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    ThomasRuttig

    HowTribalAretheTaleban?Afghanistanslargestinsurgentmovementbetweenits

    tribalrootsandIslamistideology

    EXECUTIVESUMMARY

    RecentdevelopmentsinAfghanistanhave

    underscoredthatthereisstillanimmenselackof

    understandingandevenofinterestwithregard

    tothenatureoftheTalebanmovement.1DiscussionsaboutwhethermoderateTaleban

    existhaveovershadoweddeeperquestionsabout

    thecharacteroftheAfghanTalebanmovement.As

    aresult,thereisconsiderableconfusionasto

    whetherthelargestandmostinfluentialinsurgent

    movementismainlydrivenbyethnic,religiousor

    politicalmotives.Thispaperaimstoclarifythe

    oftencomplexforcesthatshapetheAfghan

    Talebanmovement.Itexploresseveralcentral

    questions,includingthefollowing:AretheTaleban

    aPashtuntribalorevennationalistforceorare

    they,astheyclaimtobe,supra-ethnicIslamistswhodonotacknowledgetribal,ethnicand

    linguisticdifferencesbutonlyknowMuslims?In

    addition,thispaperdiscussestheplaceoftribes

    1ThispaperfurtherdevelopsthoughtslaidoutinThomas

    Ruttig,TheOtherSide:DimensionsoftheAfghanInsurgency:Causes,ActorsandApproachestoTalks ,Kabul/Berlin:AfghanistanAnalystsNetwork,Thematic

    Report01/2009,July2009.Itbuildsontwopresentations

    givenataworkshoporganisedbytheAbbassiProgramin

    IslamicStudies,atStanfordUniversityon3December

    2009,andattheJamestownFoundations2009Terrorism

    ConferenceTheChangingStrategicGravityofAlQaedain

    Washingtonon9December2009.

    andtheirinstitutionswithinAfghansociety.A

    distinctionismadebetweenwhatisrealandwhat

    ismyth,asconstructedbyAfghansandalsoby

    foreignobservers.

    ThepaperthendiscussestheoriginsoftheTaleban

    movement,the(limited)roleofIslamistideology

    andtheextenttowhichitcanbeconsidereda

    Pashtunnationalistmovement.Furthermore,this

    paperlooksatthebeginningdebateabout

    whethertheTalebanhavemorphedintoaNeo-

    Talebanmovement.

    TodaysTalebanmovementisdualisticinnature,

    bothstructurallyandideologically.Theaspectsare

    interdependent:Averticalorganisational

    structure,intheformofacentralisedshadow

    state,reflectsitssupra-tribalandsupra-ethnic

    Islamistideology,whichappearstobenationalistici.e.,itreferstoAfghanistanasa

    nation2attimes.Atthesametime,the

    movementischaracterisedbyhorizontal,network-

    likestructuresthatreflectitsstrongrootsinthe

    segmentedPashtuntribalsociety.Themovement

    isanetworkofnetworks.Religious,tribaland

    regionalcomponentsoverlapevenwhenitcomes

    totheorganisationalprinciplesoftheTaleban.

    2Thistermisnotspecificenough.InEurope,itevenhas

    achauvinisticundertone.Nationalwouldfitbetter,and

    manyAfghansthereforeoftenrefertonational(melli)almostsynonymouswithpatriotic,anotherword

    dislikedbymanyinEurope.

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    2 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Individually,theTalebanaredeeplyrootedintheir

    tribalsocieties.But,intheirself-identification,the

    balancebetweenbeingPashtunandbeingMuslim

    haschanged,asisthecasewithmanyAfghans.

    Inthirtyyearsofconflictandgradualstate

    collapse,Pashtuntribalsocietyhasundergone

    drasticchanges.Traditionalsocialandpolitical

    relationshaveincreasinglybeenweakenedand

    dissolved.Theyoungergenerationsquestioned

    theauthorityoftheelderswhotheyheld

    responsiblefortheseconflicts.Thishadnegative

    impactsonintra-tribalcohesion.Asaresult,the

    jirga asthemajorconflict-resolvingmechanismofthePashtunshaslostmuchofitsauthority.

    Powerfulnewcomersareabletoignorejirga

    decisionswithimpunity.Mightoftentrumps

    pashtunwalaiandevenIslamiclaw.Risinglevelsofeducationhavechangedthecharacteroftribal

    representation.Diasporacommunitiesofcertain

    tribeshaveemergedinthebigcities.Their

    membersabsorbedmodernskillsbutmaintained

    linkstotheiroriginaltribes.Thisway,influences

    ofmodernismpenetratedeventherural

    communities.Thisdiaspora-triberelationship

    intensifiesintimesofcrisis.

    InmanyPashtuntribes,themore-permanenttribal

    shurahasreplacedthejirga.Someofthemstillrepresentaformoftraditionalself-organisation,

    butmanyothersareconvenedbythenew

    strongmen.Thismakesthemhierarchicalin

    structure,incontrasttotheegalitarianjirgawhereideallyallmalemembersofacertaintribefinda

    consensusaboutacertainconflict.Meanwhile,a

    shuradeliberatesandgivesadvicetotheleader

    whothendecideswhetherhemakesuseofitor

    not.ManyPashtunsusebothterms,jirgaand

    shura,interchangeablynow.

    Today,sometribescoversuchalargeareathat

    theyaresimplytoobigtohaveasingleleader

    althoughitisdoubtfulwhethertherewasalways

    oneundisputedleaderatanygiventimeonanygivenlevelofthetribalpyramid.Inongoing

    competition,variousaspirantsforleadershipwouldfoughteachotherforprestigeand

    influence.Leadershipandpowerwithinanytribal

    segmentresembledanever-changingequilibrium.

    ThelackofadynasticprincipleamongstPashtuns

    standsinthewayofacoherentandcontinuous

    triballeadership.

    Furthermore,thetribalcodeofPashtuns,

    pashtunwalai,needstobeunderstoodasanidealisedconcept.AsthePashtunsgenealogical

    chart,itcanchangeintimeandspace.Categories

    usedbyoutsidersasifsetinstone(likethemuch-

    discussedDurrani-Ghilzaidivide)arefluent.

    Differentlocalversionsofpashtunwalai(called

    nirkh)areused.Incasesofconflictbetweengroups,adecisionwouldbemadeinadvance

    whosenirkhtouse.

    TheTalebanmovementemergedfromreligious

    networksfromthe197889resistance,i.e.,itisa

    broadermovementthatsawitselfasreligiously

    motivated.Onlywhenthemujahedin,intheeyesofthelaterTaleban,violatedtheirownreligious

    principles,didtheTalebanestablishtheirown,

    nowultra-orthodoxmovement.Onlyaftertheir

    initialmoves,weretheTalebanadopted,

    supportedandinstrumentalisedbythePakistani

    militaryestablishment.Today,manyTaleban

    activitiesinAfghanistanssoutheastandsouth3still

    centrearoundnetworksofulama-ledmadrassasandmosques.

    Politically,theTalebanmovementaspirestoaims

    thatarelargerthanitsindividualtribalrealms:

    politicalpoweronthenationalAfghanlevelandthere-establishmentofitsemirate.Theyare

    nationalists,butcannotbecalledPashtun

    irredentists,i.e.,theydonotstrivefora

    reunificationofallPashtunareasina

    Pashtunistan.

    TheTalebanmovementssupra-tribalideology,i.e.,

    Islamism,keepsthedooropenfornon-Pashtun

    elements.Thishasallowedittosystematically

    expandintonon-PashtunareasoftheNorthand

    West.Islamprovidesanumbrellathatcreates

    cohesioninanotherwiseethnicallyaswellas

    politicallyheterogeneousmovement.

    ThesystemofreferenceindividualTalebanortheir

    leadersalludetotribal,nationalistandIslamist

    dependsonthecircumstancesunderwhicha

    particulardecisionistakenandontheparticular

    tacticalorstrategicaimatstake.

    Thecombinationofvertical(religious/ideological)

    andhorizontal(tribal)structuresgivestheTaleban

    movementahighdegreeofcohesionwhile

    maintainingorganisationalelasticity.Thiselasticity

    initshorizontaldimensionbasedonPashtun

    individualismallowsdiscussionandevendissent.Itallowsasufficientdegreeofautonomyoflocal

    commandersandpreventsthemfromfeelingover-

    controlled.Subsequently,themovementhas

    experiencednosplits,oratleastnonethathave

    seriouslyweakeneditsorganisation.

    Themovementhasshownmorecontinuitythan

    discontinuitybetweenthepre-andpost-2001

    phasesinthemajoraspectsthatcharacterisesuch

    3Inthispaper,Southeasternregionisusedforthe

    threeprovincesofLoyaPaktiaandSouthernregionfor

    Kandahar,Helmand,UruzganandZabul.Thelatter

    regionisreferredtoasSouthwesternregionbysome.

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    3ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? armedinsurgentmovements:theorganisational

    structureincludingthecompositionofits

    leadership,ideology,politicalaimsand

    programme.Mostimportantly,themovementstill

    adherestoitsundisputedandsinglemost

    importantleader,MullaMuhammadOmar,the

    amirul-momenin.TheTalebanLeadershipCouncil

    stemsfromthepre-2001phaseandisstillmainlyKandahari.Thepresenceofnon-KandahariTaleban

    leadersinthiscouncilismoresymbolicthan

    significant.Theinfluenceofnewlyrecruited,

    younger-generationTalebanfoot-soldierson

    strategicdecision-makingisstillminimalalthough

    thepresenceofMullaOmarstwonewdeputies

    (afterthearrestofMullaBaradar)indicatesthat

    nowboththeoldandthenewgenerationsare

    representedonthislevel.Themajorchangeinthe

    Talebanisthatuptolate2001itwasaquasi-

    governmentwithastate-likestructure,whileafter

    2001itwasforcedtoreorganiseasaninsurgentorguerrillamovementthatrunsaparallel

    administration.Basedonthis,themovement

    claimsthecontinuityofitsemirate,whichinits

    eyesaforeigninterventionunlawfullyremoved

    andreplacedwithapuppetadministration.

    Thereisnoorganisedorrecognisablemoderate

    (oranyotherpolitical)factionintheTalebanto

    counterbalancethereligioushardliners.Itismore

    usefultodifferentiatebetweendifferentcurrents:

    pragmatic,politicallythinking,pro-talksTaleban

    whounderstandthatapoliticalsolutionis

    desirablebutwhostillareconservativeIslamists,comparedwiththosewhofavourapurelymilitary

    approach,oftencombinedwithahypertrophic

    recoursetoterroristmeans.Bothgroupscompete

    fortheallegianceofthenon-orless-political

    majburiandna-razfoot-soldiers.

    ThefactthatalargemajorityoftheTalebanare

    PashtunsdoesnotmakethemtherepresentativeofallPashtuns.Sincethelate1940s,apluralistpoliticalchoicehasalwaysexistedinPashtun

    society.Thearmedconflictsofthepast30years,

    however,havenarrowedthepoliticalspace.The

    marginalisationofpoliticalpartieshasfurther

    aggravatedtheproblem.Intodaysviolent

    atmosphere,betweentheanviloftheKarzai

    governmentandthehammeroftheTaleban,there

    arenoviablepoliticalalternativesforPashtuns.

    Tribescannotassumetherolesofindependent

    actors.Rather,theyprovideanarenainwhich

    politicalcompetitiontakesplace.Attemptsto

    maketribesintoinstrumentsforstabilisation,as

    hasbeendoneintheformationoflocaldefence

    initiatives,ismisdirected.Rather,alternative

    Pashtunpoliticalandsocialorganisationsshouldbegivenmorescopeandresources.Atthesame

    time,itisnottoolatetostrengthentheinternal

    cohesionofcertaintribesandtheirparticular

    institutionsbysupportingtheirabilitiestore-

    establishfunctioning,legitimatedecision-making

    bodies(jirgas,shuras).Externalactors,however,

    shouldonlyprovidealevelplayingfield,a

    frameworkofsecurityandpossiblywhere

    requestedtakeontheroleofneutralarbiter.

    TheyshouldrefrainfrombeingseenastakingdecisionsonAfghans'behalfandbeawarethat

    interferenceoftendeepens,insteadofremedies,

    existingrifts.

    TheAfghangovernmentsdraftAfghanistanPeace

    andReintegrationProgramaswellastheWest-

    dominatedapproachthatcreatesanartificial

    divisionbetweenreconciliationand

    reintegrationstilltreatstheTalebanproblem

    mainlyasatechnicalone.Itsupposesthatmany

    Talebancanbewonoverbyeconomicandsocial

    incentivesandtheinsurgency,ineffect,split.

