hugo chávez

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Hugo Chávez For other uses, see Hugo Chávez (disambiguation). This name uses Spanish naming customs: the first or paternal family name is Chávez and the second or maternal family name is Frías. Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈuɣo rafaˈel ˈtʃaβes ˈfɾi.as]; 28 July 1954 – 5 March 2013) was a Venezuelan politician and the President of Venezuela from 1999 until his death in 2013. He was the leader of the Fifth Republic Movement from its foundation in 1997 until 2007, when it merged with several other parties to form the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), which he led until 2012. Born into a working-class family in Sabaneta, Barinas, Chávez became a career military officer, and after be- coming dissatisfied with the Venezuelan political system based on the Punto Fijo Pact, [1] he founded the clan- destine Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR- 200) in the early 1980s. Chávez led the MBR-200 in an unsuccessful coup d'état against the Democratic Action government of President Carlos Andrés Pérez in 1992, for which he was imprisoned. Released from prison af- ter two years, he founded a political party known as the Fifth Republic Movement and was elected president of Venezuela in 1998. He was re-elected in 2000 and again in 2006 with over 60% of the vote. After winning his fourth term as president in the October 2012 presidential election, [2] he was to be sworn in on 10 January 2013, but Venezuela’s National Assembly postponed the inaugura- tion to allow him time to recover from medical treatment in Cuba. [3] Suffering a return of the cancer originally di- agnosed in June 2011, Chávez died in Caracas on 5 March 2013 at the age of 58. [4][5] Following the adoption of a new constitution in 1999, Chávez focused on enacting social reforms as part of the Bolivarian Revolution. Using record-high oil revenues of the 2000s, his government nationalized key industries, created participatory democratic Communal Councils, and implemented social programs known as the Bolivarian Missions to expand access to food, hous- ing, healthcare, and education. [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14] This led to improvements in areas such as poverty, literacy, income equality, and quality of life. [7][15] Going into the 2010s, economic actions performed by Chávez’s government over the previous decade such as overspending [16][17][18][19][20] and price controls [21][22][23][24][25] proved to be unsustainable and caused the economy to falter, with inflation, [26] poverty [7] and shortages in Venezuela increasing. Chávez’s pres- idency also saw significant increases in the country’s murder rate [27][28][29][30] and corruption within the police force and government. [31][32] His use of enabling acts [33][34] and his government’s use of Bolivarian propaganda was also controversial. [35][36][37][38] Internationally, Chávez aligned himself with the Marxist- Leninist governments of Fidel and then Raúl Castro in Cuba, and the socialist governments of Evo Morales (Bolivia), Rafael Correa (Ecuador), and Daniel Ortega (Nicaragua). His presidency was seen as a part of the socialist "pink tide" sweeping Latin America. Chávez described his policies as anti-imperialist, being a promi- nent adversary of the United States’s foreign policy as well as a vocal critic of US-supported neoliberalism and laissez-faire capitalism. [39] He described himself as a Marxist. [40][41][42][43][44] He supported Latin Ameri- can and Caribbean cooperation and was instrumental in setting up the pan-regional Union of South American Nations, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas, the Bank of the South, and the regional television network TeleSUR. Chavez’s ideas, programs, and style form the basis of "Chavismo", a political ideology closely associ- ated with Bolivarianism and Socialism of the 21st Cen- tury. 1 Early life 1.1 Childhood Further information: Early life of Hugo Chávez Hugo Chávez was born on 28 July 1954 in his paternal grandmother Rosa Inéz Chávez’s home, a modest three- room house located in the rural village Sabaneta, Barinas State. The Chávez family were of Amerindian, Afro- Venezuelan, and Spanish descent. [45] His parents, Hugo de los Reyes Chávez and Elena Frías de Chávez, were schoolteachers who lived in the small village of Los Ras- trojos. Hugo was born the second of seven children. [46][47] The couple lived in poverty and sent Hugo and his older brother Adán to live with their grandmother Rosa, [48] whom Hugo later described as being “a pure human be- ing... pure love, pure kindness.” [49] She was a devout Roman Catholic, and Hugo was an altar boy at a local church. [50] Hugo described his childhood as “poor... [but] very happy”. [51] 1

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  • Hugo Chvez

    For other uses, see Hugo Chvez (disambiguation).

    This name uses Spanish naming customs: the rstor paternal family name is Chvez and the second ormaternal family name is Fras.

    Hugo Rafael Chvez Fras (Spanish pronunciation: [uorafael taes fi.as]; 28 July 1954 5 March 2013) wasa Venezuelan politician and the President of Venezuelafrom 1999 until his death in 2013. He was the leader ofthe Fifth RepublicMovement from its foundation in 1997until 2007, when it merged with several other parties toform the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV),which he led until 2012.Born into a working-class family in Sabaneta, Barinas,Chvez became a career military ocer, and after be-coming dissatised with the Venezuelan political systembased on the Punto Fijo Pact,[1] he founded the clan-destine Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR-200) in the early 1980s. Chvez led the MBR-200 in anunsuccessful coup d'tat against the Democratic Actiongovernment of President Carlos Andrs Prez in 1992,for which he was imprisoned. Released from prison af-ter two years, he founded a political party known as theFifth Republic Movement and was elected president ofVenezuela in 1998. He was re-elected in 2000 and againin 2006 with over 60% of the vote. After winning hisfourth term as president in the October 2012 presidentialelection,[2] he was to be sworn in on 10 January 2013, butVenezuelas National Assembly postponed the inaugura-tion to allow him time to recover from medical treatmentin Cuba.[3] Suering a return of the cancer originally di-agnosed in June 2011, Chvez died in Caracas on 5March2013 at the age of 58.[4][5]

    Following the adoption of a new constitution in 1999,Chvez focused on enacting social reforms as partof the Bolivarian Revolution. Using record-high oilrevenues of the 2000s, his government nationalized keyindustries, created participatory democratic CommunalCouncils, and implemented social programs known asthe Bolivarian Missions to expand access to food, hous-ing, healthcare, and education.[6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]This led to improvements in areas such as poverty,literacy, income equality, and quality of life.[7][15]Going into the 2010s, economic actions performedby Chvezs government over the previous decadesuch as overspending[16][17][18][19][20] and pricecontrols[21][22][23][24][25] proved to be unsustainable and

    caused the economy to falter, with ination,[26] poverty[7]and shortages in Venezuela increasing. Chvezs pres-idency also saw signicant increases in the countrysmurder rate[27][28][29][30] and corruption within thepolice force and government.[31][32] His use of enablingacts[33][34] and his governments use of Bolivarianpropaganda was also controversial.[35][36][37][38]

    Internationally, Chvez aligned himself with the Marxist-Leninist governments of Fidel and then Ral Castro inCuba, and the socialist governments of Evo Morales(Bolivia), Rafael Correa (Ecuador), and Daniel Ortega(Nicaragua). His presidency was seen as a part of thesocialist "pink tide" sweeping Latin America. Chvezdescribed his policies as anti-imperialist, being a promi-nent adversary of the United Statess foreign policy aswell as a vocal critic of US-supported neoliberalismand laissez-faire capitalism.[39] He described himself asa Marxist.[40][41][42][43][44] He supported Latin Ameri-can and Caribbean cooperation and was instrumental insetting up the pan-regional Union of South AmericanNations, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas, theBank of the South, and the regional television networkTeleSUR. Chavezs ideas, programs, and style form thebasis of "Chavismo", a political ideology closely associ-ated with Bolivarianism and Socialism of the 21st Cen-tury.

    1 Early life

    1.1 ChildhoodFurther information: Early life of Hugo ChvezHugo Chvez was born on 28 July 1954 in his paternalgrandmother Rosa Inz Chvezs home, a modest three-room house located in the rural village Sabaneta, BarinasState. The Chvez family were of Amerindian, Afro-Venezuelan, and Spanish descent.[45] His parents, Hugode los Reyes Chvez and Elena Fras de Chvez, wereschoolteachers who lived in the small village of Los Ras-trojos.Hugo was born the second of seven children.[46][47] Thecouple lived in poverty and sent Hugo and his olderbrother Adn to live with their grandmother Rosa,[48]whom Hugo later described as being a pure human be-ing... pure love, pure kindness.[49] She was a devoutRoman Catholic, and Hugo was an altar boy at a localchurch.[50] Hugo described his childhood as poor... [but]very happy.[51]

    1

  • 2 1 EARLY LIFE

    Sabaneta, Barinas, where Chvez was born and raised.

    Attending the Julin Pino Elementary School, Chvezwas particularly interested in the 19th-century federalistgeneral Ezequiel Zamora, in whose army his own great-great-grandfather had served.[52][53] In the mid-1960s,Hugo, his brother and their grandmother moved to thecity of Barinas so that the boys could attend DanielO'Leary High School.[54]

    1.2 Military Academy: 19711975

    Aged seventeen, Chvez studied at the VenezuelanAcademy of Military Sciences in Caracas, following acurriculum known as the Andrs Bello Plan, institutedby a group of progressive, nationalistic military ocers.This new curriculum encouraged students to learn notonly military routines and tactics but also a wide vari-ety of other topics, and to do so civilian professors werebrought in from other universities to give lectures to themilitary cadets.[55][56][57]

    Supporters ofHugo Chvez at his funeral at theMilitary academyof Venezuela.

