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HOMEWORK: TZUTUJIL VERBS1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University Consider the verb forms below from Tzutujil, a Mayan language of Guatemala and answer the questions that follow. ʃinwari I slept ʃoqeeli We left neeli He/she leaves ninwari I sleep neʔeeli They leave ʃiʃwari You (pl) slept niʃwari You (pl) sleep ʃeʔeeli They left ʃateeli You (sg) left ʃwari He/she slept natwari You (sg) sleep What are the grammatical functions exhibited in the verb forms? What are the morphemes for the lexemes and grammatical functions, and how do they combine? Identify morphemes for all relevant grammatical functions and stems, and place them in a morphological frame.
1 Acknowledgement: the data organization from this problem come from Understanding Morphology (Haspelmath and Sims 2010, Hodder), and the primary resource is Tzutujil Grammar (Dayley 1985, University of California Publications).
HOMEWORK: MANDARIN COMPOUND NOUNS1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University 1 chàngcí libretto 20 dǐngdēng top light 2 chàngjī gramophone 21 diànchē streetcar, tram 3 chuánwěi stern 22 diàndēng electric lamp 4 cíwěi suffix 23 diànjī electrical machine 5 diànlì electric power 24 qìchē car 6 diànshì television 25 qìchuán steamship 7 dòngwùxué zoology 26 shāndǐng summit 8 dòngwùyóu animal oil 27 shìchàng sightseeing 9 dòngwùyuán zoo 28 shìlì eyesight 10 fángdǐng roof 29 shùcí number word 11 fángkè tenant 30 shuǐchē watercart 12 fēichuán airship 31 shuǐlì waterpower 13 fēijī aeroplane 32 shùxué mathematics 14 fēiyú flying fish 33 wěidēng tail light 15 huāchē festooned vehicle 34 wěidshuǐ tail water 16 huāyuán flower garden 35 yóudēng oil lamp 17 jīchē locomotive 36 yóuzhǐ oil paper 18 jiǎolì strength of one’s legs 37 yúyóu fish oil 19 kèfáng guest house 38 zhǐhuā paper flower By comparing words with the same morphemes, try to determine the meaning of each component morpheme. Confirm your answer by predicting the meanings of the larger compound from its parts. Also, what is the semantic relationship between the first part of the compound and the second? Show your work in a table like that sketched below. Morpheme Gloss Examples Explanations chàng sing 1, 2, 27 libretto = ‘sing word’, a text of a musical work cí word 1, 4, 29
1 Acknowledgement: the data and data organization for this problem comes from Understanding Morphology (Haspelmath and Sims 2010, Hodder).
HOMEWORK: HEBREW LEXEMES1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University kimut wrinkling maħšev computer diber he spoke masger lock ħašav he thought dibra she spoke sagra she shut milmel he muttered ħašva she thought kimta she wrinkled kalat he received milmla she muttered maklet radio receiver sagar he shut kalta she received dibur speech kimet he wrinkled A. Study the form-meaning similarities in the data above and group all the words into sets of two or three morphologically related words (i.e., ‘word-families’). In all but one of the sets, there is an oddball word that is not related to the others by an inflectional morphological process. In other words, it is outside of the lexeme that characterizes the other two forms. Present each group as a list in the boxes below, and circle the oddball in the list.
B. In each word family, there are clear similarities in form. Describe them in a way that is true for all the word families, and then give an example to illustrate your larger point. Write your answer in complete sentences. No sentence fragments allowed. C. The masculine and feminine forms differ systematically in form. Give a characterization of this difference, noting any apparent exceptions to this characterization.
1 Acknowledgement: the data and data organization for this problem comes from Understanding Morphology (Haspelmath and Sims 2010, Hodder).
HOMEWORK: NAUKAN ESKIMO1 John Alderete, Linguistics 323, Simon Fraser University Instructions: the following examples illustrate many of the grammatical categories associated with verb meanings. Try to identify these categories and find similarities in the words that same the same. aglukata:quq begins to work agluqixta:quq again begins to work aglugjawxapixta:quq begins to work intensively ku:jma:quq is swimming (towards something) ku:jmaʁo:ʁaquq swims (habitually) qavaɬqaχtuq suddenly fell asleep ɬiŋaχtaquq rings ɬiŋaχtaga:taquq rings intermittently aglumsuxe:naquq works constantly agluka:quq works with intermitten stoppages tɨnluxpɨquq knocks aglukɨŋa:waquq works for a long time aglugaχquʁa:quq works quickly aqujgaquq wanders about aqujviluxtaquq walks back and forth ka:susaʁa:χɬɨquq will come early ka:suqatamajaχtuq he came more than once agluŋura:quq he works for the first time qavavre:χtuq he fell asleep again aglufqara:quq rarely works qɨɬpɨχta:quq makes holes in something qɨɬpɨχquʁaquq makes holes in various places agluvrɨʁa:quq works with difficulty iglɨχtɨkša:ga:quq walks very slowly iglɨχtɨkjo:ʁaquq scarcely drags oneself along qavamse:quq dozes qavaχɬɨqja:quq sleeps fitfully qavajaxtuq almost fell asleep qavato:χtuq has fallen asleep at last aglunani:ʁaquq stops working iglɨχtɨpixtaquq walks a lot qavaruga:quq sleeps soundly
1 Data organization is due to Spencer, Andrew 1991, Morphological Theory, Blackwell; primary linguistic description is from Menovscikov, G. A.1975, Jazyk Naukanskix Èskimosov [‘The language of the Naukan Eskimo’]. Leningrad: Nauka.
agluso:χaquq does pretty good work agluxtuga:quq works carelessly aglupa:quq works in a haphazard manner
HOMEWORK: SAAMOAN PLURALS John Alderete, Simon Fraser Univesrity The data below illustrate a systematic morphological pattern for marking plural subjects in Samoan. Note that VV sequences in Samoan are heterosyllabic (the Vs are in different syllables, as marked with the syllable boundaries ‘.’).
mana.o ‘he wishes’ manana.o ‘they wish’ matu.a ‘he is old’ matutu.a ‘they are old’ malosi ‘he is strong’ malolosi ‘they are strong’ puno.u ‘he bends’ punono.u ‘they bend’ savali ‘he travels’ savavali ‘they travel’ pese ‘he sings’ pepese ‘they sing’ laga ‘he weaves’ lalaga ‘they weave’ atamaʔi ‘he is wise’ atamamaʔi ‘they are wise’
Give a comprehensive description of the morphological pattern in plurals. This description should make clear the type of process employed and the content and nature of the plural morpheme, e.g., what it is composed of and its relation to the base. Make use of examples to illustrate descriptive points.
HOMEWORK: MOKILESE REDUPLICATION John Alderete, Simon Fraser University Mokilese has a reduplicative prefix for marking the progressive. Describe the target shape of the prefix in prosodic terms, and the relation of this prosodic shape to the copied portion of the base. Syllabification is shown with “.” boundaries. Verb Progressive pɔdok pɔd-‐pɔdok plant mʷiŋe mʷiŋ-‐mʷiŋe eat kasɔ kas-‐kasɔ throw wadek wad-‐wadek read pilɔd pil-‐pilɔd pick breadfruit kookɔ koo-‐kookɔ grind coconut sɔɔrɔk sɔɔ-‐sɔɔrɔk tear tʃaak tʃaa-‐tʃaak bend pa paa-‐pa weave wi.a wii-‐wi.a do di.ar dii-‐di.ar find
HOMEWORK: EFIK VERBS1 John Alderete, Linguistics 323, Simon Fraser University
Efik is part of the Niger-congo family, subcategory Obolo (Efik), and is spoken in Nigeria. Tone is marked: /ˋ/ = low pitch, /ˊ/ = high or mid pitch, /˅/ = rising pitch.
Tense Number Person buy live think put go run Pres Sg 1st ńdèp ńdù ŋ́kèrè ńdòrì ŋ́kà ḿfèhè 2nd èdèp òdù èkèrè òdòrì àkà èfèhè 3rd édèp ódù ékèrè ódòrì ákà éfèhè Pl 1st ìdèp ìdù ìkèrè ìdòrì ìkà ìfèhè 2nd èdèp èdù èkèrè èdòrì èkà èfèhè 3rd édèp édù ékèrè édòrì ékà éfèhè Fut Sg 1st ńyédép ńyédù ńyékéré ńyédòrì ńyékǎ ńyéfèhé 2nd èyédép èyédù èyékéré èyédòrì èyékǎ èyéfèhé 3rd éyédép éyédù éyékéré éyédòrì éyékǎ éyéfèhé Pl 1st ìyédép ìyédù ìyékéré ìyédòrì ìyékǎ ìyéfèhé 2nd èyédép èyédù èyékéré èyédòrì èyékǎ èyéfèhé 3rd éyédép éyédù éyékéré éyédòrì éyékǎ éyéfèhé Past Sg 1st ŋ́kédép ŋ́kódù ŋ́kékéré ŋ́kódòrì ŋ́kákǎ ŋ́kéfèhé 2nd èkédép òkódù èkékéré òkódòrì àkákǎ èkéfèhé 3rd ékédép ókódù ékékéré ókódòrì ákákǎ ékéfèhé Pl 1st ìkédép ìkódù ìkékéré ìkódòrì ìkákǎ ìkéfèhé 2nd èkédép èkódù èkékéré èkódòrì èkákǎ èkéfèhé 3rd ékédép ékódù ékékéré ékódòrì ékákǎ ékéfèhé
Part 1. The data show only three of the numerous verb “tenses” in Efik, translated into the English equivalents below. Describe the form of each tense marker in the space provided, including their segmental structure and tone, and classify them as the result of either a concatenative or nonconcatenative process, and whether or not they exhibit allomorphy. Present
Future
Past
1 The data for this problem and some of the ideas that underlie the questions here come from problem 7.L (p. 37) of Gleason, Henry A. 1955, Workbook in descriptive linguistics, New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston.
Part 2. List each root in what you would consider the most appropriate base form, that is, the form from which it is easiest to describe all the data given your characterization of tense above. buy put
live go
think run
Part 3. There are six person/number grammatical functions, some of which also show allomorphy. In the table below, list the allomorph(s) for each cumulative expression of the person/number markers. Also, give a characterization of the environment of the distinct allomorphs. Be clear, and as general as possible.
1st Sg
2nd Sg
3rd Sg
1st Pl
2nd Pl
3rd Pl Part 4. Of the person/numbers markers that exhibit allomorphy, some of them appear to involve phonological allomorphy (i.e., the allomorphs result from a regular phonological process) and others must involve suppletive allomorphy. Explain which are which, and why. Answer in complete sentences.
HOMEWORK: SOMALI PLURALS1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University There are four ways of marking plurals in Somali. Consider the data below and answer the questions that follow.
Singular Plural awowe awowayaal ‘grandfather’ baabaco baabacooyin ‘palm’ beed beedad ‘egg’ buug buugag ‘book’ cashar casharro ‘lesson’ fure furayaal ‘key’ ilmo ilmooyin ‘tear’ miis miisas ‘table’ qado qadooyin ‘lunch’ shabeel shabeello ‘leopard’ waraabe waraabayaal ‘hyena’ xidid xididdo ‘eagle’
A. Create a table with four columns, where the header of the column gives a shorthand description of each plural marker, and the rest of the column lists the base forms that take this plural marker, as shown below. -ayaal awow(e)-
B. Next, describe the complementary distribution of these markers. In particular, from the examples given, characterize the environments in which each plural marker is used. This can be added to the last row above. C. Finally, give a more complete account of the nature of each plural marker using the descriptive tools we have developed in class. Is it concatenative or nonconcatenative? What factors governs allomorph choice? Are there stem alternations?
1 Acknowledgement: this problem is based on the exercise in Understanding Morphology (Hasplemath and Sims 2010, Hodder).
HOMEWORK: SAAMOAN VERBS1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University Saamoan has two different verb forms used in different contexts. The difference is not easy to translate, so they are just referred to as ‘Form A’ and ‘Form B’ below.
Form A Form B Gloss 1 alofa alofagia ‘love’ 2 ʔole ʔolegia ‘cheat’ 3 faʔaee faʔaeetia ‘put’ 4 fua fuatia ‘weigh’ 5 faʔafoi faʔafoisia ‘send back’ 6 gau gausia ‘break’ 7 faitau faitaulia ‘read’ 8 sila silafia ‘see’ 9 utu utufia ‘fetch water’ 10 sio siomia ‘surround’ 11 inu inumia ‘drink’ 12 lilo liloia ‘hide’ 13 sopo sopoia ‘exceed’
A. Hypothesis X. Consider the following hypothesis: Form A is both the lexical underlying form for Form A and the surface form. Form A is also the base of affixation for Form B, which is formed by attaching one of several inflectional affixes. Construct a complete analysis on this hypothesis by creating lexical entries for all the stems and inflectional affixes needed to account for the data above. Be sure to indicate in the lexical entry of the stem which inflectional affix it takes. B. Discussion of Hypothesis X. Now that an analysis has been constructed, discuss the nature of allomorphy it embodies. In particular, what type of allomorphy is involved, and if it is suppletive, what factor(s) predict which form is selected? Justify your answer with clear observations about the morphological analysis. C. Hypothesis Y. Next consider an alternative hypothesis about the relation between Forms A and B. Under Y, the surface Form A is not the base for deriving Form B, and it is also not the underlying form of Form A. The base for Form B is a disyllabic or trisyllabic form that ends in a consonant. This base is related to Form A by a regular phonological process, and Form B is derived by simple affixation. Construct a complete analysis of the above data by creating lexical entries for all the stems, an entry for the inflectional affix, and a phonological rule for the stem allomorphy. D. Discussion of Hypothesis Y. Finally, discuss the consequences of this new approach for the analysis for allomorphy. Is the nature of allomorphy the same as it is under Hypothesis X, or is it different? Explicate fully, with reference to the key differences between the two approaches. What types of evidence might help the analyst decide between these two approaches?
1 This problem is based on the data and organization of the problem 7.G of Gleason’s Workbook in Descriptive Linguistics, but it has different questions.
HOMEWORK: MAORI PASSIVE1 John Alderete, Simon Fraser University Consider the verb forms below in Maori, a Polynesian language of New Zealand. Verb Passive awhi awhitia to embrace hopu hopukia to catch aru arumia to follow tohu tohuŋia to point out mau mauria to carry wero werohia to stab patu patua to strike, kill kite kitea Based on parallels with languages like Saamoan (see related problem), one can posit two coherent analyses of the suffix allomorphy. e.g., hopukia ‘to catch (pass.)
“phonological analysis” “conjugation analysis”
Breakdown: hopuk + ia hopu + kia
Extra phonology: C →∅ /___# Phonological suppletion:
-‐ia -‐a C-‐final V-‐final
-‐ia -‐a C-‐final V-‐final
Lexical suppletion: -‐tia -‐kia -‐mia -‐ria -‐ŋia, etc. stem[t] stem[k] stem[m], etc.
While the phonological analysis has a little extra phonology, it is far simpler than the conjugation analysis in its treatment of allomorphy—it doesn’t require lexically determined suppletion. Despite simplicity, however, there are a number of arguments in favour of the more complex conjugation analysis. 1. It is a surface true generalization that all syllables are (C)V, and indeed all words end in V. So perhaps this is a generalization of morphemes as well. It’s plausible therefore to posit e.g., /hopu/ as the stem form because the morpheme fits with the phonotactics of the language. 2. A number of morphological facts point to the existence of a regular or ‘default’ inflection /-‐tia/:
a. denominal verbs take /-‐tia/ b. derived causatives take /-‐tia/ c. adverbials that agree in voice agree by taking /-‐tia/ as a suffix d. borrowings from English take /-‐tia/ e. compound verbs take /-‐tia/ f. low frequency items also take /-‐tia/
Question: how does this evidence support the conjugation analysis?
1 The data and insight behind this problem come from Hale 1973 “Deep-‐Surface Canonical Disparities” (in Sebeok, T. 1973, Current Trends in Linguistics, vol. 11)