decisions had to be made about the proper objects of study. Holy Scripture was funda­mental to any sort of learning, and formed the basis of Christian teaching. But early Christians were also faced with the glittering legacy of the pagan world: literature, visual arts, and most of a11, seductive philosophi­cal systems. Tbe early Christian philosopher St. Augustine, in On Chris­tian Doctrine. advised his learned readers that they should not ignore the teachings of the pagan philosophers, but instead should select the best that they wrote and make use of it for Christian purposes. As scriptural sup­port for this, Augustine cited the twelfth chapter of the Book of Exodus. In it, God instructed the Children of Israel in how to keep the Passover

Introduction xv

after the plagues of Egypt. In the course of these instructions the people were told 10 borrow "of the Egyptians jewels of silver, and jewels of gold, and raiment ... and they spoiled the Egyptians".

Just as the Children of Israel plundered their former captors of their riches, so Christendom, said Augustine, may plunder the pagans for the riches of their philosophy. But the right metaphorically to spoil the Egyp­tians was not given 10 everyone. The dangers of allowing the secrets of the past to fall into the wrong hands were many. The weighing of good and bad knowledge was properly left only to the few, and strictest control over this knowledge was vital. Education was, then, a deliberately long and arduous process, limited strictly 10 the right sort of person. Women were, almost by definition, the wrong sort of person, and medical texts are filled with diatribes against "the ladies", who were evidently a very real threat 10 learned medical practice. Education's purpose, then, was to develop not merely a knowledge of facts, but the character to handle facts properly.

The difficult nature of learning leads to another assumption upon which medieval medicallearning rested, which was embodied in the first aphorism of Hippocrates: life is short, art is long. Thirteenth-century com­mentaries on this passage interpret it as highlighting the importance of doctrine to medicine: no one person's life was sufficiently long to learn all that was necessary 10 know about medicine. Therefore, the best physi­cian was not necessarily the cleverest or most experienced one, but rather the one who had devoted the most time to the doctrina, or teaching, of the past. Thus, learned medieval Christian medicine found value not in the seeking out of new discoveries, but in the evaluation of previous learning.

The evaluation of previous learning meant the discursive and rational examination of the medical matter of ancient Greek and Roman writers, especially the texts of the Hippocratic corpus, the biological works of Aristotle, and the writings of the Greek-speaking Roman physician Galen. Greek medicine was in essence dietetic, with diet to be understood in the broadest sense of the word: regulation of one's entire lifestyle with the preservation of health as the goal. Dietetic medicine was centred on the advice a learned practitioner provided to the individual on how to main­tain a "balance of health". This medicine was preventive rather than cura­tive and, by its limited nature, essentially elitist. General medical advice that was good for a number of people was not a part of this type of medi­cine, because general advice ignored the unique place of the individual in the universe. If the monarch bad a headache, it could not be the same headache as that of a peasant: they were different types of people.

xvi Introduction

The ideal Greek physician, then, was a philosopher, who was too wealthy 10 take money for his advice, and too gentlemanly 10 take an unseemly interest in his patron's secrets. His very deportment bespoke virtue, not because he had "learned manners", but because his wisdom and social status were apparent for all 10 see. The physician as a man of character, with an otherworldly detachment and philanthropic outlook fit well into medieval ideas of the clerical physician, in that many medieval people regarded the clergy as the most dependable source of learned advice.

Medieval medicine was much more than the survival and modification of classical learning, however. Judaism, Christianity, and Islam all demanded of their followers the practice of eharity. While dietetie medi­eine became the province of learned eommunities like Monte Cassino in the early Middle Ages, of sehools and monasteries later on, and finally of the universities from the twelfth century, many if not most people eame to expect whatever text-generated healing they received from members of the clergy to be charitable. The rabbi was the usual source of learned medical advice for Jews, and a similar situation existed among Muslims and Christians. In post-medieval society medicine ean be thought of as in some senses "market-driven": that is, medical eare responds 10 the demands of patrons and their ability to pay. Market forces were to some extent at work in medieval society as weIl, in that medieval medieine, like poetry, could be said to have had an audience. Even so, the relation­ship between elerical duty and medical eare was a strong one throughout the medieval period, and charity was thought to be the best motive for medieal practiee.

