howtribalarethetaleban
TRANSCRIPT
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ThomasRuttig
HowTribalAretheTaleban?Afghanistanslargestinsurgentmovementbetweenits
tribalrootsandIslamistideology
EXECUTIVESUMMARY
RecentdevelopmentsinAfghanistanhave
underscoredthatthereisstillanimmenselackof
understandingandevenofinterestwithregard
tothenatureoftheTalebanmovement.1DiscussionsaboutwhethermoderateTaleban
existhaveovershadoweddeeperquestionsabout
thecharacteroftheAfghanTalebanmovement.As
aresult,thereisconsiderableconfusionasto
whetherthelargestandmostinfluentialinsurgent
movementismainlydrivenbyethnic,religiousor
politicalmotives.Thispaperaimstoclarifythe
oftencomplexforcesthatshapetheAfghan
Talebanmovement.Itexploresseveralcentral
questions,includingthefollowing:AretheTaleban
aPashtuntribalorevennationalistforceorare
they,astheyclaimtobe,supra-ethnicIslamistswhodonotacknowledgetribal,ethnicand
linguisticdifferencesbutonlyknowMuslims?In
addition,thispaperdiscussestheplaceoftribes
1ThispaperfurtherdevelopsthoughtslaidoutinThomas
Ruttig,TheOtherSide:DimensionsoftheAfghanInsurgency:Causes,ActorsandApproachestoTalks ,Kabul/Berlin:AfghanistanAnalystsNetwork,Thematic
Report01/2009,July2009.Itbuildsontwopresentations
givenataworkshoporganisedbytheAbbassiProgramin
IslamicStudies,atStanfordUniversityon3December
2009,andattheJamestownFoundations2009Terrorism
ConferenceTheChangingStrategicGravityofAlQaedain
Washingtonon9December2009.
andtheirinstitutionswithinAfghansociety.A
distinctionismadebetweenwhatisrealandwhat
ismyth,asconstructedbyAfghansandalsoby
foreignobservers.
ThepaperthendiscussestheoriginsoftheTaleban
movement,the(limited)roleofIslamistideology
andtheextenttowhichitcanbeconsidereda
Pashtunnationalistmovement.Furthermore,this
paperlooksatthebeginningdebateabout
whethertheTalebanhavemorphedintoaNeo-
Talebanmovement.
TodaysTalebanmovementisdualisticinnature,
bothstructurallyandideologically.Theaspectsare
interdependent:Averticalorganisational
structure,intheformofacentralisedshadow
state,reflectsitssupra-tribalandsupra-ethnic
Islamistideology,whichappearstobenationalistici.e.,itreferstoAfghanistanasa
nation2attimes.Atthesametime,the
movementischaracterisedbyhorizontal,network-
likestructuresthatreflectitsstrongrootsinthe
segmentedPashtuntribalsociety.Themovement
isanetworkofnetworks.Religious,tribaland
regionalcomponentsoverlapevenwhenitcomes
totheorganisationalprinciplesoftheTaleban.
2Thistermisnotspecificenough.InEurope,itevenhas
achauvinisticundertone.Nationalwouldfitbetter,and
manyAfghansthereforeoftenrefertonational(melli)almostsynonymouswithpatriotic,anotherword
dislikedbymanyinEurope.
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2 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Individually,theTalebanaredeeplyrootedintheir
tribalsocieties.But,intheirself-identification,the
balancebetweenbeingPashtunandbeingMuslim
haschanged,asisthecasewithmanyAfghans.
Inthirtyyearsofconflictandgradualstate
collapse,Pashtuntribalsocietyhasundergone
drasticchanges.Traditionalsocialandpolitical
relationshaveincreasinglybeenweakenedand
dissolved.Theyoungergenerationsquestioned
theauthorityoftheelderswhotheyheld
responsiblefortheseconflicts.Thishadnegative
impactsonintra-tribalcohesion.Asaresult,the
jirga asthemajorconflict-resolvingmechanismofthePashtunshaslostmuchofitsauthority.
Powerfulnewcomersareabletoignorejirga
decisionswithimpunity.Mightoftentrumps
pashtunwalaiandevenIslamiclaw.Risinglevelsofeducationhavechangedthecharacteroftribal
representation.Diasporacommunitiesofcertain
tribeshaveemergedinthebigcities.Their
membersabsorbedmodernskillsbutmaintained
linkstotheiroriginaltribes.Thisway,influences
ofmodernismpenetratedeventherural
communities.Thisdiaspora-triberelationship
intensifiesintimesofcrisis.
InmanyPashtuntribes,themore-permanenttribal
shurahasreplacedthejirga.Someofthemstillrepresentaformoftraditionalself-organisation,
butmanyothersareconvenedbythenew
strongmen.Thismakesthemhierarchicalin
structure,incontrasttotheegalitarianjirgawhereideallyallmalemembersofacertaintribefinda
consensusaboutacertainconflict.Meanwhile,a
shuradeliberatesandgivesadvicetotheleader
whothendecideswhetherhemakesuseofitor
not.ManyPashtunsusebothterms,jirgaand
shura,interchangeablynow.
Today,sometribescoversuchalargeareathat
theyaresimplytoobigtohaveasingleleader
althoughitisdoubtfulwhethertherewasalways
oneundisputedleaderatanygiventimeonanygivenlevelofthetribalpyramid.Inongoing
competition,variousaspirantsforleadershipwouldfoughteachotherforprestigeand
influence.Leadershipandpowerwithinanytribal
segmentresembledanever-changingequilibrium.
ThelackofadynasticprincipleamongstPashtuns
standsinthewayofacoherentandcontinuous
triballeadership.
Furthermore,thetribalcodeofPashtuns,
pashtunwalai,needstobeunderstoodasanidealisedconcept.AsthePashtunsgenealogical
chart,itcanchangeintimeandspace.Categories
usedbyoutsidersasifsetinstone(likethemuch-
discussedDurrani-Ghilzaidivide)arefluent.
Differentlocalversionsofpashtunwalai(called
nirkh)areused.Incasesofconflictbetweengroups,adecisionwouldbemadeinadvance
whosenirkhtouse.
TheTalebanmovementemergedfromreligious
networksfromthe197889resistance,i.e.,itisa
broadermovementthatsawitselfasreligiously
motivated.Onlywhenthemujahedin,intheeyesofthelaterTaleban,violatedtheirownreligious
principles,didtheTalebanestablishtheirown,
nowultra-orthodoxmovement.Onlyaftertheir
initialmoves,weretheTalebanadopted,
supportedandinstrumentalisedbythePakistani
militaryestablishment.Today,manyTaleban
activitiesinAfghanistanssoutheastandsouth3still
centrearoundnetworksofulama-ledmadrassasandmosques.
Politically,theTalebanmovementaspirestoaims
thatarelargerthanitsindividualtribalrealms:
politicalpoweronthenationalAfghanlevelandthere-establishmentofitsemirate.Theyare
nationalists,butcannotbecalledPashtun
irredentists,i.e.,theydonotstrivefora
reunificationofallPashtunareasina
Pashtunistan.
TheTalebanmovementssupra-tribalideology,i.e.,
Islamism,keepsthedooropenfornon-Pashtun
elements.Thishasallowedittosystematically
expandintonon-PashtunareasoftheNorthand
West.Islamprovidesanumbrellathatcreates
cohesioninanotherwiseethnicallyaswellas
politicallyheterogeneousmovement.
ThesystemofreferenceindividualTalebanortheir
leadersalludetotribal,nationalistandIslamist
dependsonthecircumstancesunderwhicha
particulardecisionistakenandontheparticular
tacticalorstrategicaimatstake.
Thecombinationofvertical(religious/ideological)
andhorizontal(tribal)structuresgivestheTaleban
movementahighdegreeofcohesionwhile
maintainingorganisationalelasticity.Thiselasticity
initshorizontaldimensionbasedonPashtun
individualismallowsdiscussionandevendissent.Itallowsasufficientdegreeofautonomyoflocal
commandersandpreventsthemfromfeelingover-
controlled.Subsequently,themovementhas
experiencednosplits,oratleastnonethathave
seriouslyweakeneditsorganisation.
Themovementhasshownmorecontinuitythan
discontinuitybetweenthepre-andpost-2001
phasesinthemajoraspectsthatcharacterisesuch
3Inthispaper,Southeasternregionisusedforthe
threeprovincesofLoyaPaktiaandSouthernregionfor
Kandahar,Helmand,UruzganandZabul.Thelatter
regionisreferredtoasSouthwesternregionbysome.
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3ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? armedinsurgentmovements:theorganisational
structureincludingthecompositionofits
leadership,ideology,politicalaimsand
programme.Mostimportantly,themovementstill
adherestoitsundisputedandsinglemost
importantleader,MullaMuhammadOmar,the
amirul-momenin.TheTalebanLeadershipCouncil
stemsfromthepre-2001phaseandisstillmainlyKandahari.Thepresenceofnon-KandahariTaleban
leadersinthiscouncilismoresymbolicthan
significant.Theinfluenceofnewlyrecruited,
younger-generationTalebanfoot-soldierson
strategicdecision-makingisstillminimalalthough
thepresenceofMullaOmarstwonewdeputies
(afterthearrestofMullaBaradar)indicatesthat
nowboththeoldandthenewgenerationsare
representedonthislevel.Themajorchangeinthe
Talebanisthatuptolate2001itwasaquasi-
governmentwithastate-likestructure,whileafter
2001itwasforcedtoreorganiseasaninsurgentorguerrillamovementthatrunsaparallel
administration.Basedonthis,themovement
claimsthecontinuityofitsemirate,whichinits
eyesaforeigninterventionunlawfullyremoved
andreplacedwithapuppetadministration.
Thereisnoorganisedorrecognisablemoderate
(oranyotherpolitical)factionintheTalebanto
counterbalancethereligioushardliners.Itismore
usefultodifferentiatebetweendifferentcurrents:
pragmatic,politicallythinking,pro-talksTaleban
whounderstandthatapoliticalsolutionis
desirablebutwhostillareconservativeIslamists,comparedwiththosewhofavourapurelymilitary
approach,oftencombinedwithahypertrophic
recoursetoterroristmeans.Bothgroupscompete
fortheallegianceofthenon-orless-political
majburiandna-razfoot-soldiers.
ThefactthatalargemajorityoftheTalebanare
PashtunsdoesnotmakethemtherepresentativeofallPashtuns.Sincethelate1940s,apluralistpoliticalchoicehasalwaysexistedinPashtun
society.Thearmedconflictsofthepast30years,
however,havenarrowedthepoliticalspace.The
marginalisationofpoliticalpartieshasfurther
aggravatedtheproblem.Intodaysviolent
atmosphere,betweentheanviloftheKarzai
governmentandthehammeroftheTaleban,there
arenoviablepoliticalalternativesforPashtuns.
Tribescannotassumetherolesofindependent
actors.Rather,theyprovideanarenainwhich
politicalcompetitiontakesplace.Attemptsto
maketribesintoinstrumentsforstabilisation,as
hasbeendoneintheformationoflocaldefence
initiatives,ismisdirected.Rather,alternative
Pashtunpoliticalandsocialorganisationsshouldbegivenmorescopeandresources.Atthesame
time,itisnottoolatetostrengthentheinternal
cohesionofcertaintribesandtheirparticular
institutionsbysupportingtheirabilitiestore-
establishfunctioning,legitimatedecision-making
bodies(jirgas,shuras).Externalactors,however,
shouldonlyprovidealevelplayingfield,a
frameworkofsecurityandpossiblywhere
requestedtakeontheroleofneutralarbiter.
TheyshouldrefrainfrombeingseenastakingdecisionsonAfghans'behalfandbeawarethat
interferenceoftendeepens,insteadofremedies,
existingrifts.
TheAfghangovernmentsdraftAfghanistanPeace
andReintegrationProgramaswellastheWest-
dominatedapproachthatcreatesanartificial
divisionbetweenreconciliationand
reintegrationstilltreatstheTalebanproblem
mainlyasatechnicalone.Itsupposesthatmany
Talebancanbewonoverbyeconomicandsocial
incentivesandtheinsurgency,ineffect,split.
