histo paper tejeros

Beneath the Ocean Water

At the very most, the death of Andres Bonifacio 1is taught to have been a matter of

misunderstanding. At the very least, he was “shot dead by Americans as he was ambushed, with

Bonifacio then residing in the Magdiwang estate in Tejeros.” Only the tip of the iceberg is

generally known, and the entirety of the issue lies beneath the ocean water, with every single

force of nature withholding the truth – these truths sometimes twisted in accordance with the

image of the hero. The difficulty that lies in Filipinos being able to comprehend the history with

which its independence emerged from is an enormous hurdle to overcome; however, in being

able to understand Andres Bonifacio, the one person who headed the revolt towards Philippine

independence, and Emilio Aguinaldo2, the first Filipino president of the sovereign Philippines,

this paper hopes to somehow lessen these hurdles, mostly taking into account the death of

Bonifacio which is Aguinaldo was mostly responsible for – whether it was due to the lack of

right judgment or not.

In lieu of this, this paper will then tackle the reason behind Emilio Aguinaldo’s approval

of the execution of Bonifacio – whether it can be considered justifiable or not, and why the issue

of Aguinaldo’s agreement with the death sentence has caused such uproar with researchers and

historians alike. Was the death of the Supremo of the Katipunan3, the founder of the revolution4,

justifiable?

In order for readers to completely analyze and comprehend the reasons behind this, this

paper will present both sides of the story, taken from the recollected evidences and occurrences

that have surprisingly been kept from the Filipino public. It will also later on thoroughly discuss

the infamous Tejeros Convention5, as well as the trials which Bonifacio surfaced to be guilty

through the testimonies of key role players in the cases subjected to him. It is important to

historically and chronologically tackle what had happened in the past regarding the issue due to

the importance that the events and separations of entities had played in the final call whether or

not to execute Bonifacio.

The possibility that the concept of Bonifacio’s execution is the greatest unsolved

mystery, or rather obscure conspiracy, is quite large. The execution was carried out due to the

1 Head of the Katipunan; of the Philippine revolt2 First president of the sovereign Philippines; was part of the Katipunan as well3 Also known to be Bonifacio, Supremo being the supposedly undeniable leader4 Andres Bonifacio5 Assembly held by the Magdalo and the Magdiwang in order to come to several conclusions

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approval of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, with the order coming from an unjust trial wherein

Bonifacio was condemned even with the contradiction allegations of his perpetrators. However,

it must also be taken into consideration that Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo are two of

some significant names in Philippine history. It seems, then, that this issue has been deliberately

kept from the public eye in the fight to preserve the heroic images of the aforementioned people,

as well as other innocent or guilty individuals who have been given a place in the pantheon of

Filipino heroes.

The Beginning

La Liga Filipina6 was later disbanded, with its members having opposing views with

regards to its principles and differences in opinion. One group opted to stay with La Liga’s

principle of a peaceful reformation of the then current government handling, while the other

group had already set their goal of gaining independence from Spain through an armed

revolution. The latter group decided to form the Katipunan on the day that the government

announced Jose Rizal’s banishment to Dapitan. Members of this organization included some of

those from the original La Liga Filipina, however, the continuity of its spreading power had

garnered large chapters from Batangas, Laguna, Cavite, Rizal, Bulacan, Pampanga, Tarlac, and

Nueva Ecija, with some sizeable chapters found in Ilocos Sur, Ilocos Norte, Pangasinan, and the

Bicol regions.

The Separation

The Katipunan, as stated previously, had many chapters in surrounding Luzon provinces.

As Emilio Aguinaldo, then the capitan municipal7 of Cavite el Viejo8, became affiliated with

Bonifacio’s Katipunan, he was able to garner members all over Cavite. Aguinaldo made periodic

trips to Manila in order to personally report to Bonifacio the events that had been taking place in

Cavite. Delighted by Aguinaldo’s efforts and charismatic ability to have people join the

Katipunan chapter in Cavite, Bonifacio visited Cavite for the first time and deemed it

“Magdalo9”, with Aguinaldo as its president. A second visit made by Bonifacio with the goal of

6 Organization created by Jose Rizal whose aims were to unite the whole archipelago under one organization, mutual protection in every want and necessity, defense against all violence and injustice, encouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce; and the study and application of reforms7 The equivalent of a town mayor in present times8 Presently known as Kawit, Cavite9 After Mary Magdalene, Patroness of Cavite