    Living in Caracas, he saw more of the endemic povertyfaced by working class Venezuelans, and said that thisexperience only made him further committed to achiev-ing social justice.[58][59] He also began to get involvedin activities outside of the military school, playing base-ball and softball with the Criollitos de Venezuela team,

    progressing with them to the Venezuelan National Base-ball Championships. He also wrote poetry, ction, anddrama, and painted,[60] and he researched the life andpolitical thought of 19th-century South American revo-lutionary Simn Bolvar.[61] He also became interestedin the Marxist revolutionary Che Guevara (192867) af-ter reading his memoir The Diary of Che Guevara.[62]In 1974, he was selected to be a representative in thecommemorations for the 150th anniversary of the Battleof Ayacucho in Peru, the conict in which Simon Bol-vars lieutenant, Antonio Jos de Sucre, defeated royal-ist forces during the Peruvian War of Independence. InPeru, Chvez heard the leftist president, General JuanVelasco Alvarado (19101977), speak, and inspired byVelascos ideas that the military should act in the inter-ests of the working classes when the ruling classes wereperceived as corrupt,[63] he drank up the books [Ve-lasco had written], even memorising some speeches al-most completely.[64]

    Befriending the son of Panamanian President OmarTorrijos (19291981), another leftist military general,Chvez visited Panama, where he met with Torrijos, andwas impressed with his land reform program that wasdesigned to benet the peasants. Inuenced by Torrijosand Velasco he saw the potential for military generals toseize control of a government when the civilian author-ities were perceived as serving the interests of only thewealthy elites.[63][65] In contrast to Torrijos and Velasco,Chvez became highly critical of Augusto Pinochet, theright-wing general who had recently seized control inChile with the aid of the American CIA.[66] Chvez latersaid, With Torrijos, I became a Torrijist. With VelascoI became a Velasquist. And with Pinochet, I becamean anti-Pinochetist.[67] In 1975, Chvez graduated fromthe military academy as one of the top graduates of theyear.[68][69][70]

    1.3 Early military career: 19761981Further information: Military career of Hugo Chvez

    I think that from the time I left the academy I was orientedtoward a revolutionary movement... The Hugo Chvezwho entered there was a kid from the hills, a Ilanero{sic}with aspirations of playing professional baseball. Fouryears later, a second-lieutenant came out who had takenthe revolutionary path. Someone who didn't have obli-gations to anyone, who didn't belong to any movement,who was not enrolled in any party, but who knew verywell where I was headed.Hugo Chvez[71]

    Following his graduation, Chvez was stationed as acommunications ocer at a counterinsurgency unit inBarinas,[72] although the Marxist-Leninist insurgencywhich the armywas sent to combat had already been erad-

  • 3icated from that state.[73] At one point he found a stashof Marxist literature that apparently had belonged to in-surgents many years before. He went on to read thesebooks, which included titles by Karl Marx, VladimirLenin and Mao Zedong, but his favourite was a workentitled The Times of Ezequiel Zamora, written aboutthe 19th-century federalist general whom Chvez hadadmired as a child.[74] These books further convincedChvez of the need for a leftist government in Venezuela:By the time I was 21 or 22, I made myself a man of theleft.[75]

    In 1977, Chvezs unit was transferred to Anzotegui,where they were involved in battling the Red Flag Party,a Marxist-Hoxhaist insurgency group.[76] After interven-ing to prevent the beating of an alleged insurgent by othersoldiers,[77] Chvez began to have his doubts about thearmy and their methods in using torture.[75] At the sametime, he was becoming increasingly critical of the corrup-tion in the army and in the civilian government, comingto believe Venezuelas poor were not beneting from theoil wealth, and began to sympathize with the Red FlagParty and their cause and their violent methods.[78]

    In 1977, he founded a revolutionary movement togetherwith Luis R. Gonzalez an William Jimenez, within thearmed forces, in the hope that he could one day introducea leftist government to Venezuela: the Venezuelan Peo-ples Liberation Army (Ejrcito de Liberacin del Pueblode Venezuela, or ELPV), consisted of him and a handfulof his fellow soldiers who had no immediate plans for di-rect action, though they knew they wanted a middle waybetween the right wing policies of the government and thefar left position of the Red Flag.[77][79][80] Nevertheless,hoping to gain an alliance with civilian leftist groups inVenezuela, Chvez set up clandestine meetings with vari-ous prominent Marxists, including Alfredo Maneiro (thefounder of the Radical Cause) and Douglas Bravo.[81][82]At this time, Chvez married a working-class womannamed Nancy Colmenares, with whom he had threechildren: Rosa Virginia (born September 1978), MariaGabriela (born March 1980) and Hugo Rafael (born Oc-tober 1983).[83]

    2 Later military career and theBolivarian Revolutionary Army-200: 19821991

    Logo of MBR-200.

    Five years after his creation of the ELPV, Chvez wenton to form a new secretive cell within the military, theBolivarian Revolutionary Army-200 (EBR-200), laterredesignated the Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement-200 (MBR-200).[55][84][85] He was inspired by EzequielZamora (18171860), Simn Bolvar (17831830) andSimn Rodrguez (17691854), who became known asthe three roots of the tree of the MBR-200.[86][87]Later, Chvez said that the Bolivarian movement thatwas being born did not propose political objectives...Its goals were imminently internal. Its eorts were di-rected in the rst place to studying the military historyof Venezuela as a source of a military doctrine of ourown, which up to then didn't exist.[88] However, he al-ways hoped for the Bolivarian Movement to become apolitically dominant party that would accept all kinds ofideas, from the right, from the left, from the ideologicalruins of those old capitalist and communist systems.[89]Indeed, Irish political analyst Barry Cannon noted thatthe MBRs early ideology was a doctrine in construc-tion, a heterogeneous amalgam of thoughts and ideolo-gies, from universal thought, capitalism, Marxism, butrejecting the neoliberal models currently being imposedin Latin America and the discredited models of the oldSoviet Bloc.[90]

    In 1981, Chvez, by now a captain, was assigned to teachat the military academy where he had formerly trained.Here he introduced new students to his so-called Bo-livarian ideals and recruited some of them. By thetime they had graduated, at least thirty out of 133 cadetshad joined his cause.[91] In 1984 he met Herma Marks-man, a recently divorced history teacher with whom hehad an aair that lasted several years.[92][93] During thistime Francisco Arias Crdenas , a soldier interested inliberation theology, also joined MBR-200.[94] Crdenasrose to a signicant position within the group, although hecame into ideological conict with Chvez, with Chvezbelieving that they should begin direct military action inorder to overthrow the government, something Crdenasthought was reckless.[95]

    After some time, some senior military ocers becamesuspicious of Chvez and reassigned him so that he wouldnot be able to gain any more fresh new recruits fromthe academy. He was sent to take command of the re-mote barracks at Elorza in Apure State,[96] where he or-ganized social events for the community and contactedthe local indigenous tribal peoples, the Cuiva and Yaruro.Distrustful as they were because of the mistreatment atthe hands of the Venezuelan army in previous decades,Chvez gained their trust by joining the expeditions ofan anthropologist to meet with them. Chvez said hisexperiences with them later led him to introduce lawsprotecting the rights of indigenous tribal peoples.[97] In1988, after being promoted to the rank of major, thehigh-ranking General Rodrguez Ochoa took a liking toChvez and employed him to be his assistant at his ocein Caracas.[98]

  • 4 3 POLITICAL RISE: 19921998

    2.1 Operation Zamora coup attempt: 1992

    Main article: 1992 Venezuelan coup d'tat attempts

    In 1989, centrist Carlos Andrs Prez (19222010) waselected President, and though he had promised to opposethe United States governments Washington Consensusand the International Monetary Fund's policies, he op-posed neither once he got into oce, following insteadthe neoliberal economic policies supported by the UnitedStates and the IMF, angering the public.[99][100][101] In anattempt to stop the widespread protests and looting thatfollowed his social spending cuts, Prez initiated Planvila and a violent repression of protesters, known asEl Caracazo unfolded.[102][103][104] Though members ofChvezs MBR-200 movement had allegedly participatedin the crackdown,[105] Chvez did not participate sincehe was then hospitalized with chicken pox and later con-demned the event as "genocide".[106][107]

    Chvez began preparing for a military coup d'tat[104][108]known as Operation Zamora.[109] The plan involved in-side members of the military, the overwhelming of mili-tary locations along with communication installations andthe establishment of Rafael Caldera in power followingthe capture and assassination of President Perez.[110] Ini-tially prepared for December, Chvez delayed the MBR-200 coup until the early twilight hours of 4 February1992.[110]

    On that date, ve army units under Chvezs commandmoved into urban Caracas. Despite years of planning,the coup quickly encountered trouble since Chvez couldcommand the loyalty of less than 10% of Venezuelasmilitary forces.[111] After numerous betrayals, defec-tions, errors, and other unforeseen circumstances, Chvezand a small group of rebels found themselves hidingin the Military Museum, unable to communicate withother members with Prez managing to escapeMiraoresPalace.[112] Fourteen soldiers were killed, and fty sol-diers and some eighty civilians injured during the ensuingviolence.[113][114][115] Another unsuccessful coup againstthe government occurred in November,[108][116] with theghting during the coups resulting in the deaths of at least143 people and perhaps as many as several hundred.[117]

    Chvez gave himself up to the government and appearedon television, in uniform, to call on remaining coup mem-bers to lay down their arms.[118] Many viewers noted thatChvez in his speech had remarked that he had failedonly "por ahora" (for now),[55][119][120][121][122] and manyVenezuelans, particularly poor ones, began seeing himas someone who stood up against government corruptionand kleptocracy.[123][124][125]

    Chvez was arrested and imprisoned at the San Carlosmilitary stockade, where he remained wracked with guilt,feeling responsible for the coups failure.[126][127] Pro-Chvez demonstrations that took place outside of SanCarlos led to his being transferred to Yare prison soon

    The San Carlos military stockade, where Hugo Chvez was heldafter attempting to overthrow President Prez in 1992.

    after.[128] The government meanwhile began a tempo-rary crackdown on media supportive of Chvez and thecoup.[129] Prez himself was then impeached a year laterfor malfeasance and misappropriation of funds for illegalactivities.[130][131]

    3 Political rise: 19921998

    A painted mural in support of the Fifth Republic Movement(MVR) found in Barcelona, Venezuela

    While Chvez and the other senior members of theMBR-200 were in prison, his relationship with Herma Marks-man broke up in July 1993.[132] In 1994, Rafael Caldera(19162009) of the centrist National Convergence Partyand who had knowledge of the coup was elected presi-dent, and soon after freed Chvez and the other impris-oned MBR-200 members, though Caldera banned themfrom returning to the military.[133][134] Chvez went ona 100-day tour of the country, promoting his Bolivar-ian cause of social revolution.[135] On his tours aroundthe country he met Marisabel Rodrguez, who would givebirth to their daughter shortly before becoming his secondwife in 1997.[136][137]

    Travelling around Latin America in search of foreign sup-port for his Bolivarian movement, he visited Argentina,

  • 4.1 First presidential term: 2 February 1999 10 January 2001 5

    Uruguay, Chile, Colombia, and nally Cuba, where hemet Castro and became friends with him.[138] After hisreturn to Venezuela, Chvez was critical of PresidentCaldera and his neoliberal economic policies.[139] A dropin per capita income, coupled with increases in povertyand crime, led to gaps emerging between rulers and ruledwhich favoured the emergence of a populist leader.[140]