Thisunderestimatesthepoliticalmotivesthat
drivetheTalebaninsurgency.Furthermore,there
stillisanalthoughnotpubliclyexpressed
incongruencebetweentheUSapproach(usingthe
surgetoweakentheTalebanbeforeanytalks)
andPresidentKarzaisapproachthatstillseemsto
favourimmediatedirectcontacts.
TheJune2010peacejirgainKabulhasnotbrought
thenecessaryclarificationprocessforward.Itwas
notprecededbyabroadconsultationandlacked
genuinerepresentativeness.Onlyanapproachto
reconciliationbasedongenuinebroadparticipationandbuy-inbyAfghanscanleadtoan
outcomeinwhichtheTalebancanbeabsorbed
intothepoliticalmainstreamandAfghansociety.
Anapproachimposedfromthetopdown,evenif
coveredwithritualsofsurrogateparticipation,will
alwaysbevulnerablefromspoilers.
1. INTRODUCTION
RecentdevelopmentsinAfghanistanhave
underscoredthatwhilethecomplexissueof
reconciliationandreintegrationisdiscussedand
evenshapedintoprogrammes,animmenselackof
understandingandasitseems,evenofinterest
existsregardingthenatureoftheTaleban
movement.ThislackwasreflectedinWestern
governmentsapproachatandafterthe
internationalAfghanistanconferenceinLondonin
January2010whenthestillunder-developed
AfghanistanPeaceandReconciliationProgram
(APRP)oftheAfghangovernmentreceivedpolitical
approvalandevensomefinancialcommitments.It
continuedinthemainlywelcomingresponsefrom
WesterncapitalswithregardtotheJune2010NationalConsultativePeaceJirgainKabul.Butit
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4 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? alsowasevidentattheAfghan-leddiscussionsat
thejirgaitself.
PresidentHamedKarzaireflectedontheoutlines
oftheAPRPwhichwaspresentedtotheLondon
conferenceandtopartsofthedonorcommunityin
Kabulinhisopeningspeechtothedelegatesof
thejirga.Butthedocumentwasnotpresentedto
ordistributedamongstthem.Inthismajor
governmentdocument(althoughstilladraft)the
criteriaforpoliticalaccommodationwiththe
insurgentshavenotbecomeclearyet.Thisreflects
thestill-enormouslackofunderstandingofwho
theinsurgents(andtheirmaincompositeelement,
theTalebanmovement)areandwhataimsthey
pursue.Alternately,perhaps,itreflectstheview
thatadifferentiatedanalysisisnotnecessaryfor
theimplementationoftheprogrammeofwhich
PresidentKarzaisWesternpartnershave
unambiguouslyadoptedonlythereintegration
side.
TheNationalConsultativePeaceJirga,aswellas
thewaveofarrestofAfghanTalebanleadersin
PakistaninJanuaryandFebruarythisyear,4shows
thatmotivesofpowerandcontrolstilldominate
thepeaceandreconciliationagenda.Nointerest
wasshowninhowcommongroundcanbecreated
ateitherthenationalortheregionallevels.
DiscussionsaboutwhethermoderateTaleban(i.e.,
Talebaninterestedintalkingornegotiating)exist
haveovershadoweddeeperquestionsaboutthe
characteroftheTalebanmovementandhowitaffectsprospectsforpoliticalaccommodation.Asa
result,considerableconfusionexistsastowhether
thelargestandmostinfluentialinsurgent
movementismainlydrivenbyethnic,religiousor
politicalmotives.Thispaperaimstoclarifythe
often-complexforcesthatshapethemovement.
Thispaperexploresacentralquestion:Arethe
TalebanaPashtuntribalorevenanationalistforce
orarethey,astheyclaimtobe,supra-ethnic
Islamistswhodonotacknowledgetribal,ethnicand
linguisticdifferencesbutonlyknowMuslims?Do
thesetwoconceptsexcludeeachotherorcananddotheycoexist?Theanswerstothesequestions
haveimportantimplicationsforthedebateon
reconciliationandreintegration,astheyprovidean
indicationofwhetherandunderwhich
circumstancestheTalebanmaybereadytojoina
politicalprocessandwhattheywouldwanttoget
4SeeThomasRuttig,ImplicationsofMullaBaradars
ArrestAANBlog,16February2010,http://www.aan-afghanistan.org/index.asp?id=646;ThomasRuttig,The
TalibanArrestWaveinPakistan:ReassertingStrategic
Depth?CTCSentinel,CombatingTerrorismCenteratWestPoint,vol.3(3)(March2010,),pp146.
outofit.5ThequestionofhowtribaltheTaleban
areisalsosignificantinthedebateonwhetherand
howso-calledtribalorcommunitydefenceforces
canorshouldbeusedtopushbacktheinfluenceof
theTalebanincertainareasofAfghanistan.
Tobetterunderstandhowtribalthemovementis,
thispaperfirstdiscussestheplaceoftribesand
theirinstitutionswithinAfghansociety,howthey
functioninrealityandwhatchangesand
developmentstheyhavebeensubjectedtoduring
thephasesofmodernisationinthe20thcentury
andthepost-1973conflictsinAfghanistan.A
distinctionismadebetweenwhatisrealandwhat
ismyth,asconstructedbothbyAfghansandby
foreignobservers.
ThepaperthendiscussestheoriginsoftheTaleban
movement,the(limited)roleofIslamistideology,
andtheextenttowhichthemovementcanbe
consideredPashtunnationalist.Furthermore,thispaperwilllookatthejustbegundebateabout
whethertheTalebanhavemorphedintoaNeo-
Talebanmovementafterthecollapseoftheir
regimei.e.,whetherthereismorecontinuity
thandifferencebetweenthemovementinitspre-
9/11incarnation,theIslamicEmirateof
Afghanistan(IEA),andtheresurgentmovementof
thepresenttime.
2. PASHTUNTRIBES,BETWEEN
MYTHANDREALITY
Muchhasbeenwrittenaboutthepashtunwalai,thecodeofconductandwayoflifeofthePashtuns.But
muchofithadbeenmystified,bothbyAfghansand
foreignobservers,notleastbecauseinthelightof
morethan30yearsofconflictthepastradiatesa
goldenlightofnostalgia.Inordertounderstand
whichrolestribesandtheirinstitutionsareplaying
today,alotofrubblehastobecleared.Although
pashtunwalaiisoftendescribedinitsidealformandasstatic,itactuallyevolvesanddiffersintimeand
space.Individualshavestartedtodominateinstitutions,whichwereoriginallytheembodiment
ofcollectiveinterests.
Withitscoreprinciplesof nangandtora,melmastia,nenawataiandbadal,tigaandbaramta,itstribalinstitutionslikethe khanandthemalek,thejirgaandthearbakai,
6aswellasthe
5Inmyfirstpaper(seeFN1)Iarguedthat
reconciliationismorethanjusttalksbetweenthe
governmentandtheTaleban:Itneedstobeabroader
conceptthatoverarchesthewholeAfghanpost-orstill-
in-conflictsociety.
6Honourandcourage,hospitality,seekingshelterby
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5ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Pashtunsnotoriousfragmentation,embodiedin
theprincipleoftarburwalai(theenmitybetweencousins),pashtunwalaiisacomplicatedandunwrittensystem.Theknowledgeofitis
preservedbythewhitebeards(spingiri)andthejirgadar,thosewhohave[theknowledgeabout]thejirga.
7Itisnotsecretknowledgeandis
transferredtotheyoungergenerationsbyexample:Youngboysaresupposedtobepresent
atjirgasandseehowtheeldersdoit.
Alreadyinthe1970s,ChristianSigristwasusing
usedthetermacephalousandsegmented
societiesforthiskindofsocialorganisation,8with
itshierarchyofloyaltiesbetweenrelativesfrom
thelevelofthefamily( kor,inPashto,meanshouse)onthebottomuptothelevelofnation
(millat),country(mamlakat)orfatherland(watan).
9Loyaltyisonlyextendedwhenthe
particularlevelonthehierarchypyramidis
externallythreatened.Forexample,ifsomekorofonetribewouldbeinlatentconflictwithotherkorofthesametribeinoneparticularareaabout
land,forestorwaterusethesekorunawouldsticktogetheranddefendthemselveswithahigher
levelofloyaltywhenthreatenedbyanoutside
group.Onthetop-most(national)levelthiswould
meanthatwhenallAfghanethnicgroupsare
threatenedbyoutsideaggression,theycooperate
witheachother.ThiswasprovenduringtheSoviet
occupationinthe1980s.
submissionandrevenge,amoratoriumonaconflictand
thedeposittoguaranteeit,thetriballeaderandthe
villageelder,thetribalassemblyanditsreinforcement
instrument.ThebestarticleonpashtunwalaiformeisstillLutzRzehak,DasPaschtunwalitraditionelle
Normen,WertvorstellungenundBrucheder
Paschtunen,asien,afrika,lateinamerika15(1987)5,Berlin,pp82132.Surprisinglyenough,theredoesnot
seemtobeacomprehensiverecentEnglish-language
bookorarticledealingwiththetypesofpashtunwalaiamongstPashtuntribesinAfghanistanassuch,apart
fromthecolonial(andPakistan-focussed)standard
bookslikeOlafCaroe,ThePathans(Oxford,USA1984,reprint).Anumberofrecentpapersconcentrateonthe
jirgaaspectmostlyandonlydealwithpashtunwalaiat
theirperiphery.
7Onesourcealsoreferstoso-called nirkhi,arbiters,insuch
jirgas.ChristianSigrist,PashtunwaliDasStammesrecht
derPashtuneninRevolutioninIranundAfghanistan:mardomnamehJahrbuchzurGeschichteundGesellschaftdesMittlerenOrients(Berlin1980),p264.
8Acephalousmeanswithnocentralisedauthority,
alsocalledregulatedanarchy.ChristianSigrist:RegulierteAnarchie(Olten1967).
9Watanalsoisablurryterm.Itcanstandforthewholenation/countrybutalsoforthenarrowerareaoforigin
(avalley,etc.).
ThePashtunsareone,ifnotthelargest,ofthe
tribalsocietiesworldwide.Kinshipasaprincipleof
socialorganisation,nevertheless,isnothingspecial
tothePashtuns.Mostofwhatissaid,forexample,
abouttheSomalis10wouldmakesenseforthe
Pashtunsaswell:
AllSomalisarebornintothissocialstructureandbecauseitdefinesa
personsrelationshiptootherSomalisand
non-Somalis,kinshipisacriticalsourceof
anindividualsidentity.Knowledgeofa
personsclancanenableonetoidentify
theirelders,deducewheretheyreside
andwhomtheyarelikelytovoteforinan
election....Kingroupsformalliances,
divideandrealigninresponsetointernal
andexternaleventsandprocesses.The
clanorsub-clanthatapersonidentifieswith(orisidentifiedwith)willdependon
theprevailingcontextandissueathand,
suchasaccesstoenvironmental
resources,thecontrolofreal-estate,
competitionforpoliticalofficeora
collectiveresponsetosecuritythreats.
Thetraditionofexogamousmarriage11
meansthatSomaliscanhaverelativesin
severalclansdispersedoverlarge
geographicalareas....Clansand
genealogiesarethereforedynamicsocial
constructsthatcanbesubjecttodifferent
interpretationsandareusedtodescribe
andvalidatechangingsocialandpolitical
relationships.Theyare,asLuling12has
described,notonlygoodtofightwith(or
playpoliticsanddobusinesswith)but
goodtothinkwith....Inthecontextof
statecollapseandintheabsenceofstate
institutionsandotherformsofpolitical
10InMarkBradbury,BecomingSomaliland(London
2008),pp1315.
11Endogamousandexogamousarerelativeterms.As
arule,marriageamongstAfghansisendogamous,i.e.,
withinthebroadercommunity.Often,however,cousin
marriageispreferredtosavecostsandtokeepthe
property(land,etc.)together.Incontrast,exogamous
marriageisameanstocreatepoliticalandbusiness
alliances.