Medieval Christianity maintained a deep suspicion of mysticism, which in the realm of healing eould take the form of magical eures, the casting out of demons, or the performance of healing miraeles. This sus­picion grew alongside the development of Christian doctrlne, whieh ex­pressed an inereasing distrust for natural phenomena that laeked rational explanation. And yet, as Edina Boz6ky shows in her essay, no form of medical therapy used in the medieval period had such an enduring nature as the mystieal. Boz6ky examines the mediating funetion of narrative ineantations in religious healing. Using anthropologieal models, she shows how eertain stories were used by a mediator, sometimes a woman, to integrate a sufferer into the larger cosmie order, and by so doing, to hea1 hirn/her of whatever was thought 10 be wrong. Boz6ky leaves aside speculation about the scientifie nature of the ineantations, and cites instead their enduring popularity as evidence of their satisfactory nature.

Introduction xvii

Mark Zier examines a similar phenomenon, looking at directions for use in a Christian context of four Hebrew psalms as healing prayers against specific illnesses. The directions appear in a Hebrew codex of the Psalms from thirteenth-century England. Zier summarizes the place of Hebrew scholarship in England before the Expulsion of the Jews at the end of the thirteenth century and points out that, far from representing folk tradition, the practice exemplified by these directions was in alllike­lihood part of high intellectual culture.

Frederick Paxton explores Judeo-Christian healing ritual from a differ­ent point of view by following the changing meaning of the anointing of the sick with oil in early Christian liturgy. For the early Church, he argues, anointing was simply for the purpose of curing bodily ills. But as Christian rite changed, anointing became what he caUs "a powerful sym­bol of spiritual transformation", indicative of the cure of souls rather than the care of bodies. Paxton calls attention to one of the central themes of medieval medical discourse: the difficulty that bodily concerns caused Christian thinkers. The body was Satan's ally,leading people to sin, while suffering, as the Passion of Christ demonstrated, could be a positive, indeed redeeming, experience.

Faye Getz shows how one influential thinker conceived of the "body/soul" problem by examining the alchemical writings of the thirteenth-century Franciscan writer Roger Bacon. For Bacon, disease was rather like a fall from grace, and medicine as a consequence was restorative and preventive. The best medicine, he argued, was one known to the ancients, the philosopher's stone. The philosopher's stone would restore the body to its pristine state before the Fall of Man, and would be rediscovered if ancient texts were understood correctly. Text-based learn­ing and proper medicine were thus inseparable, as was Christian virtue from scientific endeavour.

Bacon's ideas about alchemy were derived in large part from his understanding of the writings of Islamic natural philosophers. Fran~oise Micheau's study of an Islamic biographical dictionary shows striking par­allels with Christian ideas of the virtuous and learned physician, and such comparisons enlighten the study of both cultures. The ideal Islamic physi­cian, according to Ibn al-Qif!i and others, was one who wrote books on a number of subjects, elegantly and often entertainingly. For Ibn al-Qifti, medicine was a branch of physics, an Aristotelian knowledge of the natu­ral world. The practice of his ideal physician was theory-generated, which distinguished hirn from the merely empirical quacks. He was also a court­ier and a gentleman, witty, and, if popular, very weil paid.

xviii Introduction

The physician occupied an important place in Islamic society, but his place in the Christian world was more problematical. DanieIle Jacquart argues that medicine in the Christian West before the eleventh century was of a Methodist type: it cared little for the causes of disease and a great deal more for therapy and practice. The tradition of Greek medical learning, although preserved unbroken in the eastern Roman Empire, was largely lost in the Latin-speaking West. This situation began to change in the eleventh century, with the introduction to the West of Islamic models, which argued for therapeutics based on the investigation of the causes of disease. Such a change could not help but elevate the status of medicine in the world of learning, but as Jacquart points out, the establishment of medicine among the liberal arts was resisted by certain thinkers.