    By now Chvez was a supporter of taking military action,believing that the oligarchy would never allow him and hissupporters to win an election,[141] while Francisco AriasCrdenas insisted that they take part in the representa-tive democratic process. Indeed, Crdenas soon joinedthe Radical Cause socialist party and won the December1995 election to become governor of the oil-rich ZuliaState.[142] As a result, Chvez and his supporters foundeda political party, the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR Movimiento Quinta Repblica) in July 1997 in order tosupport Chvezs candidature in the Venezuelan presiden-tial election, 1998.[113][143][144][145]

    3.1 1998 election

    At the start of the election run-up, front runner IreneSez was backed by one of Venezuelas two primary po-litical parties, Copei.[146] Chvezs revolutionary rhetoricgained him support from Patria Para Todos (Fatherlandfor All), the Partido Comunist Venezolano (Venezeue-lan Communist Party) and the Movimiento al Socialismo(Movement for Socialism).[145][147] Chvezs promises ofwidespread social and economic reforms won the trustand favor of a primarily poor and working class. ByMay 1998, Chvezs support had risen to 30% in polls,and by August he was registering 39%.[148] With his sup-port increasing, and Sezs decreasing, both the maintwo political parties, Copei and Democratic Action, puttheir support behind Henrique Salas Rmer, a Yale Uni-versity-educated economist who represented the ProjectVenezuela party.[149]

    Voter turnout in the election is the subject of dispute.Voter turnout was at 63.45%, with Chvez winning theelection with 56.20% of the vote.[150][151] Academic anal-ysis of the election showed that Chvezs support hadcome primarily from the countrys poor and the disen-chanted middle class, whose standard of living had de-creased rapidly in the previous decade,[152] and much ofthe middle and upper class vote went Rmer.[153]

    4 Presidency: 19992013

    Further information: History of Venezuela (1999present)

    4.1 First presidential term: 2 February1999 10 January 2001

    Chvezs presidential inauguration took place on 2 Febru-ary 1999, and during the usual presidential oath he devi-ated from the prescribed words to proclaim that I swearbefore God and my people that upon this moribund con-stitution I will drive forth the necessary democratic trans-formations so that the new republic will have a MagnaCarta betting these new times.[154][155] He appointednew gures to a number of government posts, includingpromoting various leftist allies to key positions; he for in-stance gave one of the founders of MBR, Jess Urdaneta,the position in charge of the Bolivarian IntelligenceAgency; and made one of the 1992 coup leaders, HernnGrber dreman, governor of the Federal District ofCaracas.[156] Chvez also appointed some conservative,centrist and centre-right gures to government positionsas well, reappointing Calderas economy minister Mar-itza Izaquirre to that same position and also appointingthe businessman Roberto Mandini to be president of thestate-run oil company Petroleos de Venezuela.[157] Hiscritics referred to this group of government ocials asthe "Boliburguesa" or Bolivarian bourgeoisie,[158][159]and highlighted the fact that it included few people withexperience in public administration.[154] The involve-ment of a number of his immediate family members inVenezuelan politics led to accusations of nepotism.[160]In June 2000 he separated from his wife Marisabel, andtheir divorce was nalised in January 2004.[161]

    The Chvez governments initial policies were moder-ate, capitalist and centre-left, having much in commonwith those of contemporary Latin American leftists likeBrazils president Lula da Silva.[162][163] Chvez initiallybelieved that capitalism was still a valid economic modelfor Venezuela, but only Rhenish capitalism, not the US-supported neoliberalism of former governments.[164] Hefollowed the economic guidelines recommended by theInternational Monetary Fund and continued to encour-age foreign corporations to invest in Venezuela,[165] evenvisiting the New York Stock Exchange in the UnitedStates in an attempt to convince wealthy investors to doso.[166][167]

    Chvez set into motion a social welfare program calledPlan Bolvar 2000, which he organised to begin on 27February 1999, the tenth anniversary of the Caracazomassacre. Chvez said he would set aside $20.8 millionfor the plan, though some state that the program costed$113 million. Plan Bolvar 2000 involved 70,000 sol-diers, sailors and members of the air force going outinto the streets of Venezuela where they would repairroads and hospitals, remove stagnant water that oeredbreeding areas for disease-carrying mosquitoes, oerfree medical care and vaccinations, and sell food at lowprices.[168][169][170][171]

    In May 2000 he launched his own Sunday morning radioshow, Al Presidente (Hello, President), on the state radio

  • 6 4 PRESIDENCY: 19992013

    network, as well as a Thursday night television show, DeFrente con el Presidente (Face to Face with the President).He followed this with his own newspaper, El Correo delPresidente (The Presidents Post), founded in July, forwhich he acted as editor-in-chief, but which was later shutamidst accusations of corruption in its management.[172]In his television and radio shows, he answered calls fromcitizens, discussed his latest policies, sang songs and toldjokes, making it unique not only in Latin America but theentire world.[173]

    4.1.1 Constitutional reform

    Chvez then called for a public referendum whichhe hoped would support his plans to form aconstitutional assembly, composed of representa-tives from across Venezuela, as well as from indigenoustribal groups, which would be able to rewrite thenations constitution.[174][175] The referendum wentahead on 25 April 1999, and was an overwhelmingsuccess for Chvez, with 88% of voters supporting theproposal.[174][175]

    Chvez holds a miniature copy of the 1999 Venezuelan Consti-tution at the 2003 World Social Forum held in Brazil.

    Then Chvez called for an election to take place on 25July, in which the members of the constitutional assem-bly would be voted into power.[176] Of the 1,171 candi-dates standing for election to the assembly, over 900 ofthem were opponents of Chvez. Despite the large num-ber of opposition candidates, Chavezs supporters wonanother overwhelming electoral victory creating a verypro-Chvez Constitutional Assembly, with his support-ers taking 125 seats (95% of the total), including all ofthose belonging to indigenous tribal groups, whereas theopposition were voted into only 6 seats.[174][177][178]

    On 12 August 1999, the new constitutional assemblyvoted to give themselves the power to abolish govern-ment institutions and to dismiss ocials who were per-ceived as being corrupt or operating only in their owninterests. Opponents of the Chvez regime argued thatit was therefore dictatorial.[179][180] Most jurists believedthat the new constitutional assembly became the countryssupreme authority and that all other institutions were

    subordinate to it.[181] The assembly also declared a ju-dicial emergency, granting itself the power to overhaulthe judicial system. The Supreme Court, which ruled thatthe assembly did indeed have such authority, was eventu-ally replaced by the 1999 Constitution, which created theSupreme Tribunal of Justice in its place.[182][183]

    The elected members of the constituent assembly put to-gether a new constitution, and a referendum on the issueof whether to adopt it was held in December 1999; thereferendum saw an abstention vote of over 50%, althoughamong those voting, 72% approved the new constitutionsadoption.[178][184][185] The constitution gave greater pow-ers to the president, not only by extending their term butalso by giving them the power to legislate on citizen rightsas well as the economic and nancial matters that theywere formerly unable to do.[186] It also gave the militarya role in the government by providing it with the man-dated role of ensuring public order and aiding nationaldevelopment, something it had been expressely forbid-den from doing under the former constitution.[186] As apart of the new constitution, the country, which was thenocially known as the Republic of Venezuela, was re-named the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (RepblicaBolivariana de Venezuela) at Chvezs request.[177][178]

    4.2 Second presidential term: 10 January2001 10 January 2007

    Chvez visiting Porto Alegre, Brazil in 2003

    Under the new constitution, it was legally required thatnew elections be held in order to re-legitimize the gov-ernment and president. This presidential election in July2000 would be a part of a greater megaelection, the rsttime in the countrys history that the president, governors,national and regional congressmen, mayors and council-men would be voted for on the same day.[187][188][189] Go-ing into the elections, Chvez had control of all threebranches of government.[182] For the position of presi-dent, Chvezs closest challenger proved to be his formerfriend and co-conspirator in the 1992 coup, FranciscoArias Crdenas, who since becoming governor of Zuliastate had turned towards the political centre and begun todenounce Chvez as autocratic.[190] Although some of his

  • 4.2 Second presidential term: 10 January 2001 10 January 2007 7

    supporters feared that he had alienated those in the mid-dle class and the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy whohad formerly supported him, Chvez was re-elected with59.76% of the vote (the equivalent of 3,757,000 people),a larger majority than his 1998 electoral victory,[191][192]again primarily receiving his support from the poorer sec-tors of Venezuelan society.[193]

    That year, Chvez helped to further cement his geopo-litical and ideological ties with the Cuban governmentof Fidel Castro by signing an agreement under whichVenezuela would supply Cuba with 53,000 barrels of oilper day at preferential rates, in return receiving 20,000trained Cuban medics and educators. In the ensuingdecade, this would be increased to 90,000 barrels aday (in exchange for 40,000 Cuban medics and teach-ers), dramatically aiding the Caribbean islands economyand standard of living after its "Special Period" of the1990s.[194] However, Venezuelas growing alliance withCuba came at the same time as a deteriorating relation-ship with the United States: in late 2001, just after theAmerican-led invasion of Afghanistan in retaliation for11 September attacks against the U.S. by Islamist mili-tants, Chvez showed pictures of Afghan children killedin a bomb attack on his television show. He commentedthat They are not to blame for the terrorism of OsamaBin Laden or anyone else, and called on the Americangovernment to end the massacre of the innocents. Ter-rorism cannot be fought with terrorism. The U.S. gov-ernment responded negatively to the comments, whichwere picked up by the media worldwide.[195]

    Chvezs second term in oce saw the implementation of socialmissions, such as this one to eliminate illiteracy in Venezuela.