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setting up the Magdalo Council. The members, however, did not acknowledge Bonifacio as their

leader; rather, they turned to Aguinaldo, who then gained their complete loyalty and respect

without the intention of overthrowing Bonifacio. Bonifacio had gone to the jungles of Morong10

after losing battle after battle. He had been invited by the Magdiwang chapter three times, with

Bonifacio only accepting the third invitation to head to Cavite. The conflict of the two factions –

Magdalo and Magdiwang – however, began only after Bonifacio had arrived in Cavite, being

elected Haring Bayan of the Magdalo council the day after he arrived. This meant that he

completely identified with the Magdiwang sect, and forfeited whatever right he had as the

Supremo of the Katipunan – including acting as a mediator between the two councils.

The continuous dispute as to who is to handle or to head the majority of the revolution

lead to the separation of the entirety of Katipunan, with Magdalo, which used to be a sect of the

Katipunan alongside Magdiwang, detaching itself from the leadership of Bonifacio. After all,

Bonifacio realized that he had little, if any, influence in the Magdalo area. There had also been

an argument as to what kind of government is to be established and what kind of military is to be

used.

It is difficult to comprehend why there had been such an argument in the first place,

considering that those involved had a common goal with which they were working towards. The

Magdiwang sect, under Bonifacio, recognized its preexisting constitutions and by-laws, as well

as its established provincial and municipal governments. These laws had already been

established prior to the disputes within the Katipunan; hence the Supremo seemingly attached

himself to these laws without giving room for changes – or at least until they had completely

defeated the Spanish military. The Magdalo sect, however, opted for a new government, wishing

for the establishment of a supreme government to direct the insurrection – which evidently called

for the abolishment of the already existing Katipunan government with different leaders heading

each sect in their own fancy.

10 Currently a province of Bataan

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The Convention

The disputes between the Katipunan brothers became so destructive that it eventually

garnered distrust and jealousies between the heads of Magdalo and Magdiwang. Ultimately, the

leaders decided to call an assembly in order to compromise and decide on the ongoing disputes

within the Katipunan. The Tejeros Convention, held on the 22nd of March, 1897 at the Estate

House of Tejeros in Cavite would have, once and for all, decided which course of action is to be

taken by the leaders in the defense of Cavite against the Spaniards. However, it became an

election to decide the leaders of the new revolutionary movement, bypassing the Supreme

Council established by Andres Bonifacio. The assembly convened with the leadership of Jacinto

Lumbreras, who later on transferred the presidency to Bonifacio after Santiago Alvarez 11 had

argued with Antonio Montenegro regarding opposing views with regards to the leadership of the

Caviteňos. Bonifacio opened his session with:

“As you wish to establish a supreme government to direct the insurrection, abolishing that already organized by the Katipunan and agreed upon in the Imus assembly, I, as supreme president of the supreme council of the Katipunan, agree to your just petition; but I must first invite you all to join us in recognizing a principle upon which we must base all our decisions in this or in any other session; this principle is that we respect and obey in everything the vote or decision of the majority.”12

His stipulations for agreeing with the elections towards a new government were

seemingly considered for common sense and for equality, but his wording carries out a selfish

tone, as if to say that he believes himself to garner the most votes from the majority, and

therefore no one can judge him and the position he had won based on this educational attainment

and status in life. His two stipulations were 1) to obey the vote/decision of the majority and 2)

that whosoever is elected by the majority must be respected and obeyed, whatever his social

status may be and whatever his degree of culture might be. In any regard, Bonifacio then agreed

to the election of the following officers of the Republic: President, Vice-President, Captain

General, and Directors of War, Interior, State, Finance, Commerce, and Justice. Emilio

Aguinaldo was then busy handling the military front in Imus, however, despite his absence, he

11 Elected president of the Katipunan branch of Magdiwang in Cavite12 Ricarte Artemio, “The Tejeros Convention” in Memoirs of General Artemio Ricarte, 1992.