Luis Garcia-Ballester looks at the consequences of the cultural fer­ment in later-medieval Spain, an area combining Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions. Garcia-BaIlester focuses on changing concepts of health as reflected by regimina sanitatis. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, he finds, concepts of private and individual weIl-being began to coexist with more general concerns about the health of the community. The regimen sanitatis, or regimen of health, was at first directed at the regulation of the lifestyle of an individual, usuaIly a wealthy one. These regimens sought to control the so-caIled nonnaturals: atmosphere, activ­ity, food, sleep, sexuality, and emotions. From the fourteenth century, especially under the influence of Jewish physicians, such regimens became concerned more specificaIly about foods, and were also aimed not at individuals but at groups of people.

After the first onslaught of the Black Death in the middle of the four­teenth century, texts offering generalized dietary advice became rather common in medical literature. Terence ScuIly discusses the restorative property of certain foods in late-medieval French recipe coIlections, con­trasting regimens prepared for specific individuals with "sickdishes" that were meant for use by any number of people. For medieval medical theorists, digestion was the central physiological process, during which food was "cooked" in the body to form its humours. For the physician, the most obvious way of preserving or restoring health lay in balancing the diet by regulating food intake. One way of classifying these foods was by their qualities: hot, cold, moist, and dry; or by the humours they engen­dered: blood, which was hot and moist; choler, which was hot and dry; phlegm, which was cold and moist; and melancholy, which was cold and dry. For the debilitated, ScuIly finds, the most restorative foods were tem­perate, that is, moderately warm and moist, just as was the healthy body. These foods were also widely available at aIl times of the year.

Introduction xix

Not all of medieval medicine concerned the practice of the physician. Surgery was not only taught at some universities, but in many places it was regulated by guilds of surgeons, barber-surgeons, and barbers, who treated externally-manifested afflictions and also performed phlebotomy, the letting of blood, thought to purge the body of the dangerous superfluities of digestion. lan McDougall uses the writings of the fourteenth-century academic surgeon Guy de Chauliac as a framework for a detailed investigation of references to surgery in medieval Icelandic lit­erature. He finds a variety of information about all manner of surgical procedures, as weIl as e1ues to the place of the surgeon in Scandinavian society, how he or she might have been paid, and the level of familiarity Icelandic writers displayed with continental surgical texts. McDougall demonstrates that, far from existing in isolation, medievallcelandic writ­ing compares favourably in its level of sophistication with similar texts on the European mainland.

The preparation of pharmaceuticals is the type of medicine most fre­quently encountered in surviving medicalliterature. And yet, the meaning of such recipes is very problematical. Linda E. Voigts and Robert P. Hud­son examine a recipe almost as if it were an archeological artefact, com­bining the study of medieval manuscripts with a knowledge of modern medicine. Together, they evaluate a recipe recommended for surgical anesthesia found in at least thirty late-medieval English manuscripts. The recipe contains several ingredients modern science considers effective in producing sleep, and the writers analyze these ingredients in their medi­eval and modern contexts. They make no secret of the many problems inherent in retrospective scientific analysis, and also make the reader aware of the seemingly insoluble textual problems the recipe raises. Nevertheless, Voigts and Hudson find it remarkable that such a recipe, whether it actually was used or not, circulated so widely at the same time as other texts on the performance of surgery were gaining in popularity.

The remaining essays in this volume are united by their use of the technique of retrospective medical diagnosis; that is, the writers evaluate their medieval material according to the findings of modern medicine. All of them reach the same conelusion in their research: medieval people, far from being credulous and irrational in medical matters, showed what we would regard as sound judgment when it ca me to healing and disease.

John Wortley uses modern descriptions of the placebo effect to exam­ine several accounts of miraculous healings in the eastern Greek and western Latin tradition. He suggests that what were reported to be mirac­ulous cures were in fact manifestations of the power of suggestion. In some cases, Wortley asserts, the writers of such accounts, being sensible

xx Introduction

people, may have been perfectly aware that the "miracle" was factual and canonical nonsense.