    Meanwhile, the 2000 elections had led to Chvezs sup-porters gaining 101 out of 165 seats in the Venezue-lan National Assembly, and so in November 2001 theyvoted to allow him to pass 49 social and economicdecrees.[196][197] This move antagonized the oppositionmovement particularly strongly.[189]

    At the start of the 21st century, Venezuela was the worldsfth largest exporter of crude oil, with oil accountingfor 85.3% of the countrys exports, therefore dominat-ing the countrys economy.[198][199] Previous administra-tions had sought to privatise this industry, with U.S. cor-

    porations having a signicant level of control, but theChvez administration wished to curb this foreign con-trol over the countrys natural resources by nationalisingmuch of it under the state-run oil company, Petrleos deVenezuela S.A. (PdVSA). In 2001, the government in-troduced a new Hydrocarbons Law through which theysought to gain greater state control over the oil indus-try: they did this by raising royalty taxes on the oil com-panies and also by introducing the formation of mixedcompanies, whereby the PdVSA could have joint controlwith private companies over industry. By 2006, all of the32 operating agreements signed with private corporationsduring the 1990s had been converted from being primar-ily or solely corporate-run to being at least 51% controlledby PdVSA.[198]

    4.2.1 Opposition and the CD

    During Chvezs rst term in oce, the opposition move-ment had been strong but reasonably contained, [with]complaints centering mainly on procedural aspects of theimplementation of the constitution.[189]

    The rst organized protest against the Bolivarian govern-ment occurred in January 2001, when the Chvez admin-istration tried to implement educational reforms throughthe proposed Resolution 259 and Decree 1.011, whichwould have seen the publication of textbooks with a heavyBolivarian bias. The protest movement, which was pri-marily bymiddle class parents whose children went to pri-vately run schools, marched to central Caracas shoutingout the slogan Don't mess with my children. Althoughthe protesters were denounced by Chvez, who calledthem selsh and individualistic, the protest was suc-cessful enough for the government to retract the proposededucation reforms and instead enter into a consensus-based educational program with the opposition.[200]

    Later into 2001, an organization known as the Coordina-dora Democrtica de Accin Cvica (CD) was founded,under which the Venezuelan opposition political par-ties, corporate powers, most of the countrys media,the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce,the Frente Institucional Militar and the Central Work-ers Union all united to oppose Chvezs regime.[196][201]The prominent businessman Pedro Carmona (1941) waschosen as the CDs leader.[196] They received supportfrom various foreign sources.The CD and other opponents of Chvezs Bolivarian gov-ernment accused it of trying to turn Venezuela froma democracy into a dictatorship by centralising poweramongst its supporters in the Constituent Assembly andgranting Chvez increasingly autocratic powers. Many ofthem pointed to Chvezs personal friendship with CubasFidel Castro and the one-party socialist government inCuba as a sign of where the Bolivarian government wastaking Venezuela.[196] Others did not hold such a strongview but still argued that Chvez was a free-spending,

  • 8 4 PRESIDENCY: 19992013

    Chvez visiting the USS Yorktown, a US Navy ship docked atCuraao in the Netherlands Antilles, in 2002

    authoritarian populist" whose policies were detrimentalto the country.[202]

    4.2.2 Coup, strikes and the recall referendum

    Main articles: 2002 Venezuelan coup d'tat attempt,Venezuelan general strike of 20022003 and Venezuelanrecall referendum, 2004On 11 April 2002, during mass protests in Caracas

    A 2004 rally against Chvez in Caracas, demanding his removalfrom the presidency.

    against the Bolivarian government,[203] twenty peoplewere killed, and over 110 were wounded.[204] A group ofhigh-ranking anti-Chvez military ocers had been plan-ning to launch a coup against Chvez and used the civilunrest as an opportunity.[205] After the plotters gained sig-nicant power, Chvez agreed to be detained and wastransferred by army escort to La Orchila; business leaderPedro Carmona declared himself president of an interimgovernment.[206] Carmona abolished the 1999 constitu-tion and appointed a small governing committee to runthe country.[189] Protests in support of Chvez along withinsucient support for Carmonas regime, which manyfelt was implementing totalitarian measures, quickly ledto Carmonas resignation, and Chvez was returned topower on 15 April.[207]

    Chvezs response was to moderate his approach, imple-menting a new economic team that appeared to be morecentrist and reinstated the old board of directors andman-agers of the state oil company Petrleos de VenezuelaS.A. (PDVSA), whose replacement had been one of thereasons for the coup.[208][209] At the same time, the Bo-livarian government began increased the countrys mil-itary capacity, purchasing 100,000 AK-47 assault riesand several helicopters from Russia, as well as a num-ber of Super Tucano light attack and training planes fromBrazil. Troop numbers were also increased.[210]

    In 2002, after appointing political allies to head thePDVSA and replacing the companys board of directorswith loyalists who had little or no experience in the oilindustry,[211] Chvez faced a two-month managementstrike at the PDVSA.[212] The Chvez governments re-sponse was to re about 19,000 striking employees for il-legally abandoning their posts and then employing retiredworkers, foreign contractors, and the military to do theirjobs instead.[213] According to one observer, this movefurther damaged the strength of Chvezs opposition byremoving the many managers in the oil industry who hadbeen supportive of their cause to overthrow Chvez.[213]

    The 1999 constitution had introduced the concept of arecall referendum into Venezuelan politics, so the op-position called for such a referendum to take place. A2004 referendum to recall Chvez was defeated. 70%of the eligible Venezuelan population turned out to vote,with 59% of voters deciding to keep the president inpower.[192][214] Unlike his original 1998 election victory,this time Chvezs electoral support came almost entirelyfrom the poorer working classes rather than the middleclasses, who had practically abandoned Chvez after hehad consistently moved towards the left in those ve anda half years.[215]

    4.2.3 Socialism of the 21st century

    The various attempts at overthrowing the Bolivarian gov-ernment from power had only served to further radi-calize Chvez. In January 2005, he began openly pro-claiming the ideology of "Socialism of the 21st Cen-tury", something that was distinct from his earlier formsof Bolivarianism, which had been social democratic in na-ture, merging elements of capitalism and socialism. Heused this new term to contrast the democratic socialism,which he wanted to promote in Latin America from theMarxist-Leninist socialism that had been spread by so-cialist states like the Soviet Union and the Peoples Re-public of China during the 20th century, arguing that thelatter had not been truly democratic, suering from a lackof participatory democracy and an excessively authoritar-ian governmental structure.[90]

    InMay 2006, Chvez visited Europe in a private capacity,where he announced plans to supply cheap Venezuelanoil to poor working class communities in the continent.

  • 4.4 Fourth presidential term: 10 January 2013 5 March 2013 9

    The Mayor of London Ken Livingstone welcomed him,describing him as the best news out of Latin America inmany years.[216]

    4.3 Third presidential term: 10 January2007 10 January 2013

    In the presidential election of December 2006, whichsaw a 74% voter turnout, Chvez was once more elected,this time with 63% of the vote, beating his closest chal-lenger Manuel Rosales, who conceded his loss.[214] Theelection was certied as being free and legitimate by theOrganization of American States (OAS) and the CarterCenter.[217][218][219] After this victory, Chvez promisedan expansion of the revolution.[220]

    4.3.1 United Socialist Party of Venezuela and do-mestic policy

    On 15 December 2006, Chvez publicly announced thatthose leftist political parties who had continually sup-ported him in the Patriotic Pole would unite into onesingle, much larger party, the United Socialist Partyof Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela,PSUV).[145] In the speech which he gave announcing thePSUVs creation, Chvez declared that the old partiesmust forget their own structures, party colours and slo-gans, because they are not the most important thing forthe fatherland.[145] According to political analyst BarryCannon, the purpose of creating the PSUV was to forgeunity amongst the disparate elements [of the Bolivarianmovement], providing grassroots input into policy andleadership formation, [and] uniting the grassroots andleadership into one single body.[221] It was hoped that bydoing so, it would decrease the problems of clientelismand corruption and also leave the movement less depen-dent on its leadership:[221] as Chvez himself declared,In this new party, the bases will elect the leaders. Thiswill allow real leaders to emerge.[221]

    The logo for the PSUV, Chvezs socialist political party foundedin 2007

    Chvez had initially proclaimed that those leftist partieswhich chose to not dissolve into the PSUV would haveto leave the government, however, after several of thoseparties supporting him refused to do so, he ceased to issuesuch threats.[222] There was initially much grassroots en-thusiasm for the creation of the PSUV, with membershiphaving risen to 5.7 million people by 2007,[221][223] mak-ing it the largest political group in Venezuela.[224] The

    United Nations International Labour Organization how-ever expressed concern over some voters being pressuredto join the party.[225]

    In 2007, the Bolivarian government set up a constitutionalcommission in order to review the 1999 constitution andsuggest potential amendments to be made to it. Led bythe prominent pro-Chvez intellectual Luis Britto Garca,the commission came to the conclusion that the constitu-tion could include more socially progressive clauses, suchas the shortening of the working week, a constitutionalrecognition of Afro Venezuelans and the elimination ofdiscrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation.[214] Italso suggested measures that would have increased manyof the presidents powers, for instance increasing the pres-idential term limit to seven years, allowing the presidentto run for election indenitely and centralizing powersin the executive.[214] The government put the suggestedchanges to a public referendum in December 2007.[226]Abstention rate was high however, with 43.95% of reg-istered voters not turning out, and in the end the pro-posed changes were rejected by 50.65% of votes.[214][227]This would prove to the rst electoral loss that Chvezhad faced in the thirteen electoral contests held since hetook power,[214] something analysts argued was due to thetop-down nature of the changes, as well as general pub-lic dissatisfaction with the absence of internal debate onits content, as well as dissatisfaction with the running ofthe social programmes, increasing street crime, and withcorruption within the government.[228]

    In order to ensure that his Bolivarian Revolution be-came socially engrained in Venezuela, Chvez discussedhis wish to stand for re-election when his term ran outin 2013, and spoke of ruling beyond 2030.[229] Underthe 1999 constitution, he could not legally stand for re-election again, and so brought about a referendum on 15February 2009 to abolish the two-term limit for all pub-lic oces, including the presidency.[230] Approximately70% of the Venezuelan electorate voted, and they ap-proved this alteration to the constitution with over 54%in favor, allowing any elected ocial the chance to try torun indenitely.[229][230][231]

    4.4 Fourth presidential term: 10 January2013 5 March 2013

    On 7 October 2012, Chvez won election as presidentfor a fourth time, his third six-year term. He defeatedHenrique Capriles with 54% of the votes versus 45%for Capriles, which was a lower victory margin than inhis previous presidential wins, in the 2012 Venezuelanpresidential election[2][232] Turnout in the election was80%, with a hotly contested election between the twocandidates.[233] There was signicant support for Chvezamongst the Venezuelan lower class. Chvezs opposi-tion blamed him for unfairly using state funds to spreadlargesse before the election to bolster Chavezs support

  • 10 5 POLITICAL IDEOLOGY

    Chvez (far right) with fellow Latin American leftist presidentsin 2009. From left to right: Paraguays Fernando Lugo, BoliviasEvoMorales, Brazils Lula da Silva and Ecuadors Rafael Correa

    among his primary electoral base, the lower class.[232]

    Chvez in June 2012.