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still garnered the most votes and won the Presidential elections twice – Bonifacio believed that

he would have won the elections for presidency, however, when it was Aguinaldo’s name that

was announced, he demanded for a re-election which was granted to him. Aguinaldo, however,

won once again therefore leaving Bonifacio helpless even as he wanted to hold the chair of

presidency. Severino de las Alas13 then remarked that Bonifacio should instead become Vice

President as he acquired the second most votes for presidency next to Aguinaldo. There was no

one present, however, who supported de las Alas’ proclamation, whether it was in favor or

against his suggestion. The elections presided and finally, Bonifacio was elected Minister of the

Interior; however, Daniel Tirona who was a great supporter of Bonifacio prior to the assembly at

the Tejeros Estate protested against the election of Bonifacio and said “Let us vote for Jose del

Rosario, the lawyer!14” Bonifacio repeated his statement as at the prior page, after which asking

Tirona to either repeat what he said or to apologize to the assembly for the insult he put forth.

Whilst Tirona hid in the crowd and disregarded what Bonifacio had just said, Bonifacio pulled

out his revolver aimed at Tirona, but was halted by the secretary of the session. Bonifacio then

said: “I, as president of the session, and also as president of the supreme council of the

Katipunan as you all know, declare this assembly closed, and annul everything that has been

done therein.”

Baldomero Aguinaldo, the president of the provincial council of Magdalo suggested that

the convention push through the following day to settle the disputes that had occurred that day,

however, the Magdalo side did not acknowledge this request.

Only through the knowledge of Vibora15 did Emilio Aguinaldo and Mariano Trias take

their oaths as President and Vice-President respectively. However, after this occurrence, Andres

Bonifacio, along with many of his followers, some 45 generals and other high officials, met at

Tejeros once again and decided that the election of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo as president of the

Revolution Republic was null and void.

The circumstances with which the Tejeros elections took place can easily be considered

as, if not illegal, something that is inherently biased, with the majority of those present during the

elections, whose votes were counted, belonged to the Magdalo group of Aguinaldo, who as 13 Patriot and public servant who later joined the military staff of Aguinaldo in Biak-na-Bato when Indang, a town in Cavite, fell into the hands of the Spaniards; http://www.geocities.com/sinupan/AlasSev.htm14 P.39, Chapter VII, The Tejeros Convention15 Gen. Artemio Ricarte’s pseudonym

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previously mentioned, garnered the loyalty and respect of those beneath him, more than the

Supremo of the Katipunan had been able to.

Acta de Tejeros

Vibora, better known as Gen. Artemio Ricarte, initially refused to accept his position as

Captain-General, that which was originally bestowed upon him through the elections held in the

Estate House of Tejeros. However, he believed that his premature oath-taking will cause uproar

and misunderstandings, especially considering the fact that he was present during the disputes

that took place during the assembly in Tejeros. He remarked, then that

“I have made a promise to fight for the redemption of the Philippines, but unlike you and others here, I have not made any promise to serve one person or persons belonging to only one province of the Islands.”

In addition to Vibora’s claim, it became extremely difficult for Bonifacio and his some

45 men to accept the fact that the elections did not proceed without deception. They could not

make themselves believe that the elections were carried out without fraud and without the futile

attempt to override the majority of the people’s will. The men, then, decided to carry out an

announcement which would denounce the previously held elections as well as state their reasons

for believing that the appointments were held in bad faith and in malice as well.

Six reasons were stated by Sr. Jacinto Lumbreras16, other high officials, Andres

Bonifacio, and Mariano Alvarez17. They believed that 1) there was actual pressure that was

brought to bear upon the Presidency and that only one person had prepared the ballots, after

which issued to unqualified persons present during the assembly, 2) there had been other issues

that had not been made known to the Magdiwang’s capital, with Emilio Aguinaldo asking the

then present Magdiwang officials to reassess this, thus placing the officials under the order of

Aguinaldo, 3) it was Magdiwang that suffered when they succeeded in battle as the Spaniards

captured Silang and Dasmarinas, then under the jurisdiction of the Magdalos, 4) the Magdalo

sect had been unfair in not soliciting aid to the Magdiwang faction, while the latter had been

continuously grading the requests of aid by Magdalo, 5) the Magdiwang members had been

16 the Minister of State and then residing President of the Magdiwang sect in Cavite17 Then the present president of the Magdiwang faction

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fighting every single day in order to liberate the entirety of the Philippines, whilst Magdalo

attempted to take the presidency away from the aforementioned group as a “reward” for their

troubles; and 6) it was Bonifacio and his men who began the revolt, while the Magdiwang sect

only followed soon after.