    Thisunderestimatesthepoliticalmotivesthat

    drivetheTalebaninsurgency.Furthermore,there

    stillisanalthoughnotpubliclyexpressed

    incongruencebetweentheUSapproach(usingthe

    surgetoweakentheTalebanbeforeanytalks)

    andPresidentKarzaisapproachthatstillseemsto

    favourimmediatedirectcontacts.

    TheJune2010peacejirgainKabulhasnotbrought

    thenecessaryclarificationprocessforward.Itwas

    notprecededbyabroadconsultationandlacked

    genuinerepresentativeness.Onlyanapproachto

    reconciliationbasedongenuinebroadparticipationandbuy-inbyAfghanscanleadtoan

    outcomeinwhichtheTalebancanbeabsorbed

    intothepoliticalmainstreamandAfghansociety.

    Anapproachimposedfromthetopdown,evenif

    coveredwithritualsofsurrogateparticipation,will

    alwaysbevulnerablefromspoilers.

    1. INTRODUCTION

    RecentdevelopmentsinAfghanistanhave

    underscoredthatwhilethecomplexissueof

    reconciliationandreintegrationisdiscussedand

    evenshapedintoprogrammes,animmenselackof

    understandingandasitseems,evenofinterest

    existsregardingthenatureoftheTaleban

    movement.ThislackwasreflectedinWestern

    governmentsapproachatandafterthe

    internationalAfghanistanconferenceinLondonin

    January2010whenthestillunder-developed

    AfghanistanPeaceandReconciliationProgram

    (APRP)oftheAfghangovernmentreceivedpolitical

    approvalandevensomefinancialcommitments.It

    continuedinthemainlywelcomingresponsefrom

    WesterncapitalswithregardtotheJune2010NationalConsultativePeaceJirgainKabul.Butit

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    4 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? alsowasevidentattheAfghan-leddiscussionsat

    thejirgaitself.

    PresidentHamedKarzaireflectedontheoutlines

    oftheAPRPwhichwaspresentedtotheLondon

    conferenceandtopartsofthedonorcommunityin

    Kabulinhisopeningspeechtothedelegatesof

    thejirga.Butthedocumentwasnotpresentedto

    ordistributedamongstthem.Inthismajor

    governmentdocument(althoughstilladraft)the

    criteriaforpoliticalaccommodationwiththe

    insurgentshavenotbecomeclearyet.Thisreflects

    thestill-enormouslackofunderstandingofwho

    theinsurgents(andtheirmaincompositeelement,

    theTalebanmovement)areandwhataimsthey

    pursue.Alternately,perhaps,itreflectstheview

    thatadifferentiatedanalysisisnotnecessaryfor

    theimplementationoftheprogrammeofwhich

    PresidentKarzaisWesternpartnershave

    unambiguouslyadoptedonlythereintegration

    side.

    TheNationalConsultativePeaceJirga,aswellas

    thewaveofarrestofAfghanTalebanleadersin

    PakistaninJanuaryandFebruarythisyear,4shows

    thatmotivesofpowerandcontrolstilldominate

    thepeaceandreconciliationagenda.Nointerest

    wasshowninhowcommongroundcanbecreated

    ateitherthenationalortheregionallevels.

    DiscussionsaboutwhethermoderateTaleban(i.e.,

    Talebaninterestedintalkingornegotiating)exist

    haveovershadoweddeeperquestionsaboutthe

    characteroftheTalebanmovementandhowitaffectsprospectsforpoliticalaccommodation.Asa

    result,considerableconfusionexistsastowhether

    thelargestandmostinfluentialinsurgent

    movementismainlydrivenbyethnic,religiousor

    politicalmotives.Thispaperaimstoclarifythe

    often-complexforcesthatshapethemovement.

    Thispaperexploresacentralquestion:Arethe

    TalebanaPashtuntribalorevenanationalistforce

    orarethey,astheyclaimtobe,supra-ethnic

    Islamistswhodonotacknowledgetribal,ethnicand

    linguisticdifferencesbutonlyknowMuslims?Do

    thesetwoconceptsexcludeeachotherorcananddotheycoexist?Theanswerstothesequestions

    haveimportantimplicationsforthedebateon

    reconciliationandreintegration,astheyprovidean

    indicationofwhetherandunderwhich

    circumstancestheTalebanmaybereadytojoina

    politicalprocessandwhattheywouldwanttoget

    4SeeThomasRuttig,ImplicationsofMullaBaradars

    ArrestAANBlog,16February2010,http://www.aan-afghanistan.org/index.asp?id=646;ThomasRuttig,The

    TalibanArrestWaveinPakistan:ReassertingStrategic

    Depth?CTCSentinel,CombatingTerrorismCenteratWestPoint,vol.3(3)(March2010,),pp146.

    outofit.5ThequestionofhowtribaltheTaleban

    areisalsosignificantinthedebateonwhetherand

    howso-calledtribalorcommunitydefenceforces

    canorshouldbeusedtopushbacktheinfluenceof

    theTalebanincertainareasofAfghanistan.

    Tobetterunderstandhowtribalthemovementis,

    thispaperfirstdiscussestheplaceoftribesand

    theirinstitutionswithinAfghansociety,howthey

    functioninrealityandwhatchangesand

    developmentstheyhavebeensubjectedtoduring

    thephasesofmodernisationinthe20thcentury

    andthepost-1973conflictsinAfghanistan.A

    distinctionismadebetweenwhatisrealandwhat

    ismyth,asconstructedbothbyAfghansandby

    foreignobservers.

    ThepaperthendiscussestheoriginsoftheTaleban

    movement,the(limited)roleofIslamistideology,

    andtheextenttowhichthemovementcanbe

    consideredPashtunnationalist.Furthermore,thispaperwilllookatthejustbegundebateabout

    whethertheTalebanhavemorphedintoaNeo-

    Talebanmovementafterthecollapseoftheir

    regimei.e.,whetherthereismorecontinuity

    thandifferencebetweenthemovementinitspre-

    9/11incarnation,theIslamicEmirateof

    Afghanistan(IEA),andtheresurgentmovementof

    thepresenttime.

    2. PASHTUNTRIBES,BETWEEN

    MYTHANDREALITY

    Muchhasbeenwrittenaboutthepashtunwalai,thecodeofconductandwayoflifeofthePashtuns.But

    muchofithadbeenmystified,bothbyAfghansand

    foreignobservers,notleastbecauseinthelightof

    morethan30yearsofconflictthepastradiatesa

    goldenlightofnostalgia.Inordertounderstand

    whichrolestribesandtheirinstitutionsareplaying

    today,alotofrubblehastobecleared.Although

    pashtunwalaiisoftendescribedinitsidealformandasstatic,itactuallyevolvesanddiffersintimeand

    space.Individualshavestartedtodominateinstitutions,whichwereoriginallytheembodiment

    ofcollectiveinterests.

    Withitscoreprinciplesof nangandtora,melmastia,nenawataiandbadal,tigaandbaramta,itstribalinstitutionslikethe khanandthemalek,thejirgaandthearbakai,

    6aswellasthe

    5Inmyfirstpaper(seeFN1)Iarguedthat

    reconciliationismorethanjusttalksbetweenthe

    governmentandtheTaleban:Itneedstobeabroader

    conceptthatoverarchesthewholeAfghanpost-orstill-

    in-conflictsociety.

    6Honourandcourage,hospitality,seekingshelterby

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    5ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Pashtunsnotoriousfragmentation,embodiedin

    theprincipleoftarburwalai(theenmitybetweencousins),pashtunwalaiisacomplicatedandunwrittensystem.Theknowledgeofitis

    preservedbythewhitebeards(spingiri)andthejirgadar,thosewhohave[theknowledgeabout]thejirga.

    7Itisnotsecretknowledgeandis

    transferredtotheyoungergenerationsbyexample:Youngboysaresupposedtobepresent

    atjirgasandseehowtheeldersdoit.

    Alreadyinthe1970s,ChristianSigristwasusing

    usedthetermacephalousandsegmented

    societiesforthiskindofsocialorganisation,8with

    itshierarchyofloyaltiesbetweenrelativesfrom

    thelevelofthefamily( kor,inPashto,meanshouse)onthebottomuptothelevelofnation

    (millat),country(mamlakat)orfatherland(watan).

    9Loyaltyisonlyextendedwhenthe

    particularlevelonthehierarchypyramidis

    externallythreatened.Forexample,ifsomekorofonetribewouldbeinlatentconflictwithotherkorofthesametribeinoneparticularareaabout

    land,forestorwaterusethesekorunawouldsticktogetheranddefendthemselveswithahigher

    levelofloyaltywhenthreatenedbyanoutside

    group.Onthetop-most(national)levelthiswould

    meanthatwhenallAfghanethnicgroupsare

    threatenedbyoutsideaggression,theycooperate

    witheachother.ThiswasprovenduringtheSoviet

    occupationinthe1980s.

    submissionandrevenge,amoratoriumonaconflictand

    thedeposittoguaranteeit,thetriballeaderandthe

    villageelder,thetribalassemblyanditsreinforcement

    instrument.ThebestarticleonpashtunwalaiformeisstillLutzRzehak,DasPaschtunwalitraditionelle

    Normen,WertvorstellungenundBrucheder

    Paschtunen,asien,afrika,lateinamerika15(1987)5,Berlin,pp82132.Surprisinglyenough,theredoesnot

    seemtobeacomprehensiverecentEnglish-language

    bookorarticledealingwiththetypesofpashtunwalaiamongstPashtuntribesinAfghanistanassuch,apart

    fromthecolonial(andPakistan-focussed)standard

    bookslikeOlafCaroe,ThePathans(Oxford,USA1984,reprint).Anumberofrecentpapersconcentrateonthe

    jirgaaspectmostlyandonlydealwithpashtunwalaiat

    theirperiphery.

    7Onesourcealsoreferstoso-called nirkhi,arbiters,insuch

    jirgas.ChristianSigrist,PashtunwaliDasStammesrecht

    derPashtuneninRevolutioninIranundAfghanistan:mardomnamehJahrbuchzurGeschichteundGesellschaftdesMittlerenOrients(Berlin1980),p264.

    8Acephalousmeanswithnocentralisedauthority,

    alsocalledregulatedanarchy.ChristianSigrist:RegulierteAnarchie(Olten1967).

    9Watanalsoisablurryterm.Itcanstandforthewholenation/countrybutalsoforthenarrowerareaoforigin

    (avalley,etc.).

    ThePashtunsareone,ifnotthelargest,ofthe

    tribalsocietiesworldwide.Kinshipasaprincipleof

    socialorganisation,nevertheless,isnothingspecial

    tothePashtuns.Mostofwhatissaid,forexample,

    abouttheSomalis10wouldmakesenseforthe

    Pashtunsaswell:

    AllSomalisarebornintothissocialstructureandbecauseitdefinesa

    personsrelationshiptootherSomalisand

    non-Somalis,kinshipisacriticalsourceof

    anindividualsidentity.Knowledgeofa

    personsclancanenableonetoidentify

    theirelders,deducewheretheyreside

    andwhomtheyarelikelytovoteforinan

    election....Kingroupsformalliances,

    divideandrealigninresponsetointernal

    andexternaleventsandprocesses.The

    clanorsub-clanthatapersonidentifieswith(orisidentifiedwith)willdependon

    theprevailingcontextandissueathand,

    suchasaccesstoenvironmental

    resources,thecontrolofreal-estate,

    competitionforpoliticalofficeora

    collectiveresponsetosecuritythreats.

    Thetraditionofexogamousmarriage11

    meansthatSomaliscanhaverelativesin

    severalclansdispersedoverlarge

    geographicalareas....Clansand

    genealogiesarethereforedynamicsocial

    constructsthatcanbesubjecttodifferent

    interpretationsandareusedtodescribe

    andvalidatechangingsocialandpolitical

    relationships.Theyare,asLuling12has

    described,notonlygoodtofightwith(or

    playpoliticsanddobusinesswith)but

    goodtothinkwith....Inthecontextof

    statecollapseandintheabsenceofstate

    institutionsandotherformsofpolitical

    10InMarkBradbury,BecomingSomaliland(London

    2008),pp1315.

    11Endogamousandexogamousarerelativeterms.As

    arule,marriageamongstAfghansisendogamous,i.e.,

    withinthebroadercommunity.Often,however,cousin

    marriageispreferredtosavecostsandtokeepthe

    property(land,etc.)together.Incontrast,exogamous

    marriageisameanstocreatepoliticalandbusiness

    alliances.