12ThequotedoriginalsourceisVirginiaLuling,
GenealogyasTheory,GenealogyasTool:Aspectsof
SomaliClanshipSocialIdentities:JournalfortheStudyofRace,NationandCulture(2006)Vol.12(4).
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6 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? organisationthekinshipsystemprovide[s]
astructureforinter-grouprelationsand
governance,fororganisingandmanaging
violenceandfororganisingtrade.
AllPashtunsknowtheircurrentparticularplaceon
theirpeoplesintricategenealogicalchartwithits
hundredsoftribes,sub-tribes,clans, kor13
etc.whichderivesfrom(assumed)common
ancestors.14Thesameistruefortheindividual
Talebanfighter.Heisabletosayexactlytowhich
tribe,sub-tribeetc.hebelongsunlesshedecides
otherwiseandsidestepstotheideologicallevel,
ofteninordertomakeapoliticalpoint.One
TalebaninterpreterinKandaharinlate2000
repliedwithemphasiswhenaskedtowhichtribe
hebelongs:Thisdoesntmattertome.Weare
Muslimsanddonotknow[i.e.,recognise]tribes.15
Theplaceatribeorsub-tribeoccupiesonthe
Pashtungenealogicalchartcanchangeintimeand
space.Atribemightgrowandsplitintosub-
tribesandsomesub-tribemightbecomeatribe
initsownright.Forexample,therelationship
betweentheBarakzaiandtheAtsakzai16in
southernAfghanistanevolved:Thelatterwas
originallyasub-tribeoftheformerbutpeoplein
theregionnowoftenputbothonthesamelevel
whenaskedwhichtribesliveintheirparticular
area.TheAtsakzaihavegrowntobecomeatribein
13
Iputsomeofthosetermsinquotationmarksbecausethesecategoriesarefluid.Asubtribehereis,inapurely
descriptiveway,justagroupofpeoplethatisconsidered
(orconsidersitself)partofalargertribe.Withoutgoing
furtherintodetail,thePashtunsdonotformasingle
tribe(thePashtuntribeasmediaoftensay)but
somethingacategoryhigher.Somecallitanationor
nationality,apeople(inGerman,Volk)oranethnicgroup.Afghantermsusedforit(qaum,millat,etc.)arealsoblurred.TherearedifferenttribesamongthePashtuns.
14QaisAbdulrashidastheancestorofallPashtuns.He
andhissonsSarban,BaitanandGharghashtaswellas
theadoptedKarlanareforefathersofthemajorPashtunconfederations.Theonesmostimportantin
Afghanistan,theDurraniandtheGhilzai,gobackto
SarbanandBaitan,respectively.SeeAkbarS.Ahmed,
MilleniumandCharismaamongPashtuns:ACriticalEssayinSocialAnthropology(London,HenleyandBoston1976),p7.
15Thesamelinewasnotoftentakenbyordinary
TalebanItalkedtoduringmystayinKabulin
2000/2001duringtheTalebanregime.Theyeagerlytold
mewhichtribetheybelongedto.
16OftenreferredtoasAchakzai,theDariform.TheDari
languagelacksthePashtunconsonantts(cf.tsengaye
[Howareyou?]inPashtoorCsarorZitronein
German).
theirownright.Incontrast,sometimes,awhole
tribedisappears.17
AlotofthishastodowiththePashtunsnomadic
origins,astheexampleoftheBabozai18tribe,again
insouthernAfghanistan,illustrates.WhileinZabul
theBabozaiareconsideredasub-tribeofthe
HotakintheGhilzaiconfederation;in
neighbouringUruzgantheyareseenasaNurzai
sub-tribeintheDurraniconfederation.19This
seeminglyparadoxicalsituationisbecauseBabozai
groupshadmigratedfromZabulwestwards
lookingforgreenerpasturesandmusthavebeen
accommodatedbyNurzai.Therearemanyreports
intheliteratureabouthow,inpastcenturieswhen
landwasstillavailable,largertribalgroupsgave
land,protectionorbothtoincomingsmallerones.
Suchamovewouldmakethenewcomerseither
clients(hamsaya,literallyinthesameshadow,i.e.,neighbours)ofthehostgroup(mainlywhen
non-Pashtun)or,asinthecaseofthePashtun
Babozai,anewsub-tribeoftheirbenefactors.This
casedemonstrateshowunreliabletribalcategories
areandhowtrickyitcanbeifoutsidersstart
treatingthemasiftheyweresetinstone(suchas
theDurrani-Ghilzaidivide,whichistreatedby
sometribalanalystsasdogma).
Today,sometribesparticularlyintheSouthern
region(GreaterKandahar)coversuchalarge
areathattheyaresimplytoobigtohaveasingle
leader.TheNurzai,forexample,stretchfrom
KandahartoHeratprovince.Howdifficultitisundersuchcircumstancestocometoapolitical
17LiketheSur(i)whoruledNorthernIndiainthe16
th
century.Theywereprobablyabsorbedbythelocal
population.
18TheBabozaicasealsoisofpoliticalrelevance:onewife
ofTalebanleaderMullaMuhammadOmarreportedlyisa
BabozaifromUruzganprovince.(MullaOmarsfamilyis
fromZabuloriginallyandbelongstotheHotaktribe,with
theexactsubtribeunknown.Hehimselfwasbornin
DehrawuddistrictofUruzganwherethefamilyhad
migratedtoandfromwherehe,withhisstepfather,
movedfurthersouthtoKandaharprovince.MostHotak
andNurzaicurrentlysupporttheTaleban.See:Abdul
AwwalZabulwal,TalibaninZabul:AWitnessAccountin
AntonioGiustozzi(ed.),DecodingtheNewTaliban:InsightsfromtheAfghanField,London2009,p180.
19Often,thesetribalconfederationsareunderstoodas
purelygenealogical.But,astheBabozaicaseillustrates,
theyarealsoinfluencedbypolitics.AnAfghansource
importantlypointstothefactthatalsotheDurrani
emergedasapoliticalconfederation,calledgund(party),puttogetherbyapirinthereignofAhmadShahAbdali(later:Durrani)foraconcretepolitical
reason.MuhammadOmarRawandMiakhel,De
PashtanoQabiloShujreauMene [TheLineagesandDwellingsofthePashtunTribes],Kabul1999,p217.
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7ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? decisionbecameapparentbeforethe2005
parliamentaryelections:SomeNurzaitriballeaders
convenedaseriesofall-Nurzaiassembliesaiming
tofieldjointcandidatesonwhichthewholetribe
wouldconcentrateitsvotes.Butnocandidatewas
acceptabletoallNurzai.Asaresult,manylocal
Nurzaicandidatescompetedamongsteachother
andlostinmanyplaces;thetribesubsequentlyfeltunderrepresentedintheWolesiJirga.Nurzai
activistsinterviewedlaterdescribedhowitwas
impossibletoovercomesubtribalrivalriesand
personalegos.20
Thereare,inreality,nopermanentlyfixedplaces
onthePashtungenealogicaltreeandnoeternal,
unchangingtribalinstitutions.Muchofwhatistold
aboutthemaremyths,idealisedversionsofa
goldenpastthatprobablyneverexistedinapure
formanddefinitelynotacrossthePashtunareasin
thesameway.Versionsofpashtunwalaidifferby
locale.Theyarelocallycalled nirkhwhichmeanspriceandreferstothedifferentpricesusedto
settlebloodfeuds,21i.e.,badal,whichmeans
exchange.Someauthorsstipulate
two[major]typesofsocio-economic
organisationalsettingsthatarereflected
inthePashtunscodeofhonour,
accordingtothepredominantformof
landtenure:theqalanggroupamongst
sedentarytribeswherelarge,irrigated
privatelandholdingsexistandwhich,asaresult,issociallystrongerstratified(itis
namedafterthetaxshare-cropper
tenantsmustpaytothelandlords)and
thenanggroupamongstpastoralhill
Pashtunswhicharesociallymore
egalitarian(namedaftertheircentral
value,chivalry).22
20AuthorsinterviewsinKandahar,Februaryand
September2009.
21Examplesofdifferentnirkhsystemsaregivenin:
Sigrist,Pashtunwali(seeFN7),pp26475(forthe
tribesofPaktia)andTheCustomaryLawsofAfghanistan,AreportbytheInternationalLegalFoundation,[Washington]2006.Whenthejirgawascomposedof
differenttribalgroups,ithadtobedecidedinadvance
whosenirkhwouldbeused.Itoftencouldbethatofathirdtribalgroup.
22See:Ahmed,MillenniumandCharisma(seeFN14),p
76;PalwashaKakar,TribalLawofPashtunwaliandWomensLegislativeAuthority,http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/ilsp/research/ka
kar.pdf.Ahmed,theoriginalsource,describesnangandqalangforPakistaniPashtuns.Itcanbeassumed,however,thattheprinciplealsoworksamongstAfghan
Furthermore,itishighlydoubtfulwhetherthere
wasalwaysoneundisputedleaderatanygiventimeonanygivenlevelofthetribalpyramid
hencethejirgaasan(ideally)egalitarianbody
wheredecisionsaretakencollectivelyandbased
onconsensus.Rather,itwasmorelikelythat
variousaspirantsfoughteachotherinongoing
competitionbyexchangingwealthandwisdom(aboutthejirga)forprestigeandinfluence(i.e.,
leadership).Powerwithinacertaintribeortribal
segmentlikelyhadanever-changingequilibrium.
Thesoutherntribes(DurraniandGhilzai,notthe
SoutheasterntribesofLoyaPaktia)knowthe
institutionofthekhankhel,thesub-tribeorclanfromwhichtraditionallytheleadersofa
particularsegmentofatribe,orthewholetribe,
oftencome.Butthisdoesnotpreventcompetition
norashiftofpowerfromclantoclan.
Suchchangesarequickerintimesofcrisis:For
example,inthePopalzaitribe,theformer khankhelledbyMuhammadAfzalKhan(whowaskilled
1978underthePDPAregime)hasbeenreplaced
bytheQaranaghtowhichtheKarzaifamilybelongs
(althoughnotundisputedly).OtherPopalzaiclans
aroundKandaharandpossiblyalsoTaleban
deputyMullaBaradarwhobelongstothesame
tribewoulddisputethattheKarzaisaretheleadersoftheirtribe.
23AmongtheDzadraninLoya
Paktia,themostinfluential(royalist)Babrakzai
familyhasbeeneffectivelyreplacedbythe
Haqqaniclan(theleadersoftheHaqqani
network,asemi-autonomouspartofthewiderTalebanmovement
24)sincethe1970s.Buteven
theHaqqanisleadonlypartsofthetribe,with
otherclanssuchastheoneofMPPachaKhan
Dzadranleadingotherparts.
ThislackofadynasticprincipleamongstPashtuns
standsinthewayofacoherentandcontinuous
triballeadership.Thishasbeenthecaseevenatthe
verytopofthepyramidinthePashtun-dominated
Afghanmonarchy,overthepastcenturies.Since
1747,notmanyrulerswerereplacedbyanobvious
heir;mostofthetime,successionwasdetermined
inprotractedcivilwarsbetweenbrothers,half-
brothers,cousinsandotherpretenders.Succession
isalsooftenless-thanstraightforwardonalower
level,asseenrecentlyonthesideoftheboth
lowlandPashtuns,likemanyDurrani,becausethe
patternoflandownershipissimilar.
23AuthorsinterviewsinKandahar,2008and2009.
24FormoreabouttheHaqqaninetwork,seeThomas
Ruttig,LoyaPaktia'sInsurgency:TheHaqqaniNetwork
asanAutonomousEntityintheTalibanUniversein
AntonioGiustozzi(ed.),DecodingtheNewTaliban:InsightsfromtheAfghanField(London2009).
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8 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? currentgovernmentandtheTaleban.Forexample,
whentheleaderoftheArghandabAlikozaiin
Kandaharprovince,commanderMullaNaqibullah,
diedinOctober2007,PresidentKarzaicrownedhis
sonasthenewleaderofthetribe(i.e.,heputan
honoraryturbanonhishead).Immediately,the
TalebanattackednotonlyNaqibullahshousebut
alsothedistrictcentreinafightthatwasoneofthemostviolentthatyear,sensingthatthepresidents
perceivedinterferenceintheaffairsofatribethatis
nothisownhadfuelledinternalsupportforthem.