Pauline Thompson uses retrospective diagnosis as an aid to her inten­sive examination of the shades of meaning of the word cancer in Old English, which she relates directly to the modern English meanings of the word. She does not limit herself to Old English medical texts alone, but ranges widely through the entire corpus of the literature to uncover nuances in meaning that suggest to her a modern diagnosis. She also com­pares the Old English vocabulary to Latin exemplars, and manages to iso­late several examples of "true malignancy". Thompson concludes that her subjects were knowledgeable about cancers, and that they combined book learning with actual experience.

Audrey Meaney also employs the corpus of Old English literature to evaluate numerous mentions of illness and cure. The writer wishes to redeem Anglo-Saxons from the charge that they were credulous believers in witchcraft and speIls as causes of disease; rather, she demonstrates, their ideas about illness "were based on scholarship, observation, and rea­soning". For example, she argues that Anglo-Saxon belief in "flying venom" differs liule from modern germ theory, and that Anglo-Saxon ideas about "worms" as a cause of disease are really not far from our own notions about parasitic worms.

Finally, M.L. Cameron argues that the visions of two medieval saints, Anthony and Guthlac, were actually the result of ergotism from the inges­tion of contaminated barley bread. He compares their so-called religious experiences with the well-documented effects of LSD, and further sug­gests, in agreement with other scholars, that phenomena such as the Salem witchcraft craze were really manifestations of ergot poisoning.

Tbe essays in this volume all show a sense of time and place, and in so doing remind us of how very different medieval medicine was from the medicine of today. Some essays use modern science to demonstrate that medieval people, far from being foolish, possessed certain rational notions about the nature of disease. Other papers employ the techniques of retrospective diagnosis to suggest the medical nature of past afftictions, while others relate medieval ideas about health and disease to the social milieu of the period, demonstrating how these ideas were inseparable from the culture that generated them. Despite their differences of inter­pretation, all these essays argue that the study of medieval medicine is a rich and rewarding endeavour, casting light on the nature of medieval society and, by reflection, on our own.

Notes on Contributors

Edina Bozoky, born in Budapest, Hungary, studied at the universities of Budapest, Paris (Ecole pratique des hautes etudes), and Poitiers. Her Ph.D. (doctorat de 3e cycle, Paris, Sorbonne) was in Religious Studies. Her research areas are medieval myths and folklore, myths and beliefs in the Cathar heresy, religious and folklore elements in French Arthurian romance, and narrative healing charms. She is currently a Research Fel­low in the Department of Classical and Medieval Studies, Universite d(! Montreal. She has published Le Livre seeret des Cathares: Interrogatio Iohannis, apoeryphe d' origine bogomile, an edition, translation, and co m­mentary (paris 1980), plus numerous articles on the subject of myth, reli­gion, and folklore in the Middle Ages.

Faye Marie Getz, B.A., Michigan State University; M.A., Ph.D., Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto; is an Honorary Fellow in the Department of the History of Medicine, University of Wisconsin­Madison. She is the author of Healing and Society in Medieval England: AMiddie English Translation 0/ the Pharmaeeutieal Writings 0/ Gilbertus Anglieus (Madison, WI 1991). Other recent publications on medieval medicine include: "Black Death and the Silver Lining: Meaning, Conti­nuity, and Revolutionary Change in Histories of Medieval Plague", Journal 0/ the History 0/ Biology 24 (1991); "Medical Practitioners in Medieval England", Social History 0/ Medicine 3 (1990); "Charity, Trans­lation, and the Language of Medical Learning in Medieval England" , Bulletin 0/ the History 0/ Medicine 64 (1990); "Western Medieval Medi­eine", Trends in History 4 (1988). She also wishes to acknowledge a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities that allowed her to attend the conference in Toronto.