    The inauguration of Chvezs new term was scheduled for10 January 2013, but as he was undergoing medical treat-ment at the time in Cuba, he was not able to return toVenezuela for that date. The National Assembly presi-dent Diosdado Cabello proposed to postpone the inau-guration and the Supreme Court decided that, being justanother term of the sitting president and not the inau-guration of a new one, the formality could be bypassed.The Venezuelan Bishops Conference opposed the verdict,stating that the constitution must be respected and theVenezuelan government had not been transparent regard-ing details about Chvezs health.[234]

    Acting executive ocials produced orders of govern-ment signed by Chvez, which were suspected offorgery by some opposition politicians, who claimed thatChvez was too sick to be in control of his faculties.Guillermo Cochez, recently dismissed from the oce ofPanamanian ambassador to the Organization of Ameri-can States, even claimed that Chvez had been brain-deadsince 31December 2012.[235][236] Near to Chavezs death,two American attachs were expelled from the countryfor allegedly undermining Venezuelan democracy.Due to the death of Chvez, Vice President NicolasMaduro took over the presidential powers and duties forthe remainder of Chvezs abbreviated term until pres-idential elections were held. Venezuelas constitutionspecies that the speaker of the National Assembly, Dios-dado Cabello, should assume the interim presidency if apresident cannot be sworn in.[237]

    5 Political ideologyDemocracy is impossible in a capitalist system. Capital-ism is the realm of injustice and a tyranny of the richestagainst the poorest. Rousseau said, 'Between the power-ful and the weak all freedom is oppressed. Only the ruleof law sets you free.' Thats why the only way to savethe world is through socialism, a democratic socialism...[Democracy is not just turning up to vote every ve orfour years], its much more than that, its a way of life,its giving power to the people... it is not the governmentof the rich over the people, which is whats happeningin almost all the so-called democratic Western capitalistcountries.Hugo Chvez, June 2010[164]

    Chvez propagated what he called socialism for the21st century, but according to the pro-Chavez aca-demic Gregory Wilpert, Chvez has not clearly denedtwenty-rst century socialism, other than to say that itis about establishing liberty, equality, social justice, andsolidarity. He has also indicated that it is distinctly dif-ferent from state socialism", as implemented by the gov-ernments of the Soviet Union and the Peoples Repub-lic of China.[238] As a part of his socialist ideas, heemphasised the role of so-called "participatory democ-racy", which he claimed increased democratic participa-tion, and was implemented through the foundation of theVenezuelan Communal Councils and Bolivarian Circleswhich he cited as examples of grassroots and participa-tory democracy.[239]

    5.1 Bolivarianism

    Main articles: Bolivarianism and Bolivarian Circles

  • 5.2 Marxism 11

    19th century general and politician Simn Bolvar provided abasis for Chvezs political ideas.

    Hugo Chvez dened his political position asBolivarianism, an ideology he developed from thatof Simn Bolvar (17831830) and others. Bolvarwas a 19th-century general who led the ght againstthe colonialist Spanish authorities and who is widelyrevered across Latin America today. Along with Bolvar,the other two primary inuences upon Bolivarianismare Simn Rodrguez (17691854), a philosopher whowas Bolvars tutor and mentor, and Ezequiel Zamora,(18171860), the Venezuelan Federalist general.[240]Political analyst and Chvez supporter Gregory Wilpert,in his study of Chvezs politics, noted that The keyingredients for Chvezs revolutionary Bolivarianismcan be summarized as: an emphasis on the importanceof education, the creation of civilian-military unity,Latin American integration, social justice, and nationalsovereignty. In many ways this is not a particularlydierent set of principles and ideas to those of any

    other Enlightenment or national liberation thinker.[241]Chvezs ideology originating from Bolvar has also re-ceived some criticism because Chvez had occasionallydescribed himself as being inuenced by Karl Marx, acritic of Bolvar.[242][243] Beddow and Thibodeaux notedthe complications between Bolvar and Marx, statingthat "[d]escribing Bolivar as a socialist warrior in theclass struggle, when he was actually member of thearistocratic 'criollos,' is peculiar when considering KarlMarxs own writings on Bolivar, whom he dismissed as afalse liberator who merely sought to preserve the powerof the old Creole nobility which he belonged.[243]

    5.2 Marxism

    Chvezs connection to Marxism was a complex one,though he had described himself as a Marxist on someoccasions.[40][41][42][43][44] In May 1996, he gave an inter-view with Agustn Blanco Muoz in which he remarkedthat I am not a Marxist, but I am not anti-Marxist. Iam not communist, but I am not anti-communist.[244]In a 2009 speech to the national assembly, he said: Iam a Marxist to the same degree as the followers of theideas of Jesus Christ and the liberator of America, Si-mon Bolivar.[40][245] He was well versed in many Marx-ist texts, having read the works of many Marxist theoreti-cians, and often publicly quoted them. Various interna-tional Marxists supported his government, believing it tobe a sign of proletariat revolution as predicted in Marxisttheory.[246] In 2010, Hugo Chvez proclaimed support forthe ideas of Marxist Leon Trotsky, saying When I calledhim (former Minister of Labour, Jos Ramn Rivero)"Chvez explained, he said to me: 'President I want totell you something before someone else tells you ... I ama Trotskyist', and I said, 'well, what is the problem? I amalso a Trotskyist! I follow Trotskys line, that of perma-nent revolution, and then cited Marx and Lenin.[247][248]

    5.3 Other inuences

    Chvezs early heroes were nationalist military dicta-tors that included former Peruvian president Juan Ve-lasco Alvarado[61] and former Panamanian MaximumLeader Omar Torrijos.[65][249] Chvez was also well ac-quainted with the various traditions of Latin Ameri-can socialism, espoused by such gures as Colombianpolitician Jorge Elicer Gaitn[250] and former Chileanpresident Salvador Allende.[250] Early in his presidency,Chvez was advised and inuenced by the Argentine fas-cist Norberto Ceresole.[249] Cuban Communist revolu-tionaries Che Guevara and Fidel Castro also inuencedChvez, especially with Castros government assistancewith the Bolivarian Missions.[249][250] Other indirect in-uences on Chvezs political philosophy are the writingsof American linguist Noam Chomsky[251] and the Gospelteachings of Jesus Christ.[252][253] Other inspirations

  • 12 6 POLICY OVERVIEW

    of Chvezs political view are Giuseppe Garibaldi,[254]Antonio Gramsci and Antonio Negri.[255][256][257][258]

    6 Policy overview

    6.1 Economic and social policy

    See also: Economic policy of the Hugo Chvez govern-ment and Economy of VenezuelaFrom his election in 1998 until his death in March

    The blue line represents annual rates. The red line representstrends of annual rates given throughout the period shown. GDPis in billions of Local Currency Unit that has been adjusted forination.Sources: International Monetary Fund, World Bank

    2013, Chvezs administration proposed and enacteddemocratic socialist economic policies. Domestic poli-cies included redistribution of wealth, land reform,and democratization of economic activity via work-place self-management and creation of worker-ownedcooperatives.[259] With increasing oil prices in the early2000s and funds not seen in Venezuela since the 1980s,Chvez created the Bolivarian Missions, aimed at pro-viding public services to improve economic, cultural,and social conditions.[10][14][21][260] TheMissions entailedthe construction of thousands of free medical clinics forthe poor,[10] and the enactment of food[21] and housingsubsidies.[14] A 2010 OAS report[261] indicated achieve-

    ments in addressing illiteracy, healthcare and poverty,[15]and economic and social advances.[262] with Venezue-lans quality of life improving according to a UN Index.[7]The Gini coecient, a measure of income inequality,also dropped from nearly .50 in 1998 to .39 in 2011,putting Venezuela behind only Canada in the WesternHemisphere.[263] The poverty rate fell from 48.6 per-cent in 2002 to 29.5 percent in 2011, according to theU.N. Economic Commission for Latin America.[7] Thedrop of Venezuelas poverty rate compared to povertyin other South American countries was slightly behindthat of Peru, Brazil and Panama.[264] Venezuelans aged15 and older, 95.2% could also read and write, withVenezuela having one of the highest literacy rates in theregion,[265] though some scholars have refuted that lit-eracy improvements during Chavezs presidency resultedfrom his administrations policies.[12] Teresa A. Meadewrote that Chvezs popularity strongly depended on thelower classes who have beneted from these health initia-tives and similar policies.[266]

    The social works initiated by Chvezs government reliedon oil products, the keystone of the Venezuelan econ-omy, with Chvezs administration suering from Dutchdisease as a result.[18][267] Economist Mark Weisbrot, ina 2009 analysis of the Chvez administration stated thateconomic expansion during Chvezs tenure began whenthe government got control over the national oil companyin the rst quarter of 2003.[268] Chvez gained a rep-utation as a price hawk in OPEC, pushing for stringentenforcement of production quotas and higher target oilprices.[269] According to Cannon, the state income fromoil revenue grew from 51% of total income in 2000to 56% 2006";[269] oil exports increased from 77% in1997 [...] to 89% in 2006";[269] and his administrationsdependence on petroleum sales was one of the chiefproblems facing the Chvez government.[269] In 2012,the World Bank also explained that Venezuelas econ-omy is extremely vulnerable to changes in oil pricessince in 2012 96% of the countrys exports and nearlyhalf of its scal revenue relied on oil production, whileby 2008, according to Foreign Policy, exports of every-thing but oil collapsed.[18][270] The Chvez administra-tion then used such oil prices on his populist policies andfor voters.[18][260]

    Economists say that the Venezuelan governments over-spending on social programs and strict business poli-cies contributed to imbalances in the countrys economy,contributing to rising ination and widening shortagesnear the end of Chavezs presidency.[16][17][18][260][263]Into the 2010s, poverty began to rise in Venezuelaincrease and funding for healthcare in Venezuela be-gan to decrease.[7][271] According to analysts, the eco-nomic woes Venezuela suered under President NicolsMaduro would have still occurred with or withoutChvez.[272]

    The balance between the public and private sectors ofthe Venezuelan economy remained relatively unchanged

  • 6.1 Economic and social policy 13

    during Chavezs presidency, according to estimates fromthe Central Bank of Venezuela in 2009, with the privatesector accounting for a slightly larger share than beforeChavez took oce, having grown faster than the gov-ernment between 2003 and 2006 when the economy washealthy. According to the Venezuelan government, de-spite several nationalizations the government still con-trolled the same percent of the economy as when Chavezwas elected in 1998.[273] In January 2013 near the endof Chvezs presidency, the Heritage Foundation and theWall Street Journal gave Venezuelas economic freedom alow score of 36.1, twenty points lower than 56.1 in 1999,ranking its freedom very low at 174 of 177 countries,with freedom on a downward trend.[274] Nicholas Kozlo,Chvezs biographer, stated of Chvezs economic poli-cies: Chvez has not overturned capitalism, he has donemuch to challenge the more extreme, neo-liberal modelof development.[275]

    6.1.1 Food and products

    Empty shelves in a Venezuelan market due to shortages inVenezuela.