InanothercaseinneighbouringUruzgan,the23-
year-oldMuhammadDaudsucceededhisfather
RoziKhanaswuluswal(governor)ofChoradistrictafterthelatterwaskilledaccidentallyin
September2008.25Initiallywelcomedandeven
electedbythelocalpopulation(althoughinthe
presenceofrepresentativesoftheprovincial
governmentwho,itcanbeassumed,noone
wantedtocontradictatafuneral),Daudsoonran
intodifficultiesandwasunderminedbyasenior
unclewhothoughtthathehadmorerighttothe
positionthantheyoungman.Thisrivalwas
immediatelyadoptedandsupportedbyavery
influentiallocalpowerbrokerwhofeltsidelinedby
thelocalInternationalSecurityAssistanceForce
(ISAF)troops.
OntheTalebanside,MullaDadullah,acommander
whohadbecomenotoriousforhisextensiveuseof
suicidebombersandal-Qaidastylerhetoric,was
replacedbyhisyoungerbrotherMullaMansurafterhewaskilledbyNATOforcesinMay2005.
Mansurthenadoptedthetakhallus(by-orsurname)Dadullahtotransferhisbrothersimage
ofamartyrtohisownperson.(Hewaslater
demotedbyMullaOmarforrepeatedlyignoring
instructions.)Inotherexamples,thecommand
oversomeTalebanfrontsinUruzganchangedtoa
brotherorcousinaftertheoriginalcommander
waskilled.
Allthreecasesshowthatsonsorbrothersoftribal
leadersoftenhavedifficultiesfillingtheshoesof
theirfathers.
3. CRUMBLINGTRIBAL
INSTITUTIONS
Startingwiththe1973coup,30yearsofconflict
andgradualstatecollapsehaveincreasingly
weakenedanddissolvedtraditionalsocialand
25RoziKhanhadrushedtohelpafriendwhowas
attackedatnightbyunrecognisablegunmenhethought
wereTalebanbutturnedouttobeAustralianSpecial
ForceswhothoughtthatRoziKhanwasaTaleb.
politicalrelationsintheAfghansocietyingeneral
andinPashtunsocietyinparticular.Mass
migrationenforcedhighermobilityandnarrowed
theurban-ruralgap.Thisgraduallyundermined
andtransformedthetraditionalrelationshipsof
village,tribalandethniccommunities.Newelites
emergedthatchallengedtheeldersandtookover
theirplaces.Theyoungergenerationsquestionedtheauthorityoftheelderswhomtheyheld
responsiblefortheseconflictsor,atleast,fortheir
inabilitytosolvethemwiththetraditionalmeans.
Theimpactonintra-tribalcohesionwasnegative.
Manytriballeaderswereeliminatedbythe
PeoplesDemocraticPartyofAfghanistan(PDPA)
regime;otherslosttheirstatustothesocially
upwardsclimbersofthejihadperiod:thearmedcommandersanddrugbarons.TheTaleban
continuedthekillings.Theelderssonswerenot
abletofollowthemdirectlybecausetheylacked
theirauthority.
Asaresult,thejirgaasthemajorconflict-resolving
mechanismofthePashtunslostmuchofits
authority.Thepowerfulnewcomersonthe
nationalaswellasonthelocallevelareableto
ignorejirgadecisionswithimpunity.Thisis
illustratedbyanalmost20-year-oldlandconflictin
Choradistrict(Uruzgan)whereacommanderdug
anirrigationchannelanddistributedthenewland
amongstfollowerswithoutgivingthefirstright,as
traditionandshariademand,totheimmediate
neighbours.Challengedbygovernmentcourts,tribaljirgasandevenmediationbyulama,heisstill
ignoringalldecisionsthatwentagainsthim
thankstosuperiorfirepowerandprotectionfrom
Kabul.Today,mightoftentrumpspashtunwalaiandevenIslamiclaw.InanintactPashtuntribal
environment,ignoringjirgaandulamadecisions
wouldhavebeenheavilypunished.
InmanyPashtuntribes,thetemporary,egalitarian
institutionofthejirgahasbeenreplacedbya
multitudeofmoreenduringtribalshurasallof
whichpreviouslyclaimedtorepresentthewhole
tribe.Whilesomeshurasstillrepresentaformoftraditionalself-organisation,manyareconvened
bynewstrongmen,eitheronthelocalorthe
centrallevel,todemonstratetheirowninfluence
vis--visforeigners.Thismakesthemhierarchical
instructure,astrongcontrasttotheegalitarian
jirgawhere,ideallyallmalemembersofacertain
tribeorsub-tribe(inrealityallland-owningmales
insomeareasandthemishran,theeldersofthefamilies,inothers)findaconsensusaboutacertain
conflict.Meanwhile,ashuradeliberatesandgives
advicetoaleaderwhothendecideswhethermake
useofitornot.ManyPashtunsnowconfusethese
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9ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? institutionsandusebothterms,jirgaandshura,
interchangeably.26
Risinglevelsofeducationhavechangedthe
characteroftribalrepresentation.Beginningwith
theeducationalreformsduringKingAmanullahs
reign(191929),thetribalelitessenttheirsonsto
thecitiestostudy.Asaresult,diaspora
communitiesofcertainprovincesortribes
emergedinthebigcitiesandgrewinnumbers.
Theirmembersabsorbedmodernskillsandbegan
tousemodernmeansofcommunicationbut,at
thesametime,maintainedlinkstotheiroriginal
watanandtribe.Thisway,influencesofmodernismpenetratedruralcommunities.Today,
manylocaltribalcouncilsarestillheadedbythe
spingiri(whitebeards,i.e.,thetraditionalelders)whileeducatedmembers(engineersorteachers)
oftendealwithforeignaffairs,likecontactswith
visitingforeignersandtheacquisitionand
implementationofprojects.Thisdiaspora-tribe
relationshipintensifiesintimesofcrisis,suchas
regimechangewhenruralcommunitiesre-
integratetheirurbanisedmemberslinkedwitha
fallenregimebeitKhalqiorTalebansmoothly
andwithouttoomanyideologicalmisgivings.
However,inasignificantnumberofcasestribes
wereunabletoprotectthereturneesagainst
arrestandbeingkilledafter2001.Thisforced
manyoftheformerTalebanandtheiroriginal
tribalgroupsbackintothemovement.Today,
somekeysupportfortheTalebancomesfrom
communitieswhohaveprisonersintheGuantanamosystem.
27
Therisingpopulationandgrowingtribesmakeit
physicallyimpossiblethat,astraditiondemands,
26Acontemporarysourcereportsthatby1989,[t]he
wordshuraisnotusedinDari-speakingareastoreferto
local-levelconsultativebodiesandthatmorelikely...
the...wordmajliswouldbeused,thatshuraswere
mainlyformedbycommandersforthepurposeof
coordinatingmilitaryoperations(withsomeexpanding
intoadministrationofareas)andlargelyconsistedof
membersofonetanzeem(myemphasis).Thatis,thewordshurahashadaratherlatecareer.Thesameauthorsunderlinethatshuras,jirgasandmajliswerenot
ademocraticoneman[sic!]onevotesituationand
thattheconsensusdecisionoftenwasamajorityvote
inrealitybecausesomepersonsweremoreinfluential
and/ormorepersuasivethanothers.LynnCarterand
KerryConnor,APreliminaryInvestigationofContemporaryAfghanCouncils (Peshawar:AgencyCoordinatingBodyforAfghanRelief,ACBAR,1989),pp
23,10.
27WhileworkingwiththeUNintheSoutheasternregion
in2003andduringlatertripstothoseareas,theauthor
becameawareofexamplesfromGhazni(Andar,Muqur)
andPaktia(Zurmat).
allmalesgatherinajirga.Thisexacerbatesthe
trendthatparticipationinajirgareflectsgrowing
socialdifferentiation.Whileontheonehandthe
institutionofthejirgaiscrumblingorchangingits
featuresunderpressurefrommodernisationand
conflict,ontheotherhand,theuseoftraditional
institutionsofconflictregulationintimesofcrises
isbeingrevivedasafall-backposition.Whenthegovernmentisweakorabsent,shurasandjirgasfill
thelocalpoliticalandadministrativevacuumas
instrumentstomaintainlinkswiththeoutside
world.Today,[f]orthemajorityofAfghans,
disputesaresettled,ifatall,atthelocallevelby
villageelders[i.e.,jirgasandshurastheauthor],
districtgovernors,clerics,andpolicechiefs28
withoutanygovernmentroleandoftenwithoutit
evennoticingestimatesofupto80percentofall
conflicts.Inparticular,jirgasandshurasare
perceivedasmoreaccessible,moreefficient(in
termsoftimeandmoney),perceivedaslesscorrupt,andmoretrustedbyAfghanscomparedto
formalstatecourts.29
Atthesametime,theKabulgovernmentandits
internationalalliesneglectedandfailedtosupport
initiativesofkeyPashtuntribesthataimedatre-
establishing(inner-)tribalsolidarityorunityin
thepost-2001period.Thisleftthose(non-Islamist)
tribalforcesisolated,deprivedthemoffundsand
weakenedthemvis--vistheresurgingTaleban.
Forexample,asearlyas2003theMangalCentral
ShuraintheSoutheasternregionofAfghanistanimplementedadecisionthatbannedpoppy
growingonthetribesterritorythatstretchesover
anumberofdistrictsintwoprovinces,Paktiaand
Khost.ThiswascompletelyignoredbyKabuland
externaldonors,includingtheUK(thenthelead
countryfordrugcontrol).Donorsfailedtoreward
theMangaltribeforthisunilateraldecisionevenin
theslightestway,concentratingontheEastern
regionexclusively.Later,theMangalcommitted
themselvestodefendtheirterritoryagainstthe
TalebanbyatraditionalPashtunpact( tarun).TheMangalalsoplayedaprominentpartintheTribal
SolidarityCouncilwhichbroughttogetherPaktia
andKhostsmajortribesin2003/4,aninitiative
thatwasmetwiththesameignorantresponse
fromKabul.Thesameneglecthappenedtothe
DzadranUnityMeetingtheDzadranbeinga
28ThomasBarfield,NeamatNojumiandJAlexander
Thier,TheClashofTwoGoods:StateandNon-StateDisputeResolutioninAfghanistan(USInstituteforPeace,Washington2006),p2.
29AfghanistanHumanDevelopmentReport2007
(CenterforPolicyandHumanDevelopment,Kabul
2007),pp91,10.
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10 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? particularlyTaleban-influencedtribe
30with2,000
participantsinthespringof2007inDwamanda,
Khostprovince.Today,theMangalCentralShura
leftalonebarelyexistsanymore,anumberof
shurascompeteforleadership31andtheDzadran
remaindeeplysplitofferingeasyinroadsforthe
Haqqaninetwork.TheMangalarea,peacefulin
2003/4,nowisconsideredbytheUNtobeevenmorevolatilethantheDzadranareas.
Kabulsfatefuldecisiontopay arbaki32through
theprovincialgovernorsdiscretionalfunds
considerablyweakenedanothervitaltribal
institutionthathadstabilisedPashtunareas
lackinggovernmentpresence.Thispayment
systemstartedasearlyas2001,followedbymuch
closercooperationin2004and2005,duringthe
firstpresidentialandparliamentaryelectionswhen
arbakiguardedpollingstations,mainlyinthe
Southeasternregion,incooperationwiththe
AfghanNationalPolice.Subsequently,itbecame
moreerraticagain,dependingontheavailabilityof
fundsandtherelationshipoftheparticular
governorwiththecentralgovernment.Thisleft
manyarbakiunpaidformonthsatatimeand
loweredtheenthusiasmofindividualtribesmento
jointhisinstitution.When,forexample,Paktias
newgovernorRahmatullahRahmataformerUN
employeewho,therefore,wasseenwithsuspicion
inKabultookover,hewasnotgiventhesame
amountofoperationalfundsbythegovernment
thathispredecessorhadreceived.Officially,the
paymentofthesefundswasstoppedaltogether.However,somegovernorswithbettercontactsin
Kabulstillreceivedthemandwereabletopay
arbaki.Atleastinthesoutheast,anotherperiodof
morepermanentgovernmentfundingofarbaki
followedin2007.33
EvenAfghanleadersapparentlyfailedto
understand(orpurposelyundermined)the
characterofthearbakiasaninstrumentcontrolled
bythetribe,explainedatribalelderfromthe
30TheleadersoftheinsurgentHaqqaninetwork,
JalaluddinandSerajuddinHaqqani,areDzadran.
31DuringavisittoGardezinAugust2009,Iwitnessed
attemptsofvariousMangalshurastoclaimauthority
overthewholetribevis--visUNAMA.
32Tribal-basedself-defencegroupscomposedof
volunteers,suppliedbythetribeandmandatedbythe
jirga.
33SeeRuttig,LoyaPaktia'sInsurgency(seeFN24),pp
689;SusanneSchmeidlandMasoodKarokhail,The
RoleofNon-StateActorsinCommunity-BasedPolicing
AnExplorationoftheArbakai(TribalPolice)inSouth-
EasternAfghanistaninContemporarySecurityPolicy,30(2),pp3246.
regiontothisauthorinApril2007:IntheKings
timeitwasanhonourtobememberofanarbaki.Itsmemberswereprovidedwitheana[rations,weaponsandammunition]bythejirga.Topaythearbakimeanstorenderituncontrollablewhen
paymentsstop.ItseemsthattheKabul
governmentperceivestribalself-organisationasa
threatratherthanastabilisingfactorandprefersaformofpatronagethatisnotinclusivebutserves
onlyoneside.Thisneglectsthejirgasinherent
principleofmitigatingconflictinginterestsand
rathertendstodeepenconflicts.
4. WHEREDIDTHETALEBAN
EMERGEFROM?
LookingatthequestionofwheretheTaleban
historicallyemergedfromasamovement
contributestounderstandinghowstrongreligiousideasandconceptsshapetheirworldviewand
theirpoliticalaims.Arethoseconceptsthebasisof
theirideologyormerelyareactiontopolitical
circumstancesatacertaintime?
TheTalebanasadistinctmovementwasnot
partofthefirstuprisingsagainstthePDPAregime,
whichtookplaceinJune1978inthePechvalley
(nowNuristan)andPasaband(Ghor)andin1979in
LoyaPaktia,Herat,Nangraharandelsewhere.
Thoseweremainlyspontaneous,communityor
tribe-basedrevolts34againstthenewregimes
revolutionarylandandeducationreforms.But
fromthebeginning,theserevoltsincorporated
religiousmotivesandsometimesreligiousformsof
organisation.BeforetheChristmas1979Soviet
invasion,theinitialadversary,thepre-1980PDPA
regime,wasfoughtbecauseitwasseenas
communistandthereforegodless( kafer)bymanyAfghans.ButtheSovietinvasionaddeda
strongnationalisticcomponent:tofightaforeign
occupation.Thisletresistancegrowconsiderably.
Theideologicallystill-heterogeneousresistance
wasonlygenerallyre-interpretedasajihad,i.e.,asexclusivelyreligiouslymotivated,whilelevelling
otheraspectsofit,afterPakistanofficiallyand
exclusivelyrecognisedsevenSunniIslamist
34Interestingly,onecontemporarysourcedescribesthe
firstrevoltsasnon-ideologicalbutmainlydrivenby
reasonsresemblingthecurrentinsurgency,i.e.,arbitrary
arrestsandmisuseofpowerbygovernmentofficialto
settlepersonalscores.ThePDPAgovernmentinitially
hadwonthesupport(oratleastmadethemwait)of
manytribesbyorganisingjirgas.SeeDavidBusby
Edwards,OriginsoftheAnti-SovietJihadinGrantM.
FerrandJohnG.Merriam,AfghanResistance:ThePoliticsofSurvival(Lahore1988),pp24,324.
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11ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? resistancemovements(thePeshawarSeven
35)and
cutoffallotherresistancegroupsfromincoming
WesternandArabworldfinancialsupport.The
latterincludedsecularleftists(whofoughtfor
ideologicalreasonsandreflectedtheMoscow-
Beijingsplitofthecommunistmovement)and
ethno-nationalists.Attheirexpense,theriseofthe
Islamisttanzim36
wasboosted.Taleban,i.e.,madrassaandmosquestudents,werepartofthe
varioustanzim.
TheTalebanmovementemergedfromreligious
networksthatwerepartofthe197889
resistance,i.e.,abroadermovementthatsawitself
asreligiouslymotivated.Inthebeginning,taleban,ledbytheirteachers,organisedasmadrassa -ormosque-centrednetworks(fronts),mainlylinked
toHarakat-eInqilab-eIslamiandHezb-eIslami(Khales).TheydidnotconstituteamovementoftheirownyetbutwerealreadyknownasTaleban
fronts.37Onlywhenthemujahedin,intheeyesof
thelaterTaleban,violatedtheirownreligious
principlesbynotunifyingtobuildthepromised
IslamicstateafterthecollapseoftheNajibullah
regimein1992butfragmented(shirk38is
consideredamajordeviationinIslam)ina
competitionforpower,didtheyestablishtheir
own,nowultra-orthodoxmovement.
35ThesevenmajorSunnitanzimthatwereofficially
recognisedbyPakistanandthereforewereexclusively
entitledtoreceiveWesternandArabaidwereHezb
(Hekmatyar),Hezb(Khales),Jamiat(Rabbani),Harakat
(NabiMuhammadi),Ittehad(Sayyaf),Nejat(Mujaddedi)
andMahaz(Gailani).
36Tanzim(organisation)wasanArabictermusedby
Afghansforthevariouspolitical-militarypartiesthat
foughtinthedifferentperiodsofthecivilwar.They
includemujahedingroupsaswellasthenon-mujahedin
Jombesh.
37OlivierRoywitnessedTolabafrontsinUruzgan,Zabul
andKandaharinthesummerof1984.Theformerchiefof
PakistansarmystaffGeneralAslamBegsaidthathewas
partofanexperimenttoestablishTalebanforcesin
liberatedterritoriesofKunarin19856.ChristinaLambvisitedaMullahsfrontestablishedayearearlierin
KandaharthatinvolvedlaterTalebanleadersMulla
Razzaq,BorjanandMaulawiPasanaiin1998andwastold
thatithadbasesinArghandab,MalajatandZabul.The
firsteverTalebanfrontisreportedbyZabulwalfromZabul
alreadyin1979.SeeOlivierRoy,DieTaleban-Bewegung
inAfghanistan,MahfelNo.45(March-April1995),Berlin,p8,translatedfromAfghanistan-InfoNo.36(February
1995),Neuchatel;Talebanschonseit1985/86?,MahfelNo.45(March-April1995),p5,translatedfrom TheNews(Pakistan),3March1995;ChristinaLamb, TheSewingCirclesofHerat(London2002),pp5165;Zabulwal,TalibaninZabul(seeFN18),p181.
38Originally,shirkstoodforidolatryandpolytheismbut,
inafigurativesense,isalsousedforfactionalism.
Significantly,thosemujahedincommandersthat
laterbecamethemajorTalebanleadersstopped
fightingafterthecollapseoftheNajibullahregime
andwentbacktotheirmadrassastostudy.Asone
earlyTalebanactivistrelated,Manyof
us...withdrewafterDr.Najibsdefeatbecausewe
werenotinterestedinthewarbooty....Whenwe
sawthatthingsbecameworsedaybydayandfactionalfightingincreased,ourcentral
commanderMullaMuhammadOmarAkhund
startedfromQuettatobringtogethertheTaleban
inordertoestablishpeaceinAfghanistan.39
Theprimarymotivationofthemujahedin,and
thereforeofthefirst-generationTalebanofthe
1980s,canbedescribedaspolitical,basedona
religiousinfrastructure.Religiousmotivesthe
fightoftheMuslimtruebelieversagainstthe
infidelinvaderswerepartoftheirpolitical-
militarycampaignbutgenerallygainedanupper
handonlyinthewakeofthePakistan-inducedand
Western-supporteddominationoftheanti-Soviet
resistancebymilitantIslamists.WhentheTaleban
emergedasamovementaftertheSoviet
withdrawalin1992,itbecamemorestrongly
shapedbyreligiousmotives.Atitsbeginningstood
amoralreactionagainsttheatrocitiesandwhatit
sawasabetrayalofIslambythepost-Najibullah
mujahedinregime,theso-calledIslamicStateof
Afghanistan.Onlyafteritsinitialmoves,wasthe
Talebanmovementadopted,supportedand
instrumentalisedbythePakistanimilitary
establishment.
Whilethemadrassasormosquesatthecentreof
thoseoriginaltaleban(i.e.madrassastudent)
networkswerelocatedontheterritoryofcertain
tribes,thosetribeswerenottheprimaryreference
ofthesefightingTaleban.40Mullasinparticular
oftendidnotserveintheirowncommunityor
tribeandthereforewereconsideredpradai(stranger,outsider)amongstthestronglyin-group-
orientedPashtuns.Socially,asreligiousservice-
providers,mainlyforbirths,weddingsandburials,
andwithoutlandandstatusandtherefore
economicallydependentonthelocalkhans,mullasandevenhigher-rankingulamawereofinferior
status.41WhenrulerslikeAmanullah(ruled1919
39TheNews(Pakistan),3March1995,quotedand
translatedfromTalebanschonseit1985/86?,MahfelNo.45(March-April1995),Berlin,p.5.
40InZabul,anearlyTalebanfrontseemstohave
fragmentedalongtriballines(coincidingwithtanzim
lines)fairlysoon,however.SeeMartinevanBijlert,The
insurgencyinUruzganandZabul(forthcoming).
41Therankgiventomullasdiffers,though,fromtribetotribe.InmanyPashtuntribes,theyparticipateinthe
jirga.Whileinsome,theyevenactascustodiansof
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12 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? 29)andlaterMuhammadNaderandZaherShah,
PresidentMuhammadDaudandeventhePDPA
regimestartedpayingsalariestoasubstantial
numberofclergymen42andgavethemcontrolover
religiousfoundations(waqf),onlythecharacterofdependencechanged.Theybecamestate
bureaucratsintheeyesofthesociety.
Becauseoftheirroleintheanti-Sovietresistance,
theIslamicclergyparticularlythemullasrosefromsocialinferioritytoapositionofpolitical
power.Thispositionwasstrengthenedfurther
whentheTalebanregimemadethemitseyesand
earsinthevillagesandemphasisedthecollection
ofreligioustaxes,i.e.,ushrandzakat,traditionalincomesourcesforthemullas.Thisbuiltonthe
unofficialpoweramullaalreadyhad:Hewasoften
theonlyliteratepersoninavillageandhadthe
powerofthesermon.43
AftertheTalebanregimesfall,someulemathoseatthetopofmujahedintanzimgainedquasi-sacrosanctstatusasJihad(i)leaders.Under
theKarzaigovernment,theyserveasanunofficial
supremeadvisorycouncilgatheredbythe
presidentincrucialmomentstoobtaintheir
supportandblessingsforkeypolicydecisions.
ThisisstartingtoresemblethefunctionsofIrans
CouncilofGuardians,withoutbeinganofficial
institution.TheHighCouncilofUlema,headedby
theformerchiefoftheSupremeCourt,Maulawi
FazlHadiShinwari,playsasecond-tierroleinthis
influentialclericallobby.
44
Today,manyTalebanactivitiesinAfghanistans
southeastandsoutharestillcentredaround
networksofulama-ledmadrassasandmosques.
ForthesoutheastwheretheHaqqaninetwork,a
semi-autonomousentitywithinthebroader
Talebanmovementoperatestheinsurgent
networksarelargelybasedonoldornewly
createdDeobandinetworks.Theyareparticularly
stronginPashtunareasofGhazniandotherGhilzai
areastotheEast,likeKatawazinPaktikaand
pashtunwalai,inotherstheyarecarefulnottointerfereinthesematters.SeeSanaHaroon,FrontierofFaith:IslamintheIndo-AfghanBorderland(London2007),p68;OlivierRoy,IslamandResistanceinAfghanistan,(Cambridge1986),p36.
42Thispracticeactuallywasstarted,butonamuchlower
level,byAmirDostMuhammadKhan(reigned182663).
SeeHaroon,FrontierofFaith (seeFN41),p38.
43Haroon,FrontierofFaith(seeFN41),p89.
44ThomasRuttig,InstitutionenohneDemokratie:StrukturelleSchwchendesStaatsaufbausinAfghanistanundAnstzefreinepolitischeStabilisierung,SWPResearchPaper2008/S17,Berlin,pp1821.
WesternPaktiaaswellasinareasoftheDzadran
tribe(thebordertriangleofPaktia,Paktikaand
Khostprovinces).45Often,thesenetworksare
linkedtosimilaronesonthePakistanisideofthe
border.TheHaqqaninetworkssupply
infrastructureinPakistanwasbasedonmadrassas
atleastuntilmanyofthemweredestroyedby
droneattacks.TrivesfindingfromSoutheasternAfghanistanthatreligiousnetworksarestronger
inflatareaswhilethetribalencapsulationis
strongerinmountainousareas46canpossiblybe
appliedtosouthernAfghanistan,aswell.Here,the
roleofclericalnetworksinrevivingtheTaleban
after2001isreported,atleastfromNorthern
HelmandandZabul.47
5. HOWTRIBALARETHETALEBAN?
MostoftodaysTalebanfightersinparticularthediscontentandforced48onesinthesouthwho
aremainlymotivatedbylocalgrievancesrather
thanideologyandconstitutethemovementsbulk
areundoubtedlyPashtuns.49Thisjustifiesalook
atthequestions:HowrootedaretheTalebanin
Pashtuntribalsociety?AretheyareaPashtun
movement,oreventhemovementofthePashtuns?
50LikethePashtunsingeneral,the
45SbastienTrives,Afghanistan:Tacklingthe
Insurgency,theCaseoftheSoutheastPolitiquetrangre1(2006),pp56.
46Ibid.,p3.
47TomCoghlan,TheTalibaninHelmand:AnOral
HistoryinAntonioGiustozzi(ed.),DecodingtheNewTaliban:InsightsfromtheAfghanField(London2009),p137;AntonioGiustozzi,Koran,Kalashnikov,andLaptop:TheNeo-TalebanInsurgencyinAfghanistan (NewYork2001),p445.
48MyAANcolleagueMartinevanBijlerthasintroduced
theselocalAfghantermsintotheliterature:majburi(forced)andna-raz(discontent)Taleban.SeeUnrulyCommandersandViolentPowerStruggles:Taliban
networksinUruzganinGiustozzi,DecodingtheNewTaliban(seeFN47),pp1601.IpreferthemtoKilcullensaccidentalguerrillasandNaylorsauxiliary
Taleban.SeeDavidKilcullen,TheAccidentalGuerrilla:FightingSmallWarsintheMidstofaBigOne (Oxford2009);SeanD.Naylor,TheWaitingGame:AStronger
TalibanLiesLow,HopingtheU.S.WillLeave
Afghanistan,www.afji.com/2006/02/1404902.
49InareaswithgrowingTalebaninfluenceintheNorth-
East,theyincreasinglyattractnon-Pashtuns,particularly
UzbeksandperhapsevenTajiks.
50Officially,theTalebanrefertothemselvesasthe
IslamicMovementoftheTaleban(DeTalebanoIslami
GhurdzangorTehrik)andtheIslamicEmirateofAfghanistan(DeAfghanistanIslamiEmarat).Intheseterms,thereisnoreferencetoPashtuns.
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13ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Talebanmovementbothasawholeandinits
constituentelements,issegmented.
Organisationally,theTalebanisanetworkof
networks.ItsmajornetworksaretheKandahari51
(ormainstream)TalebanandthoseoftheHaqqani,
MansurandKhalesclansintheSoutheasternand
Easternregions.Thenetworkoflatecommander
Dadullah(althoughweakenedafterhisdeath)ina
muchstrongerwaythenotherscutsacrosstribes
andregions.Allthesenetworks,though,are
associatedwiththeTalebanmainstream,recognise
MullaOmarastheirspiritualguide52andits
leaders(exceptpossiblyKhalesJr),andare
representedintheTalebansLeadershipCouncil
(rahbarishura).Thisrepresentation,however,seemstoberathersymbolic.
ThethreeSoutheasternandEasternnetworksare
moreregionalthantribal.Althoughtheircore
leadershipgroupsarerelativelystaticandmainlyrecruitedfromonetribe,i.e.,thatofthenetwork
leader(theHaqqanisfromtheDzadran,53the
MansursfromtheAndarandsmalleralliedtribes
andtheKhalesfromtheKhugiani),since2006,the
Haqqaninetworkmanagedtoexpandbeyond
classicaltribalboundariestoWardak,Logarand
Kabulprovinces.Also,theDadullahnetwork
expandedintoGhazniprovinceandfurthernorth,
beyondtheKandaharirealm.
Onthelocallevel,theTalebanfrontsarefirmly
basedintribesortheirsmallersubgroups.
Recruitment,operationsandsuccessionpatternsfollowtriballinesinamajorityofcases.Theselocal
networkshavedifferentlevels,ahierarchy
dependingonhowmuchareatheycover,froma
villageoraclusterofvillages( delgai)toawholewuluswali(jabha).OnlyinexceptionalcasesasintheSoutheastarethoseboundariescrossedand
thenetworksbecomeregional.Today,itis
estimatedthatsome80to90percentofTaleban
fightersoperateinorclosetotheirown
communities,notleastbecausemostTaleban
fightersarepart-timers.(Besides,therearealso
rovingunitsandadegreeofmobilityoften
51Thatis,theyarefromtheSouthwesternregionof
Afghanistan,centredinKandaharbutincludingthe
provincesofHelmand,ZabulandNimruz.
52Thesamegoesforthehithertoindependentlyacting,
localWahhabigroupsinKunarandNuristan.They
reportedlyhaverecentlyswornallegiancetoMulla
Omar.SeeThomasRuttig,OnKunarsSalafiInsurgents
AANBlog,14January2010,http://www.aan-afghanistan.org/index.asp?id=570.
53AlthoughtheHaqqaniswereknownforrecruiting
commandersandfightersfromothertribesduringthe
anti-Sovietresistanceperiod.
KandahariTalebanaremovedinwhenlocal
groupsbehavetoosoftlywiththepopulation
butthoseareexceptions.)Thenumberoffighters
onelocalcommanderisabletomobilisealso
defineshispositionandinfluenceinthe
movement.DuringtheIEAperiodwhendifferent
networkscompetedforpositionsinthe
governmentTalebancommanderstriedtosavetheirownfightersbynotsendingthemtothe
frontlines.
Localpopulationstendtoseeexternalfighters
(thosefromotherprovincesandsometimeseven
districts)withsuspicionandsupporttheirown.In
2009forexample,inUruzganprovince,Tokhi
groupsontheso-calledWestbankofTirinkot
decidednottoallowexternalfighterstooperate
intheseareas.Onemajorreasonisthatlocal
fighterstendtoavoidexaggeratedviolencethat
couldcreatecyclesofrevenge.Also,theTaleban
layha54doesnotencourageoutofareaactivityandregulatesitheavily:Frontcommandersonthe
provincialordistrictlevelwhowanttocarryout
jihadoutsidetheirareaoforiginmustnotifythe
commandersintheparticularprovinceordistrict
andmustobeytheirorders.55
Significantly,strongtribalfissurelinesplaguethe
Talebanmovement.Themajoroneisthe
Kandahari-Paktiawal56rivalry.Fromthebeginning,
theTalebanrahbarishurawasdominatedbymembersoftheKandahariPashtuntribes,witha
somewhatequalrepresentationofthetwomajorPashtunconfederations,theDurraniandGhilzai,
andsmallergroupsliketheKakar.57Meanwhile,
southeastern,easternandnorthernPashtunsare
onlymarginallyandsymbolicallypresentinthe
Talebanleadership.
FormerTalebanreportahighlevelofmutual
mistrust.MainstreamTalebandidandstilldonot
allowanyonefromthesoutheastorelsewhereto
jointheirinnerleadershipcircle.(Eventheonly
Uzbekinthepre-2001originalTalebanleadership
54ThelayhaisabookofrulesforTalebanfighters,issuedbythemovementsleadership(nowinitsin3rdedition)
inmid-2009.DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,
DeTalebanoleparalayha,notdated(circaMay2009).
55DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,DeTalebano(seeFN54),articles37,38and39,pp413.
56PaktiawalisageneraltermforthetribesfromGreater
Paktia.
57SomeauthorsinadequatelydescribetheTalebanasa
predominantlyGhilzaimovement,probablyaprojection
bolsteredbygovernment-linkedDurranistrongmenin
SouthernAfghanistan.Seee.g.,ThomasH.Johnsonand
M.ChrisMason,UnderstandingtheTalibanand
InsurgencyinAfghanistan,Orbis(Winter2007),p4.
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14 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? hasnotbeenreplaced.)Thetwoexceptionsare
JalaluddinHaqqaniandAbdullatifMansur,both
fromPaktiaandleadersoftheirownsemi-
autonomousnetworks.Haqqani,aSoutheastern
Dzadran,hadreportedlybeenappointed
commanderofallTalebantroopsbyMullaOmar
immediatelyafter9/11.Currently,heisoften
countedamongsttherahbarishuramembersbutthisisfarfromcertain.Haqqaniscommanderrole
wasextremelylimitedintimeandsomeinterpret
hisappointmentasoneinwhichhewashandedan
impossiblemission.Earlier,whenhewasanIEA
minister,hedidnothavemuchinfluenceon
decision-makingandwasintentionallykeptatthe
sidelinesbytheKandahariTalebanleaders.58
MansursappointmentasheadoftheTalebans
politicalcommittee59theonetheoretically
responsiblefortalksinearly2009was
inconsequentialanddoesnotseemtorepresenta
changeinattitude.MansursnamewasnotmentionedonceinanyreportorTaleban
statementlinkedtothereconciliationissue.
Probably,thecommitteehasbeendowngradedat
atimewhenthereisnotmuchchancefor
dialogue.
Evenintheircoresouthernregion,despite
relativelystrongtribalintegration,theTaleban
leadershiphasbeenunabletopreventtribal
conflictsfromemergingonthelocallevel.In
Uruzgan,DurraniandGhilzaicommandershave
alreadytraditionallybeencompetingforthepost
ofprovincialcommander.Structurally,thisisunderpinnedbytheexistenceoftwolarger
separateTalebannetworksactiveintheprovince:
onemainlyDurrani-basedoperatingfromthe
HelmandandKandaharintheSouthandanother
mainlyGhilzai(Hotak,Tokhi)thatoperatesfrom
Zabulintheeast.Forthetimebeing,theDurrani
havetheupperhandwiththeappointmentof
RohullahAmin,aHelmandKhugiani.Butthefact
thatheisfromaminortribemightbeasignof
compromise.Inthesameprovince,amajor
blunderin2008thekillingofalocalSufileader,
PirAghaofPattan,inChinartudistrictsetaspiraloftraditionalrevenge(badal)inmotionandledtoadeepeningDurrani-Ghilzaienmity.Thiscostthe
Talebanaccesstoastrategicallyimportantarea
afterthelocal(Durrani)populationstrongly
reactedagainsttheatrocitycommittedbyaGhilzai
commander.Itevenestablishedalocalanti-
58MaulawiWakilAhmadMutawakkil,AfghanistanauTaliban[AfghanistanandtheTaliban](Kabul:BaryalaiPohantun,1384/2005),p33;authorsinterviewwithhis
formerdeputy,inKabul,May2008.
59Previously,AghaJanMotassem,aKandahariSeyyed,
wasinthisposition.
Talebancommunityforceunderayoungerbrother
ofthevictimwhichwasatthattimecompletely
unfundedbythegovernmentandmanagedto
keeptheTalebanoutofthisareaforawhile.This
wasaclearcasewheretheparochialinterestsofa
localcommanderoverrodethenon-tribalattitude
oftheleadership.
AtthecoreoftheTalebanmovement,inits
Kandaharimainstreamfromwhichitsleadershipis
recruited,theandiwali(comradeship)factorplaysadecisiveroleinkeepingthenetworkstogether.
AmongsttodaysTaleban,therearethreedifferent
typesofandiwalnetworks:religious(theiroriginalmadrassasandmosques),political(theiroriginal
tanzim)andtribal(theirancestryandwatan).Inanygivensituation,individualTalebanleadersas
wellasfighterscanchoosefromthesenetworks
inanygivensituation,whenmobilisation,support,
solidarity,etc.isneeded.Butthecommon
experiencethatunifiestheKandaharimainstream
wasgatheredduringthejihadagainsttheSoviets.
Meanwhile,thetribalcharacteroftheTaleban
becomesmorevisibleattheperiphery,distant
fromtheTalebanstrongholdsinthesouth,its
basesinPakistanandwherevertheleaderships
influenceisweaker.ThiswasthecaseinBadghis
priortotheelectionsinwhichthreetribalgroups
competedforleadershipandtheAfghan
governmentandtheinternationalforces
temporarilymadesomeinroads.TheTaleban
leadership,however,reactedmoreeffectivelyandregaineditsinfluencethere,mainlybyappointinga
strongfigure,AbdulMannanNiazi,asitsHerat
governor.Healreadyheldthispositioninthe
19962001periodandwieldsstronginfluenceall
overintheNorth-Westernregion.60
In2008,atendencytore-tribalisewasobserved
incoreTalebanareaslikeHelmand,Zabuland
Uruzgan:LocalTalebanretookcontrolintheir
particularoriginalareasfromout-of-areaTaleban
whowereaccusedofbeingheavy-handedtowards
thelocalpopulation.Thiswaspossiblyaresponse
toMullaOmars(earlierversionofthe) layhathatemphasisedkeepingfriendlyrelationswiththe
localpopulation:Atrocitieslikekillingspiesand
influentiallocalleaderswhoworkedwiththe
governmentalienatedthepopulation.Significantly,
thistendencyoccurredatthesametimethatsome
groupswithintheTalebantriedtoreachouttothe
60AfghanistanagreesTalibandealBBC,27July2009,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/8170003.stm;Ben
Arnoldy,Short-LivedCease-FirewithTalibanDims
ProspectsforBroaderDealsChristianScienceMonitor,27July2009,http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-
South-Central/2009/0727/p06s04-wosc.html;authors
interviews,Kabul,August2009.
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15ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Afghangovernmentorinternationalactors,
indicatingthattheydidnotbelieveinamilitary
victoryeitherandwereconcernedabout
indiscriminateslaughterofAfghancivilians.
6. THETALEBANAS
NEO-NATIONALISTS?
Recently,someobserversdescribetheTaleban
propagandaasincreasinglynationalist:The
Talibanarebecoming,orindeedhavebecome,thestandardbearers,thechampions,oftheAfghan-
PashtunvendettaagainsttheAmericans.It'sanew
development,anewpoliticalandhistorical
force.It'snotfornothingthatthestruggleagainst
foreignoccupationandhumiliationistheone
themetheirpropagandahammersonandon.61A
newspaperarticleconfirms:Thelatestrefrainof
Talibancommanders,theirInternetmagazineandfromsurrogatesisthattheinsurgencyrepresents
Afghanistan'sPashtuns,whoareportrayedas
persecutedbytheAfghangovernment.Pashtuns
aresufferingeverywhere;ifyougoandcheckthe
prisons,youwon'tfindanyprisonersexcept
Pashtuns;whenyouhearaboutbombings,itis
Pashtuns'homesthathavebeenbombed,saida
TalebancommanderfromKandaharProvincewho
goesbythenameSangar[y]ar.62
Inaddition,formanyyears,somePakistaniauthors
havedescribedtheTalebanasaPashtun
movement.Inparticularthiscomesfromaschool
closetothemilitaryestablishmentbutanti-USat
thesametime.Itincludesfigureswhohadhelped
createtheAfghanTalebanlikePakistanichiefofthe
armystaffGen.AslamBegandformerISI(Pakistan's
Inter-ServicesIntelligence)chiefHamidGulaswell
asTalebanapologistslikecolumnistandformer
headoftheInstituteofStrategicStudiesin
Islamabad,ShireenMazari.Theyarguethethe
resurgenceoftheTaliban...nowhasbecome
enmeshedwiththeresurgenceofthePashtoontype
ofnationalismagainsttheoccupyingpowers.63
Fromthere,itisasmallsteptolabellingtheTalebanthemovementofthePashtunsandrulingoutanyviablegovernmentinAfghanistanwithouttheir
participation,inordertosecurePakistansinfluence
onanyfuturegovernmentinKabul.
61EmailconversationwithanalystCarloCalabrese,
January2010.
62AlissaRubin,TalibanOverhaulTheirImageinBidto
WinAllies,NewYorkTimes,20January,2010.
63FromaninterviewonanIndonesianwebsiteThe
Leaders,dated13February2007,
http://www.spf.org/the-leaders/library/15.html.
Indeed,theargumentthattheUS-ledintervention
oflate2001tookawaypowerfromPashtunsand
thatPashtunshavebeenitsmainvictims
originallyexpressedinPashtunexilecommunities
canbeheardinmanyPashtunareasof
Afghanistan.FollowingaseriesofUSSpecialForces
operationsthatclaimedciviliancasualtiesor,in
onecase,thelivesofafamilyofanactiveAfghanNationalArmy(ANA)officerinKhost,evenlocal
formerleft-wingersstatedthattheywouldbe
boundtotribalsolidarityiftheirtribedecidedto
jointheuprisingagainsttheAmericans.64From
ChakdistrictinWardakprovinceitisreportedthat
theTalebans
mobilizationoffootsoldiers...rests
largelyonanIslamicandnationalistic
discourseagainstforeignoccupiers....
Thus,thedecisionofTalibanfootsoldiers
tosupporttheTalibaninsurgencyinChakismuchmoresimilartothejihadagainst
theSovietoccupiers,onlynowtheUS,the
formersupporterofthemujahideen,is
seenastheenemy.65
Anotherelementoftenmentionedin
conversationsistheperceptionthatthe
governmentinKabulhadbeendominatedbythe
NorthernAlliance(NA),orthePanjshiris,inthe
post-2001yearsandstillis.Thisperceptionhad
beenfuellednotonlybymanipulationsofintra-
PashtuntribalrivalriesbylocalNA-affiliatedgovernmentofficeholdersandcommandersinthe
armedforcesinanattempttomaintaintheir
dominantpositioninthecentre66butoflatealso
bymembersoftheKarzaigovernment.
IthasbeenwidelyobservedthatPashtun
grievancesindeedhavetranslatedintosympathy
64Forexample,seemyarticlefromKhost:US-Truppen
machen,wassiewollentageszeitung(Berlin),24February2009.
65GhulamrezaFazlinaiemandNickMiszak,Mullah
OmarWantsYou!TalibanMobilisationStrategiesor
MotivationsofJoiningtheInsurgencyinAfghanistan19792009:IntheGripofConflict(MiddleEastInstitutee-book,Washington2009),http://www.mei.edu
/Publications/WebPublications/Viewpoints/ViewpointsA
rchive/tabid/541/ctl/Detail/mid/1623/xmid/831/xmfid/
11/Default.aspx.
66Exampleswitnessedbytheauthorwere(1)theroleof
theMinistryofDefencecommanderforthe
Southeasternzone,GeneralGulHaidaranallyofthen
DefenceMinisterFahimduringtheAhmadzai-Dzadran
rivalryoverthePaktiagovernorshipand(2)difficultiesin
obtainingfundsforschoolsinPaktialocallyinterpreted
aspurposelyholdingbackmoneybythenEducation
MinisterQanuni,anotherNAleader,in20023.
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16 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? andevenrecruitmentfortheTaleban.Butthisis
lessduetoAfghanssympathiesfortheTaleban
thantothelackofanysignificantpoliticalmiddle
groundeitherinthecurrentpolarisationbetween
theTalebanandthedeeplycorruptandtherefore
unattractiveKabulgovernmentorintheKabul
politicallandscapewithitstaintedmujahedin
tanzimandmarginalisednewpoliticalparties.Withmorepoliticalspace,Pashtunscouldmeaningfully
identifywithotherexistingpoliticalcurrents
fromnationalism(AfghanMillat),leftism(PDPA
successorgroups)andIslamism(ex-mujahedin
tanzim)tonewpro-democraticparties.
TheTalebanfaceafewmajorhurdlesthatprevent
themfrombecominganationalistmovementof
thePashtunorall-Afghanvariety.Theylackappeal
fornon-Pashtungroups,despitesomelocal
inroads.Thisisbolsteredbynon-Pashtuns
negativeexperiencesundertheTalebanregime
withitscurbsoneducation,freedomsandlocal
traditions(alsosharedbymanyPashtuns)and
elementsofethniccleansing.AsforaPashtun
nationalistmovement,theAfghanTalebanhave
nevershownanyinclinationtoidentifywiththe
irredentistdemandforthecreationofan
independentPashtunistanthatexistedonboth
sidesoftheDurandLine(thebordernot
recognisedbymostAfghansandmanyPashtuns
insidePakistan)betweenthelate1940sandthe
1970s.Thisisclearlyduetothefactthatthe
AfghanTalebanstillrelyonPakistanisupporttoa
significantextentandarenotinapositiontoirritatethisrelationship.TheAfghanTaleban
wouldprobablybebetterdescribedasanational-
Islamist67movementthatlimitsitsactivitiesto
Afghanistanandisnotinvolvedineitherirredentist
campaignsorinternationalistJihadism(moreon
thisissueinthenextsection).
7. THETALEBANSIDEOLOGY:
HOWISLAMICARETHE
TALEBAN?Thetermtalebanhintsatthemovementsreligiouscharacterandimpetus.Initsself-perceptionand
self-presentation,itisanIslamicmovementthat
doesnotrecognisetribal,ethnicorlinguistic
boundaries.Thisreflectstheorthodox,
conservativeIslamoftheHanafischool( mazhab)
67ThetermNational-Islamistisusedinanalogytothe
termnationalcommunistsinliteratureforthepre-1989
YugoslavorRomaniancommunists,withtheir
ideologicalcongruencewithMoscowthatdidnot
precludedivergentnationalinterests.
towhichmostSunniAfghansbelong.68MullaOmar
statedin2008:Ourreligionenjoinsonustoavoid
fromindulginginanykindofactivityinvolving
prejudicesbasedonethnicity.Theonlybond,
whichbindsus,isthebondofIslam.69Thisis
repeatedinthelayha,ahandbookwithacodeofconductfortheTalebinthefieldissuedbytheIEA
leadershipinMay2009.Article60statesthattheMujahedinshouldrefrainfromtribal/ethnic
(qaumi),linguisticandlocal(watani)discrimination.AhadithofAbuHurairaisaddedtoreligiouslybolsterthisinstruction.
70Anadditional
interestingaspectisprovidedbyWahidMuzhda
whohadworkedasaTalebanemirateofficialand
isnowapoliticalcommentatorinKabul:Beingan
ethnicTajikmyself,Ihavebeenwiththe
movementforhalfadecade.Theylistenedtoa
Chechennationalmoreraptlythanthehearing
theygavemeoraPashtunforthatmatter.71
Inreality,theTalebansideologyismuchlessclear-
cut.Aleadingscholardescribeditasaneclecticad
hocmixturefullofcontradictions,breakouts,
gaps,alterationsandhighlyidiosyncratic
interpretations.72Itstressestheimportanceof
ritualandmodesofbehaviour,includingoutside
appearance(clothes,haircut,shapeofbeard,
etc.).73
Butintheday-to-dayactivitiesoftheTaleban,
theologicalintricaciesdonotmattermuch.Itis
unclearhowmuchofareligiousdebateisreally
goingonwithintheTalebanmovementortheulamaclosetoit.Ifthereisany,itremainsinvisible
initspublications.Also,nosuchdebateis
68Oneformerhigh-rankingTalebandalemrepliedin
2009whenaskedaboutthereligiousbaseofthe
movementwithemphasis:WearenotWahhabi,weare
Hanafi.
69TalebanleaderurgesAfghanstoboycottdeceptive
electionsAfghanIslamicPress(Peshawar),7December2008.
70DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,DeTalebano(seeFN54),p57.
71Talibancan'tbebracketedwithPashtuns:Analysts
PajhwokAfghanNews(Kabul),2November2007.
72TranslatedfromBerntGlatzer,ZumpolitischenIslam
derafghanischenTalibaninDietrichReetz(ed.),
SendungsbewusstseinoderEigennutz:ZuMotivationundSelbstverstndnisislamischerMobilisierung ,ZentrumModernerOrient,Studien15(Berlin2001),pp17382.
73Giustozzi,Koran,Kalashnikov,andLaptop(seeFN47),
p12.SeealsoRuttig,TheOtherSide(seeFN1),pp1820.
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17ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? occurringontheinternetasinthecaseofal-
Qaida.74
SomeanalysesclaimthatthereisaTalebanUlema
Council,paralleltotheleadershipcouncil( rahbarishura).
75Indeed,ulemashurasgatheredat
varioustimesinKandaharwhiletheTalebanwere
inpower.Forexample,MullaOmarwas
proclaimedtheamirul-momenininMarch1996byagatheringof1,200religiousscholarscalleda
shura.76After9/11,anotherulemashurametand
decidedtorequestMullaOmartopersuade
OsamabinLadentoleavethecountryvoluntarily.
77Butalreadythenumbersofparticipantsinboth
eventsseemtoindicatethatthiswasnota
standingbody.Underthecurrentcircumstances,
withexpecteddroneattacksandISIsnatches,itis
evenmoredoubtfulwhethersuchabodycould
regularlymeet.InsideAfghanistan,shariacourts
consistingofoneqaziandtwoulemaeachare
partoftheTalebanparalleladministrative
structuresontheprovincialanddistrictlevels.
Theirresponsibilitiesaretosolvedisputesthatthe
districtandvillageulemahavedifficultyinsolving,
butapparentlynottointerpretsharia.78Itis
unclearhowmuchauthoritytheprovinceor
districtshariacourtsreallywieldvis--visthe
militarycommandersontheirlevel.Anecdotal
reportsconfirmthatinsteadtherahbarishuraitself(oritsmembers)occasionallyinvolvesitselfin
dispensingjustice.
IftherereallyisaTalebanUlemaShura,ithasneverpublishedanydocument,fatwaorstatement.Itrathercanbeassumedthatindividual
ulamaareinvolvedinadvisingMullaOmarorthe
rahbarishuraunderMullaBaradar79butthatboth
takethefinaldecision.Thisrelationshipbetween
theamirul-momeninandtheUlemaisreallyIslamic;itreflectsthehierarchicalshuraprinciple
incontrasttothePashtunsjirgaegalitarianism
basedonconsensus.80
76InLettreInternationalNo.84,(Spring2009),Berlin,
p72.
75DocumentsofUNAMAandPAG,seenbytheauthor.
76AhmedRashid,Taliban:Islam,OilandtheNewGreatGameinCentralAsia,London/NewYork2000,p41.
77AfghanClerics'DecisionsDeliveredtoOsama:Taliban
Envoy,PeoplesDaily(China),28September2001,http://english.people.com.cn/english/200109/28/eng20
010928_81241.html.
78DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,DeTalebano(seeFN54),pp378.
79ArrestedinPakistaninFebruary2010.
80AccordingtoTalebanex-ForeignMinisterMutawakkil,
thereneedstobeconsensusintheRahbarishuraitself
Ithasbeenstatedrepeatedly,thattheTaleban
haveatleastforwhileincreasinglyused
internationalistJihadistrhetoricintheir
propagandaandevenbecamemuchmore
integratedintheinternationaljihadistmovement
after2001.81This,however,seemstohavebeena
rathertransitionalperiodduringwhichMulla
Dadullah,killedin2007,copiedaz-ZarqawistacticsfromIraqbytrainingalargenumberofsuicide
bombers82and,evenmoresignificantly,usingthis
asaneffectivepropagandatoolgiventheWests
terrorismfears.(TheHaqqaninetworkwhichis
knownforitslong-standingspecialArab
connectionsfollowsthesameline.83)Dadullahs
course,though,triggeredaratherextensive
discussionwithintheTalebanin2007about
whethertheuseofsuicidebomberswhich,asa
rule,causemorecasualtiesamongstAfghan
civiliansthenamongstthoseseenbytheTaleban
aslegitimatetargets,i.e.,foreigntroopsandpeoplelinkedtotheAfghangovernmentwas
Islamic.SomeTalebanwerecitingtheQuranthat
killingMuslimsisharam(forbidden,i.e.,asin)andsubsequentlycalledpiousTalebanbysome
AfghansincontrasttoterroristslikeDadullah.
Theanti-Dadullahlinealsoseemstohavesupport
withinthemainstreamKandahariTaleban:When
MansurDadullahtookoverhiselderbrothers
placeandtriedtofollowthesamelinehewas
reprimandedbyMullaOmarandevenexpelled
fromthemovementforaperiodoftime.84There
werealsorumoursthatthekillingofDadullahwasenabledbyinformationfromwithintheTaleban
ranks.
Inaddition,thelayhaseemstobeareactiontothisperiodasitregulatestheuseofsuicide
bombers,rulingtoavoidalienatingthelocal
populationthroughcausingunnecessarycivil
casualties.Inarticle41(3)itstipulates:During
suicideattacks,thebestattemptsmustbe
undertakentoavoidthekillingofordinarypeople
andcasualties.MullaOmarreiteratedthis
whendecisionsaretaken.
81See,e.g.,Giustozzi,Koran,Kalashnikov,andLaptop
(FN47),p13.
82Dadullahevenstatedthathewantedtotakerevenge
forZarqawisdeath.SeeMullaDadullahvowstoavenge
ZarqawisdeathAfghanIslamicPress(Peshawar),9June2006.
83SeeThomasRuttig,LoyaPaktiasInsurgency(seeFN
24),p75.
84TalebansackmilitarycommanderBBC,29December
2007,http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/south
_asia/7164277.stm.
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18 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? instructioninamessageontheoccasionofa
religiousholidayinOctober2008:
[B]everycarefulwhenyoufacethe
generalpeopleandyourinnocent
countrymen.Donotgoforanattack
whichhasapossibilityofharmingthe
generalpeople....Everyactwhichisnot
inharmonywiththeteachingsofIslamor
isnotaccordingtotheIslamiccivilization
ordoesnotlookgoodwiththeMuslim
Ummah...likeblastsin[mosques]and
wheretherearegathering[s]ofthe
generalpeople,lootingoftheproperties
onthehighways,cuttingnosesandearsin
thenameof[sectarian]differenceswhich
IslamforbidsortheburningofIslamic
booksmustbestronglycountered.85
Furthermore,internationalistjihadistrhetorichas
nottranslatedintoactionamongtheAfghan
Taleban.TherearenoAfghansinal-Qaeda's
hierarchyandnoArabsintheTalibancommand
structure86norhastherebeenasinglecasein
whichanAfghanTalebhadparticipatedina
terroristattackoutsidethemovementsareaof
operations,i.e.,Afghanistanandthetribalareasof
Pakistan.(ThisisdifferentfromthePakistani
Talebanwhich,viaalliedPunjabisectariangroups,
aremorecloselylinkedtoal-Qaida.)Therewereno
Afghansamongsttheplanehijackerson9/11.On7October2009,MullaOmarofficiallystatedthatthe
Talebandidnothaveanyagendatoharmother
countries,includingEurope,nordowehavesuch
agendatoday.87Inastatementontheoccasionof
theinternationalAfghanistanconferencein
LondoninJanuary2010,theTalebanLeadership
Councilstatedthat[t]heIslamicEmiratewant[s]
tohavegoodandpositiverelationswiththe
neighbouringcountriesinanatmosphereof
85DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,De
Talebano(seeFN54),p45;AmeerAl-MumeneenMullahMohammadOmarMujahidaboutthepleasureofEidal-Fitr,http://www.afghanvoice.com/index.php/news/news-in-english/237-ameer-al-mumeneen-
mullah-mohammad-omar-mujahid-about-the-pleasure-
of-eid-al-fitr.
86JasonBurke,MisreadingtheTalibanProspectMagazineNo.152(November2008),http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/2008/11/misreadingthe
taliban/.
87StatementoftheIslamicEmirateofAfghanistanontheOccasionoftheEighthAnniversaryoftheAmericanAttackonAfghanistan(7October2009),http://www.nefafoundation.org/miscellaneous/nefaTalib8anniv1009
.pdf.
mutualrespectandtakefar-reachingstepsfor
bilateralcooperation,economicdevelopmentand
prosperousfuture.88
Apartfromsomeindividuals,theAfghanTaleban
havenotboughtintoal-Qaidasjihadistagenda.
Whentheyusejihadistlanguage,theirprimary
targetisfund-raisingamongsttheirmajordonor
group:privatecitizensorgroupsorganisingmosque
collectionsinArabGulfcountriesforthem.
TheAfghanTalebansagendaisexclusivelyAfghan.
TheywanttoforcetheWesternoccupantforces
towithdrawandtore-establishtheirIslamic
emirate.Forthis,theyneedArabmoney,
sometimeschannelledthroughal-Qaida
connections,andperhapsdecreasinglymilitary
know-how.Asaresult,thecooperationbetween
thesegroupsisapragmaticsymbiosis,butonein
whichal-QaidaneedstheTalebanmorethanvice
versa.
89
Therefore,OsamabinLadengaveanoathofallegiance(baya)toMullaOmar,nottheotherwayaround.Thismustnotbemisinterpreted:Al-
Qaidadidnotbecomesubservienttotheaimsand
methodsoftheAfghanTaleban.Onthecontrary,
thispurportedsubservienceisausefulillusionthat
obscuresal-Qaidasfundamentalconflictswiththe
AfghanTalebansagenda.90Thereisplentyof
anecdotalevidenceaboutmutualracistprejudices
betweenal-QaidasArabsandthePashtunTaleban
whichfurtherlimitthepotentialforcooperation.
TheTalebanslackofenthusiasmforglobaljihadis
foundedontheirintentionnottorepeattheirpre-2001mistakes:toriskisolatingthemselves(orbe
isolatedagain)fromtheinternationalcommunity.
ManyintheTalebanblameal-Qaidawhich
plannedtheterroristattacksof9/11mostprobably
withouttheTalebansknowledgeforthefallof
theiremirateandthelossofpowerin2001.This
latentconflictalsomightcauseabreakbetweenthe
Talebanandal-Qaidaundercertaincircumstances.
88StatementoftheLeadershipCounciloftheIslamic
EmirateofAfghanistanregardingtheLondonConference,http://www.alqimmah.net/showthread.php?t=13721.
89Afterheavylossesontheleadershiplevelandthe
transitiontowhatsomeauthorscallleaderlessjihad,
i.e.,withquasi-autonomousnationalgroupsthat,as
franchises,copyal-Qaidasideologyandstrategyand
onlyoccasionallyhaverealcontactwithitsleadership,
al-Qaidasmainapproachistohijacknational
movements,likethePakistaniandAfghanTalebanand
al-ShabaabinSomalia.Withoutthem,al-Qaidaonlycan
carryoutlimitedoperationsofitsown.
90VahidBrown,TheFacadeofAllegiance:BinLadins
DubiousPledgetoMullahOmarCTCSentinel(January2010),pp45.
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19ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? However,theTalebansIslamistideologyprovides
aninstrumentthatcreatescohesionamongstthe
fightersfromsegmentedPashtuntribes.Oneof
themostimportantleadershipinstrumentsisthe
layha,publishedfirstin2006andupdatedinthespringof2009.Itisacodeofconductthatreflects
theIslamicprinciplestheTalebansideologyis
baseduponandtriestoruleoutce