Malcolm Laurence Cameron, B.Sc., M.Sc., Dalhousie University; Ph.D., Cambridge University; Professor of Biology (retired), Dalhousie University; member, Nova Scotia Institute of Science and International Society of Anglo-Saxonists. His recent publications are: "The Sources of Medical Knowledge in Anglo-Saxon England", ASE 11 (1983) 135-55; "Bald's Leeehbook: Its Sources and their Use in its Compilation", ASE 12 (1983) 153-82; "Aldhelm as Naturalist: A Re-Examination of Some of his Enigmata", Peritia 4 (1985) 117-33; "Onpeor andpeoradl", Anglia 106 (1988) 124-29; "Anglo-Saxon Medicine and Magie", ASE 17 (1988) 191-215.

xxii Notes on Contributors

Luis Garcia-Ballester, M.D., Ph.D., Professor at the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Barcelona. His most recent publications are: "Galen as a Medical Practitioner: Problems in Diagnosis" , in Galen: Problems and Prospects, ed. V. Nutton (London 1981), pp. 13-46; Los moriscos y la medicina (Barcelona 1984); with M.R. McVaugh and A. Rubio-Vela, Medical Licensing and Learning in Fourteenth-Century Valencia (philadelphia 1989). He is editor, with J.A. Paniagua and M.R. McVaugh, of the critical edition of Arnaldi de Villanova opera medica omnia (Barcelona 1975- ), in 20 volumes, 7 published.

Robert P. Hudson, M.D., M.A. (History of Medicine), is Professor and Chairman of the Department of History and Philosophy of Medicine at the University of Kansas. He is the author of Disease and Its Control: The Shaping o[ Modern Thought (Westport, Conn. 1983), and of more than fifty articles and chapters of books. He has served as president of both the American Association for the History of Medicine and the American Osler Society.

Danielle Jacquart, Docteur en histoire, Directeur de recherche au CNRS (paris). Her publications in the field of medieval medicine are: Supplement au Dictionnaire biographique des medecins en France au moyen dge (d' Ernest Wickersheimer) (Geneva 1979); with Gerard Troupeau, Les Axiomes medicaux de Yühannä Ibn Mäsawaih (Geneva 1980); Le Milieu medical en France du X/Je au xve siecle (Geneva 1981); with Claude Thomasset, Sexualite et savoir medical au moyen dge (paris 1985), trans. as Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages (Oxford­Princeton 1988); with Franr;oise Micheau, La Medecine arabe et l' Occi­dem medieval (paris 1990).

lan McDougall, Ph.D., University College, London, is an Assistant Edi­tor at the Dictionary o[ Old English Project, University of Toronto. His previous work on European learning in medieval Scandinavia includes the paper "Foreigners and Foreign Languages in Medieval Iceland" , Saga-Book 22 (1987-88) 180-233.

Audrey L. Meaney, M.A., Oxford University; Ph.D., Cambridge Univer­sity; is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London and a Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities. Revelant publications are: Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones, British Archaeological Reports 96 (Oxford 1981), pp. 364, XXI; "Variant Versions of Old English Medi­cal Remedies and the Compilation of Bald's Leechbook", ASE 13 (1984) 235-68; "Women, Witchcraft, and Magie in Anglo-Saxon England" , in

Notes on Contributors xxiii

Superstition and Popular Medicine in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. D.G. Scragg (Manchester 1989), pp. 9-41. She formerly taught in the School of English and Linguistics, Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, and now lives in Cambridge, UK, where she is continuing her research.

Fran~oise Micheau, born in Melun, France, is a Lecturer in Medieval History at Paris I University. Her Ph.D. dissertation studied the transla­tions of Arabic into western languages, and she has written numerous articles on the relations between oriental and western countries, on Arabic sciences, and on early Islamic physicians. She contributed to EMments d' histoire des sciences, ed. Michel Serres (paris 1989). Her most recent publication is La MUüine arabe et l'Occident mtdieval (paris 1990), written in collaboration with Danielle Jacquart.