    12ThequotedoriginalsourceisVirginiaLuling,

    GenealogyasTheory,GenealogyasTool:Aspectsof

    SomaliClanshipSocialIdentities:JournalfortheStudyofRace,NationandCulture(2006)Vol.12(4).

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    6 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? organisationthekinshipsystemprovide[s]

    astructureforinter-grouprelationsand

    governance,fororganisingandmanaging

    violenceandfororganisingtrade.

    AllPashtunsknowtheircurrentparticularplaceon

    theirpeoplesintricategenealogicalchartwithits

    hundredsoftribes,sub-tribes,clans, kor13

    etc.whichderivesfrom(assumed)common

    ancestors.14Thesameistruefortheindividual

    Talebanfighter.Heisabletosayexactlytowhich

    tribe,sub-tribeetc.hebelongsunlesshedecides

    otherwiseandsidestepstotheideologicallevel,

    ofteninordertomakeapoliticalpoint.One

    TalebaninterpreterinKandaharinlate2000

    repliedwithemphasiswhenaskedtowhichtribe

    hebelongs:Thisdoesntmattertome.Weare

    Muslimsanddonotknow[i.e.,recognise]tribes.15

    Theplaceatribeorsub-tribeoccupiesonthe

    Pashtungenealogicalchartcanchangeintimeand

    space.Atribemightgrowandsplitintosub-

    tribesandsomesub-tribemightbecomeatribe

    initsownright.Forexample,therelationship

    betweentheBarakzaiandtheAtsakzai16in

    southernAfghanistanevolved:Thelatterwas

    originallyasub-tribeoftheformerbutpeoplein

    theregionnowoftenputbothonthesamelevel

    whenaskedwhichtribesliveintheirparticular

    area.TheAtsakzaihavegrowntobecomeatribein

    13

    Iputsomeofthosetermsinquotationmarksbecausethesecategoriesarefluid.Asubtribehereis,inapurely

    descriptiveway,justagroupofpeoplethatisconsidered

    (orconsidersitself)partofalargertribe.Withoutgoing

    furtherintodetail,thePashtunsdonotformasingle

    tribe(thePashtuntribeasmediaoftensay)but

    somethingacategoryhigher.Somecallitanationor

    nationality,apeople(inGerman,Volk)oranethnicgroup.Afghantermsusedforit(qaum,millat,etc.)arealsoblurred.TherearedifferenttribesamongthePashtuns.

    14QaisAbdulrashidastheancestorofallPashtuns.He

    andhissonsSarban,BaitanandGharghashtaswellas

    theadoptedKarlanareforefathersofthemajorPashtunconfederations.Theonesmostimportantin

    Afghanistan,theDurraniandtheGhilzai,gobackto

    SarbanandBaitan,respectively.SeeAkbarS.Ahmed,

    MilleniumandCharismaamongPashtuns:ACriticalEssayinSocialAnthropology(London,HenleyandBoston1976),p7.

    15Thesamelinewasnotoftentakenbyordinary

    TalebanItalkedtoduringmystayinKabulin

    2000/2001duringtheTalebanregime.Theyeagerlytold

    mewhichtribetheybelongedto.

    16OftenreferredtoasAchakzai,theDariform.TheDari

    languagelacksthePashtunconsonantts(cf.tsengaye

    [Howareyou?]inPashtoorCsarorZitronein

    German).

    theirownright.Incontrast,sometimes,awhole

    tribedisappears.17

    AlotofthishastodowiththePashtunsnomadic

    origins,astheexampleoftheBabozai18tribe,again

    insouthernAfghanistan,illustrates.WhileinZabul

    theBabozaiareconsideredasub-tribeofthe

    HotakintheGhilzaiconfederation;in

    neighbouringUruzgantheyareseenasaNurzai

    sub-tribeintheDurraniconfederation.19This

    seeminglyparadoxicalsituationisbecauseBabozai

    groupshadmigratedfromZabulwestwards

    lookingforgreenerpasturesandmusthavebeen

    accommodatedbyNurzai.Therearemanyreports

    intheliteratureabouthow,inpastcenturieswhen

    landwasstillavailable,largertribalgroupsgave

    land,protectionorbothtoincomingsmallerones.

    Suchamovewouldmakethenewcomerseither

    clients(hamsaya,literallyinthesameshadow,i.e.,neighbours)ofthehostgroup(mainlywhen

    non-Pashtun)or,asinthecaseofthePashtun

    Babozai,anewsub-tribeoftheirbenefactors.This

    casedemonstrateshowunreliabletribalcategories

    areandhowtrickyitcanbeifoutsidersstart

    treatingthemasiftheyweresetinstone(suchas

    theDurrani-Ghilzaidivide,whichistreatedby

    sometribalanalystsasdogma).

    Today,sometribesparticularlyintheSouthern

    region(GreaterKandahar)coversuchalarge

    areathattheyaresimplytoobigtohaveasingle

    leader.TheNurzai,forexample,stretchfrom

    KandahartoHeratprovince.Howdifficultitisundersuchcircumstancestocometoapolitical

    17LiketheSur(i)whoruledNorthernIndiainthe16

    th

    century.Theywereprobablyabsorbedbythelocal

    population.

    18TheBabozaicasealsoisofpoliticalrelevance:onewife

    ofTalebanleaderMullaMuhammadOmarreportedlyisa

    BabozaifromUruzganprovince.(MullaOmarsfamilyis

    fromZabuloriginallyandbelongstotheHotaktribe,with

    theexactsubtribeunknown.Hehimselfwasbornin

    DehrawuddistrictofUruzganwherethefamilyhad

    migratedtoandfromwherehe,withhisstepfather,

    movedfurthersouthtoKandaharprovince.MostHotak

    andNurzaicurrentlysupporttheTaleban.See:Abdul

    AwwalZabulwal,TalibaninZabul:AWitnessAccountin

    AntonioGiustozzi(ed.),DecodingtheNewTaliban:InsightsfromtheAfghanField,London2009,p180.

    19Often,thesetribalconfederationsareunderstoodas

    purelygenealogical.But,astheBabozaicaseillustrates,

    theyarealsoinfluencedbypolitics.AnAfghansource

    importantlypointstothefactthatalsotheDurrani

    emergedasapoliticalconfederation,calledgund(party),puttogetherbyapirinthereignofAhmadShahAbdali(later:Durrani)foraconcretepolitical

    reason.MuhammadOmarRawandMiakhel,De

    PashtanoQabiloShujreauMene [TheLineagesandDwellingsofthePashtunTribes],Kabul1999,p217.

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    7ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? decisionbecameapparentbeforethe2005

    parliamentaryelections:SomeNurzaitriballeaders

    convenedaseriesofall-Nurzaiassembliesaiming

    tofieldjointcandidatesonwhichthewholetribe

    wouldconcentrateitsvotes.Butnocandidatewas

    acceptabletoallNurzai.Asaresult,manylocal

    Nurzaicandidatescompetedamongsteachother

    andlostinmanyplaces;thetribesubsequentlyfeltunderrepresentedintheWolesiJirga.Nurzai

    activistsinterviewedlaterdescribedhowitwas

    impossibletoovercomesubtribalrivalriesand

    personalegos.20

    Thereare,inreality,nopermanentlyfixedplaces

    onthePashtungenealogicaltreeandnoeternal,

    unchangingtribalinstitutions.Muchofwhatistold

    aboutthemaremyths,idealisedversionsofa

    goldenpastthatprobablyneverexistedinapure

    formanddefinitelynotacrossthePashtunareasin

    thesameway.Versionsofpashtunwalaidifferby

    locale.Theyarelocallycalled nirkhwhichmeanspriceandreferstothedifferentpricesusedto

    settlebloodfeuds,21i.e.,badal,whichmeans

    exchange.Someauthorsstipulate

    two[major]typesofsocio-economic

    organisationalsettingsthatarereflected

    inthePashtunscodeofhonour,

    accordingtothepredominantformof

    landtenure:theqalanggroupamongst

    sedentarytribeswherelarge,irrigated

    privatelandholdingsexistandwhich,asaresult,issociallystrongerstratified(itis

    namedafterthetaxshare-cropper

    tenantsmustpaytothelandlords)and

    thenanggroupamongstpastoralhill

    Pashtunswhicharesociallymore

    egalitarian(namedaftertheircentral

    value,chivalry).22

    20AuthorsinterviewsinKandahar,Februaryand

    September2009.

    21Examplesofdifferentnirkhsystemsaregivenin:

    Sigrist,Pashtunwali(seeFN7),pp26475(forthe

    tribesofPaktia)andTheCustomaryLawsofAfghanistan,AreportbytheInternationalLegalFoundation,[Washington]2006.Whenthejirgawascomposedof

    differenttribalgroups,ithadtobedecidedinadvance

    whosenirkhwouldbeused.Itoftencouldbethatofathirdtribalgroup.

    22See:Ahmed,MillenniumandCharisma(seeFN14),p

    76;PalwashaKakar,TribalLawofPashtunwaliandWomensLegislativeAuthority,http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/ilsp/research/ka

    kar.pdf.Ahmed,theoriginalsource,describesnangandqalangforPakistaniPashtuns.Itcanbeassumed,however,thattheprinciplealsoworksamongstAfghan

    Furthermore,itishighlydoubtfulwhetherthere

    wasalwaysoneundisputedleaderatanygiventimeonanygivenlevelofthetribalpyramid

    hencethejirgaasan(ideally)egalitarianbody

    wheredecisionsaretakencollectivelyandbased

    onconsensus.Rather,itwasmorelikelythat

    variousaspirantsfoughteachotherinongoing

    competitionbyexchangingwealthandwisdom(aboutthejirga)forprestigeandinfluence(i.e.,

    leadership).Powerwithinacertaintribeortribal

    segmentlikelyhadanever-changingequilibrium.

    Thesoutherntribes(DurraniandGhilzai,notthe

    SoutheasterntribesofLoyaPaktia)knowthe

    institutionofthekhankhel,thesub-tribeorclanfromwhichtraditionallytheleadersofa

    particularsegmentofatribe,orthewholetribe,

    oftencome.Butthisdoesnotpreventcompetition

    norashiftofpowerfromclantoclan.

    Suchchangesarequickerintimesofcrisis:For

    example,inthePopalzaitribe,theformer khankhelledbyMuhammadAfzalKhan(whowaskilled

    1978underthePDPAregime)hasbeenreplaced

    bytheQaranaghtowhichtheKarzaifamilybelongs

    (althoughnotundisputedly).OtherPopalzaiclans

    aroundKandaharandpossiblyalsoTaleban

    deputyMullaBaradarwhobelongstothesame

    tribewoulddisputethattheKarzaisaretheleadersoftheirtribe.

    23AmongtheDzadraninLoya

    Paktia,themostinfluential(royalist)Babrakzai

    familyhasbeeneffectivelyreplacedbythe

    Haqqaniclan(theleadersoftheHaqqani

    network,asemi-autonomouspartofthewiderTalebanmovement

    24)sincethe1970s.Buteven

    theHaqqanisleadonlypartsofthetribe,with

    otherclanssuchastheoneofMPPachaKhan

    Dzadranleadingotherparts.

    ThislackofadynasticprincipleamongstPashtuns

    standsinthewayofacoherentandcontinuous

    triballeadership.Thishasbeenthecaseevenatthe

    verytopofthepyramidinthePashtun-dominated

    Afghanmonarchy,overthepastcenturies.Since

    1747,notmanyrulerswerereplacedbyanobvious

    heir;mostofthetime,successionwasdetermined

    inprotractedcivilwarsbetweenbrothers,half-

    brothers,cousinsandotherpretenders.Succession

    isalsooftenless-thanstraightforwardonalower

    level,asseenrecentlyonthesideoftheboth

    lowlandPashtuns,likemanyDurrani,becausethe

    patternoflandownershipissimilar.

    23AuthorsinterviewsinKandahar,2008and2009.

    24FormoreabouttheHaqqaninetwork,seeThomas

    Ruttig,LoyaPaktia'sInsurgency:TheHaqqaniNetwork

    asanAutonomousEntityintheTalibanUniversein

    AntonioGiustozzi(ed.),DecodingtheNewTaliban:InsightsfromtheAfghanField(London2009).

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    8 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? currentgovernmentandtheTaleban.Forexample,

    whentheleaderoftheArghandabAlikozaiin

    Kandaharprovince,commanderMullaNaqibullah,

    diedinOctober2007,PresidentKarzaicrownedhis

    sonasthenewleaderofthetribe(i.e.,heputan

    honoraryturbanonhishead).Immediately,the

    TalebanattackednotonlyNaqibullahshousebut

    alsothedistrictcentreinafightthatwasoneofthemostviolentthatyear,sensingthatthepresidents

    perceivedinterferenceintheaffairsofatribethatis

    nothisownhadfuelledinternalsupportforthem.