The opinions with which this decree was structured on is obviously biased, and it is quite

difficult to come to a conclusion of an unbiased observer, considering that all texts point towards

one direction or another. It is possible, however, to analyze based on unfiltered facts the events

that had happened before and after the Tejeros assembly. The difference in opinions within the

Katipunan can be considered as the beginning of the complete separation of entities. With the

Magdiwang faction opting to carry on the current Katipunan government structure to then future

Revolutionary Republic and the Magdalo faction leaning towards a centralized government

under a supreme ruler, the difference is undeniably vast, with this carrying on towards arguments

and disputes, and obviously shading out opinions towards members of whichever opposing party

later on. It is apparent that the elections were held in a conspiracy to outwit the Magdiwang

members, with majority of the house comprised of Magdalo members, as well as the elections

being administered by the same, except for the President of the Council at that moment who was

Andres Bonifacio. Besides the latter, however, every person and aspect of what had happened in

the Tejeros assembly was under Magdalo.

In addition to the damage taken by Bonifacio as his dignity was crushed by an unruly

comment made by Tirona, Bonifacio had to surpass the rude awakening that he had received

when he did not win for Presidency during the elections. He believed that his being leader of the

Katipunan as well as his heading of the revolt against the Spaniards was enough to guaranty his

presidency. He realized later, however, that the minds of the masses were poisoned by those who

were above them, those who were more educated than they were. The rumor of him being a

“worthless individual” had surfaced, becoming even more difficult for Bonifacio to overcome

the fact that the congregation which he worked hard on had already moved on without him.

The newly organized government held by Aguinaldo later on decided to set free its

Spanish prisoners, and this was intercepted by Bonifacio who ordered his men to recapture and

bring before him the aforementioned prisoners as well as their Filipino guides who were then on

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the way to Santa Cruz de Malabon. General Tomas Mascardo and Cayetano Tropacio 18 were

among the Filipino guides, they who had already presented themselves to the Spaniards. It was

this incident that brought into Bonifacio’s consciousness that the Magdalo had been working, or

rather conspiring, with the Spaniards.

Bonifacio and his men then convened to come up with yet another document after the

Acta de Tejeros, which resolved to establish another government that is completely independent

from that which was proclaimed in Tejeros. The document, later on called the Naik Military

Agreement, stated that Bonifacio and those men present when it was printed would take matters

of treason and criminal neglect into their own hands, with them releasing the masses from the

corrupt army as well as the grave danger which seemed to dawn in the then near future. In

addition, it was acknowledged that 1) all the combatants shall be placed under the command of

Gen. Pio del Pilar, 2) they shall recognize those officers who have never gone back on their oath

of loyalty as well as their oath to the country as they entered the Katipunan; and that 3) any

disloyal person shall be punished accordingly. Signed by Bonifacio, Ricarte, del Pilar, and de las

Alas, the cause by which the Revolution was originally structured upon seemed to have been

threatened from the inside without the inherent help of outside forces.

The Beginning of the End

Bonifacio’s success in garnering more men for his army through the allegiance of

Batangas had been made known to Aguinaldo who later on ordered for his arrest due to several

complaints brought about by fellow leaders. It is quite interesting to note that Severino de las

Alas – the person who insisted that Bonifacio be deemed Vice-President after acquiring the most

votes after Aguinaldo during the Tejeros elections and also one that had signed the Naik Military

Agreement – had given Aguinaldo four main reasons that can be used by the latter to argue his

order to have Bonifacio arrested. De las Alas declared that Bonifacio 1) was bribed by friars so

that he would establish the Katipunan and lead the Filipino people in a war wherein the Spanish

armed forces were far more superior to that of the Filipinos, 2) ordered his men to set the

convent and Church of Indang on fire after the Spaniards had taken over the mentioned town, 3)

and his men had been using force in taking animals in order to feed his men; and 4) and his men

had already planned to give themselves up to the Spaniards.

18 Then the Magdalo Finance Manager

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Aguinaldo sent three of his men, the most notable being Colonel Agapito Bonzon, to

capture Bonifacio who was then along some uncharted areas in Cavite. Bonzon had played

himself out to be a traveler, and after passing by Bonifacio’s camp, the latter had asked the

former to have breakfast with them, which later turned out to be a surveillance of the number of

men Bonifacio had, including the artillery that they would be going against. The day after this

had occurred, Bonzon and his men returned, and as they were asked to halt by Ciriaco

Bonifacio19, the former was angered and began firing. They continued besieging Bonifacio’s men

until the latter was left standing with two men covering him, one of which was his brother who

was later badly wounded, while the other soldier was shot dead. Bonifacio was shot in the arm,

and Bonzon capitalized on this vulnerability and stabbed Bonifacio through the larynx with a

dagger.