    In the 1980s and 1990s health and nutrition indexes inVenezuela were generally low, and social inequality in ac-cess to nutrition was high.[276] Chvez made it his statedgoal to lower inequality in the access to basic nutrition,and to achieve food sovereignty for Venezuela.[277] Themain strategy for making food available to all economicclasses was a controversial policy of xing price ceil-ings for basic staple foods implemented in 2003.[278] Be-tween 1998 and 2006 malnutrition related deaths fellby 50%.[279] In October 2009, the Executive Direc-tor of the National Institute of Nutrition (INN) Mari-lyn Di Luca reported that the average daily caloric in-take of the Venezuelan people had reached 2790 calo-ries, and that malnutrition had fallen from 21% in 1998to 6%.[280] Chvez also expropriated and redistributed 5million acres of farmland from large landowners.[281]

    Price controls initiated by Chvez created shortages ofgoods since merchants could no longer aord to im-port necessary goods.[282][283] Chvez blamed specula-

    Shoppers waiting in line at a government-run MERCAL store.

    tors and hoarders for these scarcities[284] and strictly en-forced his price control policy, denouncing anyone whosold food products for higher prices as speculators.[278]In 2011, food prices in Caracas were nine times higherthan when the price controls were put in place and re-sulted in shortages of cooking oil, chicken, powderedmilk, cheese, sugar and meat.[22] The price controls in-creased the demand for basic foods while making it dif-cult for Venezuela to import goods causing increasedreliance on domestic production. Economists believethis policy increased shortages.[284][285] Shortages of foodthen occurred throughout the rest of Chvezs presidencywith food shortage rates between 10% and 20% from2010 to 2013.[24] One possible reason for shortages isthe relationship between ination and subsidies, whereno protability due to price regulations aect opera-tions. In turn, the lack of dollars made it dicult topurchase more food imports.[23] Chvezs strategy in re-sponse to food shortages consisted of attempting to in-crease domestic production through nationalizing largeparts of the food industry, though such nationalizationsallegedly did the opposite and caused decreased produc-tion instead.[286][287]

    As part of his strategy of food security Chvezstarted a national chain of supermarkets, the Mercalnetwork, which had 16,600 outlets and 85,000 em-ployees that distributed food at highly discountedprices, and ran 6000 soup kitchens throughout thecountry.[288] Simultaneously Chvez expropriated manyprivate supermarkets.[288] According to Commerce Min-ister Richard Canan, The average [savings] for the ba-sic food bundle (at the Mercal Bicentennial markets) isaround 30%. There are some products, for examplecheese and meat, which reach a savings of 50 to 60%compared with capitalist markets.[289] The Mercal net-work was criticized by some commentators as being apart of Chvezs strategy to brand himself as a providerof cheap food, and the shops feature his picture promi-nently. The Mercal network was also subject to frequentscarcities of basic staples such as meat, milk and sugar and when scarce products arrived, shoppers had to wait

  • 14 6 POLICY OVERVIEW

    in lines.[288]

    6.1.2 Communes

    Every factory must be a school to educate, like Che Gue-vara said, to produce not only briquettes, steel, and alu-minum, but also, above all, the new man and woman, thenew society, the socialist society.Hugo Chvez, May 2009[290]

    After his election in 1998, more than 100,000 state-owned cooperatives which claimed to represent some1.5 million people were formed with the assistance ofgovernment start-up credit and technical training;[291] andthe creation and maintenance, as of September 2010, ofover 30,000 communal councils, examples of localisedparticipatory democracy; which he intended to be in-tegrated into regional umbrella organizations known asCommunes in Construction.[292]

    In 2010, Chvez supported the construction of 184communes, housing thousands of families, with $23 mil-lion in government funding. The communes producedsome of their own food, and were able to make deci-sions by popular assembly of what to do with governmentfunds.[293] In September 2010, Chvez announced the lo-cation of 876 million bolivars ($203 million) for com-munity projects around the country, specically commu-nal councils and the newly formed communes. Chvezalso criticised the bureaucracy still common in Venezuelasaying, when in discussion with his Communes Minis-ter Isis Ochoa, that All of the projects must be carriedout by the commune, not the bureaucracy. The Min-istry for Communes, which oversees and funds all com-munal projects, was initiated in 2009.[292] Despite suchpromises, the Venezuelan government often failed to con-struct the number of homes they had proposed.[294][295]According to Venezuelas El Universal, one of the Chvezadministrations outstanding weaknesses is the failure tomeet its goals of construction of housing.[294]

    6.1.3 Currency controls

    For more details on this topic, see Economy of Venezuela Currency Black Market.In the rst few years of Chavezs oce, his newly cre-ated social programs required large payments in order tomake the desired changes. On February 5, 2003, thegovernment created CADIVI, a currency control boardcharged with handling foreign exchange procedures. Itscreation was to control capital ight by placing limits onindividuals and only oering them so much of a foreigncurrency.[296] This limit to foreign currency led to a cre-ation of a currency blackmarket economy since Venezue-lan merchants rely on foreign goods that require paymentswith reliable foreign currencies. As Venezuela printedmore money for their social programs, the bolvar con-

    Blue line represents implied value of VEF compared to USD. Thered line represents what the Venezuelan government ociallyrates the VEF.Sources: Banco Central de Venezuela, Dolar Paralelo, FederalReserve Bank, International Monetary Fund

    tinued to devalue for Venezuelan citizens and merchantssince the government held the majority of the more reli-able currencies.[297]

    The implied value or black market value is whatVenezuelans believe the Bolivar Fuerte is worth com-pared to the United States dollar.[298] The high rates inthe black market make it dicult for businesses to pur-chase necessary goods since the government often forcesthese businesses to make price cuts. This leads to busi-nesses selling their goods and making a low prot.[299]Since businesses make low prots, this leads to shortagessince they are unable to import the goods that Venezuelais reliant on.[300]

    6.2 Crime and punishmentFor more details on this topic, see Crime in Venezuela.During the 1980s and 1990s there was a steady increase

    Murder rate (1 murder per 100,000 citizens) from 1998 to 2013.Sources: OVV,[301][302] PROVEA,[303][304] UN[303][304][305]* UN line between 2007 and 2012 is simulated missing data.

    in crime in Latin America. The countries of Colombia,El Salvador, Venezuela, and Brazil all had homicide rates

  • 6.2 Crime and punishment 15

    Number of kidnappings in Venezuela 19892011.Source: CICPC[306][307][308]* Express kidnappings may not be included in data

    above the regional average.[309] During his terms as pres-ident, hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans were mur-dered due to violent crimes occurring in the country.[310]Gareth A. Jones and Dennis Rodgers stated in their bookYouth violence in Latin America: Gangs and JuvenileJustice in Perspective that, With the change of politicalregime in 1999 and the initiation of the Bolivarian Rev-olution, a period of transformation and political conictbegan, marked by a further increase in the number andrate of violent deaths showing that in four years, themur-der rate had increased to 44 per 100,000 people.[311] Kid-nappings also rose tremendously during Chavezs tenure,with the number of kidnappings over 20 times higher in2011 than when Chavez was elected.[306][307][308] Direc-tor James Brabazon, stated kidnapping crimes had sky-rocketed ... after late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavezfreed thousands of violent prisoners as part of controver-sial criminal justice system reforms while kidnappingsand murders also increased due to Colombian organizedcrime activity as well.[312][313] He further explained thatcommon criminals felt that the Venezuelan governmentdid not care for the problems of the higher and middleclasses, which in turn gave them a sense of impunity thatcreated a large business of kidnapping-for-ransom.[312]

    Under Chvezs administration, crimes were so prevalentthat by 2007 the government no longer produced crimedata.[314] Homicide rates in Venezuela more than tripled,with one NGO nding the rate to have nearly quadru-pled. The majority of the deaths occur in crowded slumsin Caracas.[27][28] The NGO found that the number ofhomicides in the country increased from 6,000 in 1999 to24,763 in 2013.[29][30][315] In 2010 Caracas had the high-est murder rate in the world.[316] According to the UnitedNations Oce on Drugs and Crime, in 2012 there were13,080 murders in Venezuela.[317]

    In leaked government INE data for kidnappings in theyear 2009, the number of kidnappings were at an esti-mated 16,917, contrasting the CICPCs number of only673,[307] before the Venezuelan government blocked thedata.[313][318][319] According to the leaked INE report,

    only 1,332 investigations for kidnappings were opened orabout 7% of the total kidnapping cases, with 90.4% ofthe kidnappings happening away from rural areas, 80%of all being express kidnappings and the most commonvictim being lower-middle or middle class Venezuelansand middle-aged men.[319] Also in 2009, it was reportedthat Venezuelan authorities would assign judicial policeto Caracas area morgues to speak with families.[320] Atthat time, they would advise families not to report themurder of their family member to the media in exchangeto have the process of recovering the victims body in anexpedited manner.[320]

    In September 2010, responding to escalating crime ratesin the country, Chvez stated that Venezuela is no moreviolent than it was when he rst took oce.[321] AnInternational Crisis Group report that same year statedthat when Chvez took oce, there were some factorsbeyond his control that led to the crime epidemic through-out Venezuela, but that Chvez ignored it as well ascorruption in the country; especially among fellow stateocials. The report also stated that international or-ganised crime lters between Colombia and Venezuelawith the assistance among the highest spheres of gov-ernment in Venezuela, lead to higher rates of kidnap-ping, drug tracking, and homicides. Chvez support-ers stated that the Bolivarian National Police has reducedcrime and also said that the states with the highest mur-der rates were controlled by the opposition.[322][323] Ac-cording to the publications El Espectador and Le Mondediplomatique, rising crime in rural and urban areas ofVenezuela was partly due to increased cross-border ac-tivity by Colombian right-wing paramilitary groups likeguilas Negras.[324]