    InanothercaseinneighbouringUruzgan,the23-

    year-oldMuhammadDaudsucceededhisfather

    RoziKhanaswuluswal(governor)ofChoradistrictafterthelatterwaskilledaccidentallyin

    September2008.25Initiallywelcomedandeven

    electedbythelocalpopulation(althoughinthe

    presenceofrepresentativesoftheprovincial

    governmentwho,itcanbeassumed,noone

    wantedtocontradictatafuneral),Daudsoonran

    intodifficultiesandwasunderminedbyasenior

    unclewhothoughtthathehadmorerighttothe

    positionthantheyoungman.Thisrivalwas

    immediatelyadoptedandsupportedbyavery

    influentiallocalpowerbrokerwhofeltsidelinedby

    thelocalInternationalSecurityAssistanceForce

    (ISAF)troops.

    OntheTalebanside,MullaDadullah,acommander

    whohadbecomenotoriousforhisextensiveuseof

    suicidebombersandal-Qaidastylerhetoric,was

    replacedbyhisyoungerbrotherMullaMansurafterhewaskilledbyNATOforcesinMay2005.

    Mansurthenadoptedthetakhallus(by-orsurname)Dadullahtotransferhisbrothersimage

    ofamartyrtohisownperson.(Hewaslater

    demotedbyMullaOmarforrepeatedlyignoring

    instructions.)Inotherexamples,thecommand

    oversomeTalebanfrontsinUruzganchangedtoa

    brotherorcousinaftertheoriginalcommander

    waskilled.

    Allthreecasesshowthatsonsorbrothersoftribal

    leadersoftenhavedifficultiesfillingtheshoesof

    theirfathers.

    3. CRUMBLINGTRIBAL

    INSTITUTIONS

    Startingwiththe1973coup,30yearsofconflict

    andgradualstatecollapsehaveincreasingly

    weakenedanddissolvedtraditionalsocialand

    25RoziKhanhadrushedtohelpafriendwhowas

    attackedatnightbyunrecognisablegunmenhethought

    wereTalebanbutturnedouttobeAustralianSpecial

    ForceswhothoughtthatRoziKhanwasaTaleb.

    politicalrelationsintheAfghansocietyingeneral

    andinPashtunsocietyinparticular.Mass

    migrationenforcedhighermobilityandnarrowed

    theurban-ruralgap.Thisgraduallyundermined

    andtransformedthetraditionalrelationshipsof

    village,tribalandethniccommunities.Newelites

    emergedthatchallengedtheeldersandtookover

    theirplaces.Theyoungergenerationsquestionedtheauthorityoftheelderswhomtheyheld

    responsiblefortheseconflictsor,atleast,fortheir

    inabilitytosolvethemwiththetraditionalmeans.

    Theimpactonintra-tribalcohesionwasnegative.

    Manytriballeaderswereeliminatedbythe

    PeoplesDemocraticPartyofAfghanistan(PDPA)

    regime;otherslosttheirstatustothesocially

    upwardsclimbersofthejihadperiod:thearmedcommandersanddrugbarons.TheTaleban

    continuedthekillings.Theelderssonswerenot

    abletofollowthemdirectlybecausetheylacked

    theirauthority.

    Asaresult,thejirgaasthemajorconflict-resolving

    mechanismofthePashtunslostmuchofits

    authority.Thepowerfulnewcomersonthe

    nationalaswellasonthelocallevelareableto

    ignorejirgadecisionswithimpunity.Thisis

    illustratedbyanalmost20-year-oldlandconflictin

    Choradistrict(Uruzgan)whereacommanderdug

    anirrigationchannelanddistributedthenewland

    amongstfollowerswithoutgivingthefirstright,as

    traditionandshariademand,totheimmediate

    neighbours.Challengedbygovernmentcourts,tribaljirgasandevenmediationbyulama,heisstill

    ignoringalldecisionsthatwentagainsthim

    thankstosuperiorfirepowerandprotectionfrom

    Kabul.Today,mightoftentrumpspashtunwalaiandevenIslamiclaw.InanintactPashtuntribal

    environment,ignoringjirgaandulamadecisions

    wouldhavebeenheavilypunished.

    InmanyPashtuntribes,thetemporary,egalitarian

    institutionofthejirgahasbeenreplacedbya

    multitudeofmoreenduringtribalshurasallof

    whichpreviouslyclaimedtorepresentthewhole

    tribe.Whilesomeshurasstillrepresentaformoftraditionalself-organisation,manyareconvened

    bynewstrongmen,eitheronthelocalorthe

    centrallevel,todemonstratetheirowninfluence

    vis--visforeigners.Thismakesthemhierarchical

    instructure,astrongcontrasttotheegalitarian

    jirgawhere,ideallyallmalemembersofacertain

    tribeorsub-tribe(inrealityallland-owningmales

    insomeareasandthemishran,theeldersofthefamilies,inothers)findaconsensusaboutacertain

    conflict.Meanwhile,ashuradeliberatesandgives

    advicetoaleaderwhothendecideswhethermake

    useofitornot.ManyPashtunsnowconfusethese

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    9ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? institutionsandusebothterms,jirgaandshura,

    interchangeably.26

    Risinglevelsofeducationhavechangedthe

    characteroftribalrepresentation.Beginningwith

    theeducationalreformsduringKingAmanullahs

    reign(191929),thetribalelitessenttheirsonsto

    thecitiestostudy.Asaresult,diaspora

    communitiesofcertainprovincesortribes

    emergedinthebigcitiesandgrewinnumbers.

    Theirmembersabsorbedmodernskillsandbegan

    tousemodernmeansofcommunicationbut,at

    thesametime,maintainedlinkstotheiroriginal

    watanandtribe.Thisway,influencesofmodernismpenetratedruralcommunities.Today,

    manylocaltribalcouncilsarestillheadedbythe

    spingiri(whitebeards,i.e.,thetraditionalelders)whileeducatedmembers(engineersorteachers)

    oftendealwithforeignaffairs,likecontactswith

    visitingforeignersandtheacquisitionand

    implementationofprojects.Thisdiaspora-tribe

    relationshipintensifiesintimesofcrisis,suchas

    regimechangewhenruralcommunitiesre-

    integratetheirurbanisedmemberslinkedwitha

    fallenregimebeitKhalqiorTalebansmoothly

    andwithouttoomanyideologicalmisgivings.

    However,inasignificantnumberofcasestribes

    wereunabletoprotectthereturneesagainst

    arrestandbeingkilledafter2001.Thisforced

    manyoftheformerTalebanandtheiroriginal

    tribalgroupsbackintothemovement.Today,

    somekeysupportfortheTalebancomesfrom

    communitieswhohaveprisonersintheGuantanamosystem.

    27

    Therisingpopulationandgrowingtribesmakeit

    physicallyimpossiblethat,astraditiondemands,

    26Acontemporarysourcereportsthatby1989,[t]he

    wordshuraisnotusedinDari-speakingareastoreferto

    local-levelconsultativebodiesandthatmorelikely...

    the...wordmajliswouldbeused,thatshuraswere

    mainlyformedbycommandersforthepurposeof

    coordinatingmilitaryoperations(withsomeexpanding

    intoadministrationofareas)andlargelyconsistedof

    membersofonetanzeem(myemphasis).Thatis,thewordshurahashadaratherlatecareer.Thesameauthorsunderlinethatshuras,jirgasandmajliswerenot

    ademocraticoneman[sic!]onevotesituationand

    thattheconsensusdecisionoftenwasamajorityvote

    inrealitybecausesomepersonsweremoreinfluential

    and/ormorepersuasivethanothers.LynnCarterand

    KerryConnor,APreliminaryInvestigationofContemporaryAfghanCouncils (Peshawar:AgencyCoordinatingBodyforAfghanRelief,ACBAR,1989),pp

    23,10.

    27WhileworkingwiththeUNintheSoutheasternregion

    in2003andduringlatertripstothoseareas,theauthor

    becameawareofexamplesfromGhazni(Andar,Muqur)

    andPaktia(Zurmat).

    allmalesgatherinajirga.Thisexacerbatesthe

    trendthatparticipationinajirgareflectsgrowing

    socialdifferentiation.Whileontheonehandthe

    institutionofthejirgaiscrumblingorchangingits

    featuresunderpressurefrommodernisationand

    conflict,ontheotherhand,theuseoftraditional

    institutionsofconflictregulationintimesofcrises

    isbeingrevivedasafall-backposition.Whenthegovernmentisweakorabsent,shurasandjirgasfill

    thelocalpoliticalandadministrativevacuumas

    instrumentstomaintainlinkswiththeoutside

    world.Today,[f]orthemajorityofAfghans,

    disputesaresettled,ifatall,atthelocallevelby

    villageelders[i.e.,jirgasandshurastheauthor],

    districtgovernors,clerics,andpolicechiefs28

    withoutanygovernmentroleandoftenwithoutit

    evennoticingestimatesofupto80percentofall

    conflicts.Inparticular,jirgasandshurasare

    perceivedasmoreaccessible,moreefficient(in

    termsoftimeandmoney),perceivedaslesscorrupt,andmoretrustedbyAfghanscomparedto

    formalstatecourts.29

    Atthesametime,theKabulgovernmentandits

    internationalalliesneglectedandfailedtosupport

    initiativesofkeyPashtuntribesthataimedatre-

    establishing(inner-)tribalsolidarityorunityin

    thepost-2001period.Thisleftthose(non-Islamist)

    tribalforcesisolated,deprivedthemoffundsand

    weakenedthemvis--vistheresurgingTaleban.

    Forexample,asearlyas2003theMangalCentral

    ShuraintheSoutheasternregionofAfghanistanimplementedadecisionthatbannedpoppy

    growingonthetribesterritorythatstretchesover

    anumberofdistrictsintwoprovinces,Paktiaand

    Khost.ThiswascompletelyignoredbyKabuland

    externaldonors,includingtheUK(thenthelead

    countryfordrugcontrol).Donorsfailedtoreward

    theMangaltribeforthisunilateraldecisionevenin

    theslightestway,concentratingontheEastern

    regionexclusively.Later,theMangalcommitted

    themselvestodefendtheirterritoryagainstthe

    TalebanbyatraditionalPashtunpact( tarun).TheMangalalsoplayedaprominentpartintheTribal

    SolidarityCouncilwhichbroughttogetherPaktia

    andKhostsmajortribesin2003/4,aninitiative

    thatwasmetwiththesameignorantresponse

    fromKabul.Thesameneglecthappenedtothe

    DzadranUnityMeetingtheDzadranbeinga

    28ThomasBarfield,NeamatNojumiandJAlexander

    Thier,TheClashofTwoGoods:StateandNon-StateDisputeResolutioninAfghanistan(USInstituteforPeace,Washington2006),p2.

    29AfghanistanHumanDevelopmentReport2007

    (CenterforPolicyandHumanDevelopment,Kabul

    2007),pp91,10.

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    10 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? particularlyTaleban-influencedtribe

    30with2,000

    participantsinthespringof2007inDwamanda,

    Khostprovince.Today,theMangalCentralShura

    leftalonebarelyexistsanymore,anumberof

    shurascompeteforleadership31andtheDzadran

    remaindeeplysplitofferingeasyinroadsforthe

    Haqqaninetwork.TheMangalarea,peacefulin

    2003/4,nowisconsideredbytheUNtobeevenmorevolatilethantheDzadranareas.

    Kabulsfatefuldecisiontopay arbaki32through

    theprovincialgovernorsdiscretionalfunds

    considerablyweakenedanothervitaltribal

    institutionthathadstabilisedPashtunareas

    lackinggovernmentpresence.Thispayment

    systemstartedasearlyas2001,followedbymuch

    closercooperationin2004and2005,duringthe

    firstpresidentialandparliamentaryelectionswhen

    arbakiguardedpollingstations,mainlyinthe

    Southeasternregion,incooperationwiththe

    AfghanNationalPolice.Subsequently,itbecame

    moreerraticagain,dependingontheavailabilityof

    fundsandtherelationshipoftheparticular

    governorwiththecentralgovernment.Thisleft

    manyarbakiunpaidformonthsatatimeand

    loweredtheenthusiasmofindividualtribesmento

    jointhisinstitution.When,forexample,Paktias

    newgovernorRahmatullahRahmataformerUN

    employeewho,therefore,wasseenwithsuspicion

    inKabultookover,hewasnotgiventhesame

    amountofoperationalfundsbythegovernment

    thathispredecessorhadreceived.Officially,the

    paymentofthesefundswasstoppedaltogether.However,somegovernorswithbettercontactsin

    Kabulstillreceivedthemandwereabletopay

    arbaki.Atleastinthesoutheast,anotherperiodof

    morepermanentgovernmentfundingofarbaki

    followedin2007.33

    EvenAfghanleadersapparentlyfailedto

    understand(orpurposelyundermined)the

    characterofthearbakiasaninstrumentcontrolled

    bythetribe,explainedatribalelderfromthe

    30TheleadersoftheinsurgentHaqqaninetwork,

    JalaluddinandSerajuddinHaqqani,areDzadran.