That same day, General Mariano Noriel prepared his report to Aguinaldo regarding the

capture of Bonifacio. He said:

Hon. And Eminent President:

I have the honor to report to Your Excellency what Colonel Agapito Bonzon, whom you ordered, together with his soldiers, to Indang as regards the Supremo, had told me, which is the following:

When he saw the Supremo, he used soft words to convince him of his sincere invitation, but he was not able to soften the hard heart of Bonifacio, who, aside from turning down his offer, also showed signs of hostility as if he were a real enemy and ordered his men to shoot, to which our soldiers answered with fire, which resulted in the unfortunate shedding of blood, a fact that he (Bonzon) did not like because of his love for his brethren, but in the fulfillment of his duties he thought it proper to do it, which resulted in the death of a rifle-equipped soldier and another armed soldier (From Ymos and Gargano respectively), while on the other side a brother of the Supremo was killed, and this (the Supremo) was left in the tribunal of Indang in a serious condition because of the wound in the throat; 20-rifle-equipped soldiers and another brother of the Supremo were captured.

From this occurrence, it is up to your high sense of fairness to judge the extent of the evil and treacherous intentions of Andres Bonifacio.

Even in the beginning of the so-called report regarding what had happened, Noriel had

already contradicted the entirety of the occurrence that same morning when the letter was

written. Bonifacio was transferred two days after to Naik, the capital of the rebel government. On

that same day, Aguinaldo received Noriel’s letter, hence requesting for the necessary trial in

19 Andres Bonifacio’s brother

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connection with the events that had taken place. He also demanded that the judge be a colonel,

and for the reason behind this we might never know. Bonifacio’s trial started that very same day,

April 29, 1897, and was continued in Maragondon until the 4th of May.

Trial.

It is important, first and foremost, to take into account the testimonies of those who were

asked to testify for Andres Bonifacio as he was tried in court under the judgment of Colonel

Pantaleon Garcia, who was the investigating officer, as well as the prosecutor and the

preliminary judge. Most of those who were interrogated, except for one or two persons, proved

that the Supremo was innocent of the charges against him.

The testimonies from Bonifacio’s camp were mostly similar, that of Procopio Bonifacio,

Gregoria de Jesus, and some men that were arrested along with Bonifacio. The questions that

were asked to Procopio were more of event-related questions, with them focusing on what had

happed in the firing incident with Bonzon. Questions about artillery and the amount of

information that Bonifacio had regarding the Revolutionary government were also asked, and if

his men knew whether or not Bonifacio had the authority to recruit men for his army. It was also

during Gregoria de Jesus’ testimony that she explained being brought up in empty quarters by

Bonzon, but her testimony basically says just that.

The shocking testimony and that which was different from all other testimonies was

Pedro Giron’s, who surprisingly turned his back on Bonifacio by testifying and stating false facts

during his interrogation. He said that Bonifacio expressed an urge to have Aguinaldo killed,

already handing Giron P10 for it to be done as such, with Giron saying that he refused to do so.

He also played himself out to be the person who stood in between the three Bonifacio brothers

and the government troops, asking them to not fire but Ciriaco refused and fired, killing two

government soldiers.

The bulk of Andres Bonifacio’s testimony is regarding the incident that had happened

roughly 3 days prior to his interrogation. He had explained it just as Teodoro A. Agoncillo had in

his book The Revolt of the Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. There has yet to

be any evidence pointing towards the story which was put forth by Pedro Giron as well as

Colonel Agapito Bonzon’s account of the occurrence.

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It is quite possible for Giron’s testimony to have been bribed out of him, including the

tone with which he was said to have used as he answered the interrogator’s questions. The idea

that his testimony is completely different from that of his Katipunan brethren leaves unanswered

questions; however, we must also take into consideration the fact that his allegations against the

Supremo had never been stated in any book, nor has it been deemed historically correct by

researchers. The narrative put forth by Giron may have been believable as he was said to have

used a “serious and fast paced” tone while explaining the bulk of his testimony, which centered

on the assassination of the Revolutionary Government’s president.