    6.2.1 Prisons

    During Chvezs presidency, there were reports of pris-oners having easy access to rearms, drugs, and alcohol.Carlos Nietohead of Window to Freedomallegesthat heads of gangs acquire military weapons from thestate, saying: They have the types of weapons that canonly be obtained by the countrys armed forces. ... Noone else has these. Use of internet and mobile phonesare also a commonplace where criminals can take part instreet crime while in prison. One prisoner explained how,If the guards mess with us, we shoot them and that hehad seen a man have his head cut o and people playfootball with it.[325]

    Edgardo Lander, a sociologist and professor at the Cen-tral University of Venezuela with a PhD in sociologyfrom Harvard University explained that Venezuelan pris-ons were practically a school for criminals since younginmates come out more sort of trained and hardenedthan when they went in. He also explained that pris-ons are controlled by gangs and that very little has beendone to control them.[326]

  • 16 6 POLICY OVERVIEW

    6.3 Corruption

    For more details on this topic, see Corruption inVenezuela.In December 1998, Hugo Chvez declared three goals

    Venezuelas perception of corruption scores between 2004 and2013.( * ) Score was averaged according to Transparency Interna-tionals method.Source: Transparency International

    for the new government; convening a constituent as-sembly to write a new constitution, eliminating govern-ment corruption, and ghting against social exclusionand poverty. However, during Hugo Chvezs time inpower, corruption has become widespread throughout thegovernment due to impunity towards members of thegovernment, bribes and the lack of transparency.[327] In2004, Hugo Chvez and his allies took over the SupremeCourt, lling it with supporters of Chvez and made newmeasures so the government could dismiss justices fromthe court.[328] According to the libertarian Cato Institute,the National Electoral Council of Venezuela was undercontrol of Chvez where he tried to push a constitu-tional reform that would have allowed him unlimited op-portunities for reelection.[329] The Corruption Percep-tions Index, produced annually by the Berlin-based NGO,Transparency International (TNI) reports ndings of cor-ruption in countries around the world. In the later yearsof Chvezs tenure, corruption worsened; it was 158th outof 180 countries in 2008, and 165th out of 176 (tied withBurundi, Chad, and Haiti)[330]). Most Venezuelans be-lieved the governments eort against corruption is inef-fective, that corruption has increased, and that govern-ment institutions such as the judicial system, parliament,legislature and police are the most corrupt.[331]

    In Gallup Poll's 2006 Corruption Index, Venezuelaranked 31st out of 101 countries according to howwidespread the population perceive corruption as be-ing in the government and in business. The index listsVenezuela as the second least corrupt nation in LatinAmerica, behind Chile.[332] Some criticism came fromChvezs supporters. Chvezs own political party, FifthRepublic Movement (MVR), had been criticized as beingriddled with the same cronyism, political patronage, andcorruption that Chvez alleged were characteristic of the

    old Fourth Republic political parties. Venezuelas tradeunionists and indigenous communities have participatedin peaceful demonstrations intended to impel the govern-ment to facilitate labor and land reforms. These commu-nities, while largely expressing their sympathy and sup-port for Chvez, criticize what they see as Chvezs slowprogress in protecting their interests against managers andmining concerns, respectively.[333][334][335]

    6.3.1 Aiding FARC

    According to the International Institute for StrategicStudies (IISS), Chavezs government funded FARC'soce in Caracas and gave it access to Venezuelas in-telligence services and said that during the 2002 coupattempt that, FARC also responded to requests from(Venezuelas intelligence service) to provide training inurban terrorism involving targeted killings and the use ofexplosives. The IISS continued saying that the archiveoers tantalizing but ultimately unproven suggestions thatFARC may have undertaken assassinations of Chavezspolitical opponents on behalf of the Venezuelan state.Venezuelan diplomats denounced the IISS' ndings say-ing that they had basic inaccuracies.[336]

    In 2007, authorities in Colombia claimed that throughlaptops they had seized on a raid against Raul Reyes, theyfound in documents that Hugo Chvez oered paymentsof as much as $300 million to the FARC among othernancial and political ties that date back years alongwith other documents showing high-level meetings havebeen held between rebels and Ecuadorean ocials andsome documents claiming that FARC had bought andsold uranium".[337][338]

    In 2015, Chvezs former bodyguard Leamsy Salazarstated in Bumern Chvez that Chvez met with thehigh command of FARC in 2007 somewhere in ruralVenezuela. Chvez created a system in which the FARCwould provide the Venezuelan government with drugsthat would be transported in live cattle and the FARCwould receive money and weaponry from the Venezue-lan government. According to Salazar, this was done inorder to weaken Colombian President lvaro Uribe, anenemy of Chvez.[339]

    6.4 Human rights

    For more details on this topic, see Human rights inVenezuela.

    6.4.1 1999 Venezuelan Constitution

    In the 1999 Venezuelan constitution, 116 of the 350 ar-ticles were concerned with human rights; these includedincreased protections for indigenous peoples and women,

  • 6.4 Human rights 17

    Chvez, speaking at the 2003 World Social Forum in Porto Ale-gre, Brazil

    and established the rights of the public to education, hous-ing, healthcare, and food. It called for dramatic demo-cratic reforms such as ability to recall politicians from of-ce by popular referendum, increased requirements forgovernment transparency, and numerous other require-ments to increase localized, participatory democracy, infavor of centralized administration. It gave citizens theright to timely and impartial information, community ac-cess to media, and a right to participate in acts of civildisobedience.[340][341]

    6.4.2 Criticisms

    Freedom ratings in Venezuela from 1998 to 2013. (1 = Free, 7= not free)Source: Freedom House

    Shortly after Hugo Chvezs election, ratings for freedomin Venezuela dropped according to political and humanrights group Freedom House and Venezuela was ratedpartly free.[342] In 2004, Amnesty International criti-cized President Chavezs administration of not handlingthe 2002 coup in a proper manner, saying that violent in-cidents have not been investigated eectively and havegone unpunished and that impunity enjoyed by the per-petrators encourages further human rights violations ina particularly volatile political climate.[343] Amnesty In-ternational also criticized the Venezuelan National Guard

    and the Direccion de Inteligencia Seguridad y Prevencin(DISIP) stating that they allegedly used excessive forceto control the situation on a number of occasions duringprotests involving the 2004 Venezuela recall.[343] It wasalso noted that many of the protesters detained seemedto not be brought before a judge within the legal timelimit.[343]

    In 2008, Human Rights Watch released a report review-ing Chvezs human rights record over his rst decadein power.[344] The report praises Chvezs 1999 amend-ments to the constitution which signicantly expandedhuman rights guarantees, as well as mentioning improve-ments in womens rights and indigenous rights, but noteda wide range of government policies that have under-cut the human rights protections established by the re-vised constitution.[344] In particular, the report accusedChvez and his administration of engaging in discrimina-tion on political grounds, eroding the independence of thejudiciary, and of engaging in policies that have undercutjournalists freedom of expression, workers freedom ofassociation, and civil societys ability to promote humanrights in Venezuela.[345] The Venezuelan government re-taliated for the report by expelling members of HumanRights Watch from the country.[346] Subsequently, overa hundred Latin American scholars signed a joint letterwith the Council on Hemispheric Aairs criticizing theHuman Rights Watch report for its alleged factual inac-curacy, exaggeration, lack of context, illogical arguments,and heavy reliance on opposition newspapers as sources,amongst other things.[347][348][349]

    The International Labor Organization of the United Na-tions had also expressed concern over voters being pres-sured to join the party.[225]

    Chvez meets with Hillary Clinton at the Summit of the Americason 19 April 2009.

    In 2010, Amnesty International criticized the Chvez ad-ministration for targeting critics following several po-litically motivated arrests.[350] Freedom House listedVenezuela as being partly free in its 2011 Freedom inthe World annual report, noting a recent decline in civilliberties.[351] A2010Organization of American States re-port found concerns with freedom of expression, humanrights abuses, authoritarianism, press freedom, threats to

  • 18 6 POLICY OVERVIEW

    democracy,[352][353] as well as erosion of separation ofpowers, the economic infrastructure and ability of thepresident to appoint judges to federal courts.[352][353][354]OAS observers were denied access to Venezuela;[354]Chvez rejected the OAS report, pointing out that its au-thors did not even come to Venezuela. He said Venezuelashould boycott the OAS, which he felt is dominated bythe United States; a spokesperson said, We don't rec-ognize the commission as an impartial institution. Hedisclaimed any power to inuence the judiciary.[355] AVenezuelan ocial said the report distorted and tookstatistics out of context, and said that human rights vio-lations in Venezuela have decreased.[356] Venezuela saidit would not accept an IACHR/OAS visit as long as San-tiago Cantn remains its Executive Secretary, unless theIACHR apologizes for what he described as its supportof the 2002 coup.[261][357]

    In November 2014, Venezuela appeared before theUnited Nations Committee Against Torture over casesbetween 2002 and 2014.[358] Human rights expert of theUN committee, Felice D. Gaer, noted that in only 12public ocials have been convicted of human rights vi-olations in the last decade when in the same period havebeen more than 5,000 complaints.[359] The United Na-tions stated that there were 31,096 complaints of humanrights violations received between the years 2011 and2014.[360] Of the 31,096 complaints, only 3.1% of thecases resulted in only in an indictment by the VenezuelanPublic Ministry.[360][361]

    Allegations of Anti-semitism See also: Accusationsof Chvez anti-Semitism

    Chavezs opposition to Zionism and close relations withIran led to accusations of antisemitism[362][363] Suchclaims were made by the Venezuelan Jewish commu-nity at a World Jewish Congress Plenary Assembly inJerusalem.[364] Claims of antisemitism were promptedby various remarks Chvez made, including in a 2006Christmas speech where he complained that a minor-ity, the descendants of the same ones that cruciedChrist, now had taken possession of all of the wealthof the world.[365][366] In 2009, attacks on a synagoguein Caracas were alleged to be inuenced by vocal de-nunciations of Israel by the Venezuelan state media andHugo Chvez even though Chavez promptly condemnedthe attacks blaming an oligarchy.[364][367] A weeklongCICPC investigation revealed the synagogue attack to bean 'inside job', the motive apparently being robbery ratherthan anti-semitism.[368][369]

    6.5 Media and the press

    Human Rights Watch criticized Chvez for engaging inoften discriminatory policies that have undercut journal-ists freedom of expression.[345] Freedom House listed

    Venezuelans protesting against the closing of RCTV.