    31DuringavisittoGardezinAugust2009,Iwitnessed

    attemptsofvariousMangalshurastoclaimauthority

    overthewholetribevis--visUNAMA.

    32Tribal-basedself-defencegroupscomposedof

    volunteers,suppliedbythetribeandmandatedbythe

    jirga.

    33SeeRuttig,LoyaPaktia'sInsurgency(seeFN24),pp

    689;SusanneSchmeidlandMasoodKarokhail,The

    RoleofNon-StateActorsinCommunity-BasedPolicing

    AnExplorationoftheArbakai(TribalPolice)inSouth-

    EasternAfghanistaninContemporarySecurityPolicy,30(2),pp3246.

    regiontothisauthorinApril2007:IntheKings

    timeitwasanhonourtobememberofanarbaki.Itsmemberswereprovidedwitheana[rations,weaponsandammunition]bythejirga.Topaythearbakimeanstorenderituncontrollablewhen

    paymentsstop.ItseemsthattheKabul

    governmentperceivestribalself-organisationasa

    threatratherthanastabilisingfactorandprefersaformofpatronagethatisnotinclusivebutserves

    onlyoneside.Thisneglectsthejirgasinherent

    principleofmitigatingconflictinginterestsand

    rathertendstodeepenconflicts.

    4. WHEREDIDTHETALEBAN

    EMERGEFROM?

    LookingatthequestionofwheretheTaleban

    historicallyemergedfromasamovement

    contributestounderstandinghowstrongreligiousideasandconceptsshapetheirworldviewand

    theirpoliticalaims.Arethoseconceptsthebasisof

    theirideologyormerelyareactiontopolitical

    circumstancesatacertaintime?

    TheTalebanasadistinctmovementwasnot

    partofthefirstuprisingsagainstthePDPAregime,

    whichtookplaceinJune1978inthePechvalley

    (nowNuristan)andPasaband(Ghor)andin1979in

    LoyaPaktia,Herat,Nangraharandelsewhere.

    Thoseweremainlyspontaneous,communityor

    tribe-basedrevolts34againstthenewregimes

    revolutionarylandandeducationreforms.But

    fromthebeginning,theserevoltsincorporated

    religiousmotivesandsometimesreligiousformsof

    organisation.BeforetheChristmas1979Soviet

    invasion,theinitialadversary,thepre-1980PDPA

    regime,wasfoughtbecauseitwasseenas

    communistandthereforegodless( kafer)bymanyAfghans.ButtheSovietinvasionaddeda

    strongnationalisticcomponent:tofightaforeign

    occupation.Thisletresistancegrowconsiderably.

    Theideologicallystill-heterogeneousresistance

    wasonlygenerallyre-interpretedasajihad,i.e.,asexclusivelyreligiouslymotivated,whilelevelling

    otheraspectsofit,afterPakistanofficiallyand

    exclusivelyrecognisedsevenSunniIslamist

    34Interestingly,onecontemporarysourcedescribesthe

    firstrevoltsasnon-ideologicalbutmainlydrivenby

    reasonsresemblingthecurrentinsurgency,i.e.,arbitrary

    arrestsandmisuseofpowerbygovernmentofficialto

    settlepersonalscores.ThePDPAgovernmentinitially

    hadwonthesupport(oratleastmadethemwait)of

    manytribesbyorganisingjirgas.SeeDavidBusby

    Edwards,OriginsoftheAnti-SovietJihadinGrantM.

    FerrandJohnG.Merriam,AfghanResistance:ThePoliticsofSurvival(Lahore1988),pp24,324.

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    11ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? resistancemovements(thePeshawarSeven

    35)and

    cutoffallotherresistancegroupsfromincoming

    WesternandArabworldfinancialsupport.The

    latterincludedsecularleftists(whofoughtfor

    ideologicalreasonsandreflectedtheMoscow-

    Beijingsplitofthecommunistmovement)and

    ethno-nationalists.Attheirexpense,theriseofthe

    Islamisttanzim36

    wasboosted.Taleban,i.e.,madrassaandmosquestudents,werepartofthe

    varioustanzim.

    TheTalebanmovementemergedfromreligious

    networksthatwerepartofthe197889

    resistance,i.e.,abroadermovementthatsawitself

    asreligiouslymotivated.Inthebeginning,taleban,ledbytheirteachers,organisedasmadrassa -ormosque-centrednetworks(fronts),mainlylinked

    toHarakat-eInqilab-eIslamiandHezb-eIslami(Khales).TheydidnotconstituteamovementoftheirownyetbutwerealreadyknownasTaleban

    fronts.37Onlywhenthemujahedin,intheeyesof

    thelaterTaleban,violatedtheirownreligious

    principlesbynotunifyingtobuildthepromised

    IslamicstateafterthecollapseoftheNajibullah

    regimein1992butfragmented(shirk38is

    consideredamajordeviationinIslam)ina

    competitionforpower,didtheyestablishtheir

    own,nowultra-orthodoxmovement.

    35ThesevenmajorSunnitanzimthatwereofficially

    recognisedbyPakistanandthereforewereexclusively

    entitledtoreceiveWesternandArabaidwereHezb

    (Hekmatyar),Hezb(Khales),Jamiat(Rabbani),Harakat

    (NabiMuhammadi),Ittehad(Sayyaf),Nejat(Mujaddedi)

    andMahaz(Gailani).

    36Tanzim(organisation)wasanArabictermusedby

    Afghansforthevariouspolitical-militarypartiesthat

    foughtinthedifferentperiodsofthecivilwar.They

    includemujahedingroupsaswellasthenon-mujahedin

    Jombesh.

    37OlivierRoywitnessedTolabafrontsinUruzgan,Zabul

    andKandaharinthesummerof1984.Theformerchiefof

    PakistansarmystaffGeneralAslamBegsaidthathewas

    partofanexperimenttoestablishTalebanforcesin

    liberatedterritoriesofKunarin19856.ChristinaLambvisitedaMullahsfrontestablishedayearearlierin

    KandaharthatinvolvedlaterTalebanleadersMulla

    Razzaq,BorjanandMaulawiPasanaiin1998andwastold

    thatithadbasesinArghandab,MalajatandZabul.The

    firsteverTalebanfrontisreportedbyZabulwalfromZabul

    alreadyin1979.SeeOlivierRoy,DieTaleban-Bewegung

    inAfghanistan,MahfelNo.45(March-April1995),Berlin,p8,translatedfromAfghanistan-InfoNo.36(February

    1995),Neuchatel;Talebanschonseit1985/86?,MahfelNo.45(March-April1995),p5,translatedfrom TheNews(Pakistan),3March1995;ChristinaLamb, TheSewingCirclesofHerat(London2002),pp5165;Zabulwal,TalibaninZabul(seeFN18),p181.

    38Originally,shirkstoodforidolatryandpolytheismbut,

    inafigurativesense,isalsousedforfactionalism.

    Significantly,thosemujahedincommandersthat

    laterbecamethemajorTalebanleadersstopped

    fightingafterthecollapseoftheNajibullahregime

    andwentbacktotheirmadrassastostudy.Asone

    earlyTalebanactivistrelated,Manyof

    us...withdrewafterDr.Najibsdefeatbecausewe

    werenotinterestedinthewarbooty....Whenwe

    sawthatthingsbecameworsedaybydayandfactionalfightingincreased,ourcentral

    commanderMullaMuhammadOmarAkhund

    startedfromQuettatobringtogethertheTaleban

    inordertoestablishpeaceinAfghanistan.39

    Theprimarymotivationofthemujahedin,and

    thereforeofthefirst-generationTalebanofthe

    1980s,canbedescribedaspolitical,basedona

    religiousinfrastructure.Religiousmotivesthe

    fightoftheMuslimtruebelieversagainstthe

    infidelinvaderswerepartoftheirpolitical-

    militarycampaignbutgenerallygainedanupper

    handonlyinthewakeofthePakistan-inducedand

    Western-supporteddominationoftheanti-Soviet

    resistancebymilitantIslamists.WhentheTaleban

    emergedasamovementaftertheSoviet

    withdrawalin1992,itbecamemorestrongly

    shapedbyreligiousmotives.Atitsbeginningstood

    amoralreactionagainsttheatrocitiesandwhatit

    sawasabetrayalofIslambythepost-Najibullah

    mujahedinregime,theso-calledIslamicStateof

    Afghanistan.Onlyafteritsinitialmoves,wasthe

    Talebanmovementadopted,supportedand

    instrumentalisedbythePakistanimilitary

    establishment.

    Whilethemadrassasormosquesatthecentreof

    thoseoriginaltaleban(i.e.madrassastudent)

    networkswerelocatedontheterritoryofcertain

    tribes,thosetribeswerenottheprimaryreference

    ofthesefightingTaleban.40Mullasinparticular

    oftendidnotserveintheirowncommunityor

    tribeandthereforewereconsideredpradai(stranger,outsider)amongstthestronglyin-group-

    orientedPashtuns.Socially,asreligiousservice-

    providers,mainlyforbirths,weddingsandburials,

    andwithoutlandandstatusandtherefore

    economicallydependentonthelocalkhans,mullasandevenhigher-rankingulamawereofinferior

    status.41WhenrulerslikeAmanullah(ruled1919

    39TheNews(Pakistan),3March1995,quotedand

    translatedfromTalebanschonseit1985/86?,MahfelNo.45(March-April1995),Berlin,p.5.

    40InZabul,anearlyTalebanfrontseemstohave

    fragmentedalongtriballines(coincidingwithtanzim

    lines)fairlysoon,however.SeeMartinevanBijlert,The

    insurgencyinUruzganandZabul(forthcoming).

    41Therankgiventomullasdiffers,though,fromtribetotribe.InmanyPashtuntribes,theyparticipateinthe

    jirga.Whileinsome,theyevenactascustodiansof

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    12 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? 29)andlaterMuhammadNaderandZaherShah,

    PresidentMuhammadDaudandeventhePDPA

    regimestartedpayingsalariestoasubstantial

    numberofclergymen42andgavethemcontrolover

    religiousfoundations(waqf),onlythecharacterofdependencechanged.Theybecamestate

    bureaucratsintheeyesofthesociety.

    Becauseoftheirroleintheanti-Sovietresistance,

    theIslamicclergyparticularlythemullasrosefromsocialinferioritytoapositionofpolitical

    power.Thispositionwasstrengthenedfurther

    whentheTalebanregimemadethemitseyesand

    earsinthevillagesandemphasisedthecollection

    ofreligioustaxes,i.e.,ushrandzakat,traditionalincomesourcesforthemullas.Thisbuiltonthe

    unofficialpoweramullaalreadyhad:Hewasoften

    theonlyliteratepersoninavillageandhadthe

    powerofthesermon.43

    AftertheTalebanregimesfall,someulemathoseatthetopofmujahedintanzimgainedquasi-sacrosanctstatusasJihad(i)leaders.Under

    theKarzaigovernment,theyserveasanunofficial

    supremeadvisorycouncilgatheredbythe

    presidentincrucialmomentstoobtaintheir

    supportandblessingsforkeypolicydecisions.

    ThisisstartingtoresemblethefunctionsofIrans

    CouncilofGuardians,withoutbeinganofficial

    institution.TheHighCouncilofUlema,headedby

    theformerchiefoftheSupremeCourt,Maulawi

    FazlHadiShinwari,playsasecond-tierroleinthis

    influentialclericallobby.

    44

    Today,manyTalebanactivitiesinAfghanistans

    southeastandsoutharestillcentredaround

    networksofulama-ledmadrassasandmosques.

    ForthesoutheastwheretheHaqqaninetwork,a

    semi-autonomousentitywithinthebroader

    Talebanmovementoperatestheinsurgent

    networksarelargelybasedonoldornewly

    createdDeobandinetworks.Theyareparticularly

    stronginPashtunareasofGhazniandotherGhilzai

    areastotheEast,likeKatawazinPaktikaand

    pashtunwalai,inotherstheyarecarefulnottointerfereinthesematters.SeeSanaHaroon,FrontierofFaith:IslamintheIndo-AfghanBorderland(London2007),p68;OlivierRoy,IslamandResistanceinAfghanistan,(Cambridge1986),p36.

    42Thispracticeactuallywasstarted,butonamuchlower

    level,byAmirDostMuhammadKhan(reigned182663).

    SeeHaroon,FrontierofFaith (seeFN41),p38.

    43Haroon,FrontierofFaith(seeFN41),p89.

    44ThomasRuttig,InstitutionenohneDemokratie:StrukturelleSchwchendesStaatsaufbausinAfghanistanundAnstzefreinepolitischeStabilisierung,SWPResearchPaper2008/S17,Berlin,pp1821.

    WesternPaktiaaswellasinareasoftheDzadran

    tribe(thebordertriangleofPaktia,Paktikaand

    Khostprovinces).45Often,thesenetworksare

    linkedtosimilaronesonthePakistanisideofthe

    border.TheHaqqaninetworkssupply

    infrastructureinPakistanwasbasedonmadrassas

    atleastuntilmanyofthemweredestroyedby

    droneattacks.TrivesfindingfromSoutheasternAfghanistanthatreligiousnetworksarestronger

    inflatareaswhilethetribalencapsulationis

    strongerinmountainousareas46canpossiblybe

    appliedtosouthernAfghanistan,aswell.Here,the

    roleofclericalnetworksinrevivingtheTaleban

    after2001isreported,atleastfromNorthern

    HelmandandZabul.47

    5. HOWTRIBALARETHETALEBAN?

    MostoftodaysTalebanfightersinparticularthediscontentandforced48onesinthesouthwho

    aremainlymotivatedbylocalgrievancesrather

    thanideologyandconstitutethemovementsbulk

    areundoubtedlyPashtuns.49Thisjustifiesalook

    atthequestions:HowrootedaretheTalebanin

    Pashtuntribalsociety?AretheyareaPashtun

    movement,oreventhemovementofthePashtuns?

    50LikethePashtunsingeneral,the

    45SbastienTrives,Afghanistan:Tacklingthe

    Insurgency,theCaseoftheSoutheastPolitiquetrangre1(2006),pp56.

    46Ibid.,p3.

    47TomCoghlan,TheTalibaninHelmand:AnOral

    HistoryinAntonioGiustozzi(ed.),DecodingtheNewTaliban:InsightsfromtheAfghanField(London2009),p137;AntonioGiustozzi,Koran,Kalashnikov,andLaptop:TheNeo-TalebanInsurgencyinAfghanistan (NewYork2001),p445.

    48MyAANcolleagueMartinevanBijlerthasintroduced

    theselocalAfghantermsintotheliterature:majburi(forced)andna-raz(discontent)Taleban.SeeUnrulyCommandersandViolentPowerStruggles:Taliban

    networksinUruzganinGiustozzi,DecodingtheNewTaliban(seeFN47),pp1601.IpreferthemtoKilcullensaccidentalguerrillasandNaylorsauxiliary

    Taleban.SeeDavidKilcullen,TheAccidentalGuerrilla:FightingSmallWarsintheMidstofaBigOne (Oxford2009);SeanD.Naylor,TheWaitingGame:AStronger

    TalibanLiesLow,HopingtheU.S.WillLeave

    Afghanistan,www.afji.com/2006/02/1404902.

    49InareaswithgrowingTalebaninfluenceintheNorth-

    East,theyincreasinglyattractnon-Pashtuns,particularly

    UzbeksandperhapsevenTajiks.

    50Officially,theTalebanrefertothemselvesasthe

    IslamicMovementoftheTaleban(DeTalebanoIslami

    GhurdzangorTehrik)andtheIslamicEmirateofAfghanistan(DeAfghanistanIslamiEmarat).Intheseterms,thereisnoreferencetoPashtuns.

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    13ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Talebanmovementbothasawholeandinits

    constituentelements,issegmented.

    Organisationally,theTalebanisanetworkof

    networks.ItsmajornetworksaretheKandahari51

    (ormainstream)TalebanandthoseoftheHaqqani,

    MansurandKhalesclansintheSoutheasternand

    Easternregions.Thenetworkoflatecommander

    Dadullah(althoughweakenedafterhisdeath)ina

    muchstrongerwaythenotherscutsacrosstribes

    andregions.Allthesenetworks,though,are

    associatedwiththeTalebanmainstream,recognise

    MullaOmarastheirspiritualguide52andits

    leaders(exceptpossiblyKhalesJr),andare

    representedintheTalebansLeadershipCouncil

    (rahbarishura).Thisrepresentation,however,seemstoberathersymbolic.

    ThethreeSoutheasternandEasternnetworksare

    moreregionalthantribal.Althoughtheircore

    leadershipgroupsarerelativelystaticandmainlyrecruitedfromonetribe,i.e.,thatofthenetwork

    leader(theHaqqanisfromtheDzadran,53the

    MansursfromtheAndarandsmalleralliedtribes

    andtheKhalesfromtheKhugiani),since2006,the

    Haqqaninetworkmanagedtoexpandbeyond

    classicaltribalboundariestoWardak,Logarand

    Kabulprovinces.Also,theDadullahnetwork

    expandedintoGhazniprovinceandfurthernorth,

    beyondtheKandaharirealm.

    Onthelocallevel,theTalebanfrontsarefirmly

    basedintribesortheirsmallersubgroups.

    Recruitment,operationsandsuccessionpatternsfollowtriballinesinamajorityofcases.Theselocal

    networkshavedifferentlevels,ahierarchy

    dependingonhowmuchareatheycover,froma

    villageoraclusterofvillages( delgai)toawholewuluswali(jabha).OnlyinexceptionalcasesasintheSoutheastarethoseboundariescrossedand

    thenetworksbecomeregional.Today,itis

    estimatedthatsome80to90percentofTaleban

    fightersoperateinorclosetotheirown

    communities,notleastbecausemostTaleban

    fightersarepart-timers.(Besides,therearealso

    rovingunitsandadegreeofmobilityoften

    51Thatis,theyarefromtheSouthwesternregionof

    Afghanistan,centredinKandaharbutincludingthe

    provincesofHelmand,ZabulandNimruz.

    52Thesamegoesforthehithertoindependentlyacting,

    localWahhabigroupsinKunarandNuristan.They

    reportedlyhaverecentlyswornallegiancetoMulla

    Omar.SeeThomasRuttig,OnKunarsSalafiInsurgents

    AANBlog,14January2010,http://www.aan-afghanistan.org/index.asp?id=570.

    53AlthoughtheHaqqaniswereknownforrecruiting

    commandersandfightersfromothertribesduringthe

    anti-Sovietresistanceperiod.

    KandahariTalebanaremovedinwhenlocal

    groupsbehavetoosoftlywiththepopulation

    butthoseareexceptions.)Thenumberoffighters

    onelocalcommanderisabletomobilisealso

    defineshispositionandinfluenceinthe

    movement.DuringtheIEAperiodwhendifferent

    networkscompetedforpositionsinthe

    governmentTalebancommanderstriedtosavetheirownfightersbynotsendingthemtothe

    frontlines.

    Localpopulationstendtoseeexternalfighters

    (thosefromotherprovincesandsometimeseven

    districts)withsuspicionandsupporttheirown.In

    2009forexample,inUruzganprovince,Tokhi

    groupsontheso-calledWestbankofTirinkot

    decidednottoallowexternalfighterstooperate

    intheseareas.Onemajorreasonisthatlocal

    fighterstendtoavoidexaggeratedviolencethat

    couldcreatecyclesofrevenge.Also,theTaleban

    layha54doesnotencourageoutofareaactivityandregulatesitheavily:Frontcommandersonthe

    provincialordistrictlevelwhowanttocarryout

    jihadoutsidetheirareaoforiginmustnotifythe

    commandersintheparticularprovinceordistrict

    andmustobeytheirorders.55

    Significantly,strongtribalfissurelinesplaguethe

    Talebanmovement.Themajoroneisthe

    Kandahari-Paktiawal56rivalry.Fromthebeginning,

    theTalebanrahbarishurawasdominatedbymembersoftheKandahariPashtuntribes,witha

    somewhatequalrepresentationofthetwomajorPashtunconfederations,theDurraniandGhilzai,

    andsmallergroupsliketheKakar.57Meanwhile,

    southeastern,easternandnorthernPashtunsare

    onlymarginallyandsymbolicallypresentinthe

    Talebanleadership.

    FormerTalebanreportahighlevelofmutual

    mistrust.MainstreamTalebandidandstilldonot

    allowanyonefromthesoutheastorelsewhereto

    jointheirinnerleadershipcircle.(Eventheonly

    Uzbekinthepre-2001originalTalebanleadership

    54ThelayhaisabookofrulesforTalebanfighters,issuedbythemovementsleadership(nowinitsin3rdedition)

    inmid-2009.DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,

    DeTalebanoleparalayha,notdated(circaMay2009).

    55DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,DeTalebano(seeFN54),articles37,38and39,pp413.

    56PaktiawalisageneraltermforthetribesfromGreater

    Paktia.

    57SomeauthorsinadequatelydescribetheTalebanasa

    predominantlyGhilzaimovement,probablyaprojection

    bolsteredbygovernment-linkedDurranistrongmenin

    SouthernAfghanistan.Seee.g.,ThomasH.Johnsonand

    M.ChrisMason,UnderstandingtheTalibanand

    InsurgencyinAfghanistan,Orbis(Winter2007),p4.

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    14 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? hasnotbeenreplaced.)Thetwoexceptionsare

    JalaluddinHaqqaniandAbdullatifMansur,both

    fromPaktiaandleadersoftheirownsemi-

    autonomousnetworks.Haqqani,aSoutheastern

    Dzadran,hadreportedlybeenappointed

    commanderofallTalebantroopsbyMullaOmar

    immediatelyafter9/11.Currently,heisoften

    countedamongsttherahbarishuramembersbutthisisfarfromcertain.Haqqaniscommanderrole

    wasextremelylimitedintimeandsomeinterpret

    hisappointmentasoneinwhichhewashandedan

    impossiblemission.Earlier,whenhewasanIEA

    minister,hedidnothavemuchinfluenceon

    decision-makingandwasintentionallykeptatthe

    sidelinesbytheKandahariTalebanleaders.58

    MansursappointmentasheadoftheTalebans

    politicalcommittee59theonetheoretically

    responsiblefortalksinearly2009was

    inconsequentialanddoesnotseemtorepresenta

    changeinattitude.MansursnamewasnotmentionedonceinanyreportorTaleban

    statementlinkedtothereconciliationissue.

    Probably,thecommitteehasbeendowngradedat

    atimewhenthereisnotmuchchancefor

    dialogue.

    Evenintheircoresouthernregion,despite

    relativelystrongtribalintegration,theTaleban

    leadershiphasbeenunabletopreventtribal

    conflictsfromemergingonthelocallevel.In

    Uruzgan,DurraniandGhilzaicommandershave

    alreadytraditionallybeencompetingforthepost

    ofprovincialcommander.Structurally,thisisunderpinnedbytheexistenceoftwolarger

    separateTalebannetworksactiveintheprovince:

    onemainlyDurrani-basedoperatingfromthe

    HelmandandKandaharintheSouthandanother

    mainlyGhilzai(Hotak,Tokhi)thatoperatesfrom

    Zabulintheeast.Forthetimebeing,theDurrani

    havetheupperhandwiththeappointmentof

    RohullahAmin,aHelmandKhugiani.Butthefact

    thatheisfromaminortribemightbeasignof

    compromise.Inthesameprovince,amajor

    blunderin2008thekillingofalocalSufileader,

    PirAghaofPattan,inChinartudistrictsetaspiraloftraditionalrevenge(badal)inmotionandledtoadeepeningDurrani-Ghilzaienmity.Thiscostthe

    Talebanaccesstoastrategicallyimportantarea

    afterthelocal(Durrani)populationstrongly

    reactedagainsttheatrocitycommittedbyaGhilzai

    commander.Itevenestablishedalocalanti-

    58MaulawiWakilAhmadMutawakkil,AfghanistanauTaliban[AfghanistanandtheTaliban](Kabul:BaryalaiPohantun,1384/2005),p33;authorsinterviewwithhis

    formerdeputy,inKabul,May2008.

    59Previously,AghaJanMotassem,aKandahariSeyyed,

    wasinthisposition.

    Talebancommunityforceunderayoungerbrother

    ofthevictimwhichwasatthattimecompletely

    unfundedbythegovernmentandmanagedto

    keeptheTalebanoutofthisareaforawhile.This

    wasaclearcasewheretheparochialinterestsofa

    localcommanderoverrodethenon-tribalattitude

    oftheleadership.

    AtthecoreoftheTalebanmovement,inits

    Kandaharimainstreamfromwhichitsleadershipis

    recruited,theandiwali(comradeship)factorplaysadecisiveroleinkeepingthenetworkstogether.

    AmongsttodaysTaleban,therearethreedifferent

    typesofandiwalnetworks:religious(theiroriginalmadrassasandmosques),political(theiroriginal

    tanzim)andtribal(theirancestryandwatan).Inanygivensituation,individualTalebanleadersas

    wellasfighterscanchoosefromthesenetworks

    inanygivensituation,whenmobilisation,support,

    solidarity,etc.isneeded.Butthecommon

    experiencethatunifiestheKandaharimainstream

    wasgatheredduringthejihadagainsttheSoviets.

    Meanwhile,thetribalcharacteroftheTaleban

    becomesmorevisibleattheperiphery,distant

    fromtheTalebanstrongholdsinthesouth,its

    basesinPakistanandwherevertheleaderships

    influenceisweaker.ThiswasthecaseinBadghis

    priortotheelectionsinwhichthreetribalgroups

    competedforleadershipandtheAfghan

    governmentandtheinternationalforces

    temporarilymadesomeinroads.TheTaleban

    leadership,however,reactedmoreeffectivelyandregaineditsinfluencethere,mainlybyappointinga

    strongfigure,AbdulMannanNiazi,asitsHerat

    governor.Healreadyheldthispositioninthe

    19962001periodandwieldsstronginfluenceall

    overintheNorth-Westernregion.60

    In2008,atendencytore-tribalisewasobserved

    incoreTalebanareaslikeHelmand,Zabuland

    Uruzgan:LocalTalebanretookcontrolintheir

    particularoriginalareasfromout-of-areaTaleban

    whowereaccusedofbeingheavy-handedtowards

    thelocalpopulation.Thiswaspossiblyaresponse

    toMullaOmars(earlierversionofthe) layhathatemphasisedkeepingfriendlyrelationswiththe

    localpopulation:Atrocitieslikekillingspiesand

    influentiallocalleaderswhoworkedwiththe

    governmentalienatedthepopulation.Significantly,

    thistendencyoccurredatthesametimethatsome

    groupswithintheTalebantriedtoreachouttothe

    60AfghanistanagreesTalibandealBBC,27July2009,

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/8170003.stm;Ben

    Arnoldy,Short-LivedCease-FirewithTalibanDims

    ProspectsforBroaderDealsChristianScienceMonitor,27July2009,http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-

    South-Central/2009/0727/p06s04-wosc.html;authors

    interviews,Kabul,August2009.

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    15ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? Afghangovernmentorinternationalactors,

    indicatingthattheydidnotbelieveinamilitary

    victoryeitherandwereconcernedabout

    indiscriminateslaughterofAfghancivilians.

    6. THETALEBANAS

    NEO-NATIONALISTS?

    Recently,someobserversdescribetheTaleban

    propagandaasincreasinglynationalist:The

    Talibanarebecoming,orindeedhavebecome,thestandardbearers,thechampions,oftheAfghan-

    PashtunvendettaagainsttheAmericans.It'sanew

    development,anewpoliticalandhistorical

    force.It'snotfornothingthatthestruggleagainst

    foreignoccupationandhumiliationistheone

    themetheirpropagandahammersonandon.61A

    newspaperarticleconfirms:Thelatestrefrainof

    Talibancommanders,theirInternetmagazineandfromsurrogatesisthattheinsurgencyrepresents

    Afghanistan'sPashtuns,whoareportrayedas

    persecutedbytheAfghangovernment.Pashtuns

    aresufferingeverywhere;ifyougoandcheckthe

    prisons,youwon'tfindanyprisonersexcept

    Pashtuns;whenyouhearaboutbombings,itis

    Pashtuns'homesthathavebeenbombed,saida

    TalebancommanderfromKandaharProvincewho

    goesbythenameSangar[y]ar.62

    Inaddition,formanyyears,somePakistaniauthors

    havedescribedtheTalebanasaPashtun

    movement.Inparticularthiscomesfromaschool

    closetothemilitaryestablishmentbutanti-USat

    thesametime.Itincludesfigureswhohadhelped

    createtheAfghanTalebanlikePakistanichiefofthe

    armystaffGen.AslamBegandformerISI(Pakistan's

    Inter-ServicesIntelligence)chiefHamidGulaswell

    asTalebanapologistslikecolumnistandformer

    headoftheInstituteofStrategicStudiesin

    Islamabad,ShireenMazari.Theyarguethethe

    resurgenceoftheTaliban...nowhasbecome

    enmeshedwiththeresurgenceofthePashtoontype

    ofnationalismagainsttheoccupyingpowers.63

    Fromthere,itisasmallsteptolabellingtheTalebanthemovementofthePashtunsandrulingoutanyviablegovernmentinAfghanistanwithouttheir

    participation,inordertosecurePakistansinfluence

    onanyfuturegovernmentinKabul.

    61EmailconversationwithanalystCarloCalabrese,

    January2010.

    62AlissaRubin,TalibanOverhaulTheirImageinBidto

    WinAllies,NewYorkTimes,20January,2010.

    63FromaninterviewonanIndonesianwebsiteThe

    Leaders,dated13February2007,

    http://www.spf.org/the-leaders/library/15.html.

    Indeed,theargumentthattheUS-ledintervention

    oflate2001tookawaypowerfromPashtunsand

    thatPashtunshavebeenitsmainvictims

    originallyexpressedinPashtunexilecommunities

    canbeheardinmanyPashtunareasof

    Afghanistan.FollowingaseriesofUSSpecialForces

    operationsthatclaimedciviliancasualtiesor,in

    onecase,thelivesofafamilyofanactiveAfghanNationalArmy(ANA)officerinKhost,evenlocal

    formerleft-wingersstatedthattheywouldbe

    boundtotribalsolidarityiftheirtribedecidedto

    jointheuprisingagainsttheAmericans.64From

    ChakdistrictinWardakprovinceitisreportedthat

    theTalebans

    mobilizationoffootsoldiers...rests

    largelyonanIslamicandnationalistic

    discourseagainstforeignoccupiers....

    Thus,thedecisionofTalibanfootsoldiers

    tosupporttheTalibaninsurgencyinChakismuchmoresimilartothejihadagainst

    theSovietoccupiers,onlynowtheUS,the

    formersupporterofthemujahideen,is

    seenastheenemy.65

    Anotherelementoftenmentionedin

    conversationsistheperceptionthatthe

    governmentinKabulhadbeendominatedbythe

    NorthernAlliance(NA),orthePanjshiris,inthe

    post-2001yearsandstillis.Thisperceptionhad

    beenfuellednotonlybymanipulationsofintra-

    PashtuntribalrivalriesbylocalNA-affiliatedgovernmentofficeholdersandcommandersinthe

    armedforcesinanattempttomaintaintheir

    dominantpositioninthecentre66butoflatealso

    bymembersoftheKarzaigovernment.

    IthasbeenwidelyobservedthatPashtun

    grievancesindeedhavetranslatedintosympathy

    64Forexample,seemyarticlefromKhost:US-Truppen

    machen,wassiewollentageszeitung(Berlin),24February2009.

    65GhulamrezaFazlinaiemandNickMiszak,Mullah

    OmarWantsYou!TalibanMobilisationStrategiesor

    MotivationsofJoiningtheInsurgencyinAfghanistan19792009:IntheGripofConflict(MiddleEastInstitutee-book,Washington2009),http://www.mei.edu

    /Publications/WebPublications/Viewpoints/ViewpointsA

    rchive/tabid/541/ctl/Detail/mid/1623/xmid/831/xmfid/

    11/Default.aspx.

    66Exampleswitnessedbytheauthorwere(1)theroleof

    theMinistryofDefencecommanderforthe

    Southeasternzone,GeneralGulHaidaranallyofthen

    DefenceMinisterFahimduringtheAhmadzai-Dzadran

    rivalryoverthePaktiagovernorshipand(2)difficultiesin

    obtainingfundsforschoolsinPaktialocallyinterpreted

    aspurposelyholdingbackmoneybythenEducation

    MinisterQanuni,anotherNAleader,in20023.

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    16 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? andevenrecruitmentfortheTaleban.Butthisis

    lessduetoAfghanssympathiesfortheTaleban

    thantothelackofanysignificantpoliticalmiddle

    groundeitherinthecurrentpolarisationbetween

    theTalebanandthedeeplycorruptandtherefore

    unattractiveKabulgovernmentorintheKabul

    politicallandscapewithitstaintedmujahedin

    tanzimandmarginalisednewpoliticalparties.Withmorepoliticalspace,Pashtunscouldmeaningfully

    identifywithotherexistingpoliticalcurrents

    fromnationalism(AfghanMillat),leftism(PDPA

    successorgroups)andIslamism(ex-mujahedin

    tanzim)tonewpro-democraticparties.

    TheTalebanfaceafewmajorhurdlesthatprevent

    themfrombecominganationalistmovementof

    thePashtunorall-Afghanvariety.Theylackappeal

    fornon-Pashtungroups,despitesomelocal

    inroads.Thisisbolsteredbynon-Pashtuns

    negativeexperiencesundertheTalebanregime

    withitscurbsoneducation,freedomsandlocal

    traditions(alsosharedbymanyPashtuns)and

    elementsofethniccleansing.AsforaPashtun

    nationalistmovement,theAfghanTalebanhave

    nevershownanyinclinationtoidentifywiththe

    irredentistdemandforthecreationofan

    independentPashtunistanthatexistedonboth

    sidesoftheDurandLine(thebordernot

    recognisedbymostAfghansandmanyPashtuns

    insidePakistan)betweenthelate1940sandthe

    1970s.Thisisclearlyduetothefactthatthe

    AfghanTalebanstillrelyonPakistanisupporttoa

    significantextentandarenotinapositiontoirritatethisrelationship.TheAfghanTaleban

    wouldprobablybebetterdescribedasanational-

    Islamist67movementthatlimitsitsactivitiesto

    Afghanistanandisnotinvolvedineitherirredentist

    campaignsorinternationalistJihadism(moreon

    thisissueinthenextsection).

    7. THETALEBANSIDEOLOGY:

    HOWISLAMICARETHE

    TALEBAN?Thetermtalebanhintsatthemovementsreligiouscharacterandimpetus.Initsself-perceptionand

    self-presentation,itisanIslamicmovementthat

    doesnotrecognisetribal,ethnicorlinguistic

    boundaries.Thisreflectstheorthodox,

    conservativeIslamoftheHanafischool( mazhab)

    67ThetermNational-Islamistisusedinanalogytothe

    termnationalcommunistsinliteratureforthepre-1989

    YugoslavorRomaniancommunists,withtheir

    ideologicalcongruencewithMoscowthatdidnot

    precludedivergentnationalinterests.

    towhichmostSunniAfghansbelong.68MullaOmar

    statedin2008:Ourreligionenjoinsonustoavoid

    fromindulginginanykindofactivityinvolving

    prejudicesbasedonethnicity.Theonlybond,

    whichbindsus,isthebondofIslam.69Thisis

    repeatedinthelayha,ahandbookwithacodeofconductfortheTalebinthefieldissuedbytheIEA

    leadershipinMay2009.Article60statesthattheMujahedinshouldrefrainfromtribal/ethnic

    (qaumi),linguisticandlocal(watani)discrimination.AhadithofAbuHurairaisaddedtoreligiouslybolsterthisinstruction.

    70Anadditional

    interestingaspectisprovidedbyWahidMuzhda

    whohadworkedasaTalebanemirateofficialand

    isnowapoliticalcommentatorinKabul:Beingan

    ethnicTajikmyself,Ihavebeenwiththe

    movementforhalfadecade.Theylistenedtoa

    Chechennationalmoreraptlythanthehearing

    theygavemeoraPashtunforthatmatter.71

    Inreality,theTalebansideologyismuchlessclear-

    cut.Aleadingscholardescribeditasaneclecticad

    hocmixturefullofcontradictions,breakouts,

    gaps,alterationsandhighlyidiosyncratic

    interpretations.72Itstressestheimportanceof

    ritualandmodesofbehaviour,includingoutside

    appearance(clothes,haircut,shapeofbeard,

    etc.).73

    Butintheday-to-dayactivitiesoftheTaleban,

    theologicalintricaciesdonotmattermuch.Itis

    unclearhowmuchofareligiousdebateisreally

    goingonwithintheTalebanmovementortheulamaclosetoit.Ifthereisany,itremainsinvisible

    initspublications.Also,nosuchdebateis

    68Oneformerhigh-rankingTalebandalemrepliedin

    2009whenaskedaboutthereligiousbaseofthe

    movementwithemphasis:WearenotWahhabi,weare

    Hanafi.

    69TalebanleaderurgesAfghanstoboycottdeceptive

    electionsAfghanIslamicPress(Peshawar),7December2008.

    70DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,DeTalebano(seeFN54),p57.

    71Talibancan'tbebracketedwithPashtuns:Analysts

    PajhwokAfghanNews(Kabul),2November2007.

    72TranslatedfromBerntGlatzer,ZumpolitischenIslam

    derafghanischenTalibaninDietrichReetz(ed.),

    SendungsbewusstseinoderEigennutz:ZuMotivationundSelbstverstndnisislamischerMobilisierung ,ZentrumModernerOrient,Studien15(Berlin2001),pp17382.

    73Giustozzi,Koran,Kalashnikov,andLaptop(seeFN47),

    p12.SeealsoRuttig,TheOtherSide(seeFN1),pp1820.

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    17ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? occurringontheinternetasinthecaseofal-

    Qaida.74

    SomeanalysesclaimthatthereisaTalebanUlema

    Council,paralleltotheleadershipcouncil( rahbarishura).

    75Indeed,ulemashurasgatheredat

    varioustimesinKandaharwhiletheTalebanwere

    inpower.Forexample,MullaOmarwas

    proclaimedtheamirul-momenininMarch1996byagatheringof1,200religiousscholarscalleda

    shura.76After9/11,anotherulemashurametand

    decidedtorequestMullaOmartopersuade

    OsamabinLadentoleavethecountryvoluntarily.

    77Butalreadythenumbersofparticipantsinboth

    eventsseemtoindicatethatthiswasnota

    standingbody.Underthecurrentcircumstances,

    withexpecteddroneattacksandISIsnatches,itis

    evenmoredoubtfulwhethersuchabodycould

    regularlymeet.InsideAfghanistan,shariacourts

    consistingofoneqaziandtwoulemaeachare

    partoftheTalebanparalleladministrative

    structuresontheprovincialanddistrictlevels.

    Theirresponsibilitiesaretosolvedisputesthatthe

    districtandvillageulemahavedifficultyinsolving,

    butapparentlynottointerpretsharia.78Itis

    unclearhowmuchauthoritytheprovinceor

    districtshariacourtsreallywieldvis--visthe

    militarycommandersontheirlevel.Anecdotal

    reportsconfirmthatinsteadtherahbarishuraitself(oritsmembers)occasionallyinvolvesitselfin

    dispensingjustice.

    IftherereallyisaTalebanUlemaShura,ithasneverpublishedanydocument,fatwaorstatement.Itrathercanbeassumedthatindividual

    ulamaareinvolvedinadvisingMullaOmarorthe

    rahbarishuraunderMullaBaradar79butthatboth

    takethefinaldecision.Thisrelationshipbetween

    theamirul-momeninandtheUlemaisreallyIslamic;itreflectsthehierarchicalshuraprinciple

    incontrasttothePashtunsjirgaegalitarianism

    basedonconsensus.80

    76InLettreInternationalNo.84,(Spring2009),Berlin,

    p72.

    75DocumentsofUNAMAandPAG,seenbytheauthor.

    76AhmedRashid,Taliban:Islam,OilandtheNewGreatGameinCentralAsia,London/NewYork2000,p41.

    77AfghanClerics'DecisionsDeliveredtoOsama:Taliban

    Envoy,PeoplesDaily(China),28September2001,http://english.people.com.cn/english/200109/28/eng20

    010928_81241.html.

    78DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,DeTalebano(seeFN54),pp378.

    79ArrestedinPakistaninFebruary2010.

    80AccordingtoTalebanex-ForeignMinisterMutawakkil,

    thereneedstobeconsensusintheRahbarishuraitself

    Ithasbeenstatedrepeatedly,thattheTaleban

    haveatleastforwhileincreasinglyused

    internationalistJihadistrhetoricintheir

    propagandaandevenbecamemuchmore

    integratedintheinternationaljihadistmovement

    after2001.81This,however,seemstohavebeena

    rathertransitionalperiodduringwhichMulla

    Dadullah,killedin2007,copiedaz-ZarqawistacticsfromIraqbytrainingalargenumberofsuicide

    bombers82and,evenmoresignificantly,usingthis

    asaneffectivepropagandatoolgiventheWests

    terrorismfears.(TheHaqqaninetworkwhichis

    knownforitslong-standingspecialArab

    connectionsfollowsthesameline.83)Dadullahs

    course,though,triggeredaratherextensive

    discussionwithintheTalebanin2007about

    whethertheuseofsuicidebomberswhich,asa

    rule,causemorecasualtiesamongstAfghan

    civiliansthenamongstthoseseenbytheTaleban

    aslegitimatetargets,i.e.,foreigntroopsandpeoplelinkedtotheAfghangovernmentwas

    Islamic.SomeTalebanwerecitingtheQuranthat

    killingMuslimsisharam(forbidden,i.e.,asin)andsubsequentlycalledpiousTalebanbysome

    AfghansincontrasttoterroristslikeDadullah.

    Theanti-Dadullahlinealsoseemstohavesupport

    withinthemainstreamKandahariTaleban:When

    MansurDadullahtookoverhiselderbrothers

    placeandtriedtofollowthesamelinehewas

    reprimandedbyMullaOmarandevenexpelled

    fromthemovementforaperiodoftime.84There

    werealsorumoursthatthekillingofDadullahwasenabledbyinformationfromwithintheTaleban

    ranks.

    Inaddition,thelayhaseemstobeareactiontothisperiodasitregulatestheuseofsuicide

    bombers,rulingtoavoidalienatingthelocal

    populationthroughcausingunnecessarycivil

    casualties.Inarticle41(3)itstipulates:During

    suicideattacks,thebestattemptsmustbe

    undertakentoavoidthekillingofordinarypeople

    andcasualties.MullaOmarreiteratedthis

    whendecisionsaretaken.

    81See,e.g.,Giustozzi,Koran,Kalashnikov,andLaptop

    (FN47),p13.

    82Dadullahevenstatedthathewantedtotakerevenge

    forZarqawisdeath.SeeMullaDadullahvowstoavenge

    ZarqawisdeathAfghanIslamicPress(Peshawar),9June2006.

    83SeeThomasRuttig,LoyaPaktiasInsurgency(seeFN

    24),p75.

    84TalebansackmilitarycommanderBBC,29December

    2007,http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/south

    _asia/7164277.stm.

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    18 ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? instructioninamessageontheoccasionofa

    religiousholidayinOctober2008:

    [B]everycarefulwhenyoufacethe

    generalpeopleandyourinnocent

    countrymen.Donotgoforanattack

    whichhasapossibilityofharmingthe

    generalpeople....Everyactwhichisnot

    inharmonywiththeteachingsofIslamor

    isnotaccordingtotheIslamiccivilization

    ordoesnotlookgoodwiththeMuslim

    Ummah...likeblastsin[mosques]and

    wheretherearegathering[s]ofthe

    generalpeople,lootingoftheproperties

    onthehighways,cuttingnosesandearsin

    thenameof[sectarian]differenceswhich

    IslamforbidsortheburningofIslamic

    booksmustbestronglycountered.85

    Furthermore,internationalistjihadistrhetorichas

    nottranslatedintoactionamongtheAfghan

    Taleban.TherearenoAfghansinal-Qaeda's

    hierarchyandnoArabsintheTalibancommand

    structure86norhastherebeenasinglecasein

    whichanAfghanTalebhadparticipatedina

    terroristattackoutsidethemovementsareaof

    operations,i.e.,Afghanistanandthetribalareasof

    Pakistan.(ThisisdifferentfromthePakistani

    Talebanwhich,viaalliedPunjabisectariangroups,

    aremorecloselylinkedtoal-Qaida.)Therewereno

    Afghansamongsttheplanehijackerson9/11.On7October2009,MullaOmarofficiallystatedthatthe

    Talebandidnothaveanyagendatoharmother

    countries,includingEurope,nordowehavesuch

    agendatoday.87Inastatementontheoccasionof

    theinternationalAfghanistanconferencein

    LondoninJanuary2010,theTalebanLeadership

    Councilstatedthat[t]heIslamicEmiratewant[s]

    tohavegoodandpositiverelationswiththe

    neighbouringcountriesinanatmosphereof

    85DeAfghanistanIslamiEmaratDar-ul-Ensha,De

    Talebano(seeFN54),p45;AmeerAl-MumeneenMullahMohammadOmarMujahidaboutthepleasureofEidal-Fitr,http://www.afghanvoice.com/index.php/news/news-in-english/237-ameer-al-mumeneen-

    mullah-mohammad-omar-mujahid-about-the-pleasure-

    of-eid-al-fitr.

    86JasonBurke,MisreadingtheTalibanProspectMagazineNo.152(November2008),http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/2008/11/misreadingthe

    taliban/.

    87StatementoftheIslamicEmirateofAfghanistanontheOccasionoftheEighthAnniversaryoftheAmericanAttackonAfghanistan(7October2009),http://www.nefafoundation.org/miscellaneous/nefaTalib8anniv1009

    .pdf.

    mutualrespectandtakefar-reachingstepsfor

    bilateralcooperation,economicdevelopmentand

    prosperousfuture.88

    Apartfromsomeindividuals,theAfghanTaleban

    havenotboughtintoal-Qaidasjihadistagenda.

    Whentheyusejihadistlanguage,theirprimary

    targetisfund-raisingamongsttheirmajordonor

    group:privatecitizensorgroupsorganisingmosque

    collectionsinArabGulfcountriesforthem.

    TheAfghanTalebansagendaisexclusivelyAfghan.

    TheywanttoforcetheWesternoccupantforces

    towithdrawandtore-establishtheirIslamic

    emirate.Forthis,theyneedArabmoney,

    sometimeschannelledthroughal-Qaida

    connections,andperhapsdecreasinglymilitary

    know-how.Asaresult,thecooperationbetween

    thesegroupsisapragmaticsymbiosis,butonein

    whichal-QaidaneedstheTalebanmorethanvice

    versa.

    89

    Therefore,OsamabinLadengaveanoathofallegiance(baya)toMullaOmar,nottheotherwayaround.Thismustnotbemisinterpreted:Al-

    Qaidadidnotbecomesubservienttotheaimsand

    methodsoftheAfghanTaleban.Onthecontrary,

    thispurportedsubservienceisausefulillusionthat

    obscuresal-Qaidasfundamentalconflictswiththe

    AfghanTalebansagenda.90Thereisplentyof

    anecdotalevidenceaboutmutualracistprejudices

    betweenal-QaidasArabsandthePashtunTaleban

    whichfurtherlimitthepotentialforcooperation.

    TheTalebanslackofenthusiasmforglobaljihadis

    foundedontheirintentionnottorepeattheirpre-2001mistakes:toriskisolatingthemselves(orbe

    isolatedagain)fromtheinternationalcommunity.

    ManyintheTalebanblameal-Qaidawhich

    plannedtheterroristattacksof9/11mostprobably

    withouttheTalebansknowledgeforthefallof

    theiremirateandthelossofpowerin2001.This

    latentconflictalsomightcauseabreakbetweenthe

    Talebanandal-Qaidaundercertaincircumstances.

    88StatementoftheLeadershipCounciloftheIslamic

    EmirateofAfghanistanregardingtheLondonConference,http://www.alqimmah.net/showthread.php?t=13721.

    89Afterheavylossesontheleadershiplevelandthe

    transitiontowhatsomeauthorscallleaderlessjihad,

    i.e.,withquasi-autonomousnationalgroupsthat,as

    franchises,copyal-Qaidasideologyandstrategyand

    onlyoccasionallyhaverealcontactwithitsleadership,

    al-Qaidasmainapproachistohijacknational

    movements,likethePakistaniandAfghanTalebanand

    al-ShabaabinSomalia.Withoutthem,al-Qaidaonlycan

    carryoutlimitedoperationsofitsown.

    90VahidBrown,TheFacadeofAllegiance:BinLadins

    DubiousPledgetoMullahOmarCTCSentinel(January2010),pp45.

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    19ThomasRuttig:HowTribalAretheTaleban? However,theTalebansIslamistideologyprovides

    aninstrumentthatcreatescohesionamongstthe

    fightersfromsegmentedPashtuntribes.Oneof

    themostimportantleadershipinstrumentsisthe

    layha,publishedfirstin2006andupdatedinthespringof2009.Itisacodeofconductthatreflects

    theIslamicprinciplestheTalebansideologyis

    baseduponandtriestoruleoutce