The council convened on the 5th of May, 1897 and surprisingly gave more weight to

Giron’s testimony than they should have. They stated that the Bonifacio brothers were the first to

plan an attack on the government, and that Andres Bonifacio did in fact induce Pedro Giron to

assassinate the President. In addition, they stated that “His acts showed that he was a traitor to

the government according to the testimony of those who stood witness in this trial.” Mariano

Noriel then recommended that Andres and Procopio Bonifacio be given capital punishment –

this being shot 5 times each in a public place.

Placido Martinez20, Bonifacio’s defense counsel, had abandoned his client, deeming him

and his actuations as “bad and abominable”, and also saying that if there was any other

punishment more grave than death, then it should be imposed upon Bonifacio. This did not help

at all, and later on in his speech he asked for forgiveness for Bonifacio, saying that “I request that

Andres Bonifacio be forgiven for all that he had done, so that in doing so we may fulfill what we

pray in Our Father. “Forgive our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us.” The

reason behind this, too, will sadly never be realized.

The Verdict

Nothing the blatancy of the biasness with which the trial was carried out, it seems unjust

for Aguinaldo to have approved of the recommendation handed out by the council with regards

to the punishment that is to be brought upon Bonifacio. Baldomero Aguinaldo himself, who was

Emilio’s first cousin, wrote to the latter and expressed his views, stating that what had been

expressed as facts in the testimonies of the traitor Giron were completely and obviously biased.

20 Failed to defend Bonifacio in terms of legalities, nor was he able to condone and acknowledge the irregularities in Pedro Giron’s testimony.

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Aguinaldo originally commutated the death penalty as punishment for treason to Bonifacio,

shocked by the notion that Bonifacio’s followers had turned on him despite the fact that the latter

had initiated the revolution in the first place; however, he had asked for pardon after Baldomero

had knocked some sense into Aguinaldo’s lack of right judgment. He had also been overcome by

pity towards his first decision, as well as the idea that he had never had an enemy since his

childhood, not expecting that he would begin in the battle against Spain, and much less a

Filipino. Noriel and Pilar, however, insisted that Aguinaldo go on with his prior plan to the

pardon, expressing their view that Bonifacio posed a threat to the revolution as well as his own

life. These allegations regarding the threat that Bonifacio poses, though, had been purely based

on the account put forth by Giron. Aguinaldo does not seem to realize the latter statement, and

pushes through with the execution under such powerful pressures.

Thereupon the rescinding of Aguinaldo’s pardon, General Mariano Noriel ordered Major

Lazaro Macapagal to bring with him some soldiers to fetch the two brothers and to carry out the

original punishment imposed by the military court.

Macapagal had shot Procopio Bonifacio first, 5 times as recorded and previously imposed

on him. Andres, after this, had tried to run away but was apprehended and shot dead as he tried

to do so. This happened on Mt. Tala on the 10 th of May, 1897 during the early morning. The

brothers were deprived of a proper burial, with their graves dug using only bayonets by the

soldiers that accompanied Macapagal in lieu of the execution.

In Conclusion

The question of whether or not Bonifacio’s execution was justifiable will always depend

on the point of view from which one will be looking at this occurrence in Philippine history. It is

important to note that the trial with which Bonifacio was made to go through was unjust and had

unsustainable, if not fragmented, evidence to support its claim that Bonifacio is guilty of treason.

Twelve appeals have been passed by the heirs of Andres and Procopio Bonifacio regarding the

trial:

1. Emilio Aguinaldo was not the legitimate President of the Revolutionary Government and accordingly, he did not have the right to order the trial21;

21 Agoncillo, The Writings and Trial of Andres Bonifacio, ii-iv. (1963.)

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2. That the investigating officer, Colonel Pantaleon Garcia, had acted both as prosecutor and preliminary judge, a “legal anomaly” that deprived the accused of due process of law;

3. That the members of the Council of War were all men of General Aguinaldo, including General Tomas Mascardo whom Andres Bonifacio had earlier ordered arrested for releasing Spanish prisoners;

4. That Colonel Garcia had proceeded by questioning the witness without the accused being allowed to cross-examine or confront said witnesses;

5. That no evidence whatsoever of treason, sedition, or disloyalty, or otherwise, of conspiracy to lead a counter-revolution had been established against the accused, and that only two Remington rifles not registered in Andres Bonifacio’s name were recovered from the accused at the time of their arrest;