    Venezuelas press as being Not Free in its 2011 Map ofPress Freedom, noting that "[t]he gradual erosion of pressfreedom in Venezuela continued in 2010.[370] ReportersWithout Borders criticized the Chvez administration forsteadily silencing its critics.[371] In the groups 2009Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders notedthat Venezuela is now among the regions worst pressfreedom oenders.[371]

    In July 2005 Chvez inaugurated TeleSUR, a Pan-American equivalent of Al Jazeera that sought to chal-lenge the present domination of Latin American televi-sion news by Univision and the United States-based CNNen Espaol.[372] In 2006 Chvez inaugurated a state-funded movie studio called Villa del Cine (English: Cin-ema City).[373]

    Chvez also had a Twitter account with more than3,200,000 followers as of August 2012.[374][375][376] Ateam of 200 people sorted through suggestions and com-ments sent via Twitter. Chvez said Twitter was an-other mechanism for contact with the public, to evaluatemany things and to help many people,[377] and that hesaw Twitter as a weapon that also needs to be used bythe revolution.[378]

  • 19

    6.6 Foreign policyFurther information: Foreign policy of the Hugo ChvezgovernmentChvez refocused Venezuelan foreign policy on Latin

    Chvez with fellow South American presidents of Argentina andBrazil

    American economic and social integration by enact-ing bilateral trade and reciprocal aid agreements, in-cluding his so-called oil diplomacy.[379][380] Relation-ships with Cuba (CubaVenezuela relations) and Iran(IranVenezuela relations) were of particular impor-tance. Chvez focused on a variety of multinational in-stitutions to promote his vision of Latin American inte-gration, including Petrocaribe, Petrosur, and TeleSUR.Bilateral trade relationships with other Latin Americancountries also played a major role in his policy, withChvez increasing arms purchases from Brazil, formingoil-for-expertise trade arrangements with Cuba, and cre-ating unique barter arrangements that exchange Venezue-lan petroleum for cash-strapped Argentinas meat anddairy products. He also befriended pariah states such asBelarus and Iran.[381]

    7 In popular culture Syndicated cartoonists from around the world cre-ated cartoons, illustrations, and videos of HugoChvezs controversial political career and the reac-tions to his death.[382][383][384][385]

    Hugo Chvez appears as a heroic character in theLatin American postmodern fantasy novel UnitedStates of Banana (2011) by Giannina Braschi;Chvez leads left-wing Latin American leaders EvoMorales, Lula, Fidel Castro, and Cristina Fernn-dez de Kirchner on a quest to liberate the people ofPuerto Rico from the United States.[386]

    Oliver Stone directed the 2009 documentary Southof the Border, where he sets out on a road tripacross ve countries to explore the social and po-litical movements as well as the mainstream mediasmisperception of South America, while interview-ing seven of its elected presidents.[387]

    Bolivarian memorabilia for sale in Venezuela, 2006

    On January 15, 2014, Mexican novelist NormaGomez released Swan Song, a political thriller thatpoints to American involvement in the death ofHugo Chvez.[388]

    On 5March 2014, Oliver Stone and teleSUR releasethe documentary lm Mi Amigo Hugo (My FriendHugo), a documentary about his political life, oneyear after his death. The lm also is a spiritual an-swer and a tribute from Stone to Chvez.[389]

    8 Personal lifeChvez married twice. He rst wed Nancy Colmenares,a woman from a poor family in Chvezs hometown ofSabaneta. Chvez and Colmenares remained married for18 years, during which time they had three children: RosaVirginia, Mara Gabriela, and Hugo Rafael, the latter ofwhom suers from behavioural problems.[390] The cou-ple separated soon after Chvezs 1992 coup attempt.During his rst marriage, Chvez had an aair with his-torian Herma Marksman; their relationship lasted nineyears.[391] Chvezs second wife was journalist MarisabelRodrguez de Chvez, with whom he separated in 2002and divorced in 2004.[392] Through that marriage, Chvezhad another daughter, Rosins.[393] Both Mara and Rosaprovided Chvez with grandchildren.[390][394] Allegationswere made that Chvez was a womanizer, and had beenthroughout both his marriages, but these have remainedunproven and are contradicted by statements provided by

  • 20 10 DEATH

    other gures close to him.[395]

    Chvez was a Catholic. He intended at one time to be-come a priest. He saw his socialist policies as havingroots in the teachings of Jesus Christ,[396] (liberation the-ology) and he publicly used the slogan of Christ is withthe Revolution!"[397] Although he traditionally kept hisown faith a private matter, Chvez over the course ofhis presidency became increasingly open to discussinghis religious views, stating that he interpreted Jesus as aCommunist.[398] He was, in general, a liberal Catholic,some of whose declarations were disturbing to the reli-gious community of his country. In 2008 he expressedhis skepticism of an afterlife, saying that such idea wasfalse.[399] He also would declare his belief in Darwin'stheory of evolution, stating that it is a lie that God cre-ated man from the ground.[400] Among other things, hecursed the state of Israel,[401] and he had some disputeswith both the Venezuelan Catholic clergy and Protestantgroups like the New Tribes Mission,[402][403] whose evan-gelical leader he condemned to hell.[404] In addition,he showed syncretistic practices such as the worship ofthe Venezuelan goddess Mara Lionza.[405][406] In his lastyears, after he discovered he had cancer, Chvez becamemore attached to the Catholic Church.[407]

    9 Illness

    Chvez walking with a cane accompanied by Rafael Correa inJuly 2011, shortly after his surgery.

    In June 2011, Chvez revealed in a televised address fromHavana, Cuba, that he was recovering from an operationto remove an abscessed tumor with cancerous cells.[408]Vice President Elas Jaua declared that the President re-mained in full exercise of power and that there wasno need to transfer power due to his absence from thecountry.[409] On 3 July, the Venezuelan government de-nied, however, that Chvezs tumour had been completelyremoved, further stating that he was heading for com-plete recovery.[410] On 17 July 2011, television news re-ported that Chvez had returned to Cuba for further can-cer treatments.[411]

    Chvez gave a public appearance on 28 July 2011, his

    57th birthday, in which he stated that his health trou-bles had led him to radically reorient his life towards amore diverse, more reective and multi-faceted out-look, and he went on to call on the middle classes andthe private sector to get more involved in his BolivarianRevolution, something he saw as vital to its success.[412]Soon after this speech, in August Chvez announced thathis government would nationalize Venezuelas gold in-dustry, taking it over from Russian-controlled companyRusoro, while at the same time also moving the countrysgold stocks, which were largely stored in western banks,to banks in Venezuelas political allies like Russia, Chinaand Brazil.[413]

    On 9 July 2012, Chvez declared himself fully recoveredfrom cancer just three months before the 2012 Venezue-lan presidential election, which he won, securing a fourthterm as president.[414] In November 2012, Chvez an-nounced plans to travel to Cuba for more medical treat-ment for cancer.[415]

    On 8 December 2012, Chvez announced he would un-dergo a new operation after doctors in Cuba detectedmalignant cells; the operation took place on 11 Decem-ber 2012.[416] Chvez suered a respiratory infectionafter undergoing the surgery but it was controlled.[417]It was announced 20 December by the countrys vice-president that Chvez had suered complications fol-lowing his surgery.[418] It was announced on 3 January2013 that Chvez had a severe lung infection that hadcaused respiratory failures following a strict treatmentregimen for respiratory insuciency.[419] However hewas reported to have overcome this later that month,[420]and it was reported that he was then undergoing fur-ther treatment.[421] On 18 February 2013, Chvez re-turned to Venezuela after 2 months of cancer treatmentin Cuba.[422] On 1 March 2013, Vice President NicolsMaduro said that Chvez had been receiving chemother-apy in Venezuela following his surgery in Cuba.[423] On 4March, it was announced by the Venezuelan governmentthat Chvezs breathing problems had worsened and hewas suering a new, severe respiratory infection.[424]

    10 Death

    Main article: Death and state funeral of Hugo Chvez

    On 5 March 2013, Vice President Nicols Maduro an-nounced on state television that Chvez had died in a mil-itary hospital in Caracas at 16:25 VET (20:55 UTC).[425]The Vice President said Chvez died after battling atough illness for nearly two years.[425] According to thehead of Venezuelas presidential guard, Chvez died froma massive heart attack, and his cancer was very advancedwhen he died.[426] Gen. Jose Ornella said that near theend of his life Chvez could not speak aloud, but mouthedhis last words: Yo no quiero morir, por favor no me

  • 21

    dejen morir (I don't want to die. Please don't let medie).[426] Chvez is survived by four children and fourgrandchildren.[427]

    Suggestions of foul play[425][428] (that Chvez had beenpoisoned or infected with cancer,[429][430][431]) werestrongly denied by the U.S. Department of State asabsurd.[432]

    His death triggered a constitutional requirement that apresidential election be called within 30 days. ChavezsVice President, Maduro, was elected president on April14, 2013.

    11 Honours and awards

    11.1 Recognition

    The United States-based Time magazine included HugoChvez among their list of the worlds 100 most inuen-tial people in 2005 and 2006, noting the spreading of hisanti-globalization eorts and anti-US sentiment through-out Latin America.[440][441] In a 2006 list compiled bythe leftist British magazine New Statesman, he was votedeleventh in the list of Heroes of our time.[442] In 2010the magazine included Chvez in its annual The Worlds50 Most Inuential Figures.[443] His biographers Marcanoand Tyszka believed that within only a few years of hispresidency, he had already earned his place in historyas the president most loved and most despised by theVenezuelan people, the president who inspired the great-est zeal and the deepest revulsion at the same time.[444]

    In 2008 Chvez was awarded the Blue Planet Award [445]by the Ethecon Foundation,[446] one of the comparativelyvery few 'grass-root' foundations.[447]

    11.2 Honorary degrees

    Chvez was awarded the following honorary degrees:[448]

    Kyung Hee University, South Korea; HonoraryDoctorate in Political Science Granted by RectorChungwon Choue on 16 October 1999.

    UniversidadAutnoma de Santo Domingo, Domini-can Republic; Honorary Doctorate in Jurisprudence,9 March 2001.

    University of Braslia, Brazil; Honorary Doctorate Granted by Rector Alberto Prez on 3 April 2001.

    Universidad Nacional de Ingeniera, Nicaragua;Honorary Doctorate in Engineering Granted byRector Aldo Urbina on May 2001.[449]

    Diplomatic Academy of theMinistry of Foreign Af-fairs, Russia; Honorary Doctorate, 15 May 2001.

    Beijing University, China; Honorary Doctorate inEc