Frederick S. Paxton, B.A., Michigan State University; M.A., University of Washington, Seattle; Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley; is Associate Professor of History at Connecticut College, New London. His current research concerns models of healing in late antiquity and the early medieval West. He is the author of Christianizing Death: The Creation 0/ a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca, NY 1990). He has also published several articles on medieval canon law, Carolingian legal history, and "pax Dei", the medieval peace movement.

Terence Scully, Ph.D., Wilfrid Laurier University, teaches in the Depart­ment of French at Wilfrid Laurier University. His recent publications include "The Opusculum de saporibus of Magninus Mediolanensis", Medium .Evum 54 (l985) 178-207; "Du fait de cuisine par Maistre Chi­quart (1420). Manuscrit S103 de la Bibliotheque Supersaxo, a Bibliotheque cantonale du Valais, a Sion", Vallesia 40 (1985) 101-231; Chiquart' s "On Cookery" : A FiJteenth-Century Savoyard Culinary Trea­tise (New York etc. 1986); The Viandier 0/ Taillevent: An Edition 0/ all Extant Manuscripts (Ottawa 1988).

Pauline Thompson, B.A., M.A., Ph.D., University of Toronto, is an Assistant Editor at the Dictionary 0/ Old English Project, University of Toronto. Her recent publications include "Amarcius", "Amatus of Monte Cassino", and "Anseim 11 of Lucca", in The Dictionary 0/ the Middle Ages, vol. I (New York 1982), pp. 228-29, 311; "An Anonymous Verse Life of Thomas Becket", Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 20 (1985) 147-54; "lEpplede Gold: An Investigation of its Semantic Field", Mediaeval Stu­dies 48 (1986) 315-33; with Elizabeth Stevens, "Gregory of Ely's Verse Life and Miracles of St. lEthelthryth", Analecta Bollandiana 106 (l988)

xxiv Notes on Contributors

333-90; with Nancy Porter, "Lemmas and Dilemmas: Problems in Old English Lexicography", International Journal 0/ Lexicography 2/2 (1989) 135-46; with Ashley Crandell Amos, Antonette diPaolo Healey, et al., Fascicles C and B of the Dictionary o/Old English (Toronto 1988 and 1991).

Linda E. Voigts, Ph.D., is Curators' Professor of English at the Univer­sity of Missouri-Kansas City. She is the author of A Handlist 0/ Middle English in Harvard Manuscripts (Cambridge, Mass. 1985), and co-author of A Latin Technical Phlebotomy and Its Middle English Translation (1984). She has also published twenty-five articles and chapters ofbooks.

Jobn Wortley, RA., M.A., Durham University; Ph.D., University of Lon­don; O.D., Durham University; is a Professor of Mediaeval History at the University of Manitoba. His publications will include: Les Rüits edifiants de Paul, ev~que de Monembasie, et d' autres auteurs, introduction and first complete, critical edition of the Greek text with French translation, Editions du CNRS (paris 1987); The Spiritually Beneftcial Tales 0/ Paul, Bishop 0/ Monembasia, and 0/ Other Authors, CP (Kalamazoo 1991); The Spiritual Meadow 0/ John Moschos, CP (Kalamazoo 1992); "Paul of Monembasia and his Tales", in Kathegetria: Essays Presented to Joan Hussey on her 80th Birthday, (Camberley 1988), pp. 303-15; "Aging and the Oesert Fathers: The Process Reversed", in Aging and the Aged in Medieval Europe, ed. Michael M. Sheehan (Toronto 1990).

Mark Zier, M.S.L., Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies; Ph.O., University of Toronto; is presently Dean of Men at University College, University of Toronto. His critical edition of the Expositio super Danielem of Andrew of St. Victor has been published in CCCM 53F (Turnhout 1990). He is presently collaborating with E. Jeauneau and L. Smith on the critical edition of Books IV and V of the Periphyseon of Johannes Scottus Eriugena, to appear both in CCCM (editio major) and Scriptores Latini Hiberniae (editio minor).