6. That the accused were convicted on the sole testimony of Pedro Giron, the corroboration by General Pio del Pilar and Colonel Modesto Ritual not being found in the records;

7. That Pedro Giron himself had been bribed and intimidated to testify against the accused;

8. That the accused were not allowed a decent defense – one of the defense counsels, Placido Martinez, was one of the judges as member of the Council of War;

9. That the verdict of General Baldomero Aguinaldo, General Aguinaldo’s cousin, was vague and too general;

10. That General Baldomero Aguinaldo, being General Emilio Aguinaldo’s cousin, should have inhibited himself;

11. That the accused Andres Bonifacio was not validly served, if he was served at all, with a copy of the verdict and the Government had no proof of service in the absence of any signature of the accused Andres Bonifacio on the verdict acknowledging receipt; and

12. That the trial was farce – a mock trial.

It may be such that the trial was unjust, however, from a different point of view; we can

just as well conclude that the death of Bonifacio was predominantly a political decision made by

Emilio Aguinaldo, as well as a product of connivance among the bourgeoisie and the militarists.

The conflict between the two leaders had become a great ordeal – one of them having started the

Philippine revolution, while the other having won numerous battles against the Spaniards. The

values and goals by which the Katipunan had originally been established had diminished into

greed and, more importantly, complete lack of better judgment. It is difficult to understand that

the values by which the Katipunan had been fighting against were the same values that had eaten

them up alive. Despite the success of the Philippine Revolution in overthrowing the then residing

colonial government, the duties by which this victory was carried out spelled disaster and death

to the one person that headed this movement. Bonifacio, although seemingly a victim, did a part

of this propaganda as well – direly wanting to hold the position of Presidency in the new

Revolutionary Government that was to be established.

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We may also, on the other hand, conclude that at the time of full military uproar against

the Spaniards, the high officials prioritized the stability of its central government as well as its

military advances, so much so that conspirators of entity separations such as Bonifacio seemed to

have threatened the government as well as their greatest military tactician, Aguinaldo, hence

becoming a hurdle to overcome in order to push through with the success of the revolution.

Considering the anomalies with what happened even prior to the assembly held in the

Estate of Tejeros, it had already been, since then, an inevitable occurrence that the partial

factions of the Katipunan would end in distraught disagreements. Was it, however, enough to

have killed the founder of the entirety of the movement? If it wasn’t for the events that had taken

place, history as we know it would not have sufficed the victory of Emilio Aguinaldo in

overthrowing foreign residents. The immensity of the issue of Aguinaldo’s approval to have

Bonifacio executed sometimes makes no sense, considering that everything with regards to what

had happened had something to do with connivances and conspiracies, not to mention false

testimonies as well as the stubbornness of individuals to accept the people’s choice.

From a legal point of view, it is obvious that Andres Bonifacio’s execution was not, in

any way, justifiable with regards to the evidence that had been put forward. From a political

point of view, it is possible to come to the conclusion that the death of Bonifacio allowed for the

success of the Philippine Revolution under the leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo. The difficulty in

deciphering which one outweighs which will possibly be conquered.

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Works Cited

Agoncillo, Teodoro. "Of Laws and Men." Agoncillo, Teodoro. The Revolt of the Masses:

The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press,

1996. 237-260.

Agoncillo, Teodoro. "Seeds of Discontent." Agoncillo, Teodoro. The Revolt of the

Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Quezon City: University of the Philippines

Press, 1996. 201-217.

Agonicllo, Teodoro. "Intrigues and Sedition." Agoncillo, Teodoro. The Revolt of the

Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan. Quezon City: University of the Philippines

Press, 1996. 218-236.

Aguinaldo, Gen. Emilio. "Death for the Bonifacio Brothers." Aguinaldo, Gen. Emilio.

My Memoirs. Manila, 1967. 161-163.

Ateneo de Manila. The Trials of Andres Bonifacio. Manila: Ateneo de Manila, 1963.

Ricarte, Artemio. "The Tejeros Convention." Ricarte, Artemio. Memoirs of General

Artemio Ricarte. Manila: NHI, 1992. 36-43.

Santos, Jose P. Was Aguinaldo Right to have Caused Bonifacio's Death? Manila:

Imprenta Manila, 1993.

Sarmiento, A. The Trial of Andres Bonifacio: The Appeal. Quezon City: University of

the Philippine Press, 2